A09493	----	A briefe relation of the late martyrdome of fiue Persians conuerted to the Catholique faith by the reformed Carmelites, who remaine in the mission of Persia, with the King of Persia, in his citty of Haspahan. And of the increase of the Christian faith in those parts. Gathered out of the letters, which the Fathers labouring in the said mission, haue written vnto their generall: which letters are printed in the Italian and French, and are now translated into English for the good of the Church 1623 Approx. 39 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09493 STC 19776 ESTC S114576 99849801 99849801 14969 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09493) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14969) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 857:1) A briefe relation of the late martyrdome of fiue Persians conuerted to the Catholique faith by the reformed Carmelites, who remaine in the mission of Persia, with the King of Persia, in his citty of Haspahan. And of the increase of the Christian faith in those parts. Gathered out of the letters, which the Fathers labouring in the said mission, haue written vnto their generall: which letters are printed in the Italian and French, and are now translated into English for the good of the Church Garayzabal, M. [40] p. Printed with permission of superiours, Doway : 1623. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Carmelites -- Missions -- Iran -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Iran -- Early works to 1800. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BRIEFE RELATION of the late Martyrdome of fiue PERSIANS Conuerted to the Catholique Faith by the reformed Carmelites , who remaine in the Mission of PERSIA , with the King of Persia , in his Citty of Haspahan . And of the increase of the Christian Faith in those parts . Gathered out of the Letters , which the Fathers labouring in the said Mission , haue written vnto their Generall : which Letters are printed in the Italian and French , and are now translated into English for the good of the Church . Teach yee all Nations , Baptizing them in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . Math. 28. 19. DOWAY Printed with permission of Superiours . 1623. IN my former Letters I made relation to your Reuerence , not onely of the state of this our Mission into Persia , and the bordering Kingdomes , where by the goodnesse of Almighty God , wee haue labourers who diligently trauell in the Vineyard of our Lord : but also I haue further signified vnto you , the fruit and increase which dayly proceedeth from our labours , sometimes by Preaching , Teaching and baptizing Mahometans , whose conuersion is most hard : Other sometimes by reducing the poore deceiued soules of the Armenians , Nestorians , Iacobites , and other such like , vnto the Faith of Christ , which are heere in great number ; and haue little of Christianity , more then the Name ; amongst whom wee doe much good , and gather great plenty of fruit into the storehouse of our Lord , which is the greatest comfort wee inioy in these Desarts of Infidelity . This onely heretofore , hath beene a discomfort vnto vs , that this our Mission on our behalfes , hath gone on too fauourably , and hath not beene accompanied with tortures , torments , Imprisonments , and effusion of our Blood , for the Gospell of Christ which we professe , and desire to plant in these partes ; as we reade of in other Missions ; and are necessary for vs to suffer , aswell for the testimony of the Truth , as for the edification of others ; and incouraging them to bee constant in the Faith ; which hitherto God hath not bestowed vpon vs , though we often desire it at his hands , for confirmation of his Truth . True , it is , that heretofore there hath not beene wanting , nor yet at this present there is wanting , occasions , and opportunities , to merit , and to offer something to our Lord : yet generally the King heere though a Mahometan , hath heretofore alwayes shewed towards vs , so great signes of affection and loue ; that for our sakes he hath not molested any Christian , vnder the name and title of a Christian : But if at any time hee hath constrained some of the Armenians to deny their Faith ; he hath done it vnder colour , that they haue otherwise displeased him , or for that they had not wherewithall to pay him , that which they ought , or vnder some other pretext ; vntill now of late within these few dayes , it hath pleased his Diuine Maiesty in part , to heare our Prayers , and to comfort his Children , by giuing them a taste of the sweetnesse , which those inioy , who shed their blood , and yeeld their liues for his loue , though it hath not beene fully accomplished in vs , yet so it is that he hath giuen vs a little taste , to strengthen our hopes , that hereafter it may be fully accomplished in vs ; for not many dayes agoe , he hath blessed this Mission with the happy Death of fiue Martyrs , and watered it with their Blood : so that now wee hope that it will yeeld a most plentifull haruest , to the great content of all our Congregation , but especially to your Reuerence who hath beene so great a fauourer of it . Amongst other Persians which in these last Monthes we haue Baptized heere at Haspahan ; there were fiue ( that is to say ) Elia , Chassadir , ( his Cozen ) Alexander , Ioseph , and Hebrani . Elia hath serued vs sometimes in our house , and was the Husband of that Theresa , of which I made mention in my former Letters , who was likewise Baptized by our Fathers ; and after Baptisme God gaue her so great Zeale ; that like an Apostolike Woman , shee preached and published the Name of Iesus Christ in all places ; and trauailing into her Countrey , which is a Prouince of the Ringdome of Sciras , subiect to the King of Persia , she conuerted diuers , and with the rest the aforesaid Chassadir , and in those partes enkindled in them such a desire of Christianity , as that the Gouernour of that Prouince sent diuers times , and lastly his owne proper Sonne to our Fathers in Haspahan , earnestly intreating them to send two Fathers vnto them , to the intent to teach them the Faith of Iesus Christ ; which at that time could not be executed , because the King of Persia was then incensed against the Portugals , preparing to wage war against them in Ormus , ( being an Island of the King of Spaines in the East Indies , somewhat further distant from the firme land , then his other Kingdomes are ) as accordingly he shortly afterward performed . These foresaid fiue Christians being Baptized at seuerall times , and instructed for some weekes , in the mysteries of the holy faith , departed to make their aboade in their owne houses . But we perceiuing the Kings indignation to increase against the Francans ( Francks in Persia are called the Christians that follow the custome of the Latines , to distinguish them from the Greekes , Armenians , and others ) thought it more safe , for them to retire themselues to Ormus ▪ thereby both to secure themselues from the Kings fury , and the better ▪ also to confirme them in the holy faith : To this effect Father Iohn of St. Eliseus ( who hath bin long times Vicar generall of the reformed Carmelits in these Countries ) wrote vnto our Fathers , who resided there ▪ and to a Captaine of Ormus , that they would entertaine them , and prouide for them there , vntill the Kings indignation was ouer-passed . Hee sent his Letters by Elia , as by one who best knew the wayes , and the practise of the Country , and in whom he put the more confidence , for that he had serued in our house . Elia trauailed onwards with great alacrity , although hee fore-saw the great perill , whereunto he was exposed , for at that time the Country was all in Armes , and Ormus was besieged by the Persians . But the ardent desire , which this seruant of God had to endure any thing whatsoeuer for his sake , made him set light by al dangers , and thence-forth chusing only for his Cōpanion in the iourney , his aforesaid Cousin Cassadir , he went cheerefully forward , vntill that in his way , he was discouered by an English-man , whereof some are resident in Persia , to trafficke with the King for Silke , which they finde there , and brought to be accused before the Chan , that is to say ▪ the Duke that gouerned the said Kingdome of Sciras , in the name of the King of Persia , as his Vice-roy , who was going to the siege of Ormus , who presently shut him vp in prison , and searching him , found the Letters , which after he had perused , he caused him to be racked , and asked him what he was ? Elia answered that he was a Francke , whereupon the Chan or Duke commaunded him , that hee should speake in the language of a Francke , but being ignorant of the language , he pawsed a while , and then said , that he was a Christian Francke , ( which is as much as to say , in the Persian tongue , a Christian Catholique , or one that yeeldeth obedience to the Pope ) afterwards the Chan asked Cassadir , Cousin to Elia , what he was , and whither he went , and vpon what affaires ? and finding him to be a Christian newly Baptized , who went to accompany his Cousin , and that they had no other businesse , but to carie the Letters hee found about them , out of the hatred hee bore to Christians : the Chan begun to be enraged like a dogge , and endeauoured by diuers meanes , that is to say , by threatnings , torments , perswasions , and promises , to make these two new Disciples of Iesus Christ , to deny the holy faith , and to returne to the false obseruance of Mahomet : But GOD ( who neuer abandoneth those which trauaile for him , and put their trust in him ) fauoured them with so great aboundance of his graces , that they set light by the threats , and torments , and respected not the promises of the Tyrant ; but freely confessed that they were Christians , and that GOD had shewed his fauour vnto them , to draw them out of the darknesse of infidelity , and the false sect and doctrine of Mahomet , to the end they might know the true and onely faith of Iesus Christ , in which they were both of them resolued to liue and dye . The words of Elia like darts pierced the heart of the Chan ▪ who inraged with new indignation , commaunded them to be caried into the sight of Ormus , ( eight dayes distant from that place where they were at that time ) and in the presence of the Christians of that Citie to bee put to death , in such manner , as heare after shall bee declared . In these eight dayes of trauaile they were most inhumanely handled and iniured , induring hunger , thirst , and watching , to which the cruell instruments of the diuell , fierce in heart , and sauage in behauiour , added another more greater , which was to labour diuers times , to take from them the precious treasure of the sacred faith ▪ sometimes by threats , other whiles by promises , now by flatteries , and againe by stripes , vnder pretext to make them Runnagates and Apostataes . But these true seruants of God , tried like fine gold in the midst of so many persecutions , suffered and indured all these cruelties , with ioy of spirit , and vnspeakeable constancie , yeelding thankes to our good Lord Iesus Christ , for the grace he bestowed on them , in making them worthy to suffer , and endure anything for his loue , and for the holy faith , which they had receiued in Baptisme . Being argued in sight of Ormus , these fierce and cruell ministers flayed an Asse , and sowed the Martyr Elia in the skinne , and afterwards nayled him on high to a great peece of wood : he liued in this most cruell torment some houres , praising and blessing God , and preaching the faith of Iesus Christ , after the best manner he could . Cassadir was alwayes present at this spectacle , who in stead of astonishment , and loosing his courage , for the torments that were inflicted vpon his Cousin , was the more animated , and remained alwayes constant , confessing Iesus Christ , and reiecting with an holy disdaine , all those that counsailed him to returne vnto the Sect of Mahomet , which was the cause that they tyed him to a Stake , and ripped vp his belly . Thus those two holy Martyrs finished their fraile life , to the end to possesse and begin another eternall , and happy ; insomuch as the ministers of cruelty , and those other Infidels that were there present , remained confused and astonished , at the constancie of those two Martyrs . I could not as yet vnderstand what became of the bodies of these two glorious Martyrs , but I hope that God will preserue and reserue so great a treasure . The Chan of Sciras being informed by these two glorious Martyrs Elia , and Cassadir , what those three other Christians were , which according to the Fathers Letters , were to be sent to Ormus , and hauing notice both of their names , by which they were baptized , as for the others , they had when they were yet Mahometans , signified the whole proceedings by his Letters to the King of Persia , and sent him those Letters which the holy Martyr Elia was to carie to Ormus . The King hauing receiued this newes ( who at that time was three Leagues from the Citie ) commanded the foresaid three Christians to be apprehended , who were not as yet departed , and commanded the Daraga ( that is to say , the Gouernour of the Citie of Haspaphan ) and the Captaine of the Campe , to repaire vnto our Couent , and shut vs vp therein : which they punctually performed , locking , and sealing vp the Cells of the Couent , and shutting all of vs together in one Chamber : After this , they asked Father Iohn , whether hee thought he had done well , or that it were fitting , that hee should be the cause of such a matter , considering that the King had alwayes entertained , and honoured him ? Wherevnto the Father answered , that hee came not into Persia for the honours and fauours which the King had bestowed on him ; but for the only hope he had , not only to conuert the King , but his whole Kingdome to the faith of Iesus Christ. With this answer the Gouernour and the Captaine of Iustice , departed , leauing the Monastarie full of Souldiers : God so would that one of the Fathers was yet fasting ( notwithstanding that it was more then two of the clocke afternoone ) and thus consumated hee the holy Sacrament . That night they forbad vs to performe our accustomed spirituall exercises , beleeuing that we would set some Charmes , and Sorceries a worke . Yet did wee that which vpon such like occasion , the Prophet . Daniel did . Your Reuerence may consider in what estate we were , the house being full of Watchmen , and Sergeants that were Infidels , the gates of the Monastarie locked , when as we might not speake to any of our friends , or know what was done , but were all of vs closed vp in a Chamber , preparing our selues to giue our liues for Iesus Christ . One onely thing afflicted vs , which was , that wee could not giue succours to the new Christians ▪ knowing for certaine , that they suffered great necessity of all things , and for that wee could not counsell , and animate them , being doubtfull of their perseuerance in the faith . At that time , wee betooke our selues to our prayers , beseeching our Lord to giue them force , and perseuerance , offering vp our prayers to the two holy Martyrs Elia , and Cassadir , to the end they should interceede , and pray for them . Wee remained prisoners thus , for three dayes space , during which time , each of vs prepared himselfe to dye , and made a generall confession after the best manner we could . The first day we read the life of St. Ignatius the Martyr , the second of St. Lawrence , and the third that of St. Katherine . I cannot expresse vnto you the consolation , and inward ioy that we felt , nor the feruour , or sensible apprehension and zeale of the Fathers : euery houre was vnto vs a thousand , whilst we expected to giue vp our liues for Iesus Christs sake , and no lesse able am I to expresse vnto you , the desire which we had , that our deaths might be accompanied with many torments , neither the feruent acts which we did to that effect . We tasted ( deare Father ) of the force , and efficacie of Gods grace ▪ and the fidelity which God vseth towards those who expose themselues to dangers , by the meanes of holy obedience ; in such sort , that mee thought I saw , that which in such like occations God operated in the Primitiue Church . The second day of our imprisonment , the King sent these Letters to Father Iohn ( by a Secretarie , to the Gouernour of the Citie ) which hee had written by the holy Martyr Elia to Father Baltaser , and the Captaine of Ormus , with the interpretation of the same , but vnfaithfully and corruptly translated by the direction of the Chan of Sciras , commanding him to certifie him , whether these Letters were his , and whether they were well interpreted , and that hee should interpret them himselfe , and call to his remembrance what honours and fauours he had done him , and whether this was the acknowledgement which he ought him , and the reward of the bread and salt they had eaten together ; intending hereby , how often times the King had inuited our Fathers to eate with him , perticularly vpon the occasions of the arriuall of great Ambassadours , and at Feasts , at which time , the King is accustomed to make great banquets , to which hee alwayes inuited Father Iohn , with some other Fathers , honouring them very much vpon such like occasions , placing them alwayes neere himselfe , feasting them at his owne dish , and doing such like things : ( This is a phrase amongst the Persians to say , they inuite them to eate bread and salt , when they inuite to a banquet . ) Father Iohn read the interpretation of his owne Letters ▪ which the King had sent him , and finding them full of lyes , and falshoods ; hee interpreted them , and signified to the Messenger , which was sent vnto him by the King , that hee acknowledged the graces , and honours which he had alwayes receiued at his Maiesties hands , that those were his Letters ; and that it was true , that he had baptized those fiue . And being demanded why he Baptized them ? the Father answered : why doth the King inforce Christians to forsake their faith , and become Mahometans ? as his Maiestie endeauoureth for Mahomet , so will I doe my vttermost for Iesus Christ , in whose place I am here set : and for this cause , who so euer they be , that desire to become Christians , those will I freely baptize , being onely sent into these Countries , with these my Companions , to that intent . The Ministers deliuered the answere , which the Father sent to the King , who was highly contented , both with the interpretation which the Father had made of his owne Letters , which he had sent vnto Ormus , ( being much different from those which were sent him by the Chan of Sciras , translated wholy into a contrary sence , and as it may be thought , by some enemies of our holy faith ) as also with his constancie , and for that cause , the King said the Father had reason . Full two hundred Mulaz ( which are the Doctors of Mahomets law ) were present with the King , when the Fathers answere was brought vnto him , who making some tumult , and noyse ; and almost mad with anger , were assembled there , to the end to complaine vnto his Maiestie , for that the law of Mahomet grew out of request , and for that we had sent more then fiue thousand baptized Persians into Christendome , inciting him to remedy the same , and prouoking his displeasure against vs. The King being much displeased , turning himselfe towards them ( after hee had heard the Fathers answere ) reuiled , and taunted them with bitter speeches , telling them , that the Father had reason ; but that they were villaines , and old crafty Foxes , commaunding them out of his presence : saying , for sixteene yeeres space , I haue frequented the Fathers company , yet hath he neuer told me any vntruth , neither haue I found any ill beseeming behauiour amongst the Fathers , and I hold them for honest men . Hereupon the Mulaz departed , confused : At this time the King expressed the affection which hee bare to Father Iohn , which truly is very great , whereupon wee suppose , that the seuerity which at this present he sheweth , and heretofore vsed towards the Christians his Subiects , as to the Armenians and others , euill intreating them , and permitting sometimes , that their children should be made slaues , and forcing some of them to deny their faith , is to no other end , but to giue some satisfaction to the Mulaz , and the people ; in that hee feareth some reuolt , hauing perticularly discouered diuers times conspiracies against himselfe , whereby he stoode in danger both of his life , and Kingdome , wherein one of his sonnes was intended to be placed , which hath beene the cause that he hath put two of his sons to death , and as it is presumed , hath caused the third in like sort to be slaine , to the intent to leaue one of his eldest sonnes children , to succeede him in the Kingdome , who as yet is a little Infant , and incapable of the Empire . True it is also , that the King naturally is both angry and chollericke , both by reason of the conspiracies which haue beene also addressed against him , as for the death which he hath inflicted on his owne naturall children , so that this passion hath gotten so great power ouer him , that sometimes he seemeth to be out of his wits , and at that time acteth beastly resolutions . All these thinges being thus past betwixt the King , and the Father , the King commaunded those three prisoners to be brought before him , that were imprisoned in the Citie of Haspahan , by reason of the intelligence the Chan of Sciras had giuen him , together with these sixe other , who desired to bee Christians , and were ready to receiue sacred baptisme , being for this cause also committed to prison . The King himselfe asked them whether they were Christians or no ? to whom these Catechumen ▪ answered together , with two of the three other Christians , ( that is to say Ioseph , and Hebrain ) that they were none ; Alexander onely answered with great courage , that he was a Christian . The King commaunded him to forsake his faith , and to returne to Mahometisme : Whereupon Alexander , with greater feruour , and freenesse of spirit , said , that he would neuer commit such a sinne , as to seperate himselfe from the true faith of Iesus Christ , for the false Doctrine of Mahomet , and that he hoped through the mercy of God , to liue and die a Christian . The King ▪ being strangely moued by this free and confident answere ( as one who was vnaccustomed to heare replyes , and contradictions to his commaundements ) sentenced him to bee presently stoned to Death , and afterwards burned to Ashes . The ministers sodainly executed the Kings commaund , and happy Alexander publiquely confessing Iesus Christ , gaue him thankes , for that hee thought him worthy to loose his life for his sake . We cānot as yet , learne the other particularities of this glorious seruant of God , because the Execution was sodaine , and without the Citty : wee onely know that the Reliques are in the handes of the Christians , and are kept by them with honour and reuerence . The other eight ( that is to say ) the two Christians and the sixe Catechumens , who had beene brought before the King , with the holy Martyr Alexander , were by his Maiesties commaundment led vnto Father Iohn , to know which were the two that were Baptized , for all of them had denyed themselues to be Christians . We thus locked vp as wee haue signified vnto you , the next day following about an houre within Night , whilest we were occupied in mentall Prayer which we vse to make for one houre in the Euening and another in the Morning ; behold the Eight inchayned Prisoners , together with the ministers of Cruelty , came vnto vs , commaunding the Father to certifie them , which of those were the two Christians . The Father animated and exhorted them , to confesse the true and holy Faith , which he had taught them , and that God had engraued in them by holy Baptisme , and which they , with so much gladnes , had at that time testified ; and also shewed vnto them , that it was not lawfull for Christians to deny the Name of Iesus Christ , at such time as they are constrained to confesse the same , and afterwards hee tolde these whom the King had sent , that Ioseph and Hebrain were the two , which he had Baptized ( for the Father knew that the King was well informed of all ) one of these two relented a little , because the Father had discouered him , vttering forth certaine wordes , whereby hee discouered his apprehension of the danger , the other spake not one word . Heere we haue an occasion , wonderfully to admire the meanes which his Diuine Maiesty vsed at this time , to assist those two soules , and to crowne them with the crowne of holy Martyrdome , prouoking euen the very ministers of Cruelty , who led them to Martyrdome , to animate them vnto Death for the loue of Iesus Christ ; for one of them said , be not afraid of Death , because it is our most assured heritage : Thou art a Christian , dye then in the Faith of Iesus Christ ; Another said this life passeth in a moment , you shall goe and liue with Iesus Christ : The last said , Iesus Christ is aliue , and is not dead as Mahomet is ; continue constant , and you shall ascend to the fourth Heauen of Iesus Christ . The next day earely in the morning , they brought vs backe the Eight that were chayned together , and with them a Portugall called Sebastian Duz , taken Prisoner by the Kings Souldiers in his Warres , and for that cause detained in Prison in Haspahan ; this did God ordaine for his greater Glory , and the ayde of these new Christians : Father Iohn , issued out of the Gate , with Bread to distribute amongst them , and to refresh them a little , but the Catechumens would take none , yet did Ioseph and Hebrain receiue the same , and gaue thereof likewise to Sebastian Duz , entertaining Father Iohn with a ioyfull countenance , and great contentment , who called all the other Fathers and Religious , for the common consolation of all , and after he had exhorted the two Christians to perseuerance , and without feare to confesse their God and Sauiour , who gaue himselfe for our Redemption , and to esteeme it to bee a great grace and blessing to be reputed his Martyrs , and to remember themselues of the vertue , courage , and constancy , of their three companions , Elia , Cassadir , and Alexander , who like glorious Saints , enioy and for euer shall enioy Eternall glory : whose intercession he promised them , as also our prayers ; but aboue all the ayde and assistance of Iesus Christ in their passion , and that their torments would seeme sweet , and pleasant vnto them : After this each one with teares in our eyes , imbraced each other , enuying their happines , and reputing our selues not worthy of so great a fauour , we tooke our leaue of them , and they departed comforted , ioyfull , and inuested with a new Spirit ; but we remained sad and afflicted , for that we were depriued of the Crowne of Martyrdome , which wee so much desired : wee setled our selues to prayers , to assist them the best that wee could , considering that it was not permitted to vs , to doe otherwise , neither to accompany them as wee desired , and as we endeauored to doe . But Sebastian Duz sufficiently supplyed our places , heartning , comforting , and inciting them alwayes to behaue themselues like the true souldiers of Iesus Christ . They two with the other seauen , which were in chaynes , that is to say , Sebastian Duz , with the sixe Catechumens in religion , were led through the Citty of Haspahan , and turned three times about the same , and were then conueyed to the Kings presence , meane while Sebastian Duz with the two new Christians , confessed alwayes ( both passing thorough the Citty , and in the way , with a loude voyce , and in the Kings presence ) the Name of Iesus Christ . The King seeing this , commaunded that Ioseph and Hebrain , should bee stoned to Death , and their Bodyes to be burned , and that Sebastian Duz , with the sixe Catechumens , should be led backe to Prison : and to this purpose it was Proclaimed throughout the Citty of Haspahan , that those that loued Mahomet should repaire to the Execution place , with Stones to chastice those , who had denyed the Faith of Mahomet . Being arriued at the place where this Execution of these two happy Christians , was to bee performed , The Gouernour of the Citty who is an Apostata , and hath abiured Christian Religion , alighted from his Horse , & taking the Mulaz with him to ass●●t him , enforced himselfe to perswade these two Martyrs , to make profession of the Law of Mahomet , attempting them , with their ordinary , carnall , and temporall reasons , promising them not onely their liues , and the Kings pardon , but also great Rewards , considering that not onely the matter concerned and hazarded their reputation , but also the credit of their Prophet Mahomet : Ioseph answered with great courage , saying ; That although he were the first that denyed himselfe to bee a Christian , at such time as the King questioned him thereupon , yet now in no sort hee would commit such an errour , for that the offence he had committed was too great already , when in the Kings presence hee had denyed himselfe to bee a Christian , hoping that our Lord Iesus Christ , who had shewed him so much fauour , as to call him to become a Christian , would now giue him grace and force to suffer Death for his loue : Whereupon they that were about him , and particularly the Mulaz tooke vp stones to stone him , which , whilest they performed , the Saint hauing his Head already broken and in peeces , cryed out with a loude voyce : Blessed bee the holy Name of Iesus , his Faith is holy and true ; and that of Mahomets is false , and no man can be saued thereby ; But Brethren God pardon you , and giue you his holy light : telling them further , that hee felt no paine . Hebrain , that was the last to dye for Iesus Christ , was tempted and likewise assaulted anew , to deny the holy Faith , and to professe and protest that of Mahomet , whereunto hee answered ; that he would not doe it , and that hee was a true Disciple of Iesus Christ , the true God , and true Man , wishing them , that they should not loose any more time to perswade him to such lyes , and that they should not delay any longer , to bestow that Crowne on him , which his companions enioyed in Paradice , and that he was disposed to shed his Blood for him , and for his Loue , who with so great excesse of loue ▪ had giuen his Corporall life for them and him , to the end to giue them an Eternall life : And whilest they bound and fastned him to the stake , he said to the Ministers of his Execution , that hee pardoned them , and desired that God would not demaund accompt of his Blood at their hands . It is impossible to expresse with what rage these Ministers of the Deuill stoned this holy Martyr , out of the dispite they had , for that they could not peruert him , whereupon they remained wholly confused and derided by all men . Hauing stoned these two Saints , they burned their Bodyes , and set a watch ouer the reliques and ashes of the Saints , yet notwithstanding the Christians gathered them all vp , so that nothing was left vnpreserued . The Kings Ministers repented themselues for that they had Executed the Martyrs , because they did not beleeue , that so great a constancy could bee in the Saints , considering the torments which they suffered , and the rather , because they saw so great a murmure amongst the people , who flocked together in great multitudes , to see the spectacle they had neuer seene , and they openly said , that the faith of the Christians was more strong , and better then theirs : Whilst this Martyrdome was a doing , wee that were locked vp , and guarded by our ordinary Watchmen , prayed God that his holy name might be sanctified in these his Saints . Not long after this the King departed and went to Kanda , where his Army attended him ; but before his departure , hee caused the Catechumens in Christian Religion , to be set at liberty , and ordained , that not onely they should haue their free liberty , but that they should be honoured , and and left free as they were before , to doe their offices in our Church . Signifying hereby , that what hee had done , hee had done against his will. But as we remained in the Ministers hands , and the King was farre distant from vs , they left vs one of the guard in the ●●●ent , saying , that the King had so commaunded them , but this was not a guard but a Mamonda ( that is to say a guard of guests or strangers ) and for this cause the Christians frequented not our Church , as they were accustomed . But GOD draweth the best from all things , for by this persecution , wee haue gotten the loue of diuers Persians , and are in good reputation with them , and those that kept vs , testifie our pouerty in all places , and that we are good Christians , which wee could not haue obtained in our prosperity . The sensible apprehension that all the Citie sheweth , giues vs great occasion to praise God , because all of them thought , that wee should haue beene put to death , by diuers torments . For going once along the Citie , and making some little walke , presently after the death of these Martyrs , they all beheld vs , with ioy and contentment , and great reuerence , blessing GOD. Although as yet , wee are vnder the afore-said guard , and in a manner imprisoned , yet doe we say our offices in the Church , and we ring our bells ( which are very good ) as we did before , and as you doe in Europe , and notwithstanding our need of money , wherewith we are pressed , yet within these few dayes , wee haue bought a very good Bell , for feare least the other should bee broken , hoping in God that we shall one day see them , in the best Idolatrous Church in this Citie ( that is to say ) in the Synagogue of the Mahometans . Wee remaine very much comforted , and the rather because wee already see the efficacie of the intercession , which those fiue Martyrs make for this Mission , enioying the fruit of their bloud , wherwith it is watered , hoping to haue greater one day , and to see throughout this whole Kingdome , the holy Crosse triumphantly erected , which God graunt for his great and infinite mercy sake . The Parents of the Martyrs are very well affected towards vs , diuers of the most Learned and Principals of Haspahan , send vs salutations , excusing themselues , that for the present they cannot come to salute vs in person , because as yet those thinges that are past , are new , and fresh in memory : And although we are thus closed vp , I will not say Imprisoned , yet some haue not failed to come vnto vs ( although with great danger ) importuning vs to Baptize them . The Forty three Territories of the Armenian Christians , who are vnder the Kings Obedience ( as at other times I haue certified your Reuerence by my Letters ) had playde the Apostataes , in another Persecution , and were for the most part become Mahometans , ( although as I beleeue it was not in heart ) by the example of these fiue Martyrs , they haue all of them declared themselues to bee Christians , and protest they are ready to dye for CRHISTS sake and his Loue. The King hath taken no notice hereof , but hath commaunded , that euery one should liue according to that Faith wherein hee was borne , and to the aforesaid Forty Territories , he hath made restitution of their Christian Bookes , which the Persians had taken from them , when they abjured . These are the fruites of the Death , and intercession of these Fiue glorious Martyrs . There are some , that for the present labour to put this Information into an authenticall forme by a publique Notary , with many witnesses , which were present at this famous Martyrdome , amongst which there shall bee the Ministers of the King : which once obtained , I will send it to your Reuerence , with all the other particularities that may be knowne , to the end , you may make vse of them at Rome . I will certifie your Reuerence no further as touching the workmen in this Mission , least I should grow too tedious , but this , that they liue in great obseruance , and with such perfection , as if this house were a Nouiship , and they Nouices . They humbly require the Prayers of our Congregation , and especially and particularly those of your Reuerence , and your holy Benediction , in which wee haue much confidence . Beseeching you to succour this Mission , and to send labourers , for the Haruest is great , and your Reuerence may beleeue me , that sometimes my heart bursteth ( if I may so speake it ) with compassion seeing them still crying out for the Bread of the sacred Gospell , and that wee cannot assist them all , as we earnestly desire : The zeale of your Reuerence permitteth me not to speake any further , knowing what desire you haue to assist this Mission , with the hazard of your blood . Our Lord reward you , and preserue vs , as wee pray to that effect . From Haspahan the Eleuenth of Aprill . 1622. 
A14924	----	The late commotion of certaine papists in Herefordshire Occasioned by the death of one Alice Wellington, a recusant, who was buried after the popish maner, in the towne of Allens-Moore, neere Hereford, vpon Tuesday in Whitsun weeke last past. 1605. With other excellent matter thereby occasioned. Truely set forth. Hamond, Thomas, fl. 1605. 1605 Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14924 STC 25232 ESTC S119650 99854857 99854857 20311 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14924) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20311) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1534:17) The late commotion of certaine papists in Herefordshire Occasioned by the death of one Alice Wellington, a recusant, who was buried after the popish maner, in the towne of Allens-Moore, neere Hereford, vpon Tuesday in Whitsun weeke last past. 1605. With other excellent matter thereby occasioned. Truely set forth. Hamond, Thomas, fl. 1605. E. R., fl. 1605. aut [48] p. By S[imon] S[tafford] for I. Chorlton, and F. Burton, Imprinted at London : 1605. "To the reader" signed: Tho. Hamond. Contains three letters--one from Hamond to E.R., two from E.R. to Hamond--and a prayer. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-F⁴. The first leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Wellington, Alice, d. 1605 -- Death and burial -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Herefordshire -- Early works to 1800. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Late Commotion of certaine Papists in Herefordshire . Occasioned by the death of one Alice Wellington , a Recusant , who was buried after the Popish maner , in the Towne of Allens-Moore , neere Hereford , vpon Tuesday in Whitsun weeke last past . 1605. With other excellent matter thereby occasioned . Truely set forth . AVT NVNC AVT NVNQVAM printer's or publisher's device Imprinted at London by S. S. for I. Chorlton , and F. Burton . 1605. To the Reader . GEntle Reader , to satisfie thy minde , and to stop the mouths of the multitude , who listening after euery idle report , are easily induced to beleeue , whatsoeuer bee by vncertayne fame bruted abroad , I haue caused these seuerall Letters , with a true discourse therein contayned , of the beginning and proceedings in these late Popish actions , to be diuulged : and I haue the rather bene thereunto induced , because I know certaynly , that not a few , for their better satisfaction , are very desirous to vnderstand the truth thereof . Furthermore , in perusall hereof , the vulgar people , & such as are wauering in Religion , by reading his Maiesties protestation , for the mayntenance of Religion , herein contayned , and publikely vttered in the Starre-chamber , by the mouth of the L. Chauncellor of England , vpon Thursday the xx . of Iune last past , shall hereby bee incouraged to go on in the Christian profession of the Gospel , so long time by Gods mercies , and the constancy of religious Princes mayntayned amongst vs , and not bee discouraged by any idle perswasions , which seditious and trecherous Papists , who haue vowed themselues vnto the seruice of the Pope , shall closely and vndermyningly ( thereby seeking to alienate the hearts of his faythfull subiects , from their dutifull allegeance ) ▪ buzze into their eares . So that if any Papist hereafter should seeke to perswade any of his Maiesties subiects , that the tymes are like to alter , and that a Toleration should bee graunted , ( thereby wronging his Maiesty exceedingly , who is so fully settled in the Trueth ) they may answere them , Auoyd , false and lying Varlets , your words are vayne , and your hopes are more vayne ; see here his Maiesties protestation to the contrary . Neither can I here omit to giue notice vnto the world , of that excellēt speach , which mine owne eares heard vttered vpon Munday the fifth of August last past , at Paules Crosse , by the right Reuerend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of London , in his Sermon there ; because it serueth for a strengthening and confirmation of that , which in the ensuing Letter you shall read . His words tended briefly to this effect : That his Maiesty had made a protestation before God and his Angels , that he was so constant for the maintenance of the Religion publikely in England professed , as that hee would spend his owne dearest bloud in the defence therof , rather then the Truth should be ouerthrown : and that if he had ten times as many more kingdomes as he hath , he would dispend them all for the safety and protection thereof : and likewise , that if he had any childrē that should out-liue him , if they should maintayne or vp-hold any other Religion , he desired of God , that hee might see them brought to their graues before him , that their shame might be buried in his life time , neuer to be spoken of in future ages . Oh worthy speeches , and worthy so noble and religious a King ! Shall we therefore that are his subiects , be discouraged , hauing so couragious a King ? No , God forbid . Thus wishing thee to iudge none otherwise hereof , then as proceeding from one , that tendreth the good of his Prince and country , and is willing to satisfy all such , as desire to be informed in the truth hereof , I rest a wel-willer to all that meane well . Tho. Hamond . A Letter from a Gentleman in London , to his friend in Hereford . ❧ To his most affected and kinde friend , Mr. E. R. in Hereford . KInd Mr. E. R. the former proofes that I haue already had of your loue to me-ward , causeth me agayne to presume vpon your further curtesies . The matter is thus : There hath bene lately noysed abroad very commonly in London , a strange report , concerning the proceedings of some Papists in your parts , and as fame goeth , not far from you : much haue I heard thereof , and that diuersly : whereupon being desirous to be satisfied with a certayne truth of that matter , ( because my mind cannot rest contented with an vncertayne Relation thereof ) I repayred vpon Thursday last , being Starre-chamber day , vnto Westminster , there expecting to heare something concerning those causes : neyther was I altogether deceyued in my expectation , although not fully satisfyed in any particulars of this matter , how the maner thereof was : for being there , vpon the same day , after that the Lords were set , and that one or two matters , concerning some former misorders in those partes formerly committed , had bene heard , the right Honourable , the Lord high Chauncellour of England , as from his Maiesties owne mouth , beganne a most excellent speach , and deliuered the matter after such an vnexpressable maner , as it is impossible for me to come neere vnto , eyther the words , or perfit substance thereof , it was so pithy , so excellent , and so admirably couched together : and yet acknowledgeing that he himselfe was vnable to declare it vnto them in such maner , as his Maiesty had deliuered it vnto him . But I will onely heerein relate vnto you , as neere as I can remember , such things as were vttered by his Lordship , concerning these present matters : for his Lordship , after that he had spoken somewhat largely , concerning some other poynts , sayd , That there had now happened a present occasion ( meaning this late Commotion in your partes ) which did administer much matter worthy of consideration . Then he began to shew how certainely his Maiesty was informed , That the number of Papists in England was mightily increased , since his Maiesties comming , and that Popish Priests and Iesuites ( factors for the Pope ) lay lurking in many corners of this land , to seduce his Maiesties subiects from their due and lawfull allegeance vnto their rightfull Prince , to the acknowledgement of a forrain power and authority , namely , the Pope of Rome . Then also , that his Maiesty maruayled , how it happened , that Papists could so increase daily , or Priests and Iesuites be intertayned within his Kingdomes , considering , that his Lawes are in force against them . And thereupon entring into a consideration of the estate of this Land , and seeking by all meanes possible to finde where the fault might be ; after the examination of diuers supposed causes , he alleadged , that none was greater then this , viz. That Iustices are too slacke and negligent in their places ; it being a thing impossible , that Priests and Iesuites should swarme so thick as they doe in any partes of England , or VVales , vnlesse Iustices of Peace in those parts where they frequented , were carelesse of their place and office . Hereupon also he said , that his Maiesty was informed , That many , who were in place of Iustice , to punish others , either were themselues so affected , or atleast wise , for speciall respects , fauoured them that were . Then spake he vnto the Iudges , and such as were to go their Circuits , remembring vnto them , how carefull his Maiesty had bene for the good and happy gouernment of these his Kingdomes ; how studious for the mayntenance of the true Religion , professed and maintayned by the Church of England ; how often his Maiesty had held consultation with his Councell and Cleargy , for the sure establishment of matters in Religion ; and how loth to alter , change , or disanull any of the Lawes of England : because hee found , that there was no more perfit forme of gouernment in the world , nor any Church that came so neere vnto the very substance of the trueth in euery poynt , as the Church of England doth : and because that Religion is the surest bond to knit mens hearts in vnity , he recited how great paynes , and what often cares his Maiesty had taken for a perfit vnity in Religion , and diuine worship , that not euery one should bee at liberty to serue God after his owne fashion , but all should ioyne in one true worship of God ; which , if euer any Nation in the world had , we now haue . Further also , giuing vnto the Iudges a straight charge , that in their Circuits they should haue an especiall care to inquire for all such as were Priests , Iesuites , or Recusants , and to take such order , that they might be punished ; and more especially , for inquiry of all such Iustices of peace , as were either , themselues , their wiues , children , or seruants , Papists ; or knowne themselues to be fauourers of Papists . Hereupon further alledging , that there were some Iustices , who although they themselues would not be seene to giue any entertaynement or countenance vnto Priests , Iesuites , or Recusants , yet such should finde welcome at theyr Wyues hands . And therefore his Maiestyes pleasure was , That all such Iustices , as can bee knowne to be as aforesayd , should haue their names sent vp , that they may be remooued out of the Commission for the Peace , as being vnfit members to hold such places . And as this his Maiestyes charge extended vnto the punishment of such , as were obstinate Papists : so , more especially , for the punishment of such , as were become Papists since his Maiesties comming : and yet a more strict charge for those parts about you , because they were alwayes most infestious and troublesome . Then hee put the Iudges in minde , how long a time they now had for search into these matters , and what directions they had receyued for their proceedings , assuring them , that as his Maiesty had signified vnto them before their going , what course they should obserue : so at their returnes , hee would call them vnto an account , what they had performed therein . And amongst many other matters of speciall moment , he entred into a deepe consideration of this Land , the estate therof how blessed it was , how much bounden vnto GODS Almighty goodnesse , for that he hath sent vs so gracious a King : A King , that did so constantly professe CHRISTES true Religion established in the Church of England : a King , by whose happy commaund we were free from many cares , many dangers , many perills . Moreouer also , he shewed , that Papists in diuers places , ( as his Maiesty was certaynely informed ) did bragge in words , That they were in a good hope of a Toleration : hereunto adding a speach of his Maiestyes , concerning the folly of Papists , how they were besotted , yea ; and more then bewitched , to suppose any such matter , wondering , whereupon they should builde their false hopes ; adding thereunto also , that his Maiesty was so surely perswaded of the truth of his Religion , so firmely grounded vpon the cercertainty thereof , and so constantly bent for the mayntenance thereof , as that he yowed vnto his Priuy Councell , that if he did know that any of his children after him ( which I hope neuer will be ) would goe backe from the Religion which hee now professed , and maintayne any other , that vpon that childe hee would lay his curse . These and many other matters ( which not a little ioyed me to vnderstand , how constant his Maiesty is for the mayntenance of the Gospell ) I heard with mine owne eares , whereof I thought it not amisse to certify you : but because I cannot here know of the particular matters , and maner how those things fell out in your parts , I make bold to request your paynes , in learning , as neere as you can , the truth therof , and to let me vnderstand thereof by your Letters . London , the 22. of Iune . 1605. Your friend assured , T. H. An Answere vnto the former Letter . To his most approued good friend , Mr. T. H. in London . BEcause Reports are many and variable , and the world is giuen to inquire after nouelties , according as the saying is , Est natura hominum nouitatis auida ; and also , because the further a tale goeth , the more it is made : for , Fama crescit eundo : and lastly , because by your Letters , you seeme to be so importunate , to know the truth in these late stirres and Commotions in our parts . I haue ( though vnwillingly , but onely for your sake , vnto whome I acknowledge my selfe many wayes beholding , and whose request in any matter lawfull , is vnto me a strong commaund ) taken some paynes in collecting the trueth thereof , as neere as I could , without putting in of any thing , vnlesse it were credibly reported to bee true , or were matters of coherence with these actions . Accept therefore these few lynes ensuing , as a further pledge of my vnfayned loue vnto your VVorship ; and as occasion shallserue , if any other matters worthy the writing doe happen , I will not fayle to performe whatsoeuer belongeth vnto a trusty friend , and one that wisheth all happinesse and prosperity vnto your fortunes . Neyther may I heere omit to render you most kynde thanks , for your paynes taking , in writing so largely vnto me in your letter as you haue done . And besides that , the substance of your Letter is so welcome vnto mee ( because I know , that had it not beene true , you would not haue written it ) as that it causeth my heart to leape for ioy within me , as often as I remember , how constantly his Maiesty hath auowed to maintayne and vphold the truth of the Gospell , which is now in England publikely preached . Neyther doth the remembrance thereof seldome tymes with ioy affect me : for so many causes doe daily administer matter , to bring mee into the remembrance thereof , as that I am alwayes replenished therewith ; especially , when I bethinke me of Papists , how vayne their hopes are , and how like vnto smoake they vanish away . God omnipotent , of his infinit mercy and goodnesse blesse vs all , and make vs heere faythfull seruants vnto himselfe , and the King , that after our seruice here on earth , we may all rest with Christ Iesus in the kingdome of heauen . Hereford , the nyne and twentyeth of Iune . 1605. Yours to commaund , E. R. ❧ A true Relation of the late Commotion in Herefordshire . THere is a little Uillage in Herefordshire , called by the name of Allens Moore , distant from the City of Hereford , two little myles . In this Parish ( as also in many other thereabouts ) the Priestes of Rome haue so bestirred themselues , that with their doctrine , they haue so poysoned and made many drunke , with the dregges of the fornication of the Whoore of Rome , as that they are become obstinate Recusants , to repayre to the Church , and to participate of our Churches Sacraments , the true and vndoubted Pledges of our saluation . And amongst the rest , without any further digression ( to come to our present purpose ) one Alice Wellington , wife of Thomas Wellington , of Allens-Moore , in the aforesayd County , Peoman , being but a simple woman , and voyd of any true grounds of Learning or Diuinity ; but onely being seduced by the witcheries of Baals Priests , continued so obstinate in her erronious peruersnesse , that she , contrary vnto his Maiesties Lawes , would by no meanes nor perswasions , bee induced to repayre vnto the Church , according to his Maiesties Lawes in that case prouided . Whereupon , by the censure of the Church , shee rested excommunicate . It pleased GOD , to visit this Alice Wellington with sicknesse , and to lay his hand so heauy vpon her , that she dyed excommunicate , not hauing submitted her selfe vnto our Church . Whereupon , the Uicar of the Parish being asked whether he would bury her ? Hee the sayd Uicar ( knowing that the Law would not admit those to be buryed , according to the order of our Church , being dead , who liuing , refuse to submit themselues thereunto ) refused the performance thereof , alleadging ; that hee should incurre the penalty and daunger of the Lawe , if hee should yeelde therevnto . Hereupon , many Papists being aduertised of her death ; and drawing themselues together , they so determined , that among themselues , come what come would thereof , it should bee performed after their maner . Whereupon it was agreed , that vpon the Tuesday following , being Tuesday in Whitsun weeke in the morning , it should be done . Understand by the way , that the Uicars house being close to the Church-yard , as hee lay in his bed , about sixe of the clocke in the morning , some houre and halfe after Sunne rising , he heard the sound of a little Bell ; and being vnacquaynted with such a sound , and wondring what it might be , hee started vp , and looked out at the wyndow , from whence he espyed ( as he gessed ) some fourty or fifty persons accompanying a Coarse round about the Church , one of which company had a Saints-bell , another bare a Crosse , fastened ( as it seemed vnto him ) vpon the end of a staffe ; before the coarse some carryed Tapers burning , and other such trumperies : The rest of them being weaponed , some with Billes , some Staues , some Swords , & other weapons ; some of which men the Uicar himselfe knew , and some he knew not . Hereupon , the Uicar ( as soone as hee could ) arrayed himselfe : but before hee was dressed and come vnto them , the body was layd into the ground , and their Ceremonies welneere ended . Whereupon , the Uicar drawing neere , spake vnto them , blaming them for their boldnesse . But they little regarding his words , gaue him many reuiling tearmes , and bade him get him gone , if he tendered his owne life , and not to disturbe them , nor approach neere them . The Uicar being but himselfe alone , and seeing so many weaponed in offensiue maner , thought it bootles to say any more , or to make resistance against so rude a company , and thereupon returned into his house . After that the company was dissolued , the Uicar gaue the right Reuerend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of Hereford , then lying at the Palace in Hereford , to vnderstand thereof , both the maner how , the time when , and the names of some persons , whome he had seene and knowne in the said Action . Whereupon , his Lordship hauing an especiall care , for the suppressing of such tumults and disorders , and also knowing how much hurt the wincking thereat might easily procure ; and withall , being zealously bent against their profane customes , directed a Warrant vnto the high Constable of that Hundred , George Wenlond , for the speedy search for , and apprehension of such as were knowne to be Actors therein . The high Constable hauing receyued the Warrant , with other petty Constables , speedily repayred vnto the shoppe of one Iames Cowle , a Weauer of Hungerstone , neere thereunto adioyning , where the sayde Iames Cowle was , and also one Chadnor , a Weauer like wise , who wrought in another roome adioyning , both of them being in the Warrant , the sayd high Constable , George Wenlond , caused them both to be apprehended , by vertue of the sayd Warrant . But they beganne to striue and struggle , and would not goe with them , according to the purport of the Warrant : In which contention , the sayd Chadnor escaping , some pursued him , the rest remayned with Iames Cowle : but Cowle , contrary to the Kings Peace , desperately strooke at a Gentleman , named Master William Gough , with a short knife , which Weauers commonly vse to cut off their threeds , and there with grieuously wounded the sayd Master William Gough vpon the chynne . At which time also , one William Rogers , one of the Constables , was hurt in seuerall places vpon the hand . It happened , that as they were thus contending , one Leonard Marsh , of Kynson , who had likewise beene in the former Action , and was also one of the men named in the Warrant , came into the sayd Shoppe , where the same Iames Cowle was . Whereupon the sayd Leonard Marsh was likewise apprehended ; and in their striuing , the Constable being hurt , and Master Gough likewise , the sayd Iames Cowle escaped also ; in so much that none , saue onely the aforesayd Leonard Marsh , remained in their power . The rest hauing escaped , and wilfully indangered themselues , by committing such vyle misdemeanors against his Maiesties sworne Officers , the high Constable tooke the sayd Leonard Marsh with him toward Hereford ; and by the way as hee passed , he charged diuers such as he met with , in his Maiesties name , to bee assistant vnto him , in conducting the Prisoner vnto Hereford : in so much , that hee had to his ayde some fifteene or sixteene men , euery one taking with him such weapons as they could come presently by , and as the haste required ; whereby they were but very meanely and slenderly weaponed . In this maner marching towards Hereford City , suite was made vnto the high Constable , by a brother of the sayd Leonard Marsh , that he would stay his course with the Prisoner , vntill such time , as Master William Morgan of Treble Parke had spoken with him . But the high Constable following the wordes of his Warrant , aduisedly replyed , That hee might not stay his course ; for his Warrant was to the contrary . Whereupon , William Marsh , brother vnto the sayd Leonard Marsh , called vnto his brother , and bade him not to goe with them . Thereupon , the sayd Leonard began to draw backwards ; but being himselfe alone , he was by strength forced forward softly . Thus , hauing gone on softly some two miles , when as they came within a quarter of a myle of Hereford City , suddenly they espyed themselues beset on euery side the way with men ( in number as they gessed , some forty or fifty ) weaponed , some hauing Bowes & Arrowes , some Billes , some Long-staues and Pikes , some Swords ; And so inclosing the high Constable , and his company , they demaunded , whither he conuayed the Prisoner ? He answered , That his Warrant was to carry him to Hereford . Thē they demaunded , For what purpose ? He answered , That when he came there , they should know . At which words , one of them set a Iauelin to his brest , and charged him , vnlesse he meant to see his owne guts , to let goe the Prisoner . The high Constable perceyning in what danger hee was ; and also knowing how far too weake his company was to make resistance , being ( as before is said ) but some fifteene or sixteene persons , and those also , ( as not mistrusting so bold a rescue ) but very meanely weaponed ; yea , welneere as good as altogether without weapons , after he had reasoned with those vnreasonable persons , and shewed them the danger that they had thrust themselues into , by making so rebellious a rescue ( seeing no meanes of resistance , let goe the Prisoner , who as soone as he was loose , had a Byll presently by some of the company deliuered vnto him : and then in most bold and presumptuous maner beganne to threaten diuers of those , that were with the high Constable to ayde him . Presently , as soone as the sayd Leonard Marsh was rescued , came the aforesayd Master William Morgan of Treble Parke ( who is now with some others sent vp to London ) vnto the high Constable : vnto whome the high Constable spake some words , as blaming him for the rescue , and that hee should be the cause thereof , and that his comming in afterwards , was but only to colour the matter . All which , the sayd Master Morgan denyed , excusing himselfe , that hee came onely to speake a word or two with him , not knowing any thing at all of the rescue . The Prisoner being thus rescued , the high Constable gaue present notice thereof vnto the Bishop of Hereford : wherevpon , the Priuy Councell was presently with all speed informed thereof : and suddenly were sent for vp to London , some such as were knowne , to be chiefe Actors therein . Upon which businesse , Sir Herbert Croft was dispatched into the countrey . And after inquiry made , certayne Gentlemen were sent vp to London , to answere the matter . Upon which occasion , diuers Iustices in this County haue bene since that time put out of the Commission of the Peace , as knowne to bee too much leauing vnto the Popish faction . Thus haue I briefly related vnto you , the true maner of the Papists proceedings in these late Actions : if any other matter of moment ensue hereupon , I wil not faile ( God willing ) but certify you thereof by my Letters . Hereford , the nyne and twentieth of Iune . 1605. Yours ( as before ) to commaund , E. R. The Copie of a second Letter from Hereford , concerning some further proceedings in the former Actions . ALL promises , that with honesty may bee kept amongst men , ought to bee obserued , and especially amongst those that by loue and inward affection are so neerely obliged each to other , as wee both are . I remember well , that by my last Letter , I bound my selfe vnto your seruice , if any materiall accident worthy the obseruation , concerning the late broyles in our parts , should happen ; and although I must needs confesse , that my style in penning , be very blunt and harsh , yet know I this also , that the matter and substance of my lynes are true . which may in some sort counteruaile the glosing eloquence of some Rhetoricians , who study more for sine and fyled phrases , then for the truth of matter : for vnlesse I be much deceyued , the thing that you most desired , was the truth , and that also was the end , whereunto my thoughts tended , and principally aymed at : and therefore , I hope , that you will rather accept of nudam veritatem , without eloquence , then of eloquence without the truth . Within fewe dayes after that I had written my last Letter ( dated as I remember , the nyne and twentyeth day of Iune ) vnto your worship , the Right Honourable , the Earle of Worcester , came downe vnto his Place of Ragland in Munmouthshire , with full authority from his Maiesty , of present Iustice to be executed vpon such as had beene Actors in these causes . Now , albeit that the matters were far gone , and diuers misorders committed , yet seeing it booted not to withstand any further , hauing waded too farre already , most of the principall of them came in , and yeelded themselues vnto his Lordship . Whereupon , such as his Lordship in his wisedome thought fit to be proceeded with somewhat sharpely , after examination , he caused to be committed to prison , vntill his Maiesties further pleasure be known , where diuers of them yet remayne : with others , who were lesse obstinate , and onely carryed away by false perswasions of Popish Factors , being of themselues inclinable to accord vnto the trueth , if their consciences might be thereunto perswaded . His Lordship tooke a more milde course , seeking to wynne them vnto the trueth , by reasons grounded vpon Gods Worde , which is the onely Rocke , whereupon the conscience must build . And so effectually hath his Honour dealt in this case with many of them , as that from stiffe Recusants , they are conuerted , and become new Scholers in Christes ▪ Schoole , and I trust will proceed rightly , and in a rightful course hereafter . I could name diuers of good account , who haue reconciled themselues vnto our Church , by his Lordships honourable proceedings with them , and do now dutifully repaire vnto the Church . What will become of those that are yet Prisoners , I know not , as yet they onely remayne in durance , vntill his Maiestyes pleasure be knowne . The Countrey is now quieted ( God bee thanked ) and all things , by his Lordships honourable carriage , well settled . God graunt the continuance thereof . Thus , hauing performed my promise in what I know , I rest , as euer before , your friend in all obsequiousnes , E. R. Hereford , the third of August . 1605. FINIS . ❧ A necessary and godly Prayer . O Most merciful Lord God , and louing Father , wee thy children and sheep of thy pasture , hūbly prostrating our selues at the foote of thy diuine Maiesty , do here confesse , that we are not worthy of the least of those innumerable benefits , which thou in mercy , for thy Sonne Christ Iesus sake hast bestowed vpon vs ; neyther are we worthy to be called thy children , but only in & through him , in whom thou art well pleased : for wee haue disobeyed thy will , broken thy Lawes , contemned thy Precepts , and cast thy Commaundements behind vs : if thou shouldest call vs to account for our liues misspent , for our deeds misdone , and for our maniford trāsgressions which we haue commited , we are not able to answere thee one for a thousand , it is impossible that we should stand in thy sight : Nay , Lord , if thou shouldest but marke what is done amisse , why then , who were able to abide it ? We were not , and thou of thy goodnesse madest vs to be ; and when we were , we fell away from thee , and forsooke thee : But thou ( who before wee were , causedst our being ) when we were , wouldest not ▪ suffer vs to be lost for euer ; but didest send thy Sonne Christ Iesus to redeeme our soules out of the hands of Sathan , who otherwise would haue seyzed vpon vs , and greedily haue deuoured vs. Not long since , O Lord , we sate in darknesse , and in the shaddow of death ; we slept in ignorance , not knowing the precious sweetnesse of thy holy Word ; we liued in blindnesse , not knowing whither we went , but as we were led ; and withall , our leaders were blind , in so much , that the blind leading the blind , ( hadst not thou sent vs a guide to conduct vs ) we had both fallen into the ditch . Thy holy word , O Lord , is a Lanthorn vnto our feet , and a light vnto our pathes : thy holy Spirit is the guide to lead vs vnto the light ; and the light , which is thy holy word , is that which leadeth vs vnto saluation . O Lord , take not this light from vs , but let it euer shine as bright vnto vs , as the Sun at noone day . And for this cause , O Lord , we render vnto thee most humble and hearty thanks , for the long , happy , glorious , and prosperous raigne of our late dread Soueraigne , Queene Elizabeth , vnder whose blessed and happy gouernment so many yeeres together , we inioyed the light of thy holy word , and by whose constancy the truth thereof was euer since the beginning of her Raigne , mightily maintayned . We thanke thee , O Lord , for all those blessings , that by and through her thou diddest conferre vpon vs thy vnworthy children : as namely , the practice and profession of thy holy word : The quiet possessing of that we had , ( euery man vnder his owne Vyne , peaceably eating the labour of his owne hands : ) The great number of many paynefull , learned , and faithfull Preachers , which vnder her gouernment thou diddest send into thy Vineyard : The graue , wise , and honourable Counsellours , that by thy gracious goodnesse , thou didst appoynt vnto her : Their true , faythfull , and dutifull seruice , that ( guided by thy grace ) they performed vnto her : The preuention of many euils & dangers ( entended to haue bin wrought by the hands of villaynes ) which , had they taken effect , might haue bin the vtter ouerthrow and ruine of our whole Countrey : The quiet and peaceable end , that ( protected with thy Shield , maugre the malice of all her enemies ) after the common course of Nature , peaceably dying in her bed , she made , leauing ( as in right they did belong ) her imperiall Crownes vnto our now gracious and renowmed Soueraigne Lord King IAMES , by thy grace , of great Brittayne , Fraunce and Ireland , King , Defender of the same true , Catholike and Apostolike fayth , which she formerly did . Lord , we humbly againe , and againe , vpon our bended knees , from the very bottome of our hearts pray and beseech thee , that , as of thine especiall loue and fauour vnto vs , thou hast giuen vs so gracious and religious a King : so thou wilt of the same thy louing mercy , protect and defend him , in all dangers and perilles whatsoeuer . Guide , O Lord , his going fotth , and his comming in : blesse him in all the actions that he shall take in hand . Put ( O Lord ) into his heart good desires , strengthen him with thy continuall grace , and in the end , bring him to thy euerlasting kingdome . As he is ; so , O Lord , continue him , a faithfull professor of thy Gospel ; a zealous and religious confessor therof ; a true and mighty defender thereof ; a barre and obstacle , to hinder all the courses and proceedings that either Papists ( or other enemies of thy Gospell whatsoeuer ) shall go about to inuent for the suppressing of the truth . Discouer them , O Lord , and let their deuices , if they perseuer in wickednes , redound vnto their owne shame and confusion . Protect and defend him , O Lord , in all his wayes ; counsell him in all his consultations ; let all his thoughts , wordes and workes , tend vnto the honour and glory of thy holy name , and his owne endlesse ioy and comfort . Continue him a true maintayner of the truth : Establish and confirme thy truth in his heart : Root out Antichrist , and pull downe his pride : Let Religion ( as now it doeth ) alwayes flourish in this kingdome : Suppresse the power and might of Sathan : Cause an vnity in the Church : Graffe vs all into one stocke , and let vs be all composed into one body , whereof thy Sonne Christ Iesus is the head . And because , O Lord God Almighty , that Kings and Princes , as they are here on earth , in highest Offices and authority vnder thee , so are they chiefe markes for Sathans Instruments to shoot at , wee meekely pray and beseech thee , that thou wilt blesse and defend his Royall Maiesty from all the desperate & wicked attempts , whatsoeuer Sathan , or wicked Traytors , his ministers , shall vndertake . O Lord , let them all ( who wish him any harme ) suddenly be consumed , perish , and come to a fearefull end . Blesse , O Lord , our gracious Queene Anne , our noble Prince Henry , and all the rest of the King and Queenes royall Issue : Let their Posterity neuer fayle ; but let them continue Kings and Queenes of this Land , to maintayne the Trueth vnto the worlds end . Disperse , O Lord , all the mists of error and superstition ; Let those that are blinde , and fayne would see the Light participate with vs in the Truth : Settle all misorders whatsoeuer , that are any where in these his Maiesties kingdomes , either in Church or Common-wealth . Let peace dwell in our quarters , and let not the name of Warre be heard amongst vs. Conuert those vnto thy truth , that are yet vnconuerted ; and establish those in the Truth , who are already conuerted . Finally , O good God , blesse and preserue all and euery particular member , and members of this thy Church of great Brittaine : make vs all ready to serue thee , and faithfull subiects vnto his Maiesty . These , and all other blessings , whatsoeuer thou in thy wisdome shalt thinke necessary for vs , wee begge at thy mercifull hands , for his sake , in and through whome thou first louedst vs , euen Christ Iesus our Lord and alone Sauiour . Amen . God saue the King. FINIS . 
A07806	----	An exact discoverie of Romish doctrine in the case of conspiracie and rebellion by pregnant obseruations: collected (not without direction from our superiours) out of the expresse dogmaticall principles of popish priests and doctors. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. 1605 Approx. 72 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07806 STC 18184.5 ESTC S113001 99848242 99848242 13322 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07806) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 13322) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1249:5) An exact discoverie of Romish doctrine in the case of conspiracie and rebellion by pregnant obseruations: collected (not without direction from our superiours) out of the expresse dogmaticall principles of popish priests and doctors. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. [4], 54, [2] p. Imprinted by Felix Kyngston, for C. B[urby] and E. W[eaver] and are to be sould in Paules Church-yard at the signe of the Swan, At London : 1605. Signed at end: T.M., i.e. Thomas Morton. Publishers' names from STC. Running title reads: Romish positions and practises for rebellion. The last leaf is blank. This edition lacks erratum on H3v; B1r last line has "proued". Quires B and D are in two settings: B2r line 1 has (1) "prooued" or (2) "proued"; D4r line 1 begins (1) "inveterate" or (2) "late". Sheets may be mixed with STC 18184. 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Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXACT DISCOVERIE OF ROMISH DOCTRINE IN THE CASE OF CONSPIRACIE AND Rebellion , by pregnant obseruations : Collected ( not without direction from our Superiours ) out of the expresse dogmaticall principles of Popish Priests and Doctors . ISAY 29. 9. But stay your selues , and wonder ; they are blinde , and make you blinde . AT LONDON Imprinted by Felix Kyngston , for C. B. and E. W. and are to be sould in Paules Church-yard at the signe of the Swan . 1605. TO THE SEDVCED BRETHREN WHOSOEVER , GRACE and peace from God the Father , and from our Lord Iesus Christ. MArueile not ( beloued brethren ) that I salute you in the name of brotherhood , whom I acknowledge seduced : It pleased our Sauiour to call some * Sheepe , whē as yet they were wandring : and his Apostle nameth them * Brethren , whom hee esteemed bewitched . With whom giue me rather leaue to marueile in your behalfe , * Why are you so easily remoued from the Gospell of Christ ? and in the earnest desire of your blessed conuersion , to expostulate in the same tenour : * Who hath bewitched you , that you should not obey the truth , in whom Iesus Christ was described ( that is , liuely preached ) among you ? It is not then any Who , who may either preiudice a truth , or priuilege an error : because , if truth ; then Doe as they say , although 〈…〉 be a Pharisie : If any other doctrine , not receiued from Christ , then * Hold him ●●cursed , although the Minister be an * Angell . And seeing ( brethren ) it hath pleased almightie God ( who bringeth light out of darknes , and life out of death ) from this late sinfull attempt , as namelesse for vglines , as matchlesse for example , to draw this inspiration of grace , that you , through the detestation of their practises are now brought to a suspition of their inchantments : I thought it therefore my bounden dutie to discouer vnto you positions and practises of your Priests , whereby , as with tongues and hands , they conspire together in like mischiefe : nothing doubting , but when you shall perceiue the damnablenes of their doctrine , you will Christianlie auoide the danger of their charme . Now then let vs ( beloued ) ioyntly examine these spirits ; and not , till in the end of this tract , take our mutuall farewell . A PLAINE DISCOVERIE OF THE REBELLIOVS DOCTRINE OF THE Romish Church . PRegnant Obseruations , directlie proouing Romish schooles to be Seminaries of Rebellions in all Protestants gouernment : and Popish priests , as also their adherents , to be worthily executed for seditious and traiterous persons , proued by many Reasons , collected from their owne publique positions and practises . The first Reason . Their generall Assumption , whereupon all their rebellious positions are f●unded , is this , that All Protestants are Heretiques ; and Excommunicate . Now then we may argue , first : They who by their slanderous doctrine make all Protestants ( in their common censure Heretiques ) so odious , as vnworthie of any Ciuill , or naturall societie , must necessarily be iudged Seditious , and intolerable amongst the Protestants : But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe brand all Protestants with detestable crimes ; thereby to denie them all ciuill or naturall respects . Ergo. The Minor hath two parts : Crimes slanderouslie obiected . All humane societie detracted : both proued . The first part proued . FIrst a Stranger saith , that a Protestants beleeue not one Article of the Apostles Greede . Our Countriman more strangely : * Protestants haue no faith , no religion , no Christ ; but are meere Infidels . The Master of the Seminarie at Rhemes writeth and in●ituleth his booke : b Caluinish-Turcisme , and plaine Mahometisme . Which booke Deane Gifford doth no lesse impudently than impotently m●●ntaine , saying , that c Caluins doctrine is worse than the Alcoran of the Turkes . The Iesuite Possiuinus with the same spirit of blasphemie doth c●mpile a booke , d wherein he calleth Protestants doctrines , concerning Christ , to be meere Atheismes . And all to this end , that all humane societie with Protestants may be vtterly dissolued . The second part prooued : as first the societie in Neighbours . e Neighbours , if Heretiques , may lawfully be spoyled of their goods ( by force ) though it be better to be taken from them by authoritie . 2. Jn Parishioners . Where the question is concerning paying of Tithes ▪ it is resolued : f Parishioners may lawfully defraude Protestant Ministers of their tithes . 3. Jn Debtors , and whosoeuer haue any matter of trust committed vnto them . g Such are not bound to restore that which they haue receiued , or to satisfie their Creditors , who are Heretiques . h They are not bound hereunto . i This is an ancient Decree . 4. Jn Seruants . k Also Keepers of Forts , and all other vassals and slaues are freed from the oath of subiection to their Lords . 5. Jn VViues . l Wiues are not bound to render due beneuolence vnto their husbands , if heretiques . 6. Jn Parents . m The father must disinherit his sonne , if he will be a Protestant . 7. Jn Children . n A Priest returning into England , if his father bee a Protestant , hee may denie him to bee his father : meaning that hee is not such an one , as hee ought to acknowledge his father . o For by the heresie of the father the child is freed from obedience . 8. Jn all Kinred . p Heretikes may not bee termed either Children or Kinred ; but according to the old law , Thy hand must be against them to spill their blood . 9. Jn Natiues . q If any finde his natiue Citie to be most part infected with heresie , hee may denie it to be his Countrie . Finally , by r Pope Gregorie his Constitutions : By heresie a man is depriued of all his iurisdiction , whether naturall , ciuill or politique . So that the tenour of the oath of the Leaguers in France is this : s If ever I make marriage , vse traffique , yeeld aide , hold friendship , giue credence vnto heretiques , or once salute them , then let God confound me . Shall we call this Religion which dissolueth the dutie of Seruants , Subiects , De●t●s , and strangleth the vitall spirits of humane societie ; and by not acknowledgement of naturall duties of Wedlocke , naturall Parents ; naturall Children , naturall Countrie , doth bowell vp nature , as it were , and depriue men of humanitie it selfe ? O Babylon 〈…〉 this in all particulars were needlesse ; one kinde may satisfie . Practise . The Papists in France did libell against t Henry the 3. as hereticall ; a manslayer : so likewise against this Henry the 4. calling him a u Kitchin-dogge , long-bearded Iulian , most heathenish Apostate , and the very excrement of Satan . No lesse was the ranckor of our Cardinall Poole against his Soueraigne . x Desirous to diuert the Emperors forces from the Paganes , and to inforce them vpon Henry the 8. as vpon an enemie more pernicious than the Turke . The second Reason . Whosoeuer doe professe any Ciuill power soueraigne ouer Kings , whether directly , or indirectly , are to be accompted seditious : But all popish priests doe professe a double prerogatiue ouer all Kings : Democraticall , and Monarchicall ; namely both of people , and Pope : both which are proued by the positions . First of the People . Parsons : * The Common-wealth hath authoritie to choose a King : and to limit him lawes at their pleasure . The French Iesuite sheweth a reason : a For maiestie ( saith he is rather seated in the kingdome , than in the King. Like to Stapleton his glosse : b People are not ordained for the Prince : but the Prince for the people . But more finely Reinalds ; c A King is but a creature of mans creation . Secondly the Pope . To auouch his preeminence , these men goe beyond the Moone : as first Bozius , d The Pope the head of the Church , hath power in all temporall causes and states . e This is true ( saith Bellarmine ) vnderstood indirectly , as it may auaile for the spirituall good . In briefe , * This supremacie of the Pope ( saith Stapleton ) is a doctrine to be holden of all Christians vpon paine of damnation , and separation from the Church of God. We demaund how farre th●se pretended powers may extend ; and hereupon we argue . The third Reason . Whosoeuer vpon any pretended supremacie , whether of Pope , or people , d●e denie the necessarie right of Election , or of succession of Protestant Princes ; are to be holden amongst all Protestants , seditious : but all popish priests doe vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes , by pretended prerogatiue of Pope and people . Ergo. The Minor prooued by their positions . In Election . 1. The Romish Cardinall : a There is no election , whether of King , or Emperour , of any force , if he that is elect ( such they esteeme all Protestants ) be excommunicate . In Succession . Reinalds . b The right of Kings Christian must depend rather vpon their religion , than vpon order of succession : and therefore all Christians are bound to cut off all hope , least that any such ( speaking of Protestants ) may aspire to the Throne . c Otherwise ( saith Stapleton ) what do people else but euen preferre man before God ? Hereupon doth Simancha conclude , that d the kingdome , of an Heretique departed , doth lineally descend vpon his sonne : but if the sonne in the race royall be heretical , the Catholique Common-weale may chuse a Catholique Prince : but if also the kingdome be hereticall , then the choice of the King belongeth to the Pope : and so the kingdome may be taken by Catholiques . And least peraduenture any should consent to the lawfull succession : Father Parsons doth pronounce sentence ; e Whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant , is a most grieuous and damnable sinner . Thus farre of the position . Now behold their Practise . 1. In France . Reinalds doth forewarne the French. f Will ye proclaime Nauarre a Caluinist , King of the most Christian kingdome of France ? What is this else , than to aduance a dogge to be soueraigne ouer men ? g Shall Catholiques pray God saue that King , whom they may not admit into their houses ? h For suppose ( saith Father Creswell ) that hee professe to bring in a more sound religion ; what is this to the purpose ? he is bound to defend the Romish faith . From France we will returne home , where Father Parsons busieth himselfe to disable the title of succession of our most dread Soueraigne King Iames , * with intent to aduance the Infanta of Spaine thereunto . Thus much of Successors : now of possessors . The fourth Reason . When the King is established in his Throne by common consent of the kingdome ; whosoeuer shall manacle the hands of his subiects , detracting all obedience , may iustly by order of law be challenged and condemned for a disordered and rebellious person . But all popish priests doe dissolue the oath of obedience to all Protestant gouernours . Ergo. The Minor proued by Their Positions . First , one of their Bishops resolueth , that a As soone as a Christian King becomes hereticall , foorthwith people are freed from subiection . Secondly , their Cardinall : b As long as the Prince continueth excommunicate , the subiect is freed from the oath of subiection . By whom are they freed ? c By the Pope ( saith the Iesuite ) who vpon iust cause hath power to absolue from oathes both himselfe and all others . Sometime the Prince is personallie excommunicate : what then ? d Then ( saith their Lawyer ) subiects are freed from their allegeance : and all his hereticall assistants to be rooted out , and their land to be exposed to be possessed of ( Strangers ) Catholiques . But how if he be not excommunicate by name ? Yea , what though not excommunicate ? e If ( saith another ) his heresie be publiquely knowne , there needeth no pronunciation of the sentence of excommunication . f So that ( saith the Iesuite ) subiects may lawfully denie him obedience . How so ? g For the euidence of the crime ( saith their whole Schoole ) doth inferre a sentence of condemnation , because ( as the more common opinion defineth ) there must wee vnderstand the Pope his will is to haue him excommunicate , whom vpon the knowledge of his fault he would excommunicate . Say Father Creswell is this true ? h It is certaine , and of faith auouched by the vniuersall voice of Schooles . Satisfie vs yet in one question more : Suppose that the Protestant Prince haue a iust quarrell : what then ? * No warre can be lawfully denounced or waged by the Queene ; ( being excommunicate by name ) though otherwise in it selfe it were most iust : because her power is vnlawfull . Thus farre of the Positions . Practise . First Pope Gregorie the 7. alias Hildebrand , beginneth his Pageant : i We by Apostolicall authoritie doe absolue al from their oathes , which they haue giuen to persons excommunicate . And another Gregorie vseth the like tenour : k We absolue &c. in the same case . Lastly , Pius Quintus their successor in place ; but superiour in malice : l We commaund all subiects ( saith he , &c. ) and absolue them from the faith they haue plight with Elizabeth their Queene . We haue alreadie vnderstood how they forbid obedience to Kings . Now will we examine how they also inforce violence : and in this case we argue thus : The fifth Reason . Whosoeuer suggesteth a doctrine of forcible deposing of Princes from their Thrones , are therein manifestly rebellious : But all Popish priests defend violent deposing of Kings and Emperours . Ergo. Their positions . Costerus : a This power ( saith he ) of deposing Kings of their Crownes , and Emperours of their dignities in behalfe of the good of the Church , was alwaies peculiar to the Pope : b Who hath no lesse authoritie , as Christs Vicar ouer Christians , than the hireling hath ouer his beasts : c So the Pope hath authoritie ouer the Emperor ( saith Molina ) because the Emperour is but the Popes minister , and is to vse his temporall sword only at his beck . But what if Kings will not inthrall themselues to the Popes authoritie ? d It is not lawfull for Christians ( saith the Cardinall ) to tolerate anie King , who draweth his subiects vnto heresie : e But subiects ought ( saith Saunders ) to endeuour to set vp another in his place . f Yea they ought ( saith Creswell ) to expell him out of his kingdome , as the enemie of Christ. An vndoubted doctrine among the learned , and agreeable to Apostolicall truth . Yea which is more : g Although the Pope ( saith Bannes ) should tolerate an hereticall King ; yet may the Common-wealth remoue him . And yet behold a greater mysterie of this iniquitie than all these : for suppose that the King deposed shall be willing to be reconciled to the Church : h Yet notwithstanding ( saith Simancha ) he may not recouer his Crowne . Let vs now see this familie of Corah . Practise . We will omit their Henries , Fredericks , Otho's , and like Emperours and Kings of former times : call but to minde that which hath been visible in our daies , the late Henry of France , concerning whom their owne Prophet hath published a Treatise , the scope thereof is this : i The French haue with good conscience borne armes against King Henry the 3. and depriued him of his Crowne . Returne home , there wee see a Comet . The Rebell O-neele is vp in armes against his Queene : the Colledge of Sal●man bring pitch to quench this flame , and resolue thus : k Whatsoeuer Catholiques shall not forsake the defence of the English , and follow the O-neele , doth sin mortally , and cannot obtaine life euerlasting , except he desist . Shall we thinke that other priests can haue more loyall spirits ? Impossible ; as long as they receiue their breath from that Maister , who commendeth the former positions against the foresaid King of France . l Those Diuines ( saith Pope Xistus ) haue done the parts of good Lawyers , Confessors , and Doctors . His predecessor Pope Pius against our late Soueraigne : m We commaund the subiects of England to take armes against Elizabeth their Queene . Hitherto hath been manifested onely their violence against the dignities of Princes : now heare of their violating of their sacred persons in conspiring their deaths . The sixth Reason . Whosoeuer doth intend , designe , or practise the murther of Princes , must necessarilie be holden for desperate Traitors : But all Popish priests are guiltie in some of these kindes . Ergo. The Minor proued by their Positions . They professe all , that it is lawfull to take armes against their Kings , as we haue prooued : from whence wee may argue against them , as hee against a seditious one ; * Quis sensus armorum ? What other meaning can armes haue , but onely blood ? But not to dispute from our suppositions , but their positions , by these degrees . First the French Defence saith , that a Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant : which I defend ( saith hee ) by common consent . Now b It is euident ( saith our Reinolds ) that euery heretique Prince is most properly and perfectly a Tyrant . Which is supposed by the Spanish Iesuite ; speaking of this point , c That if ( saith he ) they may bee bereaued of their liues , then much more of their liuings and renownes . And , which is the height of furie : d Hereticall Kings ( saith Simancha ) deserue more grieuous punishment than priuate men : therefore the Scythians ( as he well deserued ) did put to death their King Scylen , for violating their Bacchanals . Scythia a most barbarous nation is the fittest glasse that these priests can finde to looke their faces in . Well , shew vs then your Scythian and Heathenish practises . Practise . Let vs trauell ( but in your thoughts ) into India , e where ( as your Arnoldus in his publique Oration in the Vniuersitie of Paris did contest ) the generall clamour of the poore people was , that Iesuites were the causes of all tyrannie which was exercised amongst them . Passe homeward through Germany ; there we see f Duke Rodolph persecuting the Emperor Henry his King by force of armes , through instigation of the Pope . From thence wee come to France ; where Clemens the Monke , as a bloodie parricide , did murder Henry his King. Lastly , to arriue at home , where after the Bull of Pius Quintus few yeres passed without such desperate attempts against their Soueraigne : that Bull bellowing thus , g We will & command subiects to take armes against their Queen . Which breath possessed all those late conspirators : Arden , Someruile , Parry , Cullen , Squire , Lopez , with others , all by instigation of priests sought the death of our and their Soueraigne . And now at this present , behold , and be astonished . A fornace prouided to consume at once , not onely the King , but also ( because an absolute state assembled ) the whole kingdome . Durst these Inginers doe any such thing without direction from their priests ? First , they conspire by oath vnder the seale of the ( here is a priest ) Sacrament . Secondly , he that was to put fire to it runneth once and againe to the Seminarie at Doway , doubtlesse to consult with that priestly Oracle . Thirdly , he will not bewray his complices , except he may be warranted by a priest . And that this kinde of act is their priestly function , will appeare in the subsequents . The seuenth Reason . Seeing , * It is in a manner all one to commit a villanie , and to commend it : We may argue , that whosoeuer shall iustifie acts of treasons , and parricides , are not vnguiltie of the same crimes : But all priests doe iustifie such hainous parricides . Ergo. The Minor proued by their positions practicall . The famous Cardinal and publique Reader in Rome saith : a Many Popes haue iustly deposed many Princes . Our Countrimen b Cardinall Allen , c Reinalds , d Parsons , inciting subiects to armes against their prince , do perswade by examples meerly rebellious : as resisting of King Iohn , of Edward the 2. of Richard the 2. of Henry the 6. as presidents to be followed . The Author of the booke of e Deposing Henry King of France , doth sing a d Gaudeamus for his death . And againe , Allen approueth the perfidious rendring vp of f Douentore ; and incourageth the English malcontents to ioyne their forces with g the Spanish Inuasion . So the Colledge of the Iesuites at Salamane approued the insurrection of * Tyrene . And doe not the most of that Sect canonize in their conceits all such popish ones , as haue been executed for manifest treasons ? An example of a notable patron of high treason . h Xistus Quintus maketh a publike Oration in his Consistorie of Cardinals : the subiect matter he sheweth is this : i The King of France is slaine , by the hand of a Monke . And what of this ? k This ( saith he ) is a notable , rare , and memorable act . But why ? l Because he slew not ( saith he ) a King painted in paper , or grauen in stone , but the King of France , in the middest of his host . Is it a wonder any should wonder that a Monke could murder a mortall King ? seeing popish historie doe record , that m Pope Hadrian being guiltie of the like seditious practise against the Emperour Henry the 2. was choaked with a flye . Nay but if the Monke had killed a painted image , that had been an act farre more memorable , and lesse intolerable : notwithstanding no fact is good , because great ; but therefore great , because good . Say then what is to be thought of the worthines of the fact ? n It was a fact done by y● admirable prouidence , will , and succour of almightie God. How ? by Gods will counselling and approuing it ? o Holy Iudith is famous ( saith he ) for the slaying of Holophernes , which she did not without the suggestion of Gods spirit . p But this religious man hath done a farre more marueilous worke . O marueilous Religion ! yet so it is in this sinne of parricide , where A Monke doth murther his King. The best word the Pope affoordeth the murthered , is , q An vnhappie King , and one perishing in his sinne . The worst he ●oth bestow vpon the murtherer , is , r Religious man. And thus in not condemning , but rather commending one traitour , he hath made vp two . Lastly , this Henrie ( a note very materiall ) was a Papist ; onely he fauoured the Protestants , and especially Prince Nauarre ( because a Protestant ) excommunicate . By this Pope , this was his crime , vpon which ensued , This fact ( to paraphrase truly of the Popes words ) rare for the attempt ; notable for the wickednes ; memorable for the shame of the Sect. The eighth Reason . Those Snakes that do naturally sting , as soone as they get warmth , may not be harboured in the bosome of the Common-wealth : But all popish priests professe rebellions , as soone as they can presume of their strength : Ergo , &c. The Minor proued by ▪ Their Positions . Bannes maintaineth this as a necessarie parenthesis : a Subiects before sentence of excommunication ( if they haue sufficient force ) may then depose their King. This Father Creswell addeth as a warie caution : b Let subiects take heede ( saith he ) that they haue competent strength in such case : otherwise it may preiudice the Catholique cause . And least any taking an Antidote against their poison , should obiect the condition of the Church of Christ primitiue , and of the glorious Christians in those times , who intended not killing of Kings the enemies of the Gospell ; but to be willingly killed for the profession of the holy faith : marke with what vntemperate morter these men daube vp the consciences of Christians , c Then ( saith the French Defence ) the Christians did only suffer , because the Church was not yet perfect , and because their enemies were more in number . Againe , d It is commendable to suffer when thou canst not resist . Which is the last ▪ miserable refuge of their desperate cause . Whereunto notwithstanding their grand Cardinall is glad to betake himselfe . e I answere ( saith he ) that Christians in ancient times did not beare armes and seeke to depose Emperours and Kings , enemies to the Catholique faith , because they wanted power . Whereby the now Romish faith doth seeke to make wicked men excuseable . f By this second conclusion ( saith Bannes ) the English Catholikes , who now doe not take armes against the Protestants , are excused , because they want sufficient power . Hence we may perceiue that , that as long as Protestants liue safe , they must acknowledge thēselues beholden to the Popish faction , because they haue no power to hurt them : otherwise they may heare of thē before they can see them , peraduenture in such manner , as to * Receiue a terrible blow , and yet not know who did them the hurt . Yea they must perish : for g Christian people ( saith Creswell ) are bound in conscience and hazard of their soules , whensoeuer they can make resistance . These are yet positions . Now Their Practise . In the yeere 1580. when Campion and Parsons came into England , they procured a dispensation from the Pope , that all Papists in England , notwithstanding the excommunication of the Queene , might professe a large obedience in all temporall causes : but with this addition ( Rebus sic stantibus ) The case thus standing : that is ( as the sequell did interprete ) till you waxe stronger : for in the yeere 1588. when the Spanish Armado was a flote , when by doubling their strength , they might presume of the better : then our Countriman Allen doth write an Admonition to the Nobilitie of England , making his booke the Popes Nuncio to expound his former parenthesis . h Though the Pope ( saith he ) hath tolerated obedience vnto the Queene in temporall conditions : yet now our holy Father Xistus Quintus doth discharge all men of their faith and loyaltie vnto her . This is the Popes common guise ; when he doubteth his faction shall be ouermatched , then to inioyne obedience : but it is onely in policie to gaine his souldiers a breathing , as Clement the late Pope dispensed with the Irish for their fidelitie to the Queene , till that he had some confidence of Tyrones successe . For then in the 20. of Ianuary , the yeere 1601. writ a letter for incouragement : i Fili dilecte nobilis vir salutem , &c. My deare sonne , all health , &c. After he calleth the rebellion , Sacrū foedus , An holy league ; promising in the way of blessing an happy successe : Deus pugnabit pro vobis , conteret inimicos suos ante faciem vestram : God will fight for you , and tread your enemies vnder your feete . But he ( God be thanked ) prooued a false Prophet . The ninth Reason . Whosoeuer doth perfidiously either denie or violate , with men of diuers religion , an oath , the most sacred bond that * God hath allotted vnto men , as the most secure * confirmation of all fidelitie with men , and * end of all contention ; must necessarily be esteemed of them as a person perfidious and treacherous : but Popish priests are guiltie of such perfidie : Ergo , &c. The Minor will appeare in these three : 1. In the manner of disallowing : 2. Of deluaing : 3. Of dissoluing of a necessarie oath . From the manner of denying a requisite oath , we reason : Whatsoeuer seruant being demanded of his master , to say or sweare , whether if he saw his master assaulted by his professed enemies , he would defend or betray him , would either dislike the article , or deferre his answere , he should euidently bewary a treacherous disposition : But all Popish priests in like articles concerning loyall subiection to Protestant Kings , are in like manner affected : Ergo , all their other kinde of * Haile Master , is but to kisse and betray . The Minor prooued By their positions and practises . When as it is demanded of Priests ( a necessarie article in ciuill states ) what if the Pope should authorise the Queenes subiects to rebell , or other forraine Princes to inuade her realme ; whether they would take part with the Queene , or her enemies ? First they dislike this interrogatorie . Allen calleth it , a An vnlawfull , vnnaturall , intolerable search of mens consciences . This kinde of examination which Princes make for preseruation of the liues of themselues and subiects , Creswell termeth , b Vniust and bloody demands . And these questions Stapleton nameth c Captious questions , wicked , and full of all impious subtiltie . As though Sampson were bound to put his head in * Dalilahs lap . Nay but their answere sheweth that this interrogatorie was as necessarily inuented , as it is wicked impugned . For this being an inbred law of * Nature , to studie for a selfe preseruation : these men call iniust and vnnaturall : But how sensleslie , let the very * Heathen iudge : Theeues watch to murder , doest thou not awake to saue thy selfe ? Now secondly their delaying . When the question is vrged : whether if the Pope , or any by his appointment should inuade the land ; which part they would take , then they shift footing , and some ( as our Gouernours haue obserued ) haue answered : I wil then take counsell when the case shall happen : others , I will answere then and not before : others , I am not yet resolued : lastly , I shall then doe as God shall put in my minde . As though these maskes were large enough to shadow their faces : which their Creswell hath alreadie discouered , saying , that d If by the Popes command the warre should be vndertaken , to the end of restoring religion , then ( to answere ) that he is bound in conscience to hold with the Romish . This man speaketh without parables : make then but a pretence of religion , and farewell all subiection . The second point is , their deluding of an oath by a new tricke of equiuocation , as they ( vnproperly ) terme it . Others call it reseruation : but most fitly we may name it Collusion . Their Position in the Maior . e When any Iudge ( saith one ) shall demaund an oath vniustly , then may the examinate sweare by an aequiuocation : as for example , being thus demanded ; whether didst thou that fact or no ? he ( though he did it ) may answere ; I did it not , vnderstanding secretly in his minde ; at this time , or I did it not , meaning to tell it to you : or some such like euasion . If you desire to know the author , it is Cardinall Tollet : if his authoritie , f Vasques the Iesuite sheweth , he hath a speciall priuiledge from Pope Gregorie 13. writing thus vnto him : We so approue of your singular learning , that wee hold it vnmeete that your bookes should be subiected to the censure of others . Now their Assumption in this case of our English iustice concerning examination of Priests : g The Officers of the Queene of England ( saith Martin ) cannot challenge answers and oathes iudiciously , because an hereticall Queene is no Queene . Vpon this sand is builded that which they conclude , namely , Allen , Parsons , Gregorie Martin , that h If a Priest shall vpon suspition chance to be asked either in any Hauen , or elswhere , concerning his ancient name , his countrie , kinred , or friends : he may denie all . And againe , i When a Priest is conuented before a Iudge , after the oath taken , concerning such questions , he may answere by the foresaid aequiuocation ; because those that aske this oath , are not to bee accounted Iudges , but Tyrants : which point of aequiuocation ( saith * Parsons ) is not only to be allowed by all Diuines , but iudged necessarie also in some cases for auoiding lying and other inconueniences . This man we see ( as if he would driue out Satan by Satan ) teacheth by lying how a man may auoide a lie . Yet this is the generall doctrine of their * Schoole , more than heathenish : for among Pagans this was a decree of conscience : k Craft in an oath doth not lessen , but strengthen periurie . Now the practise . The practise of this deuice of aequiuocation in Priests hath been found to haue been common of late , by experience of Magistrates . It may be thought to haue crept out of their S. Francis sleeues . For l He ( as Nauar writeth ) being asked which way the murderer did flie , which runne by him ; putting his hands in his sleeues , answered , he went not that way , meaning thorow his sleeues . The third abuse of oathes is in dissoluing them . That th●ugh they take an oath of allegeance in cases temporall , yet their common interpretation is still with respect of their more supreame head , * During the will of the Pope , who ( say they ) hath power to free both himselfe and others from the bond of an oath , which is their old Glosse , saying , m That the case is so to be interpreted , namely ; Except the Pope shall release him from his oath : because in euery oath the authoritie of a Superiour must be excepted . Practise . Their practise we haue showne in the former reasons : we may here adde a more ancient example . n A Canonist ( saith a Iesuite ) did inueigh against Pope Gregorie the 12. who in the time of a great schisme , did openly and solemnely sweare , that if he were made Pope , he would giue it ouer again : but being elected , hee performed nothing lesse . The Canonist doubtlesse wanted not a Canon to condemne this periurie , though the Iesuite vpon presumption of [ iusta causa ] doth defend it . Who also in the same volume holdeth their generall position , saying , o Other mens oathes may be dissolued by the Pope : so that when the Pope shall send but his Bull of freeing of our English , the bond of their oath will prooue as strong as the knot of a bulrush . The tenth Reason . Whosoeuer is so possessed with these former seditious positions , that ex Officio ( that is ) as he is a Romish priest , he must professe them : such an one is to be iudged a most desperate traitor : But al Romish priests , as priests , professes me , and othersome all of those seditious positions . Ergo , &c. The Minor 1. Prooued , 2. Confirmed . Prooued by an argument of Relation : That seeing the authors of this rebellious doctrine , are the principall Rabbies of that sect , and publiquely authorized with the ordinarie priuiledge of that Church : it may not be imagined , but the schollers are infected with the leuen of their professors and Doctors aboue named : to wit , 1 Tollet a late Cardinall , whose writings haue this speciall priuiledge by Pope Gregorie the 13. That ( saith Vasques the Iesuite ) they may without censure or examination of any , be published to the world . Now the booke , wherein these positions , or rather poysons are contained , is intituled , De instructione Sacerdotum : That is , The booke of Instructions for Priests . 2 Cardinall Bellarmine publique Reader in Rome , in his booke intituled , Of the Pope of Rome , dedicated to b Xistus Quintus Pope of Rome , and authorised by the same Pope of Rome , to no other end , but ( as he confesseth ) c To instruct those schollers , whom his Holinesse did send for from beyond the Alpes : that is , All Scottish , Polish , Flemmish , Danish , and English extrauagants . 3 Cardinall Allen , created of the same Pope Xistus Quintus , Anno Dom. 1588. to the like end : for in the same yeere , when the Spanish Inuasion was intended against England , he published his booke , intituled , An Admonition to the Nobilitie of England , as a trumpet of rebellion , to take armes against their Soueraigne . 4 Molina , Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Ebor. 5 Gregorie of Valentia , Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Ingol . 6 Doctor Stapleton , Diuinity Reader in Louan .. 7 Dominicus Bannes , Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Salma . another much infected with the same leauen , and yet priuiledged in Spaine with these commendations : d A worke admirable , and profitable for all Diuines . Dignified also of the Colledge of the Friers , called Minors , in these tearmes : e A glorious worke , which least it want his deserued obedience , this wee challenge in the power of the holy Ghost , vnder our formall command ( without all exceptions ) in the name of the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost , Amen . We haue also alleaged The Resolution of the Iesuites Colledge of the Vniuersitie of Salamancha in Spaine , Anno 1602. as likewise Creswels Philopater , printed at Rome , Licentia Superiorum : By the licence of the Superiours ; signifying the Iesuites there . What shall I neede to mention Reinolds ( in his Rosaeus ) a Doctor of Diuinitie , and chiefest man in the English Seminarie at Rhemes ? Father Parsons ( in his Dolman ) a principall Rector in the Seminarie at Rome ? Seeing all these be Seminaries , you may trie the young plants by their fruites . If any desire further experience in this kinde , he may consult with Carolus Malinaeus , and Pontus Tyardaeus , both Parisiens , and but euen now , before I can reade them , to be read of all men . The Confirmation . It will not be denied of any Priest , but that in these Popish Seminaries he hath vowed obedience to his generall Fathers in those Schooles : And it is as notorious , that all Generals are absolutely in●bralled to their chiefe generall the Pope : all of them , as hands and feete , to walke and worke , as that their head shall deuise . Which ( as we haue heard in Gregorie the 7. Gregorie the 9. Pius Quintus , and others ) haue absolued subiects from all obedience , and charged them to take armes against their Emperors , Kings and Queens excommunicate , &c. Shall wee now imagine , the old foxes being such , that their cubbes can degenerate ? If euer any of that kinde gaue hope vnto vs , it was the Secular Priests : who for a fit did write many things very truly against Iesuiticall rebellious practises : but after , perceiuing the Recusants to withdraw their beneuolence , as rather deuoted to the Iesuites ; and that the Pope also took part against them , they searing their consciences , wholy submitted themselues vnto the Arch-priest , whose command , vpon occasion , is countermanded by the faction Iesuiticall . So that now we may aswell expect grapes from thornes , or a white Aethiopian , as loyall subiection from this Religion . Thus haue I proued ( deare brethren ) the dogmaticall doctrines of these men , not particularlie improuing , or confuting them ; for this ( as I vnderstand ) was not your desire , and therfore might not challenge of me such discharge : especiallie seeing that they be in themselues so naturally vnnaturall , that it may be concluded hereof , 1 Haec recitâsse refutâsse est . So that ( according to the example of our blessed Sauiour ) onely relating the fact [ Doe , &c. ] without examination of the guilt , we may pronounce [ 2 Woe , &c. ] a condemnation against them : in as much as all such sinnes haue a brand of impietie in their forehead , whereby any may discerne them , as the Apostle teacheth : 3 The workes of the flesh are manifest , which are these ; Adulterie , hatred , contentions , seditions , murders , and such like ; which whosoeuer doth , cannot inherit the kingdome of God. Being so condemnable in themselues in euery reasonable mans iudgement , that it may be said of them , 4 Some mens sinnes goe before them to iudgement . Notwithstanding if , as among these Romish professors , malefactors of all kindes vse to take sanctuarie : so these mischiefes shall dare to challenge the name of sanctitie or Religion : know ( dearely beloued ) that ( as S. Hierom saith ) this 5 Dissembling of sanctitie doth double the iniquity : and that I am as ready to consute all forged pretences , as they can be to suggest them . Only at this time be you exhorted ( my brethren ) to take this antidote and preseruatiue against all such poysonable positions and practises ; it is compounded but of two simples , simplicitie of Apostolike precept , & practise of primitiue examples . The blessed Apostle and true Peter , farre differing from this personate , doth thus admonish all Christians : 6 But let none of you suffer as a murtherer , an euill doer , or as a busie bodie , in other mens matters : but if any suffer as a Christian , let him not be ashamed , but glorifie God in this behalfe . So then Christians suffering for murders , may happily become martyrers , but neuer be martyrs . Secondly , the Primitiue example is plainly recorded by Tertullian in his Apologie , in behalfe of zealous Christians , who being in his daies persecuted of Tyrants for the profession of the holie Faith , yet auouched alwaies their faithfull allegeance after this tenour : 7 Our humble prayers to God , in the behalfe of all Emperours , are , that he would vouchsafe them long life , secure reigne , safe guard , powerfull armies , faithfull Counsellors , godly people , and a peaceable world . And to remoue all ielousies of Princes , though Apostates from Christ , holy Nazianzen is bold in defence of Christian loyaltie to stand at defiance ( as it were ) against all calumnious accusations , saying : 8 Against whom of you did we at any time make any insurrection among your people , though of themselues prone to rebellion ? Or whose death did wee euer conspire ? Now in conclusion , doe but consider the last ( I pray God euer the last ) treason , and see whether it may not challenge the name of 9 Legion , seeing there is found in it so many murderous spirits , intending and attempting in one blow so many execrable murders : that none can say of this most infamous euill , as the Prophet spoke of that most excellent good : 10 As we haue heard , so haue we seene : but contrariwise ; That which wee haue seene , the like was neuer heard . God of his great mercie fashion vs to true thankfulnes , and them to repentance , to disclaime the Guelphish faction , and alwaies out of the confusion of their sinnes worke the conuersion of their soules : establishing vs all that call vpon the name of Christ Iesus with his sanctifying spirit , to the glorie of his sauing grace . Whereunto Yours T. M. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A07806-e100 * Luk. 15. * Gal. 3. 1. * Gal. 1. 6. * Gal. 3. 1. * Gal. 1. 8. * Gal. 1. 8. Notes for div A07806-e360 a Protestantes articulum omninò nullum tenent Symboli Apostolici . Andraeas Iurgiwicius , lib. tit . Euangel . quinti Professores . * Wright in his late booke of Articles . b En Caluini Turcismum , & plane Mahometismum , &c. Reinaldus in libro , qui inscribitur , Caluino●turcismus . c Caluini pseudo-Euangelium Alcorane esse in nullo melius ; in multis tetrius & flagitiosius . D. Giffordus Decan . D. Petri , praef . in lib. D. Reinaldi . d Institui Protestantium Atheismos explicare , &c. Possiuinus Ies ▪ libello de Atheismis Protest . Theft . e Haereticis licitum est auserri quae habent , melius tamen est , quod autoritate Iudicis fiat . Decretum P●pale apud Grat. caus . 15. q. glossa . Sacriledge . f Non est dubium , quin populus Catholicus iure possit haeretic●s Pastores deci●●s defraud●re . Alanus Cardinalis & Pa●sonus . Perfidie . g Is apud quem Haereticus aliquid deposuerit , non tenebitur post manifestam haeresin , rem depositam illi reddere . Simancha Episc. Pacens . Instit. Cath. tit . 46. sect . 73. h Non tenentur reddere rem verbis contractam . Tolletus Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. de Excom . i Si iurani me soluturum alicui pecuniam , qui excommunicatur , non teneor exsoluere ; quia qualiter cunque possumus , debemus vexare malos , vt cessent à malo . Apud Gratian. caus . 15. q. 6. glossa . Peri●rie . k Cust●des arcium et ●aeteri vassalli eadem Constitutione liberati sunt à vinculo sacramenti , quo dominis fidelitatem promiserant . Simancha Episc. quo supra , sect . 74. A kinde of disloyaltie . l Quinetiam Vxor Catholica viro Haeretico debitum reddere non tenetur . Simancha Pacens . Episc. Instit. Greg. 13o. dicatis , & eiusdem iussu Romae impressis . Vnkindnes . m Pater , qui filium habet haereticum , qui conuerti non velit , si Pater liber & sui iuris esset ad disponendum de bonis suis vt vellet , tenetur exhaereditare filium talem . Huc adiunge . Parentes mortaliter peccant tradendo filias matrimonio Haereticis . Card. Alanus . Disobedience to Parents . n Sacerdos in Angliam reuersus , & rogatus de Parentibus , qui sunt haeretici , respondere possit & veraciter negare , eos sibi esse Parentes ; intelligendo quales habere debet : quia Patres solent re●puere filios propter Religionem , & filij Parentes . Alanus , & Parsonus . o Nam propter haeresin Patris filij sunt sui iuris . Simancha quo supra , tit . 46. sect . 74. The professed bloodie Massacre against the Protestants , without distinction of Sexe or Kinred . p Haeretici filij vel Consanguinei non dicuntur : sed , iuxta legem , Sit manus tua super res , vt fundas sanguinem ipsorum . Apud Grat. gloss . in Decret . lib. 5. ex decreto Greg. 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. legi . q Si Ciuitas tota , vel maior pars sit haeretica , potest ille negare hanc suam esse patriam : intelligendo , quod haereticam non habeat loco patria . Card. Alan . & Parsonus . r Iuxta Constitutiones Gregorij 9. Haereticus priuatur omni dominio , naturali , ciuili , politico . Simancha Inst. tit . 46. sect 74. s Si vnquam ad haereticorum partes deflexero , si amicitiam , si foedus , si matrimonium cùm ●is faxo , si opem fidemuè d● , si A●e , si Vale dixero , illa die fulmine ferito . Lodouicus d'Orleance , part . 29. t Henricum 3. haereticum , homicidam , &c. Lib. de Abdicat . Henr. 3. u Henricum 4. Culinarem canem , pogonatum Iulianum , bipedum nequissimum , Apostatam , foetidum Satanae stercus . Ludouicus d'Orleance . x Si Caesarem intellexerim cùm omni sua classe aduersus Turcam cursum d●rigere , ac si iam Hellesp●nti fa●ces tenentem conspicerem , nunquam acquiescerem donec conuenirem , & in haec verba apud eum prorumperem : Caesar , quo paras ? Quid cogitas ? Si amor reip . Christianae te ma●et vt regem Turcarum antiquum Christiani nominis hostem aggrediare , annon vndè maius periculum Reip. Christianae imminet , & vbi nouus hostis viget , multo quàm Turca infestior , eò potius cursum conuertere oportet ? viz. in Angliam , cuius semen Adulterinum vix à Turcic internasci possit ? Card. Poole ad Henr. 8. pro vnit . Eccles. defens . lib. 3. pag. 384. Notes for div A07806-e1600 * Parsons in his Dol●●an . pag. 13. and pag. 199. ● a Maiesta● regni est in populo , potiùs quàm in persona Regis . les . libro de Iusta abdicat . pag. 36. b Non populus in Principum gratiam factus ; sed Principes in populi Commoda creati . Didymus pag. 261. Stapleton . c Rex humana Creatura est , quia ab hominibus constituta . Reinaldus de Iusta Auto●●t . pag. 8. d Pontificem esse caput totius Ecclesiae , & habere potestatem etiam circa omnia temporalis , probamus ex Theologis , & Canonistis . Bozius de Eccl. Monarch . Tempor . Epist. dedicat . ad Clementem 8. Pontif. A new Article of faith . e Habet , sed tamen indirectè in ordine ad bonum spirituale . Bella●m . libr. 5. de Pontif. Rom. cap. 6. & 7. * Stepleton in his English Counterblast against Master Horne . Notes for div A07806-e1920 a Nulla est Imperatoris , aut Regis Electio , si , cum eligitur , excommunicatus sit . Tolletus Ies. & Card. lib. 1. instruct . cap. 13. § Aduert . autem . They suggest a forraine Inuasion . b 〈◊〉 ad regna Christianorum mai●● est in religione , 〈◊〉 in success●●●e : maius in vltione haeresis ( loquitur de Protestātibus ) quam in Cognatione sanguinis . Debent igitur Christiani omnem tali spem praescindere , nè ad eam ce●sitatem aspiret . Reignaldus Anglus in suo Rosaeus pag. 649. & pag. 670. c Qui contra facit , deum homini postponere , carnem spiritui anteponere dicendus est . Stapletonus in suo Didym . pag. 122. A professed inuasion . d Regnum Haeretici defuncti ad filium Catholicum pertinet ; quod si filius & consanguinei eius haeretici fuerint , Regnum Catholicum possit Regem Orthodoxum eligere : si verò Regnum haereticum fuerit , Electio Regis Catholici ad summum Pontificem pertinet : sed & Regnum illud possit à Catholicis occupari . Simancha Instit. Cath. tit . 46. sect . 75. e Parsons in his Do●●an . pag. ●16 . f Vultis in Regno Galliae Christianissim● Regem Proclamare Nauarraeum Caluinistam ? Eadem operâ hominibus imperare iubetis canem ; Templum Dei vi●entis prostituitis Satanae , & in Vineam domini immittitis truculentum aprum , qui eum vastet & depascatur . Reignaldus in suo Rosaeus pag. 466. g Illinc clament , viue Rex , quem nè salutare possint , nec in d●mum suam recipere ? Ibidem pag. 476. h Dicit sortassis Nauarraeus , ego saniorem Religionem induco , sed hoc ad rem nullo modo pertinet , tenetur enim Religionem Romanam defendere . Creswellus in suo Philopater . * Parsons in his booke called a Conference concerning the next succession of the Crowne of England . Notes for div A07806-e2350 a Quam primùm Reges Christiani facti sunt haeretici , protenùs eius subiecti ab eorum dominio liberantur . Simancha Episc. Inst. tit . 23. sect . 11. b Durante excommunicatione qui obnoxij erant vinculo fidelitatis vel iuramenti , tali vinculo liberabuntur . Tolletus Card. Instruct. Sacerd. libr. 1. cap. 13. c Non videtur negandum posse Rom. Pontificem se & alios soluere à 〈◊〉 religione & lege , modò iusta causa subsit . Azotius Iesuita Inst. mor. cap. 15. §. sextò quaeritur . d Postquàm per Pontificem ( nominatim ) excommunicatur , extunc Vasalli ab eius fidelitate denunciantur absoluti : & terra eius exponitur Catholicis occupanda , qui eam , exterminatis Haereticis , absque vllae contradictione possideant . Massouius Iuris●ons . de maiestate . Milit. Eccl. par . 2. libr. 4. de Imperijs pag. 676. e Cùm est crimen notorium nulla est opus declaratione sententiae excommunicationis . Panormitan . cap. cum in homine extra de iudicijs . f Crimen haeresis , si sit notorium , vt nulla possit tergiuersatione celari ; etiam ante iudi●is sententiam ; incurritur ( ex parte ) poena praedicta : nim●rum eatenus , vt subditi licitè poss●●t tali domino negare obsequium . Valent. Ies. tom . 3. in Thom. disp . 1. q. 12. punct . 2. pag. 463. §. Nunc. g In hoc articul● sunt Felinus & Caietanus , & communt●r sententia apud discipulos D. Thomae ; & probant , quia in hac causa adest semper voluntas interpretati●● Pontificis , qui obtinet vim sententiae atque euidentia facti habet vim sententiae . Bannes in 2. 2. q. 12. Act. 2. conclus . 2. h Hoc vniuersa Theologorum & iurisconsultorum schola tenent , & est certum , & de fide . Creswellus Ies. in suo Philopater , pag. 194. * In the copie of a letter sent by Cardinall Allen to Sit William Stanley . pag. 10. i Nos eos , qui excommunicatis fidelitate & sacramento constrictisunt , Apostolicâ autoritate tur amento absol●imus . Gregor . 7. Pontifex apud Grat. cans . 15. qu. 6. k Nos excommunicamus vniuersos haereticos , vt absolutos se nouerint omni fidelitatis debito , qui ijs iur amento tenebantur astricti . Greg. 9. Pont. lib. 5. Decret . tit . 7. cap. 5. glossa . l Volum●s & iubemus &c. & absoluimus subditos vinculo iuramenti , quo Reginae Elizabethae constricti tenebantur . Pius 5. Pontifex in Bulla . Notes for div A07806-e2890 a Pe●es Romanos Pontifices semper fuit potestas ad tollend● incommoda Ecclesiae , & damna animarum ; Reges Regnis , & Imperatores imperijs priuandi . Costerus Ies. Apolog. pro part . 1. Enchirid. pag. 64. b Non enim minus autoritatis à Christo collatum est Vicario suo , ad ●uium tutelam & commodum , quam a villi●o datur Mercenario , qui pecora pascit . Ibidem pag. 64. c Depositio Imperatoris ex Iusta causa pertinet ad summum Pontificem : quia Imperator est tanquam Minister summi Pontificis gladiū iurisdictionis temporalis ad nutum summi Pontificis exercens . Molina Ies. Tract . 2. de Iustitia , disputat . 29. Ad secundum pag. 149. d Non licet Christianis tolerare Regem haereticum , si conetur pertrahere subditos ad suam haeresin . Bellarminus Ies. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 6. 7. & 4. e Sed debent subditi operam dare , vt in eius locum alius quampri●ùm surrogetur . Sanderus Theol. professor . de visib . monarch . libr. 2. cap. 4. §. Ius autem pag. 70. f Debent illum , tanquam Christi hostem , ex hominum christianorum dominatu eijcere : quae est virorum doctiss . indubitata sententia , doctrinae Apostolicae confermis . Creswellus Ies. in suo Philopater . pag. 194. g Etiamsi pontifex toleraret regem Apostatam , tamen Resp. Christiana possit illu● pellere è regno ; quoniam Pontifex sine ratione permittit illum impunitum . Domin . Bannes in Tho. 22. 22. quaest . 12. art . 2. h Nec ius hoc recuperabunt , quamuis postea reconcilientur Ecclesiae . Simancha Inst. Cath. tit . 33. sect . 11 ▪ i Henricum dignitate regiâ excidisse , Gallosque securâ conscientiâ in eum , vt publicae fidei violatorem , bellâsse . Liber de Iusta Abdicat . Hen. 3. pag. 370. k Eos omnes Catholicos peccare mortalitèr , qui Anglorum castra contra Hugonem O-neele sequuntur ; nec posse eos aternam salutem consequi , nec ab vllo Sacerdote à peccatis absolui , priusquam resipiscant , & castra Anglorum deserant . Determinatio Salamanae . l Theologi illi fecerunt quod consultorum , Confessarierum , Doctorum fuit . Xistus Quintus Papa , vt habetur lib. de Iusta Abdicat . Hen. 3. pag. 370. m Volumus & inbemus vt aduersus Elizabetham Angliae Reginam subdui arma capessant . Bull● Pij Quinti Pont. Max. Notes for div A07806-e3450 * Cicero orat . pro Ligaria . a Tyrannum occidere honestum est , quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur , quod ex communi consens● dico . Libr. de iusta Abdicat . Henr. 3. pag. 262. & 270. b Facilè constat eum , qui quamcunque tu●tur haeresin , apud Christianos non minùs propriè perfecteque tyrannum effici ; quàm qui apud Philosophos , spretâ ci●ium conseruatione , omnia in republica stupris , rapinis , & hominum caedibus implet . Reinaldus in suo Ros. pag. 157. c Vita priuari possint , tum multò magis omnibus alijs bonis , atque adeò etiam praelatione in alios . Greg. Valent. Tom. 3. disp . 1. q. 11. punct . 2. d Imò grauiori poena digni sunt Principes haeretici , quàm priuati homines ; 〈◊〉 igitur & meritò Scythae regem suum Scylaen occiderunt , propter externos ritus , quia in Bacchanalibus sacris initiatus erat . Simancha Inst. Cath. tit . 23. Sect. 12. & 13. e Arnoldus in Synodo Parisiensi omnem tyrannidem Hispanorum apud Indos solis Iesuitis ascribit . Gallobelgicus tom . 2. lib. 10. f Rodolphus C●mes contra Henricum 4. ( fulmine Gregorij Pontificis percussum ) bellum gessit , &c. Abbas Vrspurgensis , Cranzius , & alij in suis Chronicis . g Iubemus vt aduersus Reginam Angliae subditi arma capessant . Bulla Pij Quinti . Notes for div A07806-e3850 * Nihil interest faueas ne sceleri , an illud facias . Seneca . a Multi Pontifices Principes multos autoritate su● regiâ meritò priuarunt , vt Leonem 3. Fredericum 1. Othonem 5. Childericum regem Franciae . Card. Bellarmin . lib. 5. de Rom. pont . cap. 6. & . 7. b In the copie of his letter to Sir William Stanley . pa. 35 ▪ c Reinaldus in suo Rosaeus cap. 2. d In his Dolman . part . 1. pag. 62. e Gratias agimus Deo immortali , qui operis huius fructum ( nimitùm , per parricidium Monachi ) tàm benè anteuerterit . Lib. de iusta abdicat . Henr. 3. d In his Dolman . part . 1. pag. 62. f In his letter to Sir William Stanley , Anno 1587. g A booke intituled , An admonition to the Nobilitie and people of England . The inscription : Gul●helmus mise●atione diuina S. R. E. Tituli S. Martini in montibus Cardinali● , C●nctis ●egnt Angli●e & H●ber●ae Pr●teribus . * See aboue Reason 6. li● ▪ ● . h Xisti Quinti Pont. Maximi de Henrici tertij morte Oratio habita in Consistorio Patrum . 2. Septembris , Anno Dom. 1589. i Mortuus est Rex Francorum per manus Monachi . Pag. 3. k Rarum , insigne , memorabile facinus . l Occidit Monachus regem non pictum aut fictum in charta , aut pariete , sed regem Francorum in medio exercitus . m Hadrianus Pontifex excommunicationem Henrico 2. denuncians , ipse à deo maledictus , à musca suff●catus est . Nauclerus generat . 139. n Facinus non sine Dei Opt. Max. particulari prouidentia & dispositione : ( pag. 5. ) non sine expressa eius voluntate , ( pag. 4. ) & succursu perpetratum . o Nota quàm insignis est Historia illa Sanctae Mulieris Iudith , quae vt obsessam ciuitatem suam , & populum Dei liberaret , coepit consilium , Deoque sine controuersia suggerente , de interimendo Holopherne , hostilis exercitus principe , quod & perfecit , &c. pag. 8. p Hic verò Religiosus aggressus est , & confecit rem l●ngè maiorem , non fine Dei concursu . Pag. 10. q Rex infoelix , & in peccato mortuus . Pag. 3. & pag. 9. r Vir Religiosus . Pag. 9. & 10. Notes for div A07806-e4640 a Sit haec tertia Conclusio : vbi euidens ●dest notitia criminis , ante declaratoriam pontificis sententiam licet ( si modo vires ei suppetunt ) Regem de ponere . Dominicus Bannes in Thom. 2● . 2● . q. 12. art . 2. b Sit haec Cautio adhibenda , vt ▪ vires habeant ad hoc idoneas subditi : alioqui in Religionis Catholicae praeiudicium cederet . Creswell . in ●uo Philopater , pag. 198. & 199. c Quasi verò eadem instituendae ecclesiae ratio atque institutae esse credenda fit ; adde quod id tum non lic●it , dum impi●rum multitudo superior esses : sed neque illi Christum professi erant , vt cogi in verbae eius mortis supplicio possent ; sed tum demum , scilicet , id datum est , cum impletum fuit id prophetae * Reges erunt nutriti ; tui : & in quae temporae venimus . Lib. de Iusta abdic . Regis Henrici 3. pag. 278. * Esa. 44. Notes for div A07806-e4670 d Illud non mo●eat quemquam , id landabile est ; cum resistere nequeast . Lib. de Iusta abd . pag. 371. e Quod si Christiani ●lim non deposuerunt Di●●letianum , Iulianum Valentem , id fuit quia deerant vires temporales Christianis . Bellam. libr. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 6. & 7. & 4. f Ex hac secunda Conclusione sequitur , excusand●s esse Anglos , quia non se exi●●nt exsuperiorum potestate , nec bellum contra eos gerunt : quia non suppetunt illis vires , ●b consequentia pericula . Dom. Bannes in 2● . 2● . Thom. quaest . 12. Art. 2. * The letter of Tresham to the Lord Mounteagle . g Populus Christianus obsistere tenetur conscientiae vincul● arctiss●●● , & extr●●● animarum periculo ; si praestare rem possit . Creswell . in suo Philopater , pag. 201. Notes for div A07806-e5040 h In his booke of Admonition . i Clemens Octa●us . Notes for div A07806-e5190 * Ierem. 4. 4. * Heb. 6. 16. * Heb. 6. 16. * Matth. 26. a Allen in his booke intituled , A true Defence , pag. 68. 70. b Examen iniustissimum & postulata sanguinaria . Creswellus in suo Philopater pag. 350. & 351. c No●ae & capti●sae , in quibus i●est ina●ditum quoddam nequissimae impietatis , & barbarae calliditatis exemplum . Stapleton in suo Didymus . pag. 205. 206. * Iudg. 16. * Nata lex quam non didicimus , sed à natura exhausimus . Cicero pro Milone . * Vt i●gulent homines , surgunt de nocte Latrones : vt teipsum serues non expergisceris ? Horatius . d Si p●ntificis iussu de religione restituenda bell● decertar●tur , se conscientia salua facere non posse , quin partibus Catholicis adhaereant . Creswellus in suo Philopater pag. 352. e Cum Iudex n●n iuridicè petit iuramentum vel contra iustitiam , licet vti aequiuocatione secundum mentem suam , contra a mentem Iudicis , vt puta , quaerenti , fecisti ne illud ? Respondeat , non feci ; intelligendo inter se , non hoc tempore , aut , vt narrem tibi , aut aliquid simile . Tollet . Card. lib. 4. Inst. Sacerd. cap. 21. & 22. f De hoc illustri Cardinali Gregorius 13. Pontifex sic scribit : Dilecte fili , &c. Tanta est tua doctrina , quae longo & intimo vsu nobis cognita est , vt tua scripta , sicut caeterorum aliorum , iudicio atque examini subijci aequum non sit . Vasques Ies. Epist. Dedicatoria ante Com. in Luc. g Officiarij Reginae Angliae non iuridice iuramentae exigunt , quia Regina haeretica non est Regina . Greg. Martin . in libr. Resolutionis Casuum . h Si Sacerdos interrogetur in portu , vel alibi , de antiquo suo nomine ab aliquibus , qui ●um habent suspectum , possit respondere illud non esse suum nomen , atque eodem modo si interrogetur de patria , pareatibus , am●cis , &c. Resolutio quorundam casuum Nationis Anglicanae . i Cum Sacerdos sistitur ad Tribunal , vbi adsu●t magistratus Regni , accepto iuramento , possit illud praestare iuramentum , aequiuocando , quia qui quaerunt non iuridicè interrogant , cum sint Tyranni & velint punire bona opera . Ibidem . * Parsons in his briefe Apolog . fol. 193. * See Aquinas . k Fraus non dissoluit , sed distringit periurium . Cicero . l Sanctus Franciscus regatus quâ perrexisset quidam homicida , qui iuxta ●um transierat ; manus per manicas immittens , respondit non transiisse illàc ; intelligens , non transiisse per illius manicas . Nauar. Tom. 3. cap. 12. * Before in Reason 4. lit . ● m Debuit intelligi ; nisi Papa remittat ei iuramentum : nam in iuramento excipitur au●oritas maioris . Glossa ad decret . lib. 2. tit . 24. cap. 10. n Ca●onicus quidam i●●ehitur in Gregorium 12. P●ntificem , quòd tempore magni schismatis antequam port●●en crearetur , iu●●uerat publico & solenni ritu sese abdicaturum Pont ficia potestate ; postea verò Ponti●ex electus noluit pontificatum d●ponere . Azorius Ies. Inst. Mor. lib. 5. cap. 15. o Aliorum quoque iuramenta possunt P●ntificis autoritate relaxari . Ibidem lib. 11. cap. 9. Notes for div A07806-e6280 b Beatissimo , Sanctissimoque Patri Xisto Quinto Pontifici Max. Robertus Bellarminus . In principio voluminis primi . Epist. Dedicat. de Pontifice Romano . c Ad eos iu●enes instituendos , quos à Transalpinis Regienibus autoritas tua reuocauit . Ibidem . * Ebor●ensis . * Ingolstadensis . * Salmanticensis . d Legi & expendi diligenter iussu & imperio Senatus F. Dominici Bannesii Cathedrarij Sacro-sanctae Theologiae in Salmaticensi Academia in 2● 2● D. Thomae Commentarios , & nihil reperi limâ dignum , sed admiratione : vt appareat fore opus Theologis vtilissimum & fructuosissimum . Idque ego ratum mea fide iubeo . Frater Daques Regis Hispaniae Confessarius in Commentarios Francisci Bannesij . e Ne tàm glorioso operi sanctae obedientiae meritum deesse contingat , hoc ipsum ei praecipimus in virtute Spiritus sanctisub formali praecepto , in nomine Patris , Filij , & Spiritus sancti , Amen : non obstantibus in contrarium quibuscunque . Fratrum Minorum de D. Bannefij Commentarijs Encomium . Notes for div A07806-e7060 1 The very commemoration o● them is a iust confutation . 2 Woe be vnto you Scribes and Pharisies , for you do &c. 3 Gal. 5. 20. 4 1. Tim. 5. 23. 5 Simul●ta sanctitas duplex iniquit●s . 6 1. Pet. 4. 15. 7 Tert. Apolog. Nos precamur , pro omnibus Imperatoribus vitam prolixā , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus ●ortes , populum probum , orbem quietā . 8 Nazianz. Orat 2. in Iulianum . In quos vestrūm ; populum exastuantem contra vos , insurgere solicita●●mus ? quibus vitae periculum attulimus ? 9 Mark. 5. 9. 10 Psal. 48. 8. 
A23600	----	A letter to the Right Honorable A. Earl of Essex, from Dublin Declaring the strange obstinacy of papists, (as here, so) in Ireland; who being evidently convict and condemn'd for criminal causes, yet at their death, and upon the gallows, absolutely deny the fact; and the erroneous and impious motives, given by their priests, by which they are deluded to do it. 1679 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A23600 Wing L1747A ESTC R222064 99833301 99833301 37777 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A23600) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37777) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2173:10) A letter to the Right Honorable A. Earl of Essex, from Dublin Declaring the strange obstinacy of papists, (as here, so) in Ireland; who being evidently convict and condemn'd for criminal causes, yet at their death, and upon the gallows, absolutely deny the fact; and the erroneous and impious motives, given by their priests, by which they are deluded to do it. Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of, 1631-1683, recipient. [2], 4, [2] p. Printed by Tho: Newcomb, London : 1679. Dated at end: Dublin, Mar. 5. 1678/9. With "Postscript" on final leaf. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anti-Catholicism -- England -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Ireland -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Confession -- Catholic Church -- Early works to 1800. 2006-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER To the Right Honorable A. Earl of Essex , FROM DUBLIN . Declaring the strange Obstinacy of PAPISTS , ( As here , so ) in IRELAND ; Who being evidently Convict and Condemn'd for Criminal Causes , yet at their Death , and upon the Gallows , absolutely deny the Fact ; And the erroneous and impious Motives , given by their Priests , by which they are deluded to do it . Joshua VII . xix , xx . My Son , give glory to God , confess to him , and tell me what thou hast done . And Achan said , Indeed I have sinned , &c. LONDON , Printed by Tho : Newcomb . 1679. A LETTER To the Right Honorable A. EARL of ESSEX , FROM DUBLIN . Declaring The strange Obstinacy of PAPISTS , ( as here , so ) in Ireland , &c. May it please your Lordship , ON Sunday last I received yours of February the 25th , and have inquired into the Truth of the Story of an Irish Papist Executed in this Countrey , who at the Gallows denied the Fact for which he was to suffer ; but after he had Hanged awhile , the Rope by accident breaking , and the Malefactor comeing to himself , confess'd it to be true . The person was one John Curphy a Papist , who , this Lent Assizes will be Seven years , was Tryed before Mr. Baron Hene ( then His Majesties Serjeant ) for Burglary in the County of Monaghan , and being found Guilty , was condemned to dye . At the Gallows this Curphy denied the Fact with great Confidence and Asseverations of his Innocency , and was turned off the Ladder , persisting in his denial ; but after he had hanged some little space , the Rope by chance breaking , and he falling down a little stunn'd , came again to himself , and fell to his prayers , thanking God that he had given him time to declare the Truth , and not to go out of the World with a Lye in his mouth , and then confessed himself Guilty of the Fact for which he was Condemned . Afterwards this Curphy was brought back to the Gaol by the Sheriff Mr. Lucas , and application made to Baron Hene to Reprieve the Prisoner ; but he telling the Sheriff that the Judge had done his duty , and the Sheriff must do his , Curphy was Executed . This Account I write from Mr. Baron Hene's own mouth , this very morning , who perfectly knows this Narrative to be true , and was the Person who acquainted your Lordship with it , at your first coming into the Government . He also tells me , that to the best of his remembrance , this Curphy owned , That the Priest had given him Absolution , upon condition not to discover any thing , or declare his Accomplices : And that he need not doubt his Salvation , the Fact not being committed against Gods People , meaning ( as he supposed ) the Papists , or to that effect . Lucas the then Sheriff , lives in Monaghan , and the Records of this Tryal are there , wherefore I have waited upon Mr. Justice Johnson , who goes that Circuit , and left with him a Memorial of these Particulars , who will inquire into them , and give me an attested Account thereof , which when they come to my hands , I will transmit to your Lordship . Mr. Justice Johnson also told me another Relation , something of this nature There was a special Commission lately directed to himself , to try several Malefactors for Murthers and Robberies , committed in the County of Cavan . The Persons Indicted , were two of the Duffies , and one Plunkett , all Irish Papists . The Duffies when they were first apprehended , Confest that they were Guilty of the Crimes laid to their Charge , and gave the same Evidence also against Plunkett at his Tryal , upon which , with other most undeniable Circumstances , Plunkett was Condemned . The Duffies were afterwards tryed for the same Facts , and Condemned also . I should likewise have told your Lordship , That Plunkett upon his first Apprehension , owned to Sir John Edgworth , that he was Guilty . After the Sentence was past upon them , one Brady a Priest , came to these Duffies in Prison , and used Arguments to induce them to Recant their Evidence ; but they persisting in the Truth , would not be prevailed upon . Mr. Justice Johnson hearing this , sent for Brady , who , upon his Examination , could not deny , but that he had been with the Duffies , to persuade them to Renounce their Testimony against Plunkett . Whereupon the Judge Committed him . The Conclusion was , That one of the Duffies ( the other being Reprieved ) suffer'd , confessing the Fact , and persevering in his Accusation of Plunkett . And Plunkett dyed as obstinate , on the other side , utterly denying , that he was Guilty , with Curses upon himself , and Renunciations of Salvation , if he were not innocent . I must also crave leave to trouble your Lordship with another Narrative of this sort , which I had from Sir Richard Reynell , one of the Judges of the Kings Bench. About October last was Twelvemonth , there was tryed before him , upon a Commission of Oyer and Terminer , one Neile-O-Neile , an Irish Papist , for a Murther committed at Rathdrum in the County of Wicklow . This Neile-O-Neile in Prison , and at his Tryal , owned to several Persons , ( amongst which I hear my Lord of Strafford then in Ireland was one ) That he was Guilty , and was so found by the Jury , the Fact being clearly proved against him : But at the Gallows , he utterly denied it . These three Particulars being averr'd to me this very day , by the three aforementioned Judges , I humbly presume to send them your Lordship as true . I fear I have tyred your Lordship with this long Letter , but I thought it my Duty to give you the fullest Account I could of your Commands : who am , Your LORDSHIPS Most Obedient and Faithful Servant Dublin , Mar. 5. 1678 / 9. Postscript . It is thought reasonable to suppress the Name of the Person that wrote this Letter , for fear of exposing him to danger , from the Party concerned in the Information . A Postscript in the same Letter . My Lord Chief Justice Booth , my Lord Chief Baron , and the Three Judges named in this Letter , all tell me , That the Criminals that dye in the Romish Persuasion , although apprehended in the very Fact , yet never confess ; for after they have had Absolution from the Priest , the Crime is ( according to their Doctrine ) totally taken away ; and it having , as it were , never been , they may with a safe Conscience deny it . FINIS . 
A29831	----	The confession of John Browne, a Iesvite, in the gate-house twice examined by a committee from the honourable House of Commons wherein is discovered the late plots of the Pope and papacy against these kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland : and the manner how he poceeds in his intents to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy hereof : with the copy of the Popes Breve, & the fansinesse of his Nuntio with the English ladies : and the event that may preoceed by stopping such proceedings. Browne, John, Jesuit. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A29831 of text R10825 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B5118). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A29831 Wing B5118 ESTC R10825 12827698 ocm 12827698 94298 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29831) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94298) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E173, no 1) The confession of John Browne, a Iesvite, in the gate-house twice examined by a committee from the honourable House of Commons wherein is discovered the late plots of the Pope and papacy against these kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland : and the manner how he poceeds in his intents to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy hereof : with the copy of the Popes Breve, & the fansinesse of his Nuntio with the English ladies : and the event that may preoceed by stopping such proceedings. Browne, John, Jesuit. [8] p. s.n.], [S.l. : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Jesuits -- England. Catholics -- England. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. A29831 R10825 (Wing B5118). civilwar no The confession of John Browne a Iesvite, in the gate-house. Twice examined by a committee from the honourable House of Commons. Wherein is d Browne, John, Jesuit 1641 1921 9 0 0 0 0 0 47 D The rate of 47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CONFESSION OF JOHN BROVVNE A IESVITE , In the Gate-house . Twice Examined By A Committee from the Honourable HOUSE OF COMMONS . Wherein is Discovered the late Plots of the Pope and Papacy , against these Kingdomes , England , Scotland , and Ireland . And the manner how he poceeds in his Intents , to intrude himselfe into the Temporall Monarchy hereof . With the Copy of the Popes Breve , & the sansinesse of his Nuntio with the English Ladies , and the event that may proceed by stopping such proceedings . Printed by Barnard Alsop 1641. The Confession of John Brown a Jesuit in the Gate-house , twice examined by a Committee from the Honourable House of COMMONS . THIS Iohn Browne desiring to informe concerning some speciall points , for the Weale of this State , as himselfe hath observed , for above 50. yeares past , which are reduced to these Heads . 1. Concerning the Iesuits , and dammage they have done to these Kingdomes , labouring that the Oath of Allegeance might not be taken , and the wayes which they use with their Penitents , & projecting of Monopolies of their Ministers , & substitutes , and the way to roote them out of these Dominions . THat they have their Lay-brethren , which collect duly their Annuities , & rents , and play the marchants transporting cloth and other Marchandize of great value . I doe know a brother in law of Captain Reades , who continually trades in Marchandises for them , as also one Cuthbert of Lancashire , and one Grey of Barwick● , and they are protected by the Spanish Ambassadors . They have their Marchants in London : namely , one Evans , worth 5000 l. who meanes to make them his Heires , and to disinherit his own kindred . He was appointed to be Sheriffe of Middlesex this last yeare , and by their perswasions did goe out of the City , and lived retiredly , untill Michaelmas was past . More of their Agents are Doctor More , Captaine Re●d a Scottish-man , Lieutenant Col. in Ireland , under Col. Bruce , he lets their buildings in Long-acre for them , and the faire buildings in Lincolnes-Inne fields , inhabited by Sir George Gage . &c. and at his death left to the Lady Gardeners , where the Jesuits continually doe resort . They doe use with them Penitents to tell the poorer sort , that to take the Oath of Allegeance is damnable , and they tell the richer sort ; that they may doe as their Conscience will inspire them , not making Conscience to performe . Some have left by testament , others by donation , to bring up some 2 , some 3 , and paid 25 l. and 30 l. per annum , but since they are not willing to take the ●oyle , to take it yearly , b●t have entised the D●●ators to give them , some three , some foure , some 500 l. and in my knowledge , they have got in this manner for nourishing above 200 , extorting Money from this Kingdome , to the great prejudice of this State . 2. Of the Reformation of some things in the Queens Court , and of some Persons which are fit to be removed . THe Actors are Father Philips , her Confessour , and the superior of the Capuchins , and a gray Fryer , who hath intruded himselfe by degrees , to be a Clark of her Majesties Chappell : sometimes he is called by the name of Wilson , sometimes of Tomson , and a Doctor of Divinity , a furious and unquiet Spirit , by a nick-name called Cackafugo : he rules Father Philips , he rules the businesse amongst them , that concernes the State ; and for the most part , the matters of Rome , having three wives at this present all alive . There is also one Penrick resident at Rome , by his Master Mr. William Hamilton , l●te agent at Rome . There be many more , one Francis Maitland , alias quashet hath 100 crowns , per annum of her Majesties Pensioner , a firebrand intelligencer at Rome , France , Flanders , and Spaine , with Liddington , colonell Syms , Chambers , and Penricke at Paris . I should think it good to remove all these from about her Majesty , except only Father Philips , who is of a sweet disposition : though so easily perswaded by Sir Toby Matthewes , Sir Iohn Winter , Mr. Walter Mountague , who are of the Cabinet Counsell . 3. Of the manner whereby the Pope meanes to intrude himselfe into the Temporall Monarchy of this Kingdome , and the manner how he proceeds . ONe Seignior George was appointed by the Pope to informe him of all important businesse of England and Scotland : who as soone as English , Scottish , or Irish Runnagates came to Rome , he went to their lodging in the Popes behalfe , and brought them of his Holinesses bread , and wine , and other rarities , as Bolognean , Sassages , and such dainties , and shewing them all the antiquities of Rome , and feasting them at the Popes charges ( though they were Protestants ) for this purpose 2000 Families were requested of His Majesty to be sent to Rome , with a promise of their quiet abode there , and their use of liberty of conscience . To break the Ice for the Popes honours sake : then was nominated also Mr. Robert Duglas , cozen German to the Marquesse Duglas , an eminent friend to Father Philips and Seignor George a great traveller ; a great Linguist , a Courtier , whose directions were to be from Cardinall Richlieu , and from the Court of France , receives moneyes for his Journy , where he had great entertainment , and after a yeares space the viatick being dismist , they sent him with Pictures A●g●● D●●s , and many other small gifts which they brought into England of presents : under pretence of a breve from his Holinesse , The Substance of the BREVE is this . To the Clergy , Secular , and Regular , and Lay-Catholicks of the two Kingdomes of England , and Scotland , &c. HIS Holynesse being very sorry for such Jarres , and Divisions between the Secular , and the Clergy , to the great prejudice of the Catholike Church ; and for that respect having a Fatherly care of soules , in those Kingdomes of England and Scotland , he hath sent ( expressing his reverend Fatherly care ) George Pausanone of his Family to compose , and recronicle them , if he can . This man at Paris quits his Priests Robes , and drest himselfe in secular apparell : covering his shaven crown with a great Periwig , & writes to Father Philips , to be the primum mobile , and Directer of all who send to him at Paris , as to an Italian Gentleman , desirous to see these Kingdomes . That comming to London , he lodged first at the Italian Ordinary in the Strand ; but being so much resorted to by persons of great quality : he removed to Seigneor Germines House neare the Exchange , is you passe to Covent-garden . In their meetings ( at last ) it was concluded , that they should speak Honourably of the King , and Queen , & be sparing to discourse of the Oath of Allegeance . It is worthy of consideration to observe the Nuntioes carriage day and night , in courting of Ladies and Gentlewomen , in Terme-time all the Gentry of both Sexes . Such were his comportments . that it is a shame to relate them , his Conversation abroad , and Conventicles at home with Ladies , Sir Iohn Winter : her Majesties Secretary , Sir Toby Matthewes , Sir Kellum Digby , and Mr. Walter , were his Cabinet Counsell . He visited one of the best Ladies in the Land alone , and being found by her husband , and being asked why he durst be so bold , he was in feare to have bin precipitated out at the window . His manner was in the morning , sometimes two houres before day , to visit Ladies and Gentlewomen , enquiring of them , how they had slept that night . The Pope had made his eldest Nephew Francisco Protector of England , Scotland , and Ireland , and directing a particular Congregation , for the matters of these Kingdomes , and with him were joyned two other Cardinals , and a new Secretary , and other Prelates of Rome his Counsellors . He entertained Mr. Francis Mountague with great pomp , and sent him abroad in his Nephewes Coach , and so others the like . Hee made Segn●or Georgeo Patriarch of Ierusalem . No lesse was his pride puft up , when Sir William Hambleton , brother to the Earle of Abercorn , and Cozen to Marquesse Hambleton , whose carriage was like to Segnior Georgeo here : carrying ( clothed in mans apparell ) through Scotland , England , France and Italy ; his Sweet-heart Eugenius Bonny . After Segnior Georgeo was sent hither , Count Rossey , who was intended to be made Cardinall , in case he may have meanes . But it was dasht , and so will all correspondency be : no doubt hereafter by this grave Counsell of the Honourable Parliament . So that Mr. Penricke Agent there , be called back , and a certaine Knight of the Order of St. Iohn of Ierusalem , whom Count Rossey intends to send hither to keepe correspondency , be likewise dismist from hence . Which done , all the project will end in smoake : provided that M. Mountague , Sir Toby Matthewes , Sir Kellam Digby , Sir Iohn Winter be removed , and bar'd from Rome , or any of his Holinesses Territories . I heard a French-man of good worth say , that he had seene a Breve from Rome with this Inscription . TOBIAE MATHEW SACERDOTI , SOCIETATIS JESU . That is , to Toby Mathewes Priest of the Order of JESUS : wherein ( inter alia ) was Confirma Amazones illas quae strenue laborant in vita pro Christo . First , confirme those Amazonian Court-Ladies , that is , those brave Catholicks , Catamountaines of the Popish-faction , that labour lustily for the advancement of Popery . 4. That the Roman Catholicks shall be stopt from going over Sea , with their goods and all . TOuching Romish Catholiks , they ( especially those that have Lands ) should be stopt from going over Sea , in respect that selling and morgaging their Lands the money is transported to forraine parts , whereby the Kingdome is depauperated , his Majesty loseth his yearely Pay for their Recusantsie , the Shires where they remain are disabled to pay such Subsidies , as formerly in time of their residence , and finally the poore lose much by their absence . FINIS . 
A02680	----	Exile exiled Occasioned by a mandat from Rome, procured by Tho. Flemming alias Barnwell, archb. of Dublin, and friar of the Order of S. Francis, from the Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide, for the banishment of Paul Harris out of the Diocesse of Dublin. By Paul Harris Priest. Harris, Paul, 1573-1635? 1635 Approx. 107 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A02680 STC 12811 ESTC S119022 99854229 99854229 19638 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02680) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19638) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1070:06) Exile exiled Occasioned by a mandat from Rome, procured by Tho. Flemming alias Barnwell, archb. of Dublin, and friar of the Order of S. Francis, from the Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide, for the banishment of Paul Harris out of the Diocesse of Dublin. By Paul Harris Priest. Harris, Paul, 1573-1635? [4], 56 p. Society of Stationers], [Dublin : Printed anno Dom. 1635. Place and name of publisher from STC. Includes letters relating to the excommunication of Peter Caddell and Harris. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fleming, Thomas, 1593-1666. Harris, Paul, 1573-1635? Caddell, Peter. Catholics -- Ireland. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-10 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EXILE EXILED . Occasioned by a Mandat from Rome , procured by Tho. Flemming alias Barnwell , Archb. of Dublin , and Friar of the Order of S. Francis , from the Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide , for the banishment of Paul Harris out of the Diocesse of Dublin . By PAUL HARRIS Priest . In umbra alarum tuarum sperabo , donec transeat iniquitas . Psal 56. Printed Anno Dom. 1635. To the Reader . S. Paul tells us of some kinde of men , that they profite , but still to the worse , 2. Tim. 3. It is not long since that there was a Booke set forth , admonishing the Friars to be sober , but they have burnt so many of those Bookes , and read so few of them , as from folly they have profited to extreame madnesse . It was little sobriety to excommunicate one man , for the fault , or no fault of another . But howsoever clave errante , vel non errante , the Censures are Episcopall . But for a Prelat to throw away his Keyes , & to take the Sword , & to hang it at a Friars belt , & with it to play the Fencer , yea the Offender . Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici ? The Italian sayes , That before a man falls into any great calamity , God first gives him a rappe upon the pate , that is , hee deprives him of his judgment , well expressed by the Poet , De Ponto lib. 4. Crede mihi , miseros prudentia prima relinquit , Et sensus cunre , consiliumque fugit A wretched man , right , reason first forsakes , He reckes not of advice , nor counsell takes . The Friars began with Excom . they arrived at Exile . What 's the next ? Assises and Quarter-Sessions . The Prophet sayth , De radice colubri egredietur Regulus , Esay 14. from the root of an Adder shall issue out a Cockatrice . By which is signified ( as Lyra expounds it ) That from a small beginning , & contemptible , great and intollerable mischiefes doe arise . But the Adder of Exile being prudently oppressed , the hatch of the Cockatrice was prevented . Is it not to be lamented , that the Ecclesiasticall & Politique estate cannot consist together , but that the advancement of the one , must bee the abatement of the other ? In so much that some doubt not to say , that a Catholique can be no good Subject : Vtinam abscindantur qui conturbant nos : I would to God they were cut off who were the occasions of that scandall . For my part , I professe my name in the number of those who are both good Catholiques & good Subjects : And I trust in the mercies of God , so to be found living and dying . And whosoever reades this little Worke , I wish him of the same mind , and to be as I am , excepting those afflictions , persecutions , & continuall vexations , which I endure à falsis fratribus , and their abused followers , whom God amend , as also thy friend ( good Reader ) PAVL HARRIS Priest . A Letter from Card Antonio Barbarini , Praefect of the sacred Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide , unto Tho. Flemming Archb. of Dublin , and by him published not onely thorough this whole Diocesse of Dublin , but generally thoroughout all Ireland , in the moneths of August and September , of this present yeare 1635. To which Letter , for the better understanding thereof , is added a glosse by Paul Harris , very necessary to bee read of all such , to whom that Letter is communicated . The Letter of Card Antonio , unto the Archb. of Dublin , Tho. Flemming . MOst illustrious and reverent Lord , as brother . Heere it is written unto the Bishop of Meath , That hee command that same Paul Harris to depart forthwith from your Diocesse , otherwise to give order byauthority of the same holy Congregation , to the faithfull people , that none shall receive from him the holy Sacraments , nor heare his Masse . And that some scandall arise not by meanes of this order , Your Lordship may give unto the said Bishop ( when hee receiveth this inclosed ) such advertisements and informations as you shall thinke fitting for prevention thereof . To conclude , I commend my selfe unto your Lordship . Rome 13. Decemb. Your Honors most affectionat as brother Card. Antonio Barbarini . Francis Ingoli Secretary . The Gloss . MOst illustrious and Rev. Lo : as brother vid. Thomas Flemming alias Barnwell , to whom this Epistle was directed , as himselfe publisheth . Heere it is written to the Bishop of Meath subandi inclosed within this Letter . The name of the B. of Meath is , Tho. Dese Do. of Sorbon in Paris . That hee commaund that same Paul Harris viz. mentioned in the inclosed Letter unto the B. of Meath , not yet published . To depart forthwith your Diocesse To wit , the Diocesse of Dublin . CAP. I. NOW this same Paul Harris is doubtlesse the English Priest , who lives in Dublin , who wrote a Booke in answer to Tho. Flemming his Excom . as also a second called Arctomastix , against a libelling Friar , who shadoweth himselfe under the name of Vrsulanus ; and since that , a third Booke against the false doctrine of Habits and Scapulars , and Donna Luissa her Saturdayes Fast . So then it seemes this same Paul Harris the English Priest , is to be commanded by the Bishop of Meath Do. Dese , authorized by the Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide , to depart the Diocesse of Dublin . Certs if the Bishop of Meath his Warrant come in the Name of King CHARLES , it will doubtlesse bee obeyed ; but if it come in any other mans name , Paul Harris ( as farre as I understand his minde ) is resolved not to depart . Nay , if all the Friars , Priests , Bishops , Cardinalls , Popes , and a generall Councell , shall command him to depart , he will not remove a foot out of the Diocesse of Dublin . The reasons of this his resolution he hath abundantly yeelded , and published unto the world , in an Answer unto the Archbishops Excom . cap. 3. Yea , but it is said in the text of this Letter , That the Bishop of Meath is to command him Forthwith to depart . Alas good Friars , give him leave to pay his way , and bid his friends farewell . Forthwith is very sudden . Let him at least depart with bag & baggage , as Souldiours doe from the Fort they can no longer defend . Happily Paul Harris cannot say as old Bias did , Omniamea mecumporto . The Friars say , hee is rich : Will they not allow him time to transport his wealth to the place of his future residence , to make sale of his houses , and lands , and to recover the arreeres of his rents , to call in his debts , to make an end of his suites in law , &c. All which require time , and cannot be dispatched Forthwith . Patrick Cahil being banished the same Diocesse by the present Archb. was allowed 15. dayes of abode before he removed . O but he was a native , and Harris is an English churle , and must not be so kindly dealt withall . Forthwith : This is like the Summons of Gads hill , or Salesbury plaine , Stand & deliver . Well , perambulet mare & aridam , quaerens quid devoret . Let the Friar compasse sea and land , seeking what he may devoure , yet old Paul is resolved to live among his old neighbours of Dublin , notwithstanding the Friars should determine the contrary in a generall Chapter . By this then gentle Reader , you see ( at least if this Letter came from Rome , as our Archb. pretends , and would have it to be beleeved ) That the sword of exile is taken out of his fist , and put into the Lord Bish . of Meath his hands ; who for all the perswasions that our Bish . Flemming can use ( see the luck of it ) absolutely denyes to draw out the same ; In plaine termes that he never intends to pronounce any sentence of exile against Harris , and so hath declared himselfe to the face of our Archb , and his Friars , and to as many as deale with him about it . But how will the Bish . of Meath answer this neglect , or rather contempt of the Romane command ? O! let it alone : He knowes how to give satisfaction unto the holy Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide , or to any other mis-informed , and abused superiour . And now it pittyes me to see , ( and yet I cannot but laugh ) how our Archb. Plemming , and his Friars , torment themselves in this businesse . For now that they cannot induce the B. of Meath by no perswasion to this horride fact , viz. to sentence a Priest to exile , yet never called to his answer , and much lesse convicted of any fault , and consequently innocent , ( for so the Law presumes Reg. 8 ) They now cry out ; O frustra nostri suscepti labores ! O malè impensi sumptus ! O all our labour in vaine undertaken ! O costs cast away ! Albeit in truth , all their labours , costs and charges , were no more then the addressing of one Letter unto Friar Wadding , a man according unto their owne heart , resident continually in the Citty , and prest to negotiate all their causes , a man of that zeale & earnestnesse in procuration , as he would well weene to obtaine a sentence before a citation , a condemnation before a conviction . Cordiger esuriens in coelum jusseris ibit . I tell you perdy : A hungry Friar , hungry of maintenance , hungry of honour , hungry of vanity and vain-glory , & to conserve his declining reputation among his fellowes , what will he not doe ? Ad stygias si jusseris ibit . So then our Archb. and his Friars , seeing all their proceedings against Paul Harris , come to no better a passe in the Roman Court. The Archb. disarmed as a party , & therefore partiall . The Bishop of Meath onely authorized to pronounce sentence , and refusing that service . I say , all designments & machinations so untowardly succeeding on our Archb. side . At last , as desperat of all better successe , he betakes himselfe to this silly refuge , forsooth to publish a privat Letter received frō a Card. the Popes Nephew , which Letter is nothing else in the world , but the case or cover of the Letter sent unto the B. of Meath : As if one bereft of his sword , should lay about him with the scabberd . For it plainely appeares , that the B. of Meâth hath the sword , and our B. nothing left him but the scabberd , with which he maketh this goodly flourish , sending abroad the coppyes thereof like so many butter-flyes among his followers and devoto's , presuming ( as he well may ) of the many-headed multitude , in all communityes as most injudicious , so with all most factious , being as ready as the blind Senator in Iuvenal , Sat. 4. to applaud what they heare others to cōdemne : adding of his own invention , as likewise his Friars in their perambulations , that the sentence of Harris his exile , awarded by the Ordinary , is now ratified & confirmed by the Popes sentence , which is as farre from truth , as Rome is from Dublin Nothing sent frō his Hol. in these parts insinuating the same . And that now Harris ( sayth the Archb. ) may turne the edge of his stile from me , upon the Cardinalls , who have confirmed my sentence : And this he may doe with smal labour : for it is no more but to change the Title of his Booke frō me to them . So Tho. Flemming . Al which ( with due respect unto your place my Lord ) are manifest untruths , and so convicted to bee by the tenure of this very Epistle of the Card. published by your command into so many hands . For if that sentence be put into the power of the B. of Meath to be pronounced de futuro , without relation to your sentence at all . How then is your sentence confirmed of which no mention is made ? A sentence of which it seemed your selfe being ashamed , before a grave audience , did in expresse termes before many witnesses , disclay me and deny ever to have given . For you may remember my Lo. Archb. that being called before the Lo. Bishop of Derry , and Sir George Radcliffe Knight , there being then present Do. Peter Caddell , Do. Patrick Cahil , William Brown , Patrick Brangan , Edmund Doyle Priests , that you acknowledging and avowing your command of Peter Caddell out of your Diocesse , you constantly denyed the exile of Paul Harris , but onely that you willed and advised him to depart , by reason of which your deniall , hee was forced to produce his witnesse William Browne Priest , who before those two honorable persons , being charged by them upon his conscience , as an honest man to speake the truth , whether you onely desired or commanded him to quitt your Diocesse ; the said William Browne did testifie , that you absolutely commanded Paul Harris to depart , and to leave your Diocesse , and that himselfe was the man who was also commanded to deliver that message unto him in your name . All those before named can witnesse that businesse so to have passed . And therefore I say , had your exile of Paul Harris been most legall , ( which I will never grant ) by your voluntary deniall thereof it was revoked , and utterly quashed , no lesse then a sentence of Excommunication , Suspension , &c. by the like deny all remaines cancelled and revoked . How then now confirmed ? It followeth . Otherwise to give order by authority of the same holy congregatiō , to the faithfull people , that none shall receive from him the holy Sacraments , nor heare his Masse . The order which Tho. Flemming gave foure yeeres agoe , was ; That none under paine of Excom . should be present at his Masse . The nullity of which Excom . being declared by an Answer thereunto , it was the lesse observed , especially of such as were of Iudgment . What order the B. of Meath was to lay down , appeareth not , for that the Serpent was crushed in the Egg. This sacred Congregation of Card. De propagandâ fide , was instituted about the yeare 1612. by Paulus 5. of which Congregation at this time , Card. Antonio Barbarini , the youngest of the three nephewes of this present Pope Vrbanus 8. is head , or Praefect , a man about 30. wise , but not much learned . And it is strange that being wise , and an Italian ( a Natiō so respective ) writing to forraigne countreyes , he would not command his Secretary , to stile his Epistles in Latin , unlesse ( peradventure ) Latine is become a stranger among the Latine Secretaryes . Wee Tramontani ( as the Italians call us ) directing our Letters unto the Court of Rome , neither write them in English , or Irish , albeit we are not ignorant , that there wants not of these Countreyes in the Citty , who are able to translate them into Italian . This Congregation of Cardinalls ( I confesse ) have a glorious stile conferred upon them by his Hol. as to be Propagators , advancers & promoters of the Faith , but surely their endeavors will never answere unto those honorable titles , so long as ( giving eare to a company of turbulent & malecontent Friars ) they shall seeke to disturb the peace & tranquillity of those Kingdomes , over or in which they have no principality . I say , by exercising a secular power over those who are none of their subiects . For as his Majesty of Great Brittaine , never attempted to exile any of the Popes subjects out of Rome , or any other his Territoryes ; so neither ought they to banish any of his Majesties liege people , either out of this , or that City , Province , or Diocesse , but to know their owne bounds , and not to transgresse the same . And truly were I either wise or learned , I would endeavour to perswade those most eminent L. Cardinalls ( in acknowledgment of their error ) either to send an Embafsadour unto his Majesty , or at least to direct a deprecatory Epistle unto him , by which he might be induced to passe over that injurious entrenchment upon his Crowne & Dignity . And alas what lesse can they doe ? This truly would be a cōmendable act , beseeming their greatnesse , and answerable unto their high titles ; by this meanes , the Faith might either be propagated , or certs lesse scandalized . And it may be hoped , that in so generous a brest of our renowned Soveraigne , it would find both a gentle admittance and remittance . And as for the faithfull people here mentioned : Surely as many as be of understāding & capacity ( who I cōfesse , are not the greatest part of your flock ) doe well see & discerne , that all these machinations of the Friars against Harris , proceed meerely from malice , who for his desire & zeale of their reformation , as well in their corrupt manners in life , as abhominable errors in doctrine , doe labour by all meanes to ruinate & undoe him . But P.H. is confident , that Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi , in protectione Dei coeli commor abitur : Hee that dwells in the helpe of the highest , shall remaine in the protection of the God of Heaven . Neither is he better then his predecessors , so many worthy Prelats and Priests , who for seeking to reforme abuses among Monkes & Friars , have suffered at their hands extreame persecutiō , not alwayes ad exiliū , but sometimes ad sanguinē . Examples whereof both ancient and moderne , our Ecclesiasticall Historyes doe recount . And it is no smal comfort unto P.H. and an affront to his adversaryes , that his bookes being by the Friars presented unto the Roman Censors , and by them read & perused , tryed , sifted & bolted , yet came off as Gold from the fire , without the least note , obeliske , or asteris ke of reproofe , which is also no small honour unto our holy Faith , because hereby those who are otherwise perswaded in matters of doctrine , may plainely see that the Catholique Church maintaines none of those fooleryes , which the Friars profructu ventris doe daylie vent , and were largely confuted in his aforesaid Booke . It followeth in the Epistle . And that some scandall arise not by meanes of this order , your Lordship may give unto the said Bishop , when he receiveth this enclosed , such advertisements & informations , as you shall thinke fitting for prevention thereof . ] But no advertisements , or informations , that Dublinensis could give , seemed sufficiēt to Medensis to the prevention of scandall , maturely considering , that it was a thing impossible , without notorious scandall , indictâ causâ to banish a Priest out of the Diocesse wherein hee hath his habitation , his friends , acquaintance , and benefactors , and that in a continued residence of more then 20. yeeres , and to be sent into Pontus , I mean , to uncouth & unknowne places , where being separated from his friends & wel-willers , he may with lesse difficulty have his throat cut by a malicious Friar , or some suborned Wood-kerne . O! but Harris might passe into his native Countrey of England . True indeed , and so he may ( but not for sic volo , sic jubeo of a Prelate ) though as yet he is not so minded : these 20. yeeres of a continued absence , having made him well-neere as much a stranger in his owne Countrey , as in the County of Tirconnell , where as yet he never set foot . Such are the fruites of time , whose nature is as the Poet Menander saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to procure oblivion . No no , with the good leave of the State , P. H. now of the age of 63. hath set up his rest , and is resolved to say of Ireland , and in particular of this Diocesse of Dublin , Hic habitabo , quoniam elegi eam : Heere will I dwell , for that I have made choyse thereof , till such time as his better part bee translated into a better habitation . Againe , the Lo. Bishop of Meath no doubt doth well consider , that a banishment inflicted without an examination of the cause , without the bill of the Plaintiff , and answer of the Defendant , can not but be most injurious , & illegall , and so by the same non-sense of a nolo , that a party is removed from this Diocesse of Dublin , he may also be excluded from any other Diocesse , and so consequently out of all Christendome , for that there is no place in any Countrey of the Christian world , but is contained in some Diocesse , and so perforce must bee cōpelled to live either vpon the Seas , or among Turkes and Infidells . Lastly , the Lo. B of Meath had good cause to refuse to be imployed in such a piece of service , viz. to pronounce sentence of exile against any of the Kings Subjects , for hee being a Do. of that famous Vniversity of Sorbon , & as by profession a Divine , so also seene in the Canons & Lawes of holy Church , doth well understand , that Exile is a punishment beyond the spheare of Episcopall jurisdiction , proper to the Crowne , and not to the Miter , and accordingly to be managed by the Secular , and not by the Spiritual arme . So S. Bernard in his 5. booke De consideratione , unto Pope Eugenius , tells us ; That as the Keyes belong unto the Prelats , so the Sword unto the Civill Magistrate . Forsitan tuo nutu , non tua manu evaginandus : Peradventure by your will ( sayth he ) not by your hand to be unsheathed . Which doctrine is layde downe , and canonized in the Decretals of Gregory lib. 5. de Cler. excom . tit . 27. cap. 2. Si quis presbyter , aut alius clericus fuerit degradatus , aut ab officio pro certis criminibus suspensus , & ipse per contemptum & superbiam aliquid de ministerio sibi interdicto agere praesumpserit , & postea ab Episcopo suo correptus in incepta praesumptione perduraverit modis omnibus excommunicetur , & quicunque-cum co communicaverit , similiter se sciat esse excommunicatum . Similiter de Clericis , Laicis , vel foeminis excommunicatis observandumest . Quod si aliquis omnia ista contempserit , & Episcopus minimè emendare potuerit regis judicio ad requisitionem Ecclesiae exilio damnetur : If a Priest or a Clergy-man shal be degraded , or for certaine crimes suspended from his office , and thorough contempt & pride , shall presume to doe any thing in his ministery forbidden unto him , and after being by his Bishop reproved , shall notwithstanding persevere in his former presumption , by all meanes let him be excommunicated , and he who shall communicate with him , let him know that he is excommunicated . And this to be observed with Clerkes , Laicks , & and women excommunicated . But if any shall contemne all these things , and that the Bishop can put no remedy unto it , then by the judgment of the King , at the request of the Church , let him be banished . In which Canon is plainly distinguished the office of the Bishop , & of the King. The spirituall censures of Excom . Suspension &c. to be inflicted by the Bishop , & not by the King. The temporall punishment of exile &c. to be commanded by the King , and not by the Bishop . Againe , in this Canon may be observed the order & method of a legall processe ; as first , conviction of crimes , or contumacy , including in his nature & essence , a citation of the party accused ; next , infliction of spirituall censures by sentence of the Bishop , as Excom . Suspension &c , which being cōtemned , & the delinquent incorrigible . What then is to bee done ? Mary the Bishops power being exhausted , in the last place comes in the sword , to wit , corporall punishment of Exile , to bee adjudged by the King , at the instance of the Church . By which it is manifest , that Exile is a punishment transcending all spirituall power & Episcopall jurisdiction . For else should the Law have said : Then by the judgment of the Bishop , let him be banished ; but here it is said in terminis , in expresse termes , by the judgment of the King let him be banished . Like unto this is that other Canon de judiciis , lib. 2. t is . 1. cap. 10. In these words . Si Clericus in quocunque ordine constitutus , in furto , vel homicidio , vel perjurio , seu alio crimine fuerit deprehensus legitimè , atque convictus , ab Ecclesiastice judice deponendus est . Qui si depositus incorrigibilis fucrit , excommunicari debet , deinde cotumaciâ crescente anathematis mucrone feriri , post modum vero , si in profundum malorum veniens contempserit , cùm Ecclesia non habet ultra quod faciat , ●e possit esse ultra perditio plurimorum , per secularem comprimendus est potestatem . Ita quod ei deputetur exilium , vel alia legitima poena inferatur . That is , If a Clergy man in what order soever , shal be found in theft , or man-slaughter , or perjury , or other crime , and being lawfully convicted by the Ecclesiasticall Iudge , he is to be deposed ; who , if after deposition he shal be incorrigible , he ought to be excommunicated , afterward his contumacy encreasing , to be stroken with the sword of Anathema : but if arriving at the depth of all evills , he shall remaine in contumacy , whenas the Church hath not further what to doe ( that there be not besides the destruction of very many ) he is to be repressed by the Secular power . So as Exile may be deputed unto him , or some other lawfull punishment inflicted . So the Canon . In which we see , as in the former , that the power of the Church & of the Prelat , proceedes no further , even with the greatest delinquents , but to excommunication & to Anathema , at which once arriving , they make a period , confessing ( as we see in this Canon ) that the Church can passe no further , but leaves Exile , & all other corporall punishments , to the Secular power to be awarded & inflicted . What then may we thinke of that Prelat , who not content with his spirituall sword of Ecclesiasticall censures , will with his owne hand unsheath the temporall sword of the Civill Magistrate ? which S. Bernard conformable unto the doctrin of the Church , lay de downe in these two Canons above cited , flatly denyeth not onely to Bishops , but to the Pope himself , Non tuâ manuevaginundus : Not by thy hand ( O Pope Eugenius ) to be unsheathed . Yet hath our Archb. contrary unto the Lawes of holy Church , & the practise of all times , unsheathed the sword of his Soveraigne and Liege Lord , once by his owne confession , & twice more by conviction of witnesses , before honorable Personages , by exiling out of his Diocesse , three Priests , albeit ( I confesse ) with very bad successe , their disobedience to unlawfull commands , being so justifiable as we have seene . I doe not marvaile then , though the B. of Meath like a good subject , did refuse to meddle in a busines of that nature , not having the consent and approbation of the State. All temporall jurisdiction in inflicting corporall punishments , from the least to the greatest , being essentiall unto his Majesties Crowne & Dignity . And I can not but wonder , that the Archb. Flemming & his Friars , should perswade themselves , that albeit a Prince be of another opinion in some points of doctrine , from the Roman , which wee call the Catholique & Apostolicall Church , that therefore he is a lesse absolute and Soveraigne Commander within his Realmes & Dominions , over which Almighty GOD hath placed him , then any other the most Catholique Prince in the World : which is a doctrine so undoubted , as it is defined by the Church , as a matter of divine faith , which whose denyeth , * is to be ranked among heretiques . How then say I , comes it to passe ? that , what no Prelate under any Prince in Christendome at this day would doe or with the integrity of his faith to GOD , or allegiance to his Prince could doe . What no Prelates for these thousand yeeres & upward , under any King of England ( since our first conversion from Paganisme , unto Christianity , under Pope Gregory the great ) did , or durst doe . That this present ●rchb . Tho. Flemming , now in these dayes , dare so boldly attempt , namely ; to exile & eject the Kings Subjects , without invocating the Secular arme . CAP. II. An objection against some points of the former discourse answered . IT will happily be alledged in defenee of the Bishop by his Friars : That the times are such , as they doe not permit that correspondencie twixt the Prelats , and the Civill Magistrate in these Kingdomes , as in dayes of yore , and that therefore they can not expect that the Secular arme will condescend to execute any such their designes or desires . To which I answere . And is it then good Logicke , that the Bishops may usurpe their power , and entrench upon the right of the Secular arme ? That because the King will not strike , that therefore the Bishop may take the sword out of his hand , and lay about him ? Let me illustrate this by a familiar similitude : There is a Friar in Paris , & he wisheth with all his heart , that the Archb. of that place would excommunicate one Titius an Adversary of his , who lives in his Diocesse , and is one of his flock , but he dares not impart his mind unto him , for that he is perswaded he will never condescend thereunto , & in moving him in that affayre , he shall but loose his labour , and peradventure be repulsed with blame . Well , what then ? what doth the Friar ? Mary he sayes , Courage m●●n Frers , and without any further delay , hee excommunicates the party himselfe . I demaund in this case , Quid juris ? It● answered , that the Friar is mercifully dealt withall , 〈◊〉 he bee but set upon the Pillary , or upon an Asse , and whipt naked from the waste upward thorough the streetes of Paris . And why ? because he presumes to execute that power which he never had . True it is , That conformable unto the Canons above alledged , as also the immemorable customes & constitutions of these Kingdomes , in case of enormous crimes , as Theft , Murder , Perjury , Simony , Heresie , &c. as also disobedience , proceeding to incorrigibility &c. and that not onely in Clearkes , but in Laicks , unto their Ecclesiasticall superiours , as Bishops , & other Prelates , after spirituall remedies used , as admonitions , censures , depositions , degradations &c. at the instance of the Church upon a siguificavis , there commonly issued out a Writ from the Kings high Court of Chancery , Decapiendo excommunicate . De comburen do baretico &c. according to the quality of the delict . If then our Archbish . hath proceeded in this legall manner with his subject , & is arrived at the uttermost extent of Episcopall jurisdiction . He may then require the assistance of the Secular arme , by intimating his Processe into the Kings Court of Iustice , which if they answere his desires , so it is ; if not , he must rest contented , and not thinke to erect a new Tribunall , and a new course of proceeding , contrary to what before , by authority of Church & Common-wealth is established , and by custome of so many ages , confirmed . To make him selfe both Prince , & Prelate ; both Bishop , and Civill Magistrate , to plucke the Roses from the Kings Crowne , and to place them in his owne Miter . For by so doing , he may draw the sword of the Secular arme upon his owne neck , and in prosecuting others , make himselfe an offendor in the highest degree . How often doe we finde in former ages ? when both Prince and Prelate were of one lip and heart in divine worship , and acknowledged obedience unto the Pope in matters spirituall . Yet even in those times , did not those Catholique Princes alwayes answere the instance and requisition of their Bishops , in lending them the assistance of their sword and secular arme , but sometimes were slow and remisse in that kinde of correspondency , yea sometimes did absolutely deny the same . As who so will peruse the Ecclesiasticall History of the Church , collected by that learned Card. Caesar Baronius in his Annalls ; Or our Countrey-man Nicholas Harpsfeild in his Ecclesiasticall History of England , shall easily finde . And so often as this hapned , what did those Prelats ? forsooth contained themselves within the bounds of their spirituall and Episcopall juvisdiction , never attempting to hang , burne , or banish , as our hor-spurre Frians have perswaded our Archb. to the great scandall of Gods Church , and his owne utter ruine , if the King bee not the more mercifull unto him . Which matters well pondered by the B. of Meath , it is no wonder that hee told our Arch that they were none of his friends that procured him that Commission from Rome , to pronoūce sentence of exile against any of the Kings Liege people ; by which act , himselfe might come to bee in the same predicament with Tho. Flemming Archb. not onely a bad member of Gods Church , but a disloyall subject unto his Majesty , verifying that of the Prophet , Psal . 49. Cùm videbas furem , currebas cum to &c. CAP. III. The informations , by which the Archb. & his Friars procured from the Congregation of Cardinalls De propagandâ fide , the Commission of Paul Harris his exile from the Diocesse of Dublin . POpes , and Princes , Cardinalls , & Bishops are men , and no Angells , & according as they are informed , so they speake , so they write , so they determine causes ; so they absolve , and so they doe condemne . I remember I have read in Philip Commines his history of the warres twixt the French King Lewis II. & Charles Duke of Burgundy , that in some services wherein the French had the worse , & routed ( more upon a Pannick feare , then any just cause of terror ) some Commanders being after by the King called to an accompt for their cowardise : The Author observes , & so reports it : That certaine Captaines , and great Monsieurs , that ran from the field but six leagues off , were severely punished for their offences ; and others who fled from the field , and ran ten leagues beyond them , were highly rewarded for their valour & good service . Noting ( as I said before ) that Princes by reason of an impossibility of proper knowledge in themselves as touching the estate of absent affayres , are forced ( resting upon informations ) to judge accordingly , walking sometimes upon the right hand , and other whiles upon the left . And so it hapned in the cafe of P. H. who by Friar Wadding , the Archb. his Agent in the Citty , and others of his fraternity , as well shodd , as bare-footed Friars , his mortall & sworne enemies , is accused to be a most turbulent ; & a seditious person , disobedient to all lawfull authority , and as one confirmed in contumacy , remaines incorrigible , and so incurable , without hope of amendment &c. And thus have the Friars chanted their Mattins at Rome . P. Harris the defendant of his innocencie , in the mean time lyes at anchor in the Port of Dublin , little knowing how the windes blow abroad , till upon these suggestions , there comes from the Citty , not a Commission to any particular Bishops , or other Prelats , to examine his cause , or to heare what the Archb. can alledge against him , or he make answer thereunto , but the perclose of all judiciall proceedings , namely Sentence , and that is thought fit to bee of Exile out of the Diocesse wherein he lives , and that sentence commanded unto the B. of Meath to pronounce . But now heare ( good Reader ) what Paul Harris saith unto this information . Albeit nothing more , or other can hee say , then what he hath delivered in his former Bookes . Even the same which all the Cleargy of Dublin doe know at this day to be true . That which so many of the Laity as take notice of our troubles , doe know to be true . That which the Friars themselves , the onely causers & procurers of all these intestine broyles twixt the Cleargy and the Regulars , best of all know to bee true : Namely , that this information made by the Archb. and his Friars , unto the Cardinalls at Rome , is most false , most unconscionable & wicked , that it is a meere Chimera , & an En●rationis , without any existent foundation . And to the end that the world may againe & againe understand in all places , that which in these parts is most palpable . I could wish , not the shell of a Triton , but the trumpet of an Arch-angell to sound it thorough sea & land , that all the inhabitants of the Earth , and not onely of Rome , may heare it , and take knowledge of the injustice and falshood of those , who by their places & office in Gods Church , should be lights & lanthornes unto others , to direct their paces into the wayes of justice , peace , and truth . For it is so farre from any shadow of verity ; That Paul Harris hath beene disobedient unto his Superiour the Archb. or that ever he denyed upon any summons , citation or message , to appeare before him , or to answer any accusatiō , or matter , litle or great , layde unto his charge , that in all his life he never received any message or citation at all from his Ordinary which hee hath not obeyed . And this to bee true , the Archb. in his owne conscience knowes , and none better then himselfe understands the innocencie of P. H. in that behalfe . But in case it bee otherwise , since it is a matter of fact , why hath not the Archb. ( in all this time since Harris wrote his two Bookes , ) for his owne credit & reputation , and to the greater affront of P. H. declared here at home unto some sufficient & understanding men either of the Cleargy , or Laity , the falsity of this his so bold assertion , naming the partyes by whom he sent his citations , or his messages , to what place he called him unto his answer ? The time when , the day , the moneth , or the yeare , that so P. H. being challenged of so notorious an untruth in his writings , might be disrespected accordingly ? Doubtlesse such an advantage would not have been let passe , had P. H. been guilty of any such disobedience unto his Ordinary : Since it is well understood , that the Archb. is not so tender of that mans credit & reputation . And such have beene the accusations and informations of the Ordinary and his Friars , against P. H. at Rome , himselfe never being called to his answer either here or there . CAP. IV. Paul Harris not admitted to any hearing of his Diocesan , was forced to seeke for Iustice at the hands of the Civill Magistrate . IT is the office of a Prelat , not onely to feed , but to governe his flocke . As the sheepheard doth not only lead his sheep to holesome pastures , but protects them from the jawes of all ravenous beasts , & such of their fellowes as would be hurtfull unto them . This our Savior teacheth , setting down the parts of a good Sheepheard , Ioh. 10. from whose office , among all other professions in the world , it pleased him to transferre that name unto the Governours of his Church , tearming both himselfe , and them , Sheepheards , or Pastors , saying ; Ego sum pastor bonus &c. Now Tho. Flemming a Pastor , having P. H. a member of his flocke , whose cure & charge belonged unto him , and being wronged by some of them , who were also under his charge , and complaining of his aggrievances unto his Pastor , could not bee admitted unto his presence , sending them by the hands of others , he spedd no better . And this P. H. doth averre to be true , not by his owne testimony , ( which in his owne cause is worth nothing ) but by the attestation of most grave & Rev. persons yet living , who have firmed the same with their owne hands , and are ready to justifie it before any Tribunall . Reade then as followeth . VVEe whose names are here subscribed , doe witnesse ; That in our presence Tho. Flemming Archb. of Dublin , did renounce all correspondency , either by word , or writing , with Paul Harris Priest , telling us plainly , that thence forward he never would receive either Letter or Petition from him , or would medle in any matter of his , for him , or against him ; but wholly disclaimed all jurisdiction , or power over him , wishing us to signifie so much unto the aforesaid Paul Harris , which accordingly wee did , May 24. 1631. Peter Caddell Pr. VVilliam Shergold Pr. Thus P. H. being excluded from all audience & correspondencie with his Pastor , he addressed himselfe unto the Temporall Magistrate , yet neither in Ecclesiasticall or Criminall cause , but meerely Civill , such as was the detayning of some Bookes from him by a Priest , & a Friar , and the same most injustly , as it appeared upon the hearing before the now Lo. Chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench , for by his order they were restored him . After this againe , P. H. understanding of some slanderous informations , made by Friars , and others against him , unto the Ordinary and weening that after so long a space hee had beene come unto a better mind , hee sollicited him againe for an audience , but being repulsed as before , he sent him this message ; as followeth . THis 15. day of May 1633 , Wee whose names are here subscribed , doe witnesse ; That being requested to deliver a message unto the R. R. Tho. Flemming Archb. of Dublin , wee accordingly the yeare and day above written , delivered the same : The which was this . That whereas divers slanders & accusations are intimated unto your Ho. against the aforesaid Paul Harris Pr. and presented unto you his Pastor , as also published abroad by divers Friars , and others , to the prejudice of the good name & fame of the aforesaid Marris : his request unto you the Lo. Archb. by us , is ; that you would be pleased according unto the Lawes and Canons of holy Church to judge him , first admitting him unto audience , and to his just defence . The Lo. Archb. answer unto us , was : That in case Paul Harris would admit and receive an absolution for the Excom . that he had notoriously incurred , hee would ; otherwise not . Iames Talbot Pr. VVilliam Shergold Pr. Thus Reader thou seest , That two yeeres after the former denyall P. H. is againe debarred of audience by the Archb. or else to be admitted upon such tearmes , as to acknowledge an Excom . Of which Excom . for that himselfe hath written very largely in two former Bookes , he will be here more briefe . The Excom . pretended against him , is ; That he commenced a suit ) as hath beene formerly said ) before a Temporall Magistrate against a Priest & a Friar , for detaining of certain Bookes from him . For our Archb. & his Friars are of opinion , that no Ecclesiasticall persons , ought to bee brought before a Temporall Magistrate , for what cause soever ; and that the party so conventing them , incurres Excom . De Iure . To which P. H. answers ; That no such Canon was ever received , or practised in these Kingdomes , as hee hath largely declared in his former Bookes , and that he preferres the judgement of all antiquity under his Majesty , and his Predecessours , before the opinion of Tho. Flemming and all his followers . Since those who are learned in the Lawes , as well Canon , & Civill , as Common , doe with one voyce agree , and have assured him : That in all causes & actions , meerely Civill , of which nature this was , against the Priest & the Carmelite Friar , that as well Bishops , as Priests , Abbots , and Priors , did sue , and were sued in the Kings Courts , & none other . If then all Bishops and Priests , Abbots and Friars , who have consented and allowed of this practise , for these thousand yeeres & upward , did maintaine an error , I thinke P. H. had better venture upon that error , then upon the skill of a Prelat who never yet studied out of his owne Friary , or tooke degree in any Vniversity . But this Physician who is so liberall of his plasters , offering his absolutions , before the Penitents aske them : Sith he can not cure himselfe , let him seeke a remedy in time for his owne sores , not being ignorant that himselfe is notoriously excommunicated ab homine , and by authority of this present Pope Vrbanus 8. in the controversie twixt Patrick Cahil , & Patrick Brangan , frō which ( to the great scandall of Gods Church ) we never heard that yet hee received an absolution . And I pray God , that not guilty of schisme , and heresie , he stands not also excommunicate De Iure . But now ex abundanti : Let it be supposed , ( for granted it will never be ) that to draw Ecclesiasticall persons before Secular Tribunalls , in all causes as well Civill as Ecclesiasticall & Criminall , is unlawfull , and that the Canons inhibite the same under Excom . Suppose also , that this Law be received , and in all times hath beene in viridi observantiâ , practised in these Kingdomes . I say all this being granted as most true & undoubted , P. H. is as cleare from all spot of Excom . as the sun-beames , or the water in the fountaine . As how ? Forsooth upon this ground ; That before he convented those Ecclesiasticall men , to wit , the Priest & the Friar above mentioned , hee was denyed all audience and correspondencie with his Prelate the Archb. either by word or writing , as before hath beene declared & testified . In which case it is lawfull , not onely for a Priest , but for a Layman to seeke for Iustice at the hands of the Temporall Magistrate , against a Cleargy-man , and to convent him before a Secular Tribunall : I say , in case his Prelate refuse to heare him , or to admit his complaint , or to doe him justice , Reade for this De Iudiciis tit . 1. cap. 7. Qualiter & Quando , together with the Gloss , & you will find these words : Quod in defectum justitiae , Clerici ad judicium seculare trahi possunt : * That for want of Iustice , Clergy-men may be drawne to Secular Tribunalls . Casus ; Titius a Priest is indebted one hundred Crownes to Sempronius Priest , or Lay-man , the debt cannot be denyed , the day of payment is expired : but Titius will not performe . Sempronius is of our Friars opinion , that it ought to bee tryed & recovered before the Ordinary ; but the Ordinary will not heare him , or receive his libell . Where shall Sempronius sue his Bond against Titius ? At Rome ? But that hath not beene seene or heard of , since the Capitoll was built . Ergo , he must either loose his debt , or take the benefit of the Canon . In defectum justitiae , Clerici ad seculare judicium trahi possunt , as before . And S. Athanasius : doubted not long before the Canon was thought of , to convert the Arian Heretiques his false accusers of foule crimes before Constantius the Emperour . Athan. in Apolog. ad Constant. And before him S. Paul , Act. 25. appealed in the Controversies he had with his owne Nation the Iewes , unto Caesar . Appello Casarem . But if you answer , that in the aforesaid cases , there was no spirituall superiour Prelat or Bishop to heare , or to determine their causes . I then reply : And what distinction make you twixt a Prelat that will not heare a Priests cause , and no Prelat at all Verily none . And this was , & still is the case of P. H. who before his Ordinary never yet could be admitted either plaintiffe or defendant . Wherfore I conclude , that in conventing his Adversaryes , though Priests , before the Temporall Magistrate in Civill causes , hee did not incurre any censure of Excom . being warranted by the Canon above alleadged ; In defectum justitiae , Clerici ad seculare tribunal trahi possunt : For want of Iustice , Cleargy-men may be convented before the Secular Iudgment . Vnlesse wee will maintaine the Archb. Tho. Flemming to be above the Canon , which is not onely absurd , but hereticall . And let my Reader ( whether Friend or Adversary ) observe , that neither Brangan , or Doyle , can be excused from Excom . De Iure , in the conventing of P. H. before the Temporall Magistrate , he never having to this day declined the jurisdiction , or forum of the Ordinary . So as the Canon De Iudiciis , Qualiter & Quando , which hath excused P. H. for drawing them before Secular Iudgments , namely In defectum justitiae , can no sort militat in their behalfe , who have suffered no defect of Iustice from their Ordinary . In fine then , they remaine absolutely excommunicated , together with their Master , and may say ; Iam sumus ergo pares . CAP. V. Of the want of judgment and discretion in the Bishop and Friars , the persecutors of Paul Harris . IS it possible , that man a reasonable creature , & made unto the Image of GOD , should have his reason so over-ruled with passion , and his judgment so over-mastered with malice , as they should be powerfull , not onely to obscure , but in a sort to extinguish the light thereof ? For not to speake of conscience , & common honesty , which as in every Christian ought chiefly to prevaile , so , especially in Church-men , who are to be guides , & leaders of others unto their salvation . How is it possible , that wit , capacity , or common sense , should not avert these men from such violent and out-ragious courses against P. Harris ? Is it because that glorious Greatnesse who sits at the Helme of Government is pleased most graciously to grant unto us some more favourable respect then in times past using us ( not with standing what difference soever with others in points of doctrine ) with all indiffērecie in the Politique government : As if he should say , Tros Tyriusque mini nullo dìserimine habetur . Papists and Protestants are one to mee , Who in subjects ducties so well agree . Such is the influence of that blessed aspect in our dread and no lesse beloved Soveraigne , with that gracious & propitious Starre , to their perpetuall glory , and our unspeakable comfort . O then ! what pitty is it ? That golden Peace , and gowned Rest , should be the parents of so foule an off-spring , as is discord and dissention . Is it ? That we have already surfetted of Ease , and in so short a time become weary of so long-expected a well-fare , that now ( the rod and rigour of State being removed ) we should embolden our selves upon domesticall broyles . Is it ? For that a way is given , nor onely to the freedome of our Consciences , but even to the moderate & discreet exercise of our spirituall Functions , as well Episcopall , as Priestly , that we should contend also for Secular power and preheminencie , to the encroaching upon our Caesars jurisdiction ? Is this the gratitude , and thankfulnesse wee owe and shew , for these our , Halcyon dayes in which no storme is either for the present felt or for the furure feared : If our owne ungraciousinesse , and intemperate ambition doe not abbreviat and shorten the same . Verily , if our Friars had but read their Esops fables , they might have better understood themselves . The sluggard is sent , to schoole unto the pismire with a vade ad formicam tiger , pro. 4. Goe to the pismire O sluggard , and may not the Friar be sent unto his fables of Esop , with a vade ad Esopum stulte ? Get thee to thy Esops fables , O foole ; and from the example of the Frog and the Mouse , learne wisdome : For there thou mayst observe , how the Frog assaulting the Mouse , & the Mouse defending himselfe : In the heat of that fierce combat , when neither of them had leysure to look about them , downe comes the Hawke suddenly from the stand , and at one stoop , seasing upon them both , ended their quarrell . Alas ! have these men so soone forgotten S. Stevens day ? when for the non-observance of some points of a Proclamation , all our Houses and Oratoryes were in one houre seased unto the Kings use . May not our Franciscans remember , that the first blast and brunt of that tempest , discharged it selfe upon their owne Cells & Oratoryes ? For as we reade , that some Cityes have beene rased , and sowed with salt ; others , their walls dismantled : So was that their Convent in Cooke-street defaced , having their roofe & timber-work pull'd downe & levelled with the ground . A sad spectacle and exemplar ; for whose offence , and the rude uproare of that day , others ( no doubt ) were the lesse spared . Alas ! hath malice against one man so blinded their judgments , and so perverted their wills ? that sooner then they will cease to wage an unplacable warre with one Priest , they will not onely hazard their own peace & quiet , but even of the Church in these parts . Know they not how soone , and how suddenly the Royall Falcon , ( if he will daigne to so low a stoop ) can end the battle betwixt the Frog & the Mouse , to the ruine of both ? Doe they not yet understand , that two scratches of a goose's quill , can banish both Bishop , Priest , and Friar , & that not only from their severall Dioceses , Parishes , & Convents , but even out of his Majesties Dominions ? At what time as well friend as foe , beholding ( for our demerits ) such calamities to befall us , shall point us out with the singer of Gens absque consilio , & absque prudentiâ &c. Loe , a people without wit & understanding . Had P. H. apostated from his faith , or had he turned a Iew , or a Turke , then had his persecution frō these men wholly calmed . Nay , many doubt not to say , that our Regulars would have much rejoyced , and gloryed therein . But now that ( through Gods mercy ) he preserves himselfe , and endeavours to keepe those also in the Catholique faith , who begin to swarve there-from ; therefore is he made ( if not the onely butt , yet ) the principall marke against whom they shoote their poysoned darts . But P. H. may comfort himselfe in this : That Regium est benè facere , & malè audire ; It is one of to doe well , and to be evill spoken of . And it is one of the eight Beatitudes pronounced by our Saviours own mouth , Math. 5. Beatì estis cùm maledixerint vobis , & persecuti vos fuerint &c. CAP. VI. P. H. is in hope , that the Archb. and his Friars , looking back into themselves , will in time be reclaymed , and become his friends . WE have in our English Proverbe ; that , They goe very farre who never returne . And Seneca out of the Poet Menander tels us ; That friendships should indeed be eternall ; but enmityes mortall and determinable . Immortales inimicitias ne retine , mortalis existens . but nothing ought to bee more effectuall with Christians to this purpose , then the doctrine of our Saviour , which teacheth , that the marke by which his Disciples are knowne & distinguished from others , is Charity among themselves , Iohn 13. By this shall all men know that you are my Discipl●● , if you love one another . And the beloved Disciple , speaking of the contrary vice , 1. Iohn . 3. Omnis qui odit fratrem suum , homicida est , &c. Whosoever hateth his brother , is a murderer . And why should I not hope , that these men may not onely come unto their wits againe , but also to their wills , rectified and reformed , and as new-borne Babes , abandoning all malice , deceit , simulation , envy , and detraction , grow up unto salvation ? I say , why should I not hope these things of them ? For I understand , that some of them already doe day lie pray for me . And I doubt not but their prayers are , That God will give mee patience to endure all injuryes wrongs , and persecutions at their hands ; and above all , to deliver mee from their bad tongues : And I thanke God , in this Christian duetie , I am not behind , for I also pray for them , Inter schismaticos & hareticos , till such time as God shall be pleased to give them grace to recall their doctrines of Habits and Scapulars , and cease to commend unto us the Luissian Fast . But howsoever they should ( as God forbid ) persevere still mine enemies and persecutors , yet am I also bound by the precept of Christ , both to love mine enemies , and to pray for my persecutors . Notwithstanding I may in the meane time endeavour to defend my selfe , & to seeke justice against them , since the Prophet David hath taught me ; that Charity & Iustice are compatible , and that Peace and Iustice way kisse each other . And as touching this union of Charity and Iustice : It is not frō the purpose to recount an accident which hapned in Sivill of Spaine , in the time that my selfe lived there . A certaine Iudge of a Court , called in their language an Oydor , riding somewhat late in the evening , was by his enemy who sought his life , assaulted in the street , and by whom he was mortally wounded , yet so as he lived in perfect sense & memory some few dayes after . The Murderer in the meane time was apprehended , and being brought unto the party , he humbly upon his knees confessing his most wicked attempt , besought him with many teares to forgive him . To whom sayth the wounded Iudge , being at hand to yeeld up the Ghost : Yes brother , from the Tyles of the House upward , I freely forgive thee ; but from the Tyles downward , I desire Iustice may bee done upon thee . And in the same minde that hee was dying , am I now living ; From the Thatch of the House upward , I freely forgive all my adversaryes , persecutors , and enemyes : That is , I desire all heavenly graces & good gifts from the Father of Lights to descend downe upon them , and after this life , the salvation of their soules in Heaven : Moreover I desire that the good Angells of GOD may keep them in all their wayes , & protect them from all harme in body , goods , & good name . Notwithstanding from the Thatch downeward , I will not desist to call & cry for Iustice , and satisfaction against them , so long as I amable either to write , or speake ; which satisfaction & reparation of wrongs , as in part I have already by the Iudgment of the Civill Magistrate , received against some , ( for which I shall ever remaine most thankfull , ) So am I in hope , the like Iustice remaines for the rest ; which with patience I will expect . For the former , reade as followeth . Rev. Father Paul Harris , VVHereas Fa. Thomas Dowd , & Fa. Richard Fortrell Priests , chosen orderers between us two , made an order against mee , for the repayring of your good name , & that I alwayes refused , & neglected to performe the said order , untill such time as the R. Ho. the Lord Deputy Generall commanded me thereunto . Now then I being no lesse willing to shew mine humble obedience to his Honour , then also sorry to have detracted of your fame : I doe by these presents most willingly and submissively , aske forgivenesse of your Rev. Fa. Paul Harris , this being a point of the Order , for all such abuses , obloquyes , detractions , as I have done against you , either by words , or writings , or otherwise . And I doe hereby ( acknowledging my fault ) earnestly pray you in Christian charity , to accept of this mine humble submission , tending to the restitution of your good name . And withall , I doe hereby sincerely promise , never hereafter to speake in any sort which may directly , or indirectly , tend to the obscuring of your good name . Witnesse my hand this 23. of Feb. 1633. Edmund Doyle . Being present Iohn Fitton . Stephen Iellous . Robert Nugent . VVilliam Hechins . How truely is it said ? Quae nocent , docent , Those things that doe hurt us , doe instruct us . And the Prophet Esay 28. Vexatio dabit intellectum , Tribulation will give understanding . And day lie experience sheweth , that to those dutyes whom prosperity can not draw , affliction drives , even as froward children are forced to kisse the rod & hand that whipt them . It is observed , that some sort of Birdes doe sing more sweetly imprisoned in a Cage , then either in the fields , or woods abroad . Howsoever it fareth with Birdes , I am assured , these notes & palinodious dittyes had never been sung , but in a Cage ; but now the author of this submission being at liberty , for all his Castle-promises , redijt ad ingenium or rather ad vomitum , hath returned to his old disposition , or rather to his vomit . Otherwise had he persisted in the accomplishment of what he solemnely promised , his submission at this time had neither beene pressed on published . CAP. VII . Of the conveyance of these Letters from Rome , into Ireland , and by what meanes they came unto the hands of the Archb. Flemming . BEing lately in the Country , it was my chance in some communication with one of my acquaintance , to ask of him , if he knew , or could guesse , how the Cardinalls Letters were passed into Ireland , and came to the hands of Dublinensis , whether by the post of Paris , or Antwerp , &c. He answered very pleasantly , he could soone resolve mee in that point , and that they neither came by the way of Paris or Antwerp , but by the way of Loretto . Your reason quoth I. Why ? quoth he , wot you not that there passed from Ireland certaine Pilgrims for Loretto the last yeare , & so from Loretto , to Rome , and returned back this last Spring ? Now , before they returned home from their pilgrimage , there was not a word spoken of these Letters ; but since their arrivall , all the Countrey hath sounded of them . This discourse of my friend , made mee remember a passage which I read some 50. yeares agoe , in a Sermon of Hugh Latimer , which as then , so I now relate , to parallell his conceit . It hapned in the dayes of Henry 8. that many ships being cast away upon the coast of Kent , especially in that place which to this day is called Goodwins sands . The Councel thought good to grant a Cōmission to examin such as were of the most ancient inhabitants of those parts , if there could be any cause found thereof , who being called to Dover , were required to say their opinions in that case , what they thought might be the occasion of those dangerous seas & sands , now infamous for shipwracks , which informer times had no such note of danger . Among the examined , one old man stood up & told the Commissioners , that for his part , he wist well what was the cause of those troublesome sands , which swallowed up so many ships , and by my hood ( sayth he ) it is no other then Tenderton steeple . I say ( quoth he ) and will abide by it , that Tenderton steeple is the cause of Goodwin sands . For I can well remember the building of Tenderton steeple , and before it was built , there was no Goodwin sands , but soon after the building of that steeple I could heare the sea-faring men in the Church-yard after Even-song , and in the Ale-house , complaine much of those sands , and they would tell , how such a ship , such a Barque or Pinnace was there sunke &c. Well , well , quoth my friend ( interrupting me ) it is enough , you have very strongly confirmed my opinion of the Letters ; but what matter is it whether the Pilgrims are the cause of Goodwins sands , or Tenderton steeple brought the Letters frō Rome , let those whō the matter concernes more then you & me , look to it . For since they have the threed by the end , they know how to wynde it up . But since by this occasion we are fallen into mention of the Pilgrimage of Loretto , I pray you resolve what opinion you hold of that strange House of our Ladyes , of which there runneth so great a fame , as it drawes us out of Ireland from our Houses , Wives & Children , to the great danger of our persons , & expence of our purses , unlesse for such as make a bon voyage of it , & receive fifteene for five at their returne home . And as for the miracles , we heare very much with our cares , but wee see little with our eyes ; neither the blind or deafe to returne welsensed : as for the halt and the lame , I lesse marvaile , for few of them can reach so farre . Nay bi r lady , I have known some to carry hence a paire of good leggs with them , & scarce have brought them so sound back again . Besides they tell us , that House did use to flye in the aire , by sea & land , above a thousand leagues : now it is strange to us , that a House that hath no leggs to goe upon , should have wings to flye withall . Of these & other matters no lesse wonderfull , I pray you shew us the truth , and how farre they may bee beleeved ; for I confesse , God's above all &c. And I thinke by this time there was as many gathered about to listen to our talke , as were assembled in Queene Dido's Hall , to heare Aeneas discourse of the Trojan warre . Well then ( quoth I ) if so great a longing you have to heare the history of the Lauretan House , & the stupendious wonders of that holy place . Albeit the lights upon yonder cup-bord are now spent farre below their wastes , & so invite us rather to retire our selves unto our lodgings , then to begin any new discourse : yet to satisfie your no lesse earnest , then harmlesse curiosity , I will begin . Know then , that I have not onely read and heard of this House but I have seen the same , and ( which I more esteeme ) my selfe within it . And for the reasons which shall after be alleadged ) I am perswaded this is the very same House in which the blessed Virgin the Mother of GOD was borne , in which she received the Angelicall salutation , and in which the Saviour of the World in his infancie was nursed and bred . And albeit ( I confesse ) that of some it is scarce beleevod , how this House ( now used as a Chappell ) came to be transported from Nazareth , so many , hundred leagues by scarce & land , Et per varios casus , after so many remouealls , to be placed where now it stands in the Picene Territory , neere unto Ancona in Italy . * First then for the Posse , those who believe the omnipotencie of GOD , cannot doubt of the possibility of the transportation of this House , no more then they can of that history of the Prophet Habaccuck , who by the haire of the head was carryed by the Angell , from Indea into Babylon , to Daniel , to give him his dinner in the Lyons denne , and from thence back againe , Dan. 14. or of the assumption of Elias in a fiery chariot into heaven . 2. Kings 2. Or of Philip , who ( frō the Eunuch whom heliad baptized ) was by the spirit placed in Azotus , Act. 8. The difficulty then is , Defacto esse , whether indeed this transportation of the Lauretan House is by the same faith to be beleeved , as the former examples out of the Old and New Testament . I answere , No. Those by divine faith excluding all uncertainty for the authority of the revealer , the Holy Ghost this leaning upon humane testimony , hath accordingly humane credibility , not voyd of all uncertainty , yet not dangerous unto salvation , and may bee embraced without disparagement to any mans wisedome , were he equall therein to Solon , or Salva●●on . For as we beleeve the Citty of Rome to have beene founded by Romalus , because some prophane . Writers doe so report : Why may not so much credit given unto the Relatours & Legendars of that history called Domus Lauretana , being Christians , & more pious Historians then the former ? It seemes to me not much different from a miraculous preservation , that M. Manlius , one man , in the night defended the Capitoll from the Gaules , after they had ascended the height thereof , expulsing and throwing them downe head-long , being destitute both of Weapon & Armour . Memorable is that also & in my opinion not much short of a miracle : That Horatius Cocles , a valiant Roman , & blind of one eye , by his alone prowesse with-stood Porsenna King of the Tuscans , & his whole Army , invading the Citty , & standing upon the bridge , defended the passage , & made it good , one man against a multitude , till such time as his Citizens ( being at dinner , & not understanding of that danger ) comming to their doores and windowes , and seeing in what estate matters were , issued forth to his ayde , and breaking downe the bridge behinde him , hee with no lesse admiration , threw himselfe into the river Tibris , and in his Armour , swamme unto the Citty shoare without any harme . What thinke you of the two twinnes Romulus & Remus , immediatly after their birth , throwne into the river Tibris , at the command of Amulius , & being cast upon the shoare , were no lesse wonderously preserved by the kinde fostership of a shee Wolfe , who left her owue whelpes to give them suck ? What shall we say of Tarquinius Priscus the fift King of the Romans , who cut a whetstone in two parts with a rasor ? Servius Tull us seene many times with a flame of fire about his head , licking his haire & temples . Can wee beleeve all this , and many other things no lesse strange , for the authority of one Livy , renowned in the Roman history ? And must whatsoever is related by so many pious Authors , and consented unto , by the Suffrages ( in a manner ) of all Christians , as touching that sacred House of Loretto , be throwne out of doores ? To come to Ecclesiasticall history , we reade that Gregory , B. of Neocesarea , called ( for his great & many miracles ) Thaumaturgus , removed a Rock out of his place ; & this is related by no meaner an Author then the great S. Basil , a Primative Father , and an ancient Doctor of Gods Church , who doubteth not to compare the aforesaid Gregory , to Moses , the Prophets & the Apostles . This S. Gregory lived in the yeare 233. after our Saviour , & S. Basil 370. both of them in the Primitive times of the Church . We know who said unto his Disciples , if they had faith , as a graine of mustard seed , they should say unto this mountaine , remove hence , & it should obey , Math. 17. And the like of the Mulberry tree . Luke 17. Neither doe I applaud that opinion , that maintaines all miracles to have ceased with the Apostles and Disciples of our Saviour . For ( methinkes ) that doctrine is not consonant to these Scriptures , Mar. 16. Signa autem cos qui crediderint hac sequentur , &c. The signes that shall follow such as beleeve , are these ; In my Name shall they cast out devils , they shall speake with new tongues , they shall take away serpents , & if they drinke any thing that is deadly , it shall not hurt them : they shall lay hands upon the sick , & they shall be healed , &c. Of which miracles , albeit some of them were wrought by the Apostles , and recorded in their Acts , yet why this Scripture may not extend to the faithfull in all ages , according to that order & distribution of gifts , layde downe by the Apostle , 1. Cor. 12. I would willingly understand ? And some verily GOD hath set in the Church : first Apostles , secondly Prophets , thirdly Doctours , next miracles , then the graces of doing cures , helpes , governments , kindes of tongues . Are all Apostles ? Are all Prophets ? Are all Doctors ? Are all Miracles ? Have all the grace of doing cures ? Doe all speake with tongues ? Doe all interpret ? This text then that proves unto us , that in the Church are placed Doctors , helpes , & governments , tells us also , that in the same , GOD hath set miracles , & graces of healing ; neither was the Church which our blessed Saviour purchased with his owne Bloud , and the Holy Ghost , enriched with those divine graces , to endure only for the time of the Apostles , and the 42. Disciples , but even unto his second comming , & yeelding up his government into the hands of his Father . By the same reason then that they exclude miracles , they must also exile Doctours , helpes , & governments out of the Church , all concluded by the Apostle in one catalogue , & these later confirmed to be perpetuall in the Church . Ephes . the 4. and consequently the former . Againe , our Saviour sayth , Iohn 14.12 . Amen , amen I say unto you , he that beleeveth in me , the workes that I doe , he also shall doe , and greater workes then these shall be doe . But we finde not this Scripture fulfilled in any of the Apostles , or of his Disciples , or in all of them put together , whose miracles ( so farre forth as we reade of them in holy Writ ) did neither in number or excellencie , equall our Saviours miracles , and much lesse exceede them . Who then be they that shall doe greater workes then our Saviour did ? but the faithfull who were to succeed in the future ages of the Church ? of which times now to descend to speake , me thinkes it would argue either too much simplicitie , or singularitie , to discredit all those miracles , ascribed as well to the Saints departed this life , and their Reliques , as to the living ; by those Fathers and Doctours of Gods Church , who for their antiquity , sanctity , and learning , all ages have , and ever shall admire . S. Iohn Chrysostome , in a whole Booke against the Pagans , proveth that Christ was God , because he wrought miracles , not onely by S. Peters shadow , and S. Paul his hand-kerchiefe , but also by the reliques and monuments of Saints , and namely by the ashes of S. Babilas . As Almighty GOD by the bones of the Prophet Elizeus gave life unto a dead corps , so soone as it touched them , 4. Reg. 13. See for this S. Chrysost . lib. de Babilamar . tom . 5. Eusebius . B. of Caesarca , who flourished in the yeare 326. reports in his Ecclesiasticall History , That the woman who was cured by our Saviour of a Flux of Bloud , Mat. 9. having the Image of our Saviour made of brasse , and placed before her doore , there did grow up a certaine strange hearbe at the foot of the Image , which so soone as in growth it came to touch the hemme of our Saviours garment in that Statua , it became medicinable to the curing of all infirmityes , but being taken before it sprung up to that height , it had no vertue at all . And the same Author tells us , that this same brasen Image of our Saviour continued till his time , and that he saw it with his owne eyes . Euseb . eccles . histor . lib. 7. cap. 14. What shal we say unto the miracles wrought by S. Paul. the first Hermite , and by Hilarion , recorded by S. Hierom ? The miracles of many Saints , wrought at their tombes and monuments , testified by S. Augustine in his Bookes De civitate Dei ? The miracles of S. Martin , written by Severus Sulpitius . The innumerable miracles of the holy Ermites , living in the desarts of Lybia , recounted by Theoderet in his religious history ? The miracles approved by S Gregory the Great in his Dialogues ? The miracles reported by S. Bede in his Ecclesiasticall History & lives of Saints ? with infinite others , recorded by Ecclesiasticall Writers of later times : must all these bee ranked with the Legends of Amadis de Gaule , of Huyon of Burdeaux , of Primaleon of Greece , or the Knight of the Sun ? O no : neither judgment , nor piety can allow of it . But to draw to a conclusion , That it may appeare unto our senses , that miracles are not ceased , but continued among us even till these times : And that Almighty GOD hath not so restrained his power to the Ordinary course of secondary causes , as that sometimes , and so often as he is pleased , he transcendeth not all the works of Nature , shewing such wonders among us , as that the most refractary cannot but say with the unbeleeving Iewes , Act. 4.16 . Ecce manifestum signum factum est , & non possumus negare : Behold , a manifest miracle is wrought among us , and we cannot deny it . I will then only insist in that kinde of miracle which is called : Gratia sanitatū , the gift of healing diseases , inserted in the List of miracles , both by our Saviour , Mar. 16. and by the Apostle 1. Cor. 12. which gift ab effectis , is apparant to have beene conferred from above , unto two Christian Princes , as it were by an hereditary descent frō immemorable times , namely , the King of England , and the French King , who onely by the touch of their hands . ( calling upon Almighty GOD ) doc cure that diseafe which in Greeke is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Latine struma , and in our English tongue scarce known by any other name then the Kings evill , soyclepped from the Crowned Curers . Neither is this infirmity helped by any other Prince , or Potentate upon Earth , but by those two sacred & anointed Kings , neither have they the gift of helping any other disease or infirmity in mans body , this onely excepted . By what then hath beene said , as touching the authentication of miracles , as well in moderne , as ancient times , I see not but according to the weight & worth of the reporters , they may receive admittance : It being no lesse a fault of indiscretion to beleeve nothing , as to beleeve every thing in that kinde published . And now in the last place , it remaines to answere unto my friends objection , made in the beginning of this Chap. That ( forsooth ) many infirme & diseased persons returne from Rome & Loretto , & other holy places , with as little health as they passed hence ; which difficultie shal be the better resolved , if wee consider the varietie of Pilgrimes , and digest them into their severall rankes : Sith among those that passe into forraine Countreyes , you have in a manner as many ends & purposes , as persons . For first we have the Curious Pilgrim , whom cōmonly we call the Traveller , either some yong Gallant in his minority , or lately wived , or who either upon some discontent leaving their home , & friends , make the scope & end of their peregrination ( according to the best interpretation ) to furnish themselves with knowledge & experience , observing the various manners of Men and Cittyes , & not alwayes in motion , but sometimes at anchor in some famous Vniversity , to heare a Pythagoras , a Plato , or an Aristotle . Who ( to observe that short precept of Tully ) it shall never repent thē at their cōming home . Peregrini , & incolae officium est , nihil praeter negotium suum agere . Officer . It becomes a Pilgrim , and an Inmaco , to meddle with nothing but his owne affaires . Neither would I wish this our curious Pilgrim to bee too long absent from home , lest he taste of such discommodities as Vlysses did , at his returne to Ithaca . Our second Pilgrime is the Covetous Pilgrim , a venturer , though no merchant , who designes his voyage to some one set place , admitting a probability of danger , either in respect of the Countrey so remote , or of the indisposition of his body , for age , or infirmity , in regard whereof , he covenants before he departs from his own smoake , to multiply the greater , by the lesser number , according to the exposing of his Dollors , Dublons , Rings , Chaynes , Iewels , Horses , Coaches , & what not : That at his returne ( if ever ) he may say . — I am mihi quarto : I am decies redit in rugam . Pers . Sat. 6. his Creditors at home ( in the meane time ) cursing those leggs that shall ever bring him back . Our third Pilgrim , is the Counterfeit Pilgrim , who under pretence of devotion , visiting the most memorable Pilgrimages of Christendome , he walkes by Cathedrall Churches , Abbayes , & Hospitalls , not disdayning also ( Si spes refulserit nummi ) to visit places of inferiour note . To which purpose , as the prologue to his intended & pretended Pilgrimage , he puts himselfe into a Pilgrims Habit , which is a gray Frise coat , side to the mid-legg , well girt unto him , a stiffe felt of a course hat of the same colour , a strong ashen staff in his hand about his own pitch , with two bigg knots toward the upper end . His knapsack , and his Calavas , accommodated under his left arme , with the provision in them of an Noahs Arke . And to the end it may appeare , that he beggs not of any necessity , but onely like a young Iesuite for mortification , his holland-shirt hangs halfe a foot out of his sleeve at the hand , & below his Frise Habit , you shall discover a faire silke stocking upon his legg , for by that sleight he shall be held by strangers , a man of note & fashion in his Countrey , & that thorough extremity of piety , he travells so disguised , to give satisfaction unto his supposed most sincere devotion , either voluntarily undertaken , or injoyned for pennance . And whereas the needy beggar , vested as well in-side , as out-side , with pure unfayned poverty , shall with much importunity get a penny , this Counterfeit will purchase a pound , and after a few moneths , returnes home , like a Spanish Gallion from the West Indyes . Our fourth Pilgrim , who from his motion may bee termed the Rolling Pilgrim , being very penurious , makes a vertue of necessity , no lesse mindful of his wallet then of his devotion , eating the sinnes of the people by whom he passeth , whose travells commonly do end either with his health , or with his life , imitating the motion of the heavenly bodies ; for as they rolle about the circumference , so he about the center . Neither doth it much import where he beginnes , since hee is not determined where to conclude & make an end . Meeting him then upon the borders of France , comming from the never-wasting taper of Arras , he tends for Amiens in Picardy , there to visite the head of S. Iohn Baptist . Thence he passeth to S. Denis , where besides many other rare Reliques in rich inclosures , he doth reverence the thorne of our Saviours Crowne . And so to Paris , prostrated at the shrine of S. Genovefa , neither forgets he in his walke the rest of the nostre Dames of France : descending to Marsells in Provence , hee religiously adores the Reliques of S. Lazarus , whom our Saviour Iohn 11. raised to life : next hee arrives at Baubne , where hee tenders his devotion at the body of the blessed Magdalen , who anointed our Saviours head , and washed his feete with her teares : Then entring into Savoy , & passing the Alpine rocks & mountaines of snow , hee descends into Piemont , where he visits the Reliques of S. Eusebius B. of Vercells . At Millan in Lombardy , he visits the monument of S. Ambrose ; as also of S. Carolus Borromeus , both Bish . of that place : thence to Padua , to honour the Reliques of S. Antony . From thence he speeds himselfe to the holy Chamber of Loretto , made glorious by the presence of our Saviour in his Childhood , his Mother , and S. Ioseph . Quam virgo coluisse domum magis omnibus unam Posthabita fertur Galilea . Hic illius Icon Hic stabilis cultus . Locus hic quem tempus in omne Esse suum voluit , quem nunc habitatque , fovetque . Where after the tribute of his devotion payde , ( if his poverty , and no better and out-side , bee not an impediment ) he shal be admitted into the Sacristia , to beholde not onely the sumptuous ornaments of the Church , but the rich offerings of Emperours , Kings & Princes , of Queenes , Nobles , and Ladyes , of greater value then all the land and fertile soyle he can behold from the hill of Tarro , where I advise him to looke to his conscience in the matter of the tenth Commandement . And now taking his leave of Loretto , I wot well hee hastens to Rome , the Queene of Cityes , somtimes Empresse of the Earth , where hee presents himselfe Ad limina Apostolorum , before the Altar of the two Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul , he visits the seven Churches , he makes the holy staires , ( being charitably entertained for three dayes diet , and lodging , in the Hospitall of the holy Trinity ) It may be also his good hap to be admitted ad Mensam Papalem , to dine in his Hol. presence , being the dayly ordinary of twelve poore Pilgrimes , but let him not expect to be admitted to that Table the second time . And now enriched with Beades , Graynes , and Meddalls , and happily with some Reliques of the eleven thousand Virgins , or of the martyred Legions in the dayes of Dioclesian preserved at the trefontani , a mile from Rome ( of which there be great store , and so the lesse esteemed ) he bids Rome farewell , with a Non habemus hic civitatem permanentem , & setting his Palmers staffe upon one end , he is indifferent which way it falls , but resolved that way to wend ; If towards the South , he holds his course for Naples , not staying at all for the Convoy , knowing that the empty purse , feares not the theefe , inviting in his way the Hospitalls to supper & lodging ; arriving at that noble Citty ( mindfull of his vocation ) first , with devout pases , he sets forward to the monument of S. Ianuarius , where with much admiration hee beholdes the martyrs bloud in a Viall , so often bubbling , & boyling , as his head is brought in presence of it : Having complyed with his devotions at the rest of the Churches & Chappels , & collected the charitable almes of the Citty , he cuts over some two dayes sayle , to Ligorne in Tus●●ane , & so betakes himselfe to Luca , to the miraculous Crucifixe : thence by sea or land to Pavia in Lombardy , where hee humbly loutes at the tombe of the great S. Augustine , in a Church , common both to the Ermites & Canon Regulars of his Order . And so our Palmer bids sweet Italy adieu , the garden of the World , & a terrestriall Paradise : Importuning his charitable passage from Genoa in a Galley bound for Barcelona , whore comming a shore , after one dayes journey , he tastes the entertainment of our blessed Lady of Monteserrate , who hath a Diamond in her Crowne , valued at fourteene thousand Duckets , the most frequented Pilgrimage , not onely of Catalaunia , but of all Spaine , admirable for the situation , a Monastery placed in the top of a mountaine , among the cloudes , the passage thereunto cut out with sawes , from whence it hath the name of Monte-serrate : after this he passeth to Sarragosa , where he bids his Beades before Nuestra Sinnora de la Pillar , our Lady of the Pillar ( her Statua being advanced on the top of a high smal Pillar in the chiefe Church , ) which done , he bends his course to our Lady of Guadalupa ; from thence to Sivill to Nuestra Sinnora de Antigua , with so many silver lamps in silver chaynes depending , & ever burning . And so leaving Andaluzia , he coasts over Siera Morena , to Burgos , to worship the sweating Crucifix : & never rests till he arrive at the body of S. Iames at Compostella in Gallicia a rich Monastery of the Benediotines ; where refreshing himselfe some few dayes , he betakes himselfe to his accustomed employments , and bidding Spaine a dios , hee bends his course for France , passing the mount of S. Adrian , among the Pyren hills , trusting to God , and to his good leggs , to finde himselfe at Towres , against the Anniversary solemnity of S. Martin , sometimes B. of that place , whose Feast falls upon the 11 of November . And I pray God ( quoth my friend interrupting mee againe ) that your head grow not addle , with so many windings , & turne abouts of your wandring Pilgrime ; but now having brought him to France where first you found him , I pray you bid him farewell , and give him leave to rolle where he list , for it seemes , that it is one of his vowes , never to rest , so long as he can either goe , or creepe ; & ( I trow ) I have heard you sometimes to say , such Pilgrimes were seldome holy men , * To whom ( quoth I ) If my discourse have proved long : It is your invitation at the first , and heedfull attention , which have beene the causes thereof . Nothing more encouraging a man to draw out the threed of his speech to the ful length , then attentive Auditors , which I have found you hitherto to be . Having then passed through so many Pilgrimes : The Curious , the Covetous , the Counterfeit , and the Wanderer , Give me leave to adde to that number the fift , which is the Distressed Pilgrim , in speaking of whom , had you my friend not interrupted my discourse happily by this time I had given you an account of what you desired at my hands in the beginning , which ( if I doe not mistake ) is this . How comes it to passe ( say you ) That in those which you call holy places , and have in so high an estimation , & glory so much of their miracles ? That we behold so great a number of Halt , Blinde , Deafe , Dumbe , lamed of their limmes , diseased of their bodies , of Dropsies , Palsies , Consumptions , Convulsions , Gouts , Sciaticks , Phrensies , Ielousies , Epilepsies , & c ? so few to be cured , or to returne home sound of winde , & lim , & in perfect health ? To which I answere . It seemes no more strange then that so many sitting at home , ( where they have almighty GOD still present with them ) doe not recover of the same infirmities , For albeit we heare it said , Petite & dabitur vobis , quarite & invenietis , pulsate & aperietur vobis . Luc. 11. Aske , & it shal be given you ; seeke , & you shall find ; knock , & it shal be opened unto you . Yet S. Iames saith . Petitis & non accipitis , eò quòd malè petatis , Iac. 4. You aske & you receive not , & the reason is added , because you aske amisse . Whether then at home , or abroad , you aske amisse ; that is , either things unlawfull , or in complacency of sin , or with an inordinat desire , as of health , or any other temporall benefit , which happily denyed , is better then obtayned . This inordinate desire , not conformable to the will of GOD , & repugnant unto our soules health , may be a sufficient impediment of not receiving what is asked . Our distressed Pilgrime repaires unto Loretto ; he speeds not ; he went blinde , he returnes blinde ; he went crooked , he returnes with the same Nemesis upon his shoulders ; hee went hence with two good legges , hee comes limping home ; hee went with a Dropsie , he comes home with a Timpany ; hee went to be cured of his phrensie , or his jealousie , and he returnes madd . Was there then any insufficiencie of almighty GOD , to have supplyed these defects , or to have remedied these diseases at the memory of his Saints ? O no. The Poet could say , Pers . Sat. 2. Poscis opem nervis , corpusque fidele senectae : Esto , age : sed grandes patinae , tucetaque crassa Annuere his superos vetuere , Iovemque morantur . Thou askes sound lims & strength against old age , But up-heapt plates , the long and fat sausage Forbids the Gods ; and Iove to grant suffrage . It is said of our Saviour , Mar. 6. That in his owne Countrey of Nazareth , by reason of their incredulity , Non poterat virtutem ullam facere , he could not worke any miracle , but onely heale a few sick persons . Not that our Saviour being GOD , could not work miracles , but that on their part there wanted apt dispositiōs & capacity unto them . Of which dispositiōs , Faith is the principall ? & note , that Non possum is often in the Scriptures put for Nolo , I will not . So our Saviour sayth in the Gospell : The children of the Kingdome cannot fast while he be with them , non possunt jejunare , as much as to say , nolunt jejunare , they will not fast . So when a man takes himselfe to be wronged , hee will commonly say , I can not put up this wrong at his hands : I can not disgest it : as much to say , I will not . Againe , we must not inferre , that where dispositions requisite in the person of the Patient are found , as a true faith , purity of heart , resignation to the will of GOD , that there is alwayes the benefit of cure in their corporall infirmityes , because it is ever a ruled case : That our heavenly Father knowes what we have need of , & what is best for us : many moe being driven by adversity to seeke out their salvation , then by prosperity : those who have but one eye , one foot , one hand , entring into Heaven , when others who have two eyes , feet , hands , are cast into hell fire . Mark. 9. And we know the Parable of the Sun & the Wind. Albeit then we see twenty for one returning from such places ( where almighty GOD is pleased sometimes to work miracles , in honor of those who on earth were his faithfull & true servants , & now triumphant in Heaven ) laboring still of those maladies , for which they sought relief at the memories of Saints , It would be great presumption & temerity in us , to suspect , much more to judge , that they were not prepared for so great a benefit . We know what Apology our Saviour made in the case of the man blinde from his nativity . When as the Iewes demanded of him , Quis peccavit , hic , aut parentes ejus , ut coecus naseeretur ? Iohn 9. Who was it that sinned , he , or his parents , that he should be borne blind : The answer was , Neque hic peccavit , neque parentes ejus , &c. Neither hath this man sinned , nor his parents , but that the workes of GOD might bee manifested in him . And by analogy the same may be applyed to our case . Besides , it is not to bee doubted of , but many infirme & diseased people repaire to such places , more for devotion & spiritual comfort , then for any desire , or expectatiō of their bodily health . Non ut benè sit pedi , aut lateri , sed ut benè sit anima : not so tender of the well-fare of their corruptible bodies , as of that immortall part , which is , and ought to be most deare unto them . And so much ( my friend ) to answere your difficulty , why so many returne from pilgrimages without reparation of their health . The last knot to be untyed in this Argument , ( & rather insinuated by you , then clearely propounded ) is this . How is it to be beleeved say some ? That so many signes and works surpassing all power of Nature , which we call miracles , should be wrought at the memory and monuments of Saints , rather then in other places . The omnipotencie of GOD ( the Author both of Nature , Grace , and all miraculous workes ) being one and the same in all places and times . To as many as urge this reason , and thinke it worthy to be insisted upon . I might say as our Saviour said unto the Sadducees , Math. 23. Erratis nescientes scripturas , & virtutem Dei : You erre , not knowing the Scriptures , or the power of GOD. Our blessed Saviour tells us , Luke 4. Quòd multa erans vidua , &c. That there were many Widowes in the dayes of Elias in Israel , when as the Heavens were shut for 3. yeares and six moneths , in which time there was a great famine thorough the whole earth , and unto none of those was Elias sent , but in Sarepta of Sidonia , unto one Woman a Widow . And there were many Lepers in Israel , in the dayes of Elizeus the Prophet , and none of them was cleansed , but Naaman the Syrian . Now what was the cause why no other Widow was exempted from that famine , but only the Widow of Sarepta ? Because ( notwithstanding the presence of GOD in all places ) there wanted also the presence of the Prophet Elias . And why were not the rest of the Lopers clennsed , but onely Naaman the Syrian ? wanted there the power of GOD , or due preparation in the Subject : Who can say so ? No , but the presence of the Prophet Elizeus . By which we see the circumstance of personall presence , though not necessary unto the power , yet many times required unto the will of the worker of signes and wonders . And albeit our Saviour in the Gospell , sometimes did cure the absent , to givers to understand , that his power was not restrayned to presence , yet commonly , and so the most part , hee cured none but the present : and so the people did understand , both by laying his hands upon them in the Cure : As when by reason of the presse of people , they uncovered the roofe of the house , Mar. 2. to let downe the Paralinique in his bed before him . So the Prophet Elias raised not the Widowes son to life , before him selfe came unto him . And our Saviour went unto the grave of Lazarus before he revived him . He took the Governors Daughter by the hand , Math. 9. as also in Naum he touched the Coffin of the dead , before he raysed them to life . And no lesse also doe we behold a presence required even in those livelesse instruments , which it pleaseth the divine Wisdome to use in this kind . So the bones of the Prophet Elizeus , quickned the dead Corps throwne into his grave , by a Physicall touch or contact . The waters of Iordan in like manner , the leprosie . The Hemorissa ( being so many yeares diseased ) found no cure , till she touched the hemme of our Saviours garment . The waters of the pond in Hierusalem , Iohn 5. did not heale before they were touched . S. Peters shadow , healed none but such as it passed over . And the Napkins & Handkerchiefes which were sent from the Body of S. Paul , being applyed , did not onely cure diseases , but cast out devils Acts 19. By which , & many other examples ( which for brevity I omit ) it may appeare , that either Presence , Application , or Physical contact in most miracles , have beene required as a condition to the effecting of them . That we may the lesse marvaile , if present at the Reliques and monuments of Saints , we receive those helps both spirituall and temporall , which being absent , wee might misse of . And so I conclude this Chap. of Pilgrimages , my selfe unfit for those ttavells , to which some against my will , most willingly would compell me . And now our artificial starres being ready to set , & to descend below their Horizons . It is time to end that discourse , to which your attention hath thus farre drawne me . And so wishing all well-fare & happines to the whole Company , I bid you all good-night : resolving my selfe to sleepe , till some other occasion shall awake mee . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02680-e910 * Coneil . Constant . Notes for div A02680-e3020 * So Aaor . c. 14. q. 2. Farinas . q 8. De Inquisit-Ambrosinus cap 18 n. 39. Molina de Iust . tract . 2 , disput . 31. conclus 4. Salas de leg . disp . 14. sect . 9. n. 111. with many others . Notes for div A02680-e4760 * The house of Loretto came into Italy , 1294. Blondus , 1389. lib. 1. de Italia illustrata reg . 5. wri●eth of it , and Pet. Georgius , 1461. So also Hieron Anglitanus in the same age , Baptista Mantuan . Erasm . in his Liturg. and in his Sermō thereof In our dayes Pet. Canisius , Muretus . Turselinus . * Qui multum peregrinantur , rarò sanctifican●u● . Gerson de I●●● as , Chr. 
A30635	----	Prudential reasons for repealing the penal laws against all recusants and for a general toleration penn'd by a Protestant person of quality. Burthogge, Richard, 1638?-ca. 1700. 1687 Approx. 25 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A30635 Wing B6155 ESTC R4360 13679334 ocm 13679334 101281 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30635) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101281) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 839:21) Prudential reasons for repealing the penal laws against all recusants and for a general toleration penn'd by a Protestant person of quality. Burthogge, Richard, 1638?-ca. 1700. [4], 11 p. Printed for Matthew Turner ..., London : 1687. Written by Richard Burthogge. Cf. DNB. "Published by authority. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dissenters, Religious -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- England -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PRUDENTIAL REASONS FOR REPEALING THE PENAL LAWS AGAINST All Recusants , And for a General Toleration , Penn'd by a Protestant Person of Quality . Published by Authority . LONDON , Printed for Matthew Turner at the Lamb in High Holborn . 1687. READER , YOu will admire perhaps at first the Confidence of this Person , who never was of the Council , be sure , nor is of the Parliament , that he should make so bold as to endeavour to shew the Interests of All Parties , and ev'n those of the King and of the Country . But you will have cause to cease your Admiration , if you consider , that the Interests of the Parties do not lie so deep under ground as is thought ; and that if Men do not see them , it is not because they Cannot , but because they Will not ; not because the Object is Hid , but because their Eyes ( with which they must see it ) are mop't in Passions and Prejudices . The Author pretends to see no more , than every body else may , provided , that he will wipe his Eyes , and be as impartial and as unprejudic'd as He. As for the King , whom God long preserve ; Thanks be to God , he has a clearer Prospect of His own and of His Kingdoms Interest , in the Matters debated , than Any His Royal Predecessors had ; and He pursues it too with that Conduct and that Vigor which corresponds with the Miracles that preserv'd the Crown for Him , and also Him , both for the Crown , and for a Glory greater than that of wearing Crowns , to wit , to be the Restorer of Religion to Liberty and Freedom of Exercise . Prudential Reasons for Repealing the Penal Laws against All Recusants , and for a General Toleration . 1. CHristian Religion and Civil Government are things so different , as in their Originals , so in their Natures ; and ordain'd for Ends so different , ( the Former being Divine and Spiritual , and ordain'd to be a Means to Mens Eternal Felicity ; the Latter , Human and Secular , and appointed for their Temporal Welfare ) that in themselves , and absolutely taken , they are nothing a Kin , and of no Relation one to another . Wherefore Civil Government ( as such ) cannot be oblig'd to concern it self in the Business of Religion , or to Incorporate Any , any further than as Politic and Secular Respects do ingage it , that is , any further than as a Concernment of Religion may become a matter of State , and be for the Quiet , Safety , Strength and Support , and so do's make for the Ends and the Interest of the Government . Now it is for the Interest , Quiet , Strength and Safety of every Government to give as much Contentment , and to make it self as easie as is possible unto all its Subjects , but especially in matters of Conscience ; which , as they have the greatest Ascendent over the Minds of Men , so the Gratifications and Displeasures that have reference to these , of all others do most deeply affect them . And therefore it is against the Interest , the Quiet , the Strength and the Safety of Government to espouse Religion ( in any Mode thereof ) so as to establish it by Law any further , or in any other manner than as may consist with the general liking , and give Content unto all in Reason ; for Reason at last will Rule , and over-rule both Passions and Prejudices . StateBigottry ( in any Religion ) cannot be for the Interest of Government . 2. But to circumscribe my self within a nearer compass . All the Sanguinary and Burthensome Laws relating to Religion , that from time to time have been enacted by our English Parliaments , against either Popish or other Recusants ; They were all made in a Passion of State , and only to humour the Times , as might be prov'd by Induction of all the Particulars . And therefore as things of that Production always have , so even these have something in them of Violent , Inequitable and Extravagant , and of unfit and inconvenient at least for times of Peace and Tranquility : So that to repeal them , must needs be an Act of Moderation , Clemency and Justice , and of Politic Prudence and Wisdom . 3. Besides , the Penal Laws did never answer the Ends and Designs for which they were intended ; but instead of securing good Order , Quiet , Peace and Tranquility to the Government , they too often prov'd a matter of Embroylment and Disturbance unto it ; and have been the Handles which upon all occasions , Ambitious , Factious , Discontented Men have taken hold of , and have used to wind about the People , and make a Property of them to serve their ill Designs and Intentions . 1. The Penal Laws never answered or effected their Ends. Queen Elizabeth on several Occasions , in several Parliaments , gave Life and Birth to Laws of extream severity , not only against the Roman Catholic , but also the Puritan Recusant ; but against both to little effect ; for notwithstanding all that severity , Popery was not extirpated , and Nonconformity grew and spread ; it is true , the less observedly , but not the less dangerously for that it grew in secret , and that it was not observed . King James succeeding Queen Elizabeth would needs be her Successor as to her Methods of Prudence as well as to her Crown , and in the same Method was met with the same success : Papists were more sharpned , and Puritans spred more ; the Severities of the Law increasing only the number of Enemies , without establishing the Quiet , Repose and Peace of the Government . When Laws are Enemies to any Men , to be sure , say they what they will , and swear what they will , those Men will be Enemies to the Laws . Ay! the very Being of the Penal Laws without a perpetual Execution of them do's make Enemies . For Men will always hate what they always fear ; and the Laws ( if in Being ) are always feared , because if they do not strike always , yet they may strike , and no body knows how soon they will : Which minds me of the second Point . 2. That the Penal Laws have often ministred matter of Disturbance and Imbroylment to the Government ; to evidence which we need not to go back to far remote and distant times , but may keep within our own Horizon and Ken , and yet have Examples enough , and plain enough . When King Charles the First , for certain Reasons of State , had remitted the execution of the severity of the Laws against Roman Catholics , and for other Reasons permitted some severities to be used by the Clergy for the suppressing of Puritans ; occasion is taken hence for making Complaints upon both Hands ; to wit , of the Non-execution of the Laws against the Roman-Catholics , and of a too severe Execution against Puritans . Popery ( the Cry is ) is favored , and True-Protestant Religion , under pretence of Puritanism and Non-Conformity , ( is ) discouraged and even undermin'd : At last out comes the Popish Royal Favorite , and on comes War and Confusion . 3. To come nearer yet ; When Charles the Second after a long experience of the Unfitness and Inefficacy of forcible Courses for setling the Repose of State , ( the which he had wisely observed ) found Cause to emit his Gracious Declaration of Liberty and Indulgence , to quiet the Minds of his Subjects , that he might have Peace at home , while he was making War abroad : Presently the Alarm is sounded , the Church is in danger , an Inundation of Fanatics worse than that of the Gothes and Vandals , is like to run over all , and Currat Lex is the word , and this too , by Men that would be thought to valew themselves on the Doctrin of Non-resistance . Again , when by Intercession of Parliament and from other Considerations , he was induc'd to Revoke his Declaration ( from which moment he might have dated the beginning of all the Stirs , and all the Imbroylments that followed ) in a little Time , the Fanatics being sufficiently mortify'd , up goes another Cry ( God wot ) of the Growth of Popery , in which ( without doubt ) the Fanatics did heartily joyn , both out of a sense of Revenge , and from that of their Interest . After this came Plots upon Plots , and Difficulty upon Difficulty , to the certain Danger , and almost as certain Ruin and Destruction of the Government . Of such advantage are the Penal Laws to the Safety , Quiet , and Repose of the State ! Indeed while these are in being , there can never want Pretexts , upon one hand or the other , Quiet a movendi , to make Complaints of ; as , either of too much severity , if they are executed , or else of too much remisness , if they are not . Away then with these two-handed Tools of Contention and Faction . 4. I may add , That Severities , especially in Matters of Religion , are so contrary to the Complexion and Temper of our Nation , which both by Nature and by the Frame of our Government , in the Fundamental Constitutions of it , are much more mild and gentle than most others , That the very Authors and Promoters of the sanguinary and burthensom Laws , in a little time , and when the Heat was over , grew weary and remiss themselves in executing of them . Fuller tells us , in his Ecclesiastical History , cent . 16. That when these Statutes ( he speaks particularly of that in the Twenty third of Elizabeth , against Jesuits , &c. ) were first in the State and Magisteriality thereof , they were severely put in practise on such Offenders as they first lighted on . But some years after , the Queen and her Judges grew Remiss in the Execution thereof ; witness the only confining of many of ' them to Wisbich Castle . And in King James's Days , this Dormant Law against Jesuits only awaked some once in four or five years ( to shew the World that it was not dead ) and then fairly fell asleep again , being very sparingly put in execution , against some Notorious Offenders . Thus he . 5. And if we consider this Subject in a larger Circle , and speculate upon it exactly , the Prudentialness of what I have propos'd , and have hitherto argued , will appear the brighter . Opinions then , and Practices in matters of Religion are either Plausible and Popular , or of a nature not so apt to take with the People . If Opinions and Practices are not plausible and popular , but of a Nature unapt to take with the People , in that case there is no need of Laws to suppress them , because no danger of them , they will expire of themselves ; Laws against them , will but give them Credit and Reputation , and perpetuate their Memory ; to despise and neglect is to extinguish and stifle them . It is true , when Opinions and Practices are plausible and popular , are well nick'd , and are apt to infect , and take with the People , but yet have not as yet infected them and spread among them , all things being as yet still and quiet , in that Case the Quickest and Severest Remedies seem the Best , because they eradicate . And thus while the Reformation was circumscribed in the Breast of one only Luther , if Friar Hogostrate's Counsel ( indeed an Achitophel's ) of applying Chains , and Fire , and Flame , as the only proper Remedy , had been follow'd , That Course ( 't is very probable ) would have for ever prevented it . But God had better things in Reserve . And this Method even Queen Elizabeth follow'd as to the Dutch Anabaptists that came over hither : She Burnt two , and Banish'd all the rest that would not Recant : Which Proceeding , according to the Rules of Policy , was certainly good ; but how Equitable it was , and how Christian , I leave to others to judge . But after that Opinions and Practices have gotten Roots in the Minds of Men , that they have spread among the People , and are entertain'd with Applause , so that there are some Persons who think it to be a Concern of Salvation to them to Propagate , and others that think it no less a Concern of theirs to Receive them ; in this Case ( and this is Ours ) the Severity of Laws , if executed , ( and Laws without Execution are Scare-crows , seen and despised ) do's only hinder the Open Profession , but not the Belief and Secret Practice : may Repel the Humors , and make them eager and virulent , and consequently encrease the Danger ; but do's not Expel or Alter them . Thus the Body Politic becomes replenish'd with Malignities , and then any jogging and stirring of State endangers it ; whereof one day our neighbour Kingdom of France may have a dangerous Experience . And certainly even at this time some of our own Church , who lately proceeded to so great Extremities against Dissenters , and thought by that Proceeding to have got an absolute Victory , begin to fear it ; and should His Majesty please to grant His Indulgence by Proclamation , and under the Seal , I believe they would Find it a great Truth , That Severity and Persecution may make Conformists , but not Converts : However the Observation is not new . The burning of Men and Women like Torches in Queen Mary's Days , tho' it had this Effect , that it produc'd an universal external Conformity to the Roman-Catholic Rites , yet seeing those Fires did only heat the Humors of the Men , they did not burn without Illuminating their Minds ; no sooner was Occasion presented , as , by the Descent of the Crown on Queen Elizabeth , it was not long after , but the Ineffectualness , Folly , and Weakness of that Proceeding appeared ; for the People , no more than the Clergy ( generally speaking ) were now no longer what they seem'd before . Again , the Condemnation of Udal , and Execution of Barrow and others , ( who were hang'd as Felons ) for Non-conformity in Queen Elizabeth's Time , had no better Effect , as the Consequence shew'd ; for notwithstanding that Severity , Puritanism grew in Her Time as Protestantism did in Queen Mary's , and possibly the faster for that Severity . Of this King James the First was fully convinc'd ( at last ) by the burning of Legate and Weightman ( for the Writ de Haeretico comburendo has done jobs for others , more than once , as well as for Roman-Catholics ) he finding by that experiment of Fire Ordeal , the truth of this Observation , That severe Executions in matters of Religion , even when the Opinions are but speculative and not apt to take , do ordinarily more hurt than good . The Observation Fuller has made of the success of those Executions in King James's time , deserves that we should put our Finger upon it . God may seem ( says he in his Ecclesiast . History Cent. 17. Sect. 4. ) well pleas'd with this seasonable severity , for the Fire thus kindled , quickly went out for want of Fewel , I mean , there was none ever after that avowed these Heretical Doctrines , only a Spanish Arian , who condemn'd to die , was notwithstanding suffered to linger out his life in Newgate , where he ended the same . Indeed such burning of Heretics much startled common People , pitying all in pain , and prone to asperse Iustice it self with Cruelty , because of the novelty and hideousness of the Punishment . And the Purblind Eyes of Vulgar Judgments looked only on what was next to them ( the Suffering it self ) which they beheld with compassion , not minding the demerit of the guilt which deserved the same . Besides such being unable to distinguish betwixt Constancy and Obstinacy , were ready to entertain good thoughts even of the Opinions of those Heretics , who sealed them so manfully with their Blood. Wherefore King James politicly preferr'd , that Heretics hereafter , tho' condemn'd , should silently and privately waste themselves away in the Prison , rather than to grace them and amuse others with the solemnity of a public Execution , which in Popular Judgment usurped the Honor of a Persecution . Thus he . But to return . The only proper Method then , in case Religious Perswasions have taken Root , and are so largely diffus'd among the People that they cannot be eradicated but by Barbarous Cruelty , and with extream scandal , as by Massacres and Assassinates ; I say , the only proper Method in this Case is that which is Lenitive , the method of Toleration and Indulgence , but with due Regulations . For in this Method , altho' Recusants are permitted to continue such still as to the Church , yet they cannot but become entirely the Friends of the State , which by giving them such Reasonable Satisfaction , do's as well deprive them of just occasions of complaint , as take away from the Multitude all occasions of Compassion and Pity . And in this state of things should any Recusants be still contriving and intriguing it will be manifest ( to all ) that it is not Conscience , but a Lust of Power and Rule that Acts them , the very suspition of which will lose them the People ; so that they may be punish'd by the Hand of Justice , not only without Murmur , but even with general Applause . Tho' many will hear them that say , We preach our selves your Servants for Christs sake , but few will indure such as shall say ( but in effect ) We Preach our selves your Lords , and you our Servants , for our own sakes . It may be added , that Restraint doth whet the Appetite , and therefore that Indulgence and Liberty will abate it : Men will not care so much to hear Recusants , when they are not restrain'd from hearing them . Prudential Reasons for Repealing the Penal Laws against the Roman-Catholics particularly . 1. FIRST , that his Majesty having profess'd himself of the Roman-Catholic Perswasion , it is but a just expectation , not only in those of his own Profession , but in all the World , that he should procure a Legal Freedom of Exercise for that Religion ; which should he be unable to effect with the Consent of his People in Parliament , it would much obscure and eclipse the Glory of his Character abroad , it being impossible that he should appear as a King of Great Figure to the World abroad , if he shall appear to make ( as then he will ) but a little one at home : Whereas it is for the Interest and Safety , as well as for the Honor of the Kingdom , that the King should make as Great , and as Illustrious a Figure abroad as is possible , seeing the Strength and Power of the Kingdom ( the Reputation of which is its Safety ) appears not to the World but in the Greatness of the King , and in His Power with His People . 2. A Continuation of the Penal Laws against Roman-Catholics , when the King professes Himself to be One , must needs have a particular Ill Reflection upon Him even in other Respects . For who can think or say of Catholics , that they are so Criminal and Ill a sort of Men , and of Principles so very Bad , that the utmost Severity against them is but little enough ; but withal he must abate of Regard and Veneration for the King , who acknowledges Himself a Roman-Catholic ? which how it can consist with that Proportion of Duty , Love , and Allegiance that we owe unto Him as our Sovereign Lord , is too hard a Point for me to conceive . 3. I am very confident , that many Examples ( if any ) can't be given in All History , of Governments in which the Prince was of a Religion , the Exercise whereof Himself did punish in His Subjects , by His Laws and Judges ; and indeed it cannot be but a Solecism in State to admit it . For , that a King should punish in others , what yet He publicly avows and owns and approves in Himself , is very odd , and a Self-condemnation . I know the Case of Sigismond the Third , King of Poland and King of Sweden ; but I suppose it will not be urg'd as an Instance against me . Prudential Reasons for Tolerating other Recusants , as well as , and together with , the Roman-Catholics . 1. NOt to give a Toleration and Indulgence unto Protestant Recusants , when it is given to Roman-Catholics ( if at any time it shall be given ) , would make the Toleration of These , how Just soever , to become Invidious , and a Subject of Clamor and general Scandal , and so a Matter of Disquiet and Trouble to the Government . 2. Ay! And the Roman-Catholics cannot hope to hold and enjoy a Toleration that should be giv'n them by Act of Parliament , if other Recusants be not also joyn'd with them therein , longer than they may be sure of a Toleration without such an Act , only by the Royal Prerogative and Clemency : Whereas if the Toleration is General , and All Recusants , as well the Protestant as Roman-Catholic , equally comprehended in the Grant thereof , in one Act , and upon one Bottom , a Consideration of the Quality , the Number , and the Interests of the Parties so joyn'd together in the Liberty , will secure the Possession of it in Future : For , then , it will not be Wisdom to go about to disturb it . 3. Trade is the Interest of England , and Liberty of Conscience the Interest of Trade ; it being beyond Dispute to all considering Men , that the Body of the Industrious Trading Part of the Nation are either themselves Dissenters , or Favourers of those that are ( such . ) And it is as evident , that Trade , which , before , lay ev'n gasping for Life , since His Majesties Gracious Intentions are known to lean towards Liberty of Conscience , and that He has Extended His Dispensations from the Penal Laws in Matters of Religion , is Recover'd to a wonder , and grown Brisk and Quick , and that too so much to general satisfaction , that we hear no more Now , as Before , the Idle Stories of Prophecies , Prodigies , Complaints , and Murmurs , ( those certain Symptoms of a Diseas'd and Crazy State ) but All is Quiet and Still . 4. It is for the Interest of those that do Profess themselves the true Sons of the Church of England as by Law establish'd , if really they are Lovers of the Reformation , more than of their Passions and Humors , that All Recusants , as well the Protestant as the Roman-Catholic , should be Equal Sharers in the Grant of Liberty , if any is made . For seeing it is impossible that these two should agree but in things in which their Interest joyns them , and as impossible that it should be the Interest of either one of these ( any more than it can be the Kingdoms ) to suffer the other to get uppermost , one of them will always Ballance the other , and consequently both must be contented with Liberty , without aspiring to Power and Rule . And thus the Church will always remain undisturbed as well as the State. 5. But if the Church of England will have security in the Possession of the Establishment they have , or may have , by Law , upon their own Bottom , without the Assistance of Ballancing and Policy to support it , they must resolve to enlarge that Bottom , ( which indeed is their true Interest ) by parting with things to them indifferent , but not indifferent to others . For if some Men resolve to be always stiff and inflexible , and not to condescend in the least to any Abatements , for the Love of Peace and of Unity , one may adventure to foretel , without pretending to Prophecy , that sooner or later , they will find themselves in his Folly , who rather than cast the worst of the Loading Over-board to save the Ship , will sink with it . 6. To conclude , It is certainly for the Interest of the Royal Family , as well as for the Kingdoms Interest , that such a Settlement should be well deliberated , and be surely establish'd , as to the Business of Religion ; that whether the Crown hereafter shall descend on the Head of a Roman-Catholic , or of a Protestant , ( for it may again ( as has already ) sometimes descend upon the one , and sometimes upon the other ) that That Descent should make no Change and Alteration in the Law , or the State of Things in the Government . Preventive Wisdom is the best Wisdom ; and such a Settlement will Prevent Convulsions and Difficulties , which ( else ) on every Demise of the Crown , the State will be subject unto . But such a Settlement , I doubt , can never be effected without Resolving that the Religion already Establish'd , shall be the Religion of the State ; and that those who dissent from it , shall yet have Toleration and Indulgence , but under due Regulations and Qualifications . For my own part , I admire the World is so fond of Uniformity in the Externals of Religion , that in most things else prefers Convenience before It. The World it self is Elemented of Contraries , diversly proportion'd , and the Variety in it , is , of the Being , and for the Beauty and the Ornament of it . FINIS . 
A32369	----	A proclamation commanding all papists, or reputed papists, forthwith to depart from the cities of London and Westminster, and from within ten miles of the same England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1679 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32369 Wing C3239 ESTC R12006 12277588 ocm 12277588 58521 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32369) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58521) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 863:37) A proclamation commanding all papists, or reputed papists, forthwith to depart from the cities of London and Westminster, and from within ten miles of the same England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Bill, Thomas Newcomb, and Henry Hills ..., London : 1679. Reproduction of original in Bodleian University. At head of title: By the King. At end of text: Given at our court at Whitehall the fourth day of May 1679. In the one and thirtieth year of our reign. Broadside. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. Popish Plot, 1678. Broadsides 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. A PROCLAMATION Commanding all Papists , or Reputed Papists , forthwith to depart from the Cities of London and Westminster , and from within Ten miles of the same . CHARLES R. WHereas notwithstanding the several Acts of Parliament , and His Majesties late Royal Proclamation to the contrary , there is at this time a very great resort of Papists , and Persons justly reputed Papists , to and about the Cities of London and Westminster , and Places thereunto adjacent ; The Kings most Excellent Majesty ( at the humble Request of the Commons now in Parliament Assembled ) Doth by this His Royal Proclamation strictly Chgarge and Command all Papists , and Persons reputed Papists , and such as have been so within Six months last past , That they and every of them do forthwith depart from the said Cities of London and Westminster , and from all Places within the distance of Ten miles of the same ; And that they or any of them do not presume to return again upon any pretence whatsoever , within the space of Six months from the Date of these Presents . And lest they or any of them should do the contrary , upon pretence of any Licence formerly granted by any of the Lords , or others of His Majesties Privy Council , His Majesty doth hereby Declare , That he hath caused all Licences of that nature formerly granted by any of the Lords , or others of His Privy Council , to be revoked . And His Majesty doth hereby further straitly Charge and Command all and every Iustices of the Peace , Constables , and others His Officers and Ministers of Iustice within His said Cities , and either of them , and within Ten miles of the same , That they do make strict Search and Enquiry for , and with all vigour proceed against all and every Person or Persons who shall be found within the said Cities of London and Westminster , and within Ten miles of the same , during the said space of Six months , contrary to the effect of any of the said Statutes , and the purport of this His Majesties Proclamation . Provided , That nothing herein contained shall be construed to extend to any Person or Persons who being formerly of the Popish Religion , have fully Conformed to the Protestant Religion , in such manner as is by Law appointed , nor from the time of their respective Conformity , to such as shall hereafter in like manner Conform themselves . Given at our Court at Whitehall the Fourth day of May 1679. In the One and thirtieth year of Our Reign . God save the King. London , Printed by John Bill , Thomas Newcomb , and Henry Hills , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1679. 
A32511	----	By the King, a proclamation for suppression of popery England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1673 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32511 Wing C3429 Wing C3515A_CANCELLED ESTC R35884 14867323 ocm 14867323 103850 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32511) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103850) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1566:48 or 1588:86) By the King, a proclamation for suppression of popery England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. Printed by the assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker ..., London : 1673. "Given at our court at Whitehall the twentieth day of November, 1673. In the twenty fifth year of our reign." Ordering enforcement of the Penal laws against recusants. Item at reel 1566:48 identified as Wing C3515A (number cancelled). Reproduction of originals in the Harvard University Library and the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dissenters, Religious -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- England. Catholics -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King. A PROCLAMATION For Suppression of POPERY . CHARLES R. WHereas in pursuance of Our Gracious Assurances to both Houses of Parliament at the late Prorogation , to let all Our Subjects see that no care can be greater then Our own , in the effectual Suppressing of Popery , We were pleased the Fourteenth of this instant November , in Council , to Direct and Command the Lord Steward and Lord Chamberlain of Our Household to hinder all Papists , and Popish Recusants , or reputed Papists and Popish Recusants from having access to Our Presence , or to Our Palace , or the place where Our Court shall be , from and after the Eighteenth day of this instant November , and did then likewise Command the Iudges of Our Courts at Westminster , to consider of the most effectual means of putting the Laws in Execution for preventing the Growth of Popery , and speedily to Report the same to Vs : Now for the more effectual Suppression of Popery in all parts of Our Kingdom , and Preservation of the true Religion Established , We do hereby Declare and Publish Our further Will and Pleasure , and also strictly Charge and Command all the Iudges of Our Courts at Westminster , Iustices of the Peace , Mayors , Sheriffs , Bayliffs , and other Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice whatsoever , That they do forthwith take effectual care for the Prosecution of all Papists and Popish Recusants , according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm ; And for that purpose , That they give the said Laws in Charge at their respective Assizes , Gaol-deliveries and Quarter-Sessions , and then and there take order that such Papists and Popish Recusants , or persons suspected to be so , may be speedily Presented , Indicted and Convicted according to Law , and that due Process be from time to time issued thereupon . Given at Our Court at Whitehall the Twentieth day of November 1673. In the Twenty fifth year of Our Reign . God save the King. LONDON , Printed by the Assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1673. 
A32683	----	By the King, a proclamation England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1671 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32683 Wing C3636 ESTC R219344 14867780 ocm 14867780 102749 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32683) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102749) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1566:51) By the King, a proclamation England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. Printed by the assigns of Jo. Bill and Chris. Barker ..., [London] In the Savoye : 1670/1 [i.e. 1671] "Given at our court at Whitehall, the three and twentieth of March, 1670/1. In the three and twentieth year of our reign." Ordering Catholic clergy into exile and the enforcement of the Penal laws against Catholic recusants. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Dissenters, Religious -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- England. Catholics -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms A PROCLAMATION . CHARLES R. WHereas Our Loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , Have by their humble Petition represented to Vs their Fears and Apprehensions of the Growth and Increase of the Popish Religion in these Our Dominions , together with the Causes thereof , and also such Remedies as they conceive may be proper to prevent such Growing Mischiefs . Which Petition of theirs We have Seriously Considered , and do with much Contentment and Satisfaction , Accept and Approve the great Care of Our said Loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons in Parliament assembled , for the Preservation of the True Religion Established in this Kingdom ; To which , as We have always Adhered against all Temptations whatsoever , so We shall still employ Our utmost Care and Zeal in the Maintenance and Defence of it . And We do therefore by this Our Royal Proclamation streightly Charge and Command all Iesuits , and all English , Irish , and Scottish Priests , and all others who have taken Orders from the See of Rome , or by the Authority or pretended Authority thereof , who are not under any Restraint by Imprisonment , other then such as by Contract of Marriage are to Attend the Person of Our Dearest Consort the Queen , or by the Laws of Nations are to Attend Forein Ambassadors ; That they do before the First day of May next , Depart out of this Our Kingdom of England , and Dominion of Wales , upon pain of having the Penalties of the Laws and Statutes of this Our Realm Inflicted upon them : And for their better means to Depart accordingly , We do hereby Declare and Publish Our further Will and Pleasure , That if at any time before the said First day of May , they or any of them shall Resort to any Port-Town of Our said Kingdom of England or Dominion of Wales , and there Declare himself to the Magistrate of the Town , or other Officers of any Port , that he is a Priest , and that he is there to take Shipping for his Passage , they shall suffer him or them quietly to Depart , and shall see them Shipt and sent away for Forein Parts , and give them their Furtherance for their Departure . And to the end this Our Proclamation may be the better Observed and Obeyed , We do hereby strictly Charge and Command all Our Lieutenants , Deputy-lieutenants , Commissioners , Iustices of Peace , Mayors , Sheriffs , Bayliffs , and all other Our Officers and Ministers whatsoever , That they be Circumspect and Vigilant each of them in their several Charges , from and after the said First day of May next , in searching for and discovering all such Iesuits and Priests as aforesaid , as shall presume to remain in this Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , contrary to Our Laws , and Our Royal Pleasure and Command herein Declared , that so the Laws may be put in due Execution against them . And for the better Discovery of all others who are Popish Recusants , or justly suspected to be so , We do also further Require , Charge , and Command , That all Our Iudges , Barons of Our Exchequer , Iustices of Peace , and Ministers of Iustice in their several places , do not onely Observe Our Will and Pleasure herein before expressed in all and every of the Premisses ; But also forthwith put all other Our Laws in due Execution against all Popish Recusants , and such as are suspected to be so , in order to their speedy Conviction , and cause the said Laws to be publickly given in Charge at all and every their Assises , Gaol-deliveries , and Quarter-sessions respectively , and then and there take order that such Popish Recusants , or persons suspected to be so , may be speedily Presented , Indicted , and Convicted according to Law , and that due Process of Law may from time to time be Issued out upon such Convictions . And We do hereby Declare , That the Names of such Priests who do Attend the Person of Our Dearest Consort the Queen , shall be set down under Her Great Seal , and such Signification Enrolled in the Court of Kings-Bench : And because there may be some Priests Imprisoned in this Our Realm , yet unknown to Vs , We do Will and Command all Sheriffs , Bayliffs , and Keepers of Prisons , within Twenty days after publication of this Our Proclamation , to Advertise Our Privy-council , or some of them , of the Names of all such Priests that are in their Custody , and by whom , and for what Cause they were Committed , to the End that thereupon We may give Order for their Transportation , as the Case shall require . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , the Three and twentieth day of March , 1670 / 1. In the Three and twentieth Year of Our Reign . GOD SAVE THE KING . In the SAVOYE : Printed by the Assigns of Jo : Bill , and Chris . Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty , 1670 / 1. 
A33406	----	A letter from the Pope to his distressed sons the Catholicks in England. As it was intercepted, and now published by S.V. Catholic Church. Pope (1667-1669 : Clement IX) 1674 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33406 Wing C4636 ESTC R215135 99827104 99827104 31517 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33406) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31517) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1863:28) A letter from the Pope to his distressed sons the Catholicks in England. As it was intercepted, and now published by S.V. Catholic Church. Pope (1667-1669 : Clement IX) Clement IX, Pope, 1600-1669. aut 8 p. [s.n.], London : printed in the year M DC LXXIV. [1674] Signed at end: Clement IX. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- England -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER FROM THE POPE , TO His DISTRESED SONS THE Catholicks In ENGLAND . As it was Intercepted , And now Published by S. V. LONDON : Printed in the Year M DC LXXIV . A LETTER from the POPE . DEar Sons , whom now thy English Den of Hereticks despise , who now are by them made the Ludibrium hominum , who for all your cunning stratagems and heroick Plots and Treasons , and all your learning , yet ( to my sorrow I speak it ) you are likely both now to be driven out from , banished , and utterly disregarded by these Hgonots ( silly Souls : ) yet I your old Father , before I take my leave of the World and of you , which if Hereticks still pursue to spit out their Malice against you my Sons the Jesuits , and if as is reported the Penal Laws be put in execution against you , will suddenly put a period to this my now uncomfortable life . Yet still me thinks I ought not to despair , but wait to see our Halcyon days , and Hereticks be again brought under the rod of our holy Inquisition . You know Sons how I have erected Seminaries , and to what end ; which my enemies do call bad Conventicles , no better then Cockatrices to hatch treason : in these I never thought any Cost too dear , whereby either to make your Bodies fit for travail , or to help your natures inclination with fallacious art for the accomplishment of our purpose . And now my Sons 't is high time that you fall from contemplation to practise , or else I say all is lost : for Protestants give out that Popery has seen its best days in England ; and I hear the Parliament , that Pope-marring Assembly , will drive you like Foxes into corners : nay , I am informed that Heretick-like they have publickly burnt the effigies of my Holiness ; and that D. S. a leading man among these Hereticks , hath charged us with , nay not only charged , but proved that Catholicks are Idolaters ; and that they make no more of confuting Cardinal Bellarmine , then drinking of a glass of Wine . Ah now what is become of all our subtilty ? we are now begirt about with our Father the Divils devises . Now therefore seeing it is thus , let none of you scorn your Old Fathers directions : for though your younger years be riper in Art , yet my experience may teach you what in great designes is to be affected . English you are , whose Albion-Cliffs have heretofore seemed to my predecessors and me like Rocks of pure Diamond , where some have rightly loved us , and from the depth of their affection have embraced you my dearest Children : but the greatest part now pursue me with deadly hatred , terming me no better than a blood-sucking Cannibal , a Robber of Churches , a Patron of Heresies , a Father of Falsehood , the Broacher of Quarrells , the Seed-man of Sedition , the Infringer of Liberties , the Controler of Princes , the Enemy of Christ , the Monster and Astonishment of Nature , in Chayeing Christians Souls in miserable Thraldom , and more then Egyptian servitude . But we expect the time when these Clouds may , nay will vanish : be not discouraged ; you know after a storm comes a calme , after Persecution liberty ; the thoughts of which is unto me as it were a Restorative , to revive my faint and languishing Spirits : which hope doth chiefly depend upon your cunning in compassing ; and cunning consisteth in this which followeth : First , that you work upon such as are fit to be added to our Catholick faction ; and secondly , in the manner of the performance . Those that are the likelyest to be fitted to this frame , that is , to lend a hand when opportunity strikes allarme ( I speak not sons of those who already are devout Catholicks , earnestly expect , and heartily pray for success in our Cause ) either are Male-contents whom envy or malice may make desirous of a change ; or loose professors , who have lent their love to voluptuous delights or prodigalities , Children whom extreme want hath made desperately minded ; or wanton wanderers , whom long travail hath deprived of natural affection . And thus began Mahomet to strengthen his State , by joyning himself with the angry Souldiers of Heraclius , stirring up their minds against the Emperor , and encouraging them in their defection ; whereupon in process of time it came to pass , that although many could not abide him , from the baseness of his Birth , and odiousness of his former Life ; yet growing from a Thief to a seditious Souldier , and from a seditious Souldier to be Captain of a Rebellious host , his Mahometical force began to subdue mighty people . Now as you must strike with Mahomet while the Iron is hot , and work those with diligence whose inclination you find pliable ; so must your wisdom appear in the manner of this work , wherein I would have you to propound to your selves the deceitfulness of the damned wretch before named . I would not for all the world it were known , my Sons , that you followed so base a pattern of a cozening Knave , for an example of imitation : this Mahomet , not only to gratifie his Companions , but also the more easily to allure all Nations , received all Religions ; the pertinacy of Arrius , the error of Nestorius , the vain invention of the Thalmudists : therefore from the Jews he received Circumcision , from the Christians sundry washings as it were Baptism , and with Sergius denyed Christ his Divinity . Secondly , to inlarge his Kingdom , he made such Laws as were fit to win and allure the vilest ; as to his Arabians , base wretches , accustomed to live upon spoil , he alloweth Theft , and setteth a Law for revenge : hurt him which hurt you ; he that killeth his enemy , or is is killed by him , entreth into Paradice : he permits of having many Wives , Divorcement for trifling causes ; promiseth Paradice to them that give liberally , and fight for his sake . Thirdly , mistrusting his fall , with many Bulworks hath he fenced his Law , that no way be open to subvert it ; First , by commanding to kill them which speak against his Alcoran ; Secondly , by forbidding men to confer with a contrary Sect ; and thirdly , by prohibiting credit to be given to any of a contrary Religion . Now Sirs , why should not we prevail as well as this deceiver , whom for example I have mentioned to you my Children ? have not we as many Motives , as plausible Rhetoricians to perswade ? for First , as he to allure all Nations received all Religions , so I your Old Father have found out such a Religion as is compounded of all sorts , that all might be pleased ; and therefore our Enemies have called it the Cruse and Budget of heresies . Secondly , our Doctrines are as mighty to prevail , as ever were the Laws of Mahomet . If Old Men be covetous , their young men voluptuous , Nobles Ambitious , and the common sort Ceremonious ; we have such allurements as are also to win them : to the rich covetousness , with Craft and Cruelty , and the rest of her factours , we have Coyned a Purgatory , the fire of our gain : to ●eed the voluptuous , our Religion admits simple Fornication , and our practise hath erected Stews : to draw on the Riotous , dissolute and idle do-nothings , we have ordained many odd Holy-days ; at Rogation to carry Banners , after Pentecost to go about with Corpus Christi , play , and other knick-naks : nay , to encourage you in Treason or desperate undertakings , we have canonized Garnet , and other zealous Catholicks , who suffered Martyrdom for the Catholick Cause , after that heroick , and of all good Catholicks to be commended , though unfortunate Powder-Plot . To keep men from the sight of their sins , we have taught them to mince them , and that the first motions are no sins unless they go with consent , that some are venial , and need but an Asperge of Holy Water , or a Bishops blessing : to win ambitious hearts , that fain would be aloft , you must teach that my power is to give Kingdoms to such as can conquer them , and to discharge Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and Loyalty , as our Pius the fifth and Gregory the thirteenth did against that Heretick ( though to all the world and to us our selves known most Virtuous ) Queen Elizabeth . Further , we give immortality to such as can pluck the Crown from the Princes head ; and tell you that ( which is a most damnable lye , but no matter so long as the Catholick cause is advanced ) to murder a Hugonot , or blow up at a blast an Heretical Parliament , are works meritorious . If the people will know nothing , to fit their humours we teach that Ignorance is the Mother of Devotion , That Images are books for Lay men , That knowledge of the Scriptures makes Heresies ; and not as that Heretick Dr. S. teaches , that the Scripture ought to be the Rule of our Faith , but that it is sufficient that their faith be folded up in our Church-belief , without understanding or knowing what it is . Again , to please the multitude , and to draw them to our Side , we have holy Reliques ( Oh most pretious ! ) Dispensations , Indulgences , and thousands of years of Pardon ; and that Catholikes must believe not what Christ and his Apostles have taught , but what the Church believes , right or wrong ; and that they ought to pin their Faith upon the fallible Infallibility of her , and not as Dr. S. affirms , upon ( that heretical dangerous Book ) the Scriptures , which have made Heresies , as wisely said that Cardinal , when it was enquired how so many Heresies came into the world : Why , says he , we may think our selves for it alone : for bad we kept that dangerous Book the Bible in an unknown Tongue , these Heresies had never sprung so thick ; but now every private and Lay heretick puts his exposition upon the Scriptures . And was not this answered like himself , think you , my sons ? Yea certainly : for now we finde it , to our woful experience . Lastly , lest simplicity either in Church-Service or Administration of Sacraments should breed contempt , we have added many more petty matters to make them more commendable , more acceptable to the palat , and our followers more devout ; as in our Churches gilded Images , Altars , Super-Altars , Candlesticks , and such-like : In our Massings and Church-Service , Golden garments , costly Colours , strange Gestures , warbling and numbering of Beads , &c. In our Priests , square Caps , Bald Crowns , great Hoods : In our Orders , Crossing , Anointing , Shriving , sorswearing Wedlock , & e. In our Baptism , Washing of hands , Salting , Spawling , Exorcising , Crossing : In Receiving , to come with beards new shaven , and an imagination of a bodily and real presence ; which makes Catholikes devoutly to receive , when they are taught and really think it so , but in truth none is , but as the Hereticks own mystically so to be . And lastly , lest this our jugling should be espied , which I your old Father hear begins to be too manifest , we have made as strong Fences for Papism , as ever did that wicked Beast for Mahometism . For first , we have endeavoured to bury the Scriptures , lest by that light all our Projects , obscure designes and darkness should be discovered ; which if sudden care be not taken , I have reason to fear it will too too suddenly . Yet fear not , the Fowler is fain many times to follow his Game long before he can obtain it ; the Angler is fain many times to sit whole hours by the river-side , before he can perswade the silly Fish to snap up their own destruction . We have waited long , and many of our well design'd and heroick Plots ( such as was the Gun-powder-treason ) have miscarryed : but there may come a time when — Secondly , Church-service we have thrust upon silly people in a strange language ; Sons , you know well why : for ' Simon Magus was never detected , before Christ was preached in Samaria . Thirdly , we have forbidden our followers to confer with the Hugonots : for they are always striking at us with the Scepter of the Word , and still cry , To the Law and the Testimony , &c. Further , we tell you , that any thing , though the horridest Murder or Treason you should act , is highly meritorious , so that thereby the Catholike Cause may be respected , and the interest of our Church ( I mean , that you may fill your own Coffers ) advanced : and that as amongst the Scythians he was reputed the bravest Gentleman that spilt most bloud ; so I tell you , he is Canonized for the worthiest Catholick , that can bring most souls to confusion . And now , what can we do more ? Yet what doth there else remain , but that you use all diligence , feeding your favourites with strong hope and large promises , standing at the Court-gates with Absalom , the lively image of Courtly Politicks , seeming to pity the peoples estate , when his ambitious humour did greedily aspire after his Fathers Kingdom . Even so you my Sons , tell them that their Religion is good , and how I your Father and theirs do pity them , and that if I had the disposition of the Crown , plenty should follow the Scepter , and peace should follow plenty . I say no more unto you , but walk closely , and keep your selves in tenebris : For your predecessors , I know not whether to ascribe it to angry Starrs , the influence of the Heavens , neglect of opportunity , want of secresie , by too great security , have had so bad success , that instead of supplanting a Kingdom , they have broke their Necks at Tyburn ; and instead of reconciling Souls to the Romish faction , they have united their Heads to a Halter ; this cruelty have they sustained for my sake , whom therefore I have Crowned with Martyrdom , and Question not but that they have as good rewards as they deserved . Thus hoping and expecting to hear the downfal of Hereticks , I am your tender ( though by Hugonots despised ) Father CLEMENT IX . FINIS . 
A01076	----	A defence of the right of kings Wherein the power of the papacie ouer princes, is refuted; and the Oath of Allegeance iustified. Written for the vse of all English romanists; more especially, for the information of those priests, or Iesuits, which are by proclamation commanded to conforme themselues, or depart the kingdome. By Edvvard Forset, Esquire. Forset, Edward, 1553?-1630. 1624 Approx. 171 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01076 STC 11189 ESTC S119405 99854612 99854612 20039 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01076) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20039) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 956:08) A defence of the right of kings Wherein the power of the papacie ouer princes, is refuted; and the Oath of Allegeance iustified. Written for the vse of all English romanists; more especially, for the information of those priests, or Iesuits, which are by proclamation commanded to conforme themselues, or depart the kingdome. By Edvvard Forset, Esquire. Forset, Edward, 1553?-1630. [12], 93, [1] p. Printed by B. A[lsop] for Nathaniel Butter, and are to be sold at his shop, at the Pyed Bull, neere Saint Austens Gate, London : 1624. Identification of printer from STC. A belated answer to two items by Robert Parsons, STC 19408 and STC 19417. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. -- Judgment of a Catholicke English-man living in banishment for his religion. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. -- Treatise tending to mitigation towardes catholicke-subjectes in England. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Oath of allegiance, 1606 -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-10 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-10 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS . WHEREIN THE POWER OF the Papacie ouer Princes , is refuted ; and the Oath of Allegeance iustified . WRITTEN FOR THE VSE OF ALL English Romanists ; more especially , for the Information of those Priests , or Iesuits , which are by Proclamation commanded to conforme themselues , or depart the Kingdome . By EDWARD FORSIT , Esquire . LONDON , Printed by B. A. for Nathaniel Butter , and are to be sold at his shop , at the Pyed Bull , neere Saint Austens Gate . 1624. TO THE MOST HIGH AND POTENT MONARCH , IAMES , OF GREAT BRITAINE , FRANCE , AND IRELAND , KING , DEFENDER OF THE FAITH , &c. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in God , GEORGE , by the Diuine Prouidence Lord Bishop of LONDON , my singular good Lord. THE whole Church , and Kingdome of England , ( Right Reuerend Prelate ) hath a long time together taken notice of that continuall neerenesse , into which it hath pleased his Maiestie ( who does all things vpon Iudgement ) to admit your wisedome and faithfulnesse , in matters of aduice especially , which be most proper to your sacred Function . Which Grace of your Lordships with so wise and learned a Prince , hath perswaded me , that as you were the fittest , so you would be the willingest to doe our Great Master this seruice ; for so I hope this Office will proue , if your Lordship wil be pleased , that this Boke may by your hands haue accesse vnto his Maiestie . It treats of a Royall Argument , and therefore ( euen of dutie ) to be dedicated to a King , as a thing due vnto Caesar : And due vnto our King especially , whom God hath raysed vp in Brittaine , as the Fort Royall of Princes , to amate that Tower of Babel , that prowd Castle of S. Angelo . And therefore as his Maiestie himselfe hath first of all , and best of all , written in this kind , and giuen the ablest directions vnto others to prosecute the Argument ; so it might seeme presumption , if any thing of this subiect should come abroad without his Royall assent . His Maiesties example ( together with this Gentleman 's owne zeale to the Cause ) did at first , no doubt , encourage this learned Author to vndertake this present Worke , who as he still is by his place a Iustice of Peace , so hath he here done Iustice vpon that sawcie Medler with the Rights of Princes , Parsons the Iesuit , and those two seditious Bookes of his , one comming our vnder the name of P. R. the other of a Catholike Gentleman , both which he hath here made to keepe the Kings peace . The Title will ( I hope ) find gracious acceptance , and the Booke honourable approbation with his sacred Maiestie . Which hope of mine hath emboldened me to offer it vnto your good Lordship , as a testimonie of my most hearty and humble thankfulnesse , for those fauors which I haue receiued from your goodnesse : the remembrance of which shall euer bind me to be at your Lordships seruice most faithfully . Nathaniell Butter . TO THE READER . OCTAVIVS the Emperour did rather chuse to violate the will of Virgil , then to consume those laborious AEneids of his in the flames of Obliuion . Why then should not this example of his , excuse me from blame of the Author of this following Worke , for attempting to commit to the Presse , and commending that to others in publike , which he but lent to me in priuate ? since good things are best knowne , by their vse ; and well considering , how acceptable it may prooue to our hopefull times . The end of his 〈◊〉 , when hee first began this Treatise ( I am well assured ) was onely to satisfie his owne priuate Iudgement , esteeming it ( through his too much Modestie ) so farre vnfit for the publike view , as for the space of tenne or twelue yeeres since the finishing of it , hee suffered it to rest obscure , amongst his other priuate Labours ; wherein his industrie and abilitie may appeare to be made yet more transparent , in his owne vnder-valuing of what hee hath so exactly performed : Which comming thus accidentally to my hands , and viewing the matter it treated of , and the malicious slanders it retreated , I could not chuse but euen blame the vnkind Author , that would haue made the very Wombe of this his seasonable Off-spring , the Tombe , and giuen it at one and the same time both life and dissolution together . I haue therefore aduentured my Endeuors ( without his knowledge , beyond his expectation , and I am afraid , against his desire ) for the publishing of that which I knew might prooue so vsefull : which remaining obscure , and in silence , neither should the Cause nor the Parsons be vindicated ; nor yet the soueraigntie of this Antidote against that dispersed Poyson , haue beene discernable , or serued for publike benefit . And though the man opposed be ( as I conceiue ) vncapable of defence , yet there remaine many of his Labors , that like the Vipers brood haue suckt a stronger Poyson from his death . Nor want there many of his Iesuited Disciples , who may yet doe him right , if they thinke him iniuried ; though it be true , Vni Caesari multi insunt Marii . All I desire , is pardon from the Author , vpon whose Worth so well knowne , and Loue so often tryed by me , I haue thus farre presumed ; not doubting , but the publike good that may ensue his owne Labour , will ouer-sway his resolued retyrednesse . As for thy acceptance , I doubt it not , because the benefit is thine owne ; and accounting it reward enough to my selfe , that I am but the Instrument of communicating this to others . Farewell . F. B. PARTICVLAR MATTERS discussed in this Treatise . THe occasion of this Question concerning the Popes power . The mitigations of P. R. touching the Powder-treason . His mangling and omitting of my Lords words . Whether the Pope cannot erre : with the manifold distinctions of the Papists therein . How the true estate of the Question concerning the Popes power , is hidden by a cunning forme of words . Whether this point be generally agreed vpon amongst Catholikes , and how dangerous the same is to the State. How he minceth and mitigateth the matter in question . The true Question , and how largely it extendeth . The reasons made for the position , and the same answered : and that there neither is , nor euer was , any standing Authoritie to depriue Kings . No reason for the Popes power in nature . Whether the vniuersall Pastorship be instituted by Christ , and what points must be prooued , before that come to be made good . The Iesuites busie entermedling in State-affaires . The proofe from the word Pasce Oues examined , and Baronius his expositions and inferences in this matter . Other strange arguments for the Popes temporall power . The Pope no rightfull successor of S. Peter , but wrongfully pretendeth his Authoritie , or Primacie . The Pope no successor or imitator of Christ. Their distinction of Authoritie , direct and vndirect , examined . What necessitie there is of this Pastorall power , and how it is qualified . Politike reaches in Poperie , to aduance the Authoritie aforesaid . The Pope may reduce all causes to his Cognizance , and how farre he may extend the power of Seculare Brachium , the Sccular Arme. The Doctrine of the Iesuits concerning the deposing of Princes , holding that euen priuate men may destroy Kings . P. R. yeeldeth vnto the point of the Kings Supremacie , in that sence as we doe accept the same . P. R. driuen to fall from that which he had yeelded . The Pope and Bellarmine will dislike as much of P. R. for yeelding to the Kings Supremacie of preseruation , as they do of M. Blackwell , for taking the Oath of Allegeance . P. R. thought to be the author of the Letter which replyeth to the Apologie of the Oath . He cannot yeeld Supremacie in all causes , in his owne sense , and yet main aine the Popes power of deposing . The maintaining of the Popes temporall power , and the denying of the Oath of Allegeance , is all one . He ought to haue shewed particular matter to be disliked in the seuerall parts of the Oath : the true cause why he doth not . His foure reasons , whereby he would proue matter of Religion in the Oath , be examined , and refuted . All limitting of the Popes power , is not matter of Faith. The allowing to the Pope a power to depose the King , cannot stand with Allegeance . A short answer ( consisting of two parts ) to the whole Booke , Written against Sir Edw. Coke , concerning the Popes Authoritie in this Kingdome . Difference in the case of subiects vnder Catholike Kings & the subiects of this kingdome , & between the now subiects & those of former times vnder 〈◊〉 Kings of England . The distinction of the Popes Authoritie , direct and indirect , 〈◊〉 . Reasons to induce the Catholike subiects not to refuse the Oath That sundry Papists haue taken the Oath willingly : and that the Gent. Wrongeth them in making a doubt thereof . vpon any allegation of constraint by feare . That the Law containeth not any compelling or vnlawfull meanes , to make any to sweare vnwillingly . That they haue also sworne faithfully : and that the equiuocating sence which the Gent. deuiseth , was not vsed by them , nor ought to be vsed by any , being sencelesse , and against the Oath directly . The Gent. rage and threats , for enforcing of the Oath . His Theologie controlled , concerning the ministring of an Oath vnto such , as hee that ministreth the same , suspecteth will forsweare himselfe . That amongst the Papists , there be greater enforcements to make men abiure Opinions , yea , vnder paine of death , as is confessed : And that the answer to maintaine the same by the title of Ius acquisitum , is idle and friuolous . A wish for eternizing the memorie of the Gunpowder Treason , in answer of their anger for our so often iterating or vpbraiding to them that most abhorred Conspiracie . FINIS . AN EXAMINATION OF a Position published by P. R. in the preface of his treatise , tending to mitigation , concerning the lawfullnesse of the Popes Power ouer Princes : with a defence of the oath of Allegiance . IT pleased the Right Honorable the Earle of Salisbury , in his exactly written , and necessary published answer , to certaine scandalous Papists prouoking him by occasion , and in fashion vnsufferable , to protest against the insolency and malignity of the Romish Church , out of the bosome whereof so many Treacheries , Conspirases and Immanities of the foulest kind , haue bin vented into the world , tending to ouerule or ruinate whatsoeuer authority , not submitting the necke to the yoake of that vsurping power ; in the very first passage of that his Appologetticall declaration ( which enuie it selfe could not passe ouer without attribution of highest praise ) hee was carried ( by the contemplation of so many dangerous designes , and complotting practises , dayly pretended and contriued against the safetie and dignitie of temporall Potentates ) to a more vehement expressing of himselfe in the zeale of words following . I haue been a long time sorry , that those which imploy so many seditious spirits dayly to instruct the vnlearned Catholikes , in these mysteries of deposing Princes , haue not by some publike & definitiue sentence Orthodoxall ( in which it is supposed , the Pope cannot erre ) made some cleere explication of their assumed power ouer Soueraigne Princes , as not onely those which acknowledge his superioritie might bee secured from feares and iealousies of continuall treasons , and bloody assassinates against their persons , but those kings which doe not approoue the same , and yet would faine reserue a charitable opinion of her subiects , might know how far to repose themselues in their fidelitie , in ciuill obedience , howsoeuer they seem to be deuided from them in point of conscience . To which his Lordsh. so honourable desire , this good father offereth and endeauoureth to giue satisfaction . Aman ( if we mistake not his sheepemarke ) of some fame , and note of that side , placed in a degree of preheminence , graced with more then ordinary gifts , confidently conceited of himselfe , and daring to vndertake matters of highest nature ; not withstanding , obseruation is made of him that his boldnes much ouerbalanceth any other his best worth . His said preface of the importune exasperations vsed by diuers to increase our diuision and disagreement about matters of Religion is very presumptuous , and altogether censorious , wholly spent in taxing and traducing not onely the particular speeches , or writings of some especiall men of excellent desert in this state , as if whatsoeuer they haue vttered out of the abundance of iust griefe in detestation of the late execrable treason , did wholly proceede from exasperation , exulceration , aggrauation , exaggeration and calumniation , ( for in those high sounding tearmes he beareth his stile aloft ) but also the administration of iustice , the vprightnes of our regiment , the newly enacted penall lawes , as making the state of English Catholikes vnder Protestant gouernement more miserable and intolerable , than that of the Iewes vnder any sort of Christian Princes , that of the Grecians , or Christians vnder the Turke or Persian , or that of bond Subiects , vnder the Polonians , Suetians , and Muscouites , onely he confesseth that in two mens writings he findeth more moderation . The one is his Maiestie in his speeches , both in Parliament , & in Proclamations ( whereunto yet he giueth some dash or wipe of exception ) The other is my Lord of Salisbury in his said answer , to that fond menacing letter , or rather franticke commination which yet ( hee saith ) wanteth not his sting , piercing euen to the quicke . After hee hath thus throughout his many licentious leaues , braued it with exorbitant and exulting phrases , at the last , he falleth in hand with this piece of doctrine occasionally drawne thereunto by the consideration of his Lordships said desire , and ( forsooth ) he is the man that must instruct and settle my Lords iudgment by his profound resolues , seeming to be moued with pitty , that his Honour ( in a matter not appertaining properly to his facultie or profession ) hath beene misled or misinformed by his diuine . Before he lancheth into the maine of the matter , he disposeth himselfe malepertly , to make a crosse , or quaere , of the truth of such threatnings and scandalls expressed in the said leters . For ● he pauseth vpon the matter , with his parenthesis ( if any such were ) and after infinuateth his suspition that the same came from the forge of some such as ( altogether with a blowe , to be thereby giuen to all Catholikes ) had a desire to draw foorth from his Lordship , &c. It seemeth that these laques of the Romish faction are very frequently acquainted with such fictions , what destinie can be more disasterous then that the credence , so publikly deliuered by so honorable a person of his place , and eminency in the state ; and of such vnspotted integritie , in the carriage of all causes , and otherwise to bee sufficiently testified also , by the concurrence of sundry mens particular knowledge , must vndergoe the girds and glances of his misdoubts and questioning curiositie ? but leauing the cauilling fellow to his maleuolent surmises ; I will now come to his other presumption , whereby hee vndertaketh to assure and satisfie my Lord of the doctrinall position , of deposing Soueraignes , wherein ( albeit I well know , that his honour is most able with his sharpe enquirie , and iuditious discerning , to looke into all the secretest corners and hiding places which he can contriue , or reserue in this cause , Nequae forte lateat intus garrula cornix , yet not knowing whether his Lordship out of his many other most waightie affaires can affoord vnto this vain discourser so much losse of time , as but to read his so idle , & frothy stuffe . I humbly aske leaue of his Lordship , 〈◊〉 my meanenes , and weaknes may make aduenture to take him in hand , to charge him , and combate him , in this so high and most important controuersie . But before we come to the core of the question , let it be obserued what good cause he hath to pleade for mittigation , and how well he acteth the part of a mittigator . In the mention which hee maketh of the late powder plot for the suddaine , and vnrecouerable subuersion of our gratious King , and the whole state at once , ( the very cogitation whereof , is as full of horror , as the perpetration thereof , would haue beene of treachery , and atrocitie ) what fit or equiualent tearme hath his mild , and mittigating spirit , deuised to expresse or paint forth the hainousnes thereof ? he doth twice ( for fayling ) iterate vnto vs that it was the temeritie of a few . He could not haue chosen a more easier , or more abating word , if he had beene , to reprooue them for some small misdemeanour against a petty Constable : can it be otherwise thought , but that this Artist , and Tradesman of words , did out of his inclination , and tendernesseof heart , sort out of the gentlest tearme he could find , lest he should seeme too sharpe and sore against them . Doth he imagine by such his initigation to persuade the King and Realme to tolleration ? the kings Councell , learned at the law , in the dinotation and amplification of that vnspeakeable conspiracy , finding it to conteyne so many treasons in one , declared the same to be , as Sine exemplo , & sine mode , so also sine nomine . Now this Rhetoricall Father could haue taught them all to haue framed the inditement vpon his so proper name , the treason of temeritie . I can hardly endure his other word ( few ) sauouring of the like mittigation also , yet I know that I shall euen madde him , in telling him the very troth of my thought . Hee sayth , That to extend and draw out the hatred and participation of that fault to others of that religion , yea vnto the whole multitude , is a matter of exorbitant iniustice and vntemperate malice . I confesse that he hath herein some aduantage , both by the admirable goodnes and clemency of so louing a Soueraigne that suffereth not Iealousie to out trunne proofes , and by the deffect of discouerie of the degrees and depths of that designe . Yet ( if it bee but to crosse him in the conceit ) hee carrieth , fronting the same in the stile and inscription of his booke . That it is not vnpossible for Catholikes and Protestants to liue together in dutifull obedience and subiection vnder the gouernment of his Maiestie . ( I will let him know ) that for my part , I did long since make it euen an article of my beleefe , that the like plot was rightly to be resembled to the trayne of powder ; wherby it was to haue had his execution , for as one corne thereof would haue fired another , carrying the flash along , till the whole should ioyne together in full force . So vndoubtedly , the maine corps of Papacy within this land would haue beene stirred vp being laid in order and prepared by those wicked traynors , and leaders , according as they had contriued , the fire of their treason and rebellion to catch hold , & flame forth . And it may sooner be feared , then it can be known , that ( besides the few powder cornes ditected and disappointed ) there was a longer and stronger traine , yea great and mighty barrells , that would haue beene combined to haue wrought the generall combustion , and dissipation of the whole state . I will rest this point with prayer , that ( howsoeuer there may be vse or necessitie to trust vnto their faithfulnes ) yet that there may neuer be opportunitie , or meanes giuen them for the triall of her infidelitie , and disloyaltie . An other tricke of his running in mittigation , is shewed in the mangling and mincing of the sense and feruency of his Lordships speech , hee wholly pretermitteth that part of the recited sentence , which by charging them to haue imployed so many seditious spirits to instruct the vnlearned Catholikes in the mysteries of deposing Princes , doth the more vrgently presse them by a iust account to make good the causes of such their mischieuons and detestable proceedings . Shall I coniecture at his conceite in concealing or withdrawing of these words ? be felt the same to strike into his sides the spurre of guiltines , by the remembrances of his owne notorious offences : who for many yeares hath beene thought a busie instrument of enkindling the simple and deuoted Catholikes with the spirit of sedition , and hath beene a detected confederate in the trayterous agences , wherein his subordinate Iesuites hath beene so disloyally imployed . Wherefore ( though he had no great liking to heare againe the sound of such words , as must conuey an accusing sting into his conscience , yet he thought to lay it heauy vpon him ( as a charge that hee might not well auoyde ) to set forth ( by declaring of the Papall right ) some seeming shew in iustification of his owne and his complices , vndue & disloyall dealings . In the rehearsall of the same sentence , he maketh one other omission of these words , inclosed in a parenthesis ( in which it is supposed the Pope cannot erre . ) This prero gatiue point of the Popes new erring iudgement , hee hath slyly passed by , as not willing to rush vpon that rock , vpon the firmenes and stabilitie whereof , their whole Church is bailt , this opinion ( as his Lordship truely deliuered ) hath for some ages passed beene receiued , and stifly maintayned by the fawning hindes of the Pope , that hath beene accustomed , Tribunat Romanum lambere , but this good mitigator , finding no coulerable defence against many and wayty arguments , whereby such the transcending exaltation bestowed one his holinesse , is vtterly deiected and ouerthrowne , hath no great liking to passe his affirmation , and assent to that doctrine , which the powers of his wit and learning , is not able to vphold . Nay hee hath in this controuersie taken an head , and singled himselfe from the common Catholikes , closing hands in conclusion with the Protestants . For in this very treatise , he hath affoarded vs this fauour , that Popes may erre , yea euen in the articles of faith , yea and become Heretickes , and Apostataes , and that as Popes , that for the same , they may be deposed , and depriued of their Papall preheminence , doth he not speake like an honest plaine dealer , as if he would no more adore that I doll of Rome ? and as if hee cared not any whit for the triuiall obiections made out of the words of Christ vnto Saint Peter , I haue prayed that thy faith shall not faile : and againe , vpon this Rocke ( meaning Saint Peter ) I will build my Church ? Nothing more permanent and vnmooueable than a rock , nothing more certaine of effect than what Christ prayeth for , and whatsoeuer endowments of gifts or graces was bestowed vpon Saint Peter , did become the fee-simple and inheritance of the sea of Rome . Hee that regardeth not these inferences , and allegations so generally allowed and insisted vpon in the Church of Rome , and which hath hitherunto been vsed as the shoulders of Atlas to vphold the earthly heauen of the Pope , their earthly god , doth he not giue good hope , that hee will reuolt from Papacy it selfe ? But ( notwithstanding these faire shewes ) by the helpe of some of his fellowes , hee hath found out a shifting distinction to winde himselfe out of all the straights , and entrapments , wherewith he seemed to be fettered so vnuoydably , Aud this it is . That albeit the Popes , as Popes may erre , become Apostataes and Heretikes , yet that God ( as Popes ) will neuer permit them , to decree any hereticall 〈◊〉 , to be held by the Church , or for the whole Church ; What can we say to the subtletie of this distinction ? It is like to the buckler of Achilles that had many plates ensolded , one within the other , to giue the more assurance against all blowes or thrusts . It is a fertile and pregnant distinction , it hath these seueral issues of his body begotten . First , that Popes as men may erre , and be Heretikes , yea and decree hereticall doctrine , but not as Popes , for that God will not permit ; It is pretty , but what sure marke or token doth he giue , whereby it may be knowne , what hee doth as Pope , or what hee doth as man ? they say that God permitteth not , and we say , that onely God knoweth the difference Between his actions , or enactings as Pope , and his decisions as man , and so the Church resteth vncertaine how farre to be bound . Secondly , God may permit Popes ( as Popes ) to hold hereticall doctrine , but not to decree it , where shall wee finde consistendi locum ? if in their consistory , they shall declare , pronounce , and resolue vpon Heretical doctrine , may that amount vnto a decree , we haue had many such decrees reuersed and repeated . Thirdly , though God permit Popes ( as Popes ) to decree an erronious and false doctrine , yet if at any time after ( as if that wild beast euen the Bore of the forrest , had reuertendi animum ) he recall or reiect the same , or doth not wittingly ( as against the known Catholike truth ) oppose himselfe with peruersitie , that doctrine is not to bee adiudged hereticall , and thereby commeth vnder the couert of the first distinction . Fourthly , though God permit Popes ( as Popes ) to decree any hereticall doctrine , yet doth this distinction affoard one hiding corner more , that the same is not decreed to be held by the Church . Then let them , at the least , allow vs this footing against the Pope , that the Church is not bound to maintaine all his decrees . Fiftly , though God permit Popes ( as Popes ) to decree any hereticall doctrine to be held by the Church , yet the former distinction is further enriched with this clause , ( taken out of Canus ) that God permitteth not that decree for the whole Church : as if by the permission of God , the Church ( like to the moone ) may bee for the greater part thereof , darkned and seduced by such hereticall decrees of the Pope ; yet that the whole Church , and euery member of the same , as ( for instance ) the Protestant part , which is deuided and departed from the abhominations of Rome , is not carried headlong into heresie by any sentence or decree Papall Sixtly , there is yet included and reserued in this distinction one question more , as conceiued in the wombe , but not expressed in plaine tearmes , which ( at times of exigent when they be pressed ) they forget not to cleaue vnto ; which is , that the Church here mentioned , is , and must be the Catholike Romish Church , as if that particular of Rome , were the generall of the world , and that the Romish alone , had this eminent exception , aboue all other Churches , that the members thereof were not to be concluded or enthralled by euery decrees of their Head. I cannot yet haue done with this seauen-headed subtle serp̄et , this deceitfull distinction . Allow it in his perfectest shape , and close it together in all his ioynts , God permitteth not the Pope ( as Pope ) to decree hereticall doctrine to bee held by the Church , and for the whole Church ; what hath all this more then an equiualence to this saying ? God permitteth not the diuell to haue power to destroy the elect and faithfull ? And as when the Angell Raphaell bound the euill spirit from hurting of Tobias , it could not be construed to bee a fauour or a signe of loue vnto that euill spirit : so the not permitting of the Pope to decree hereticall doctrine , is no aduancing or aduantage of the Papall authoritie from being restrained , or not suffered to doe so grieuous hurts . This may suffice for his distinction , and subdistinctions , like the foxe and the cubbs , vnto which I haue the more respectiuely cast mine eye , because I find this matter of the vnfallibilitie of the Popes decrees so closly couched euen to the centure of our question , of his power ouer Princes . If I haue beene too long in examining his malam 〈◊〉 in the mittigations and omissions before mentioned , I must ( for excuse ) confesse , that I was well content to take him tardy in that very fault which hee so clamerously vpbraideth to his Antigonist Master Morton , carping and catching at him throughtout his whole book with a triumph of phrases for the very same corruption , ( as he tearmeth it ) though I nothing doubt but hee will sufficiently acquit himselfe of all those friuolous and vniust cauells . The matters that we haue hitherto met with , haue been but introductory , and vpon the bye . Now it is meete we look into the maine and substantiall point of doctrine , which ( as if hee were closset-keeper to the Pope ) hee confidently deliuereth to be Catholike and Orthodoxall , inducing his Lordship to set vp his rest vpon that vnreprooueable resolution . I protest , that when I first considered how to redvce the question to a true discussable state , I found that I could not draw downe the right proposition , which is to bee controuerted betweene vs in that kind of language which hee speaketh , I found that hee vsed so much glosing , and dilating so many gay shewes and pretences , such cloathing and decking of the cause with well chosen words for the faire carriage of the matter , as that the naked and plaine sence thereof was not easily to be discouered . But after scanning more aduisedly , and breaking the ranke of his words , to looke into his innermost meaning , and matching the same , with that hee must stay if hee will performe his vndertakings , I discerned at the last a sowre pill to bee wrapped vp in a leafe of gold , the doctrine of conspiracy and rebellion against the state and life of Princes , cunningly couered ouer with a thicke crust of sweet Candie , to relesh the better with the simple , and so to deceiue them with a fore-inducing sweetnes . The Proposition must be this , The Pope may depose the king , and such his power is approoued of all Catholikes . And that appeareth thus , his Lordship speaking of the seditious spirits , that instruct the vnlearned in the mysteries of deposing Princes , desireth therein some publike and definitiue sentence Orthodoxall for cleare explication of such . The Popes assumed power , ouer Soueraigne Princes , therefore if this smooth mittigator will without winding away by circumlocutions , and without his so finely framed tendernesse of Phrase , speake ad idem , plainely , and home to the purpose , hee must auouch this to bee a publike definitiue sentence , That the Pope hath lawfull power to depose Princes , but how doth hee expresse and pronounce this point ? hee is so nice and warie , that hee thinketh not good to name the Pope at all , doubting belike that that name is distastfull , but in stead thereof , hee bestoweth on his holinesse the stately stile of Supreame Gouernour and Pastor of the Church and Common-wealth , repeating the same words sundry times , and purposedly auoiding the other , doth hee not imploy and inferre by this mounting of the Pope to the title of Supreame Gouernour of the Common-wealth , that hee is the king of kings , and that Princes hold their scepters , as Viceroyes , and Lieutenants vnder him ? I vnderstand not else how he can close the Common wealth within the Popes clawes : then again in the like sort , he shunneth the hatefull tearm of deposing , and vseth in the stead therof , restraining , repressing , censuring , or iudging . And lastly he doth very mildly mittigate the rigor of deprauing the name , or depriuing the person of the Prince , by applying this power , to the restraining or censuring any exorbitant & pernicious excesse of great men , States or Princes , would not any man iudge , that ( being so mannerly , so 〈◊〉 , and cautulous , he were affraid or shamed to fall so fowle vpon Princes , as to maintaine the vsurpation of Papacy , in deposing of them ? hee setteth not one step in this question , wherein hee doth not doubt , that hee treadeth vpon thornes , yet trusting vpon his two great gifts , facilitie of speech , and boldnesse of face . Hee spareth not to tell his Lordship that his Diuine might easily haue enformed him , that amongst Catholike people the matter is cleere , and sufficiently defined , and declared in all points wherein there may bee any doubt concerning this affaire . Surely , his Lordships Deuine , may perhaps concurre in opinion with Master Morton , and most euidently discerne the consent and adherensie of Catholikes in the execrable practise of this proposition , but ( that they haue not agreed in the iudgements and approbation of the point in question ) the direct renouncing and disclayming thereof by some of the best learned of that side , at the time of their suffering of death for Treason , doth cleerely and fully make knowne vnto him and all the world . I will not take vpon me to search out and lay together heapes of rapsodies and collections , culled our of their writers to demonstrate their differences in this argument , thereby to disprooue their so pretended agreement in this definitiue sentence ; but I trust to shew the same to be so false , so weake , so washie , and of so little waight , as vpon the ripping and examining thereof , it will euery whit of it fall quite asunder , fayling altogether of all ground , whereupon to stand , and hauing no good props to sustaine or support the same . In the meane while hee may perhaps doe vs a little more good than hee wisheth by his intimation vnto vs , That among Catholike people the matter is so cleere , for we are thereby to take notice and warning , how little wee are to trust Catholikes , seeing they acknowledge this L. Peramount , aboue the Kings , & must yeeld their Omni-modā obedientiā to that supreame Pastor , combining themselues at his beck in al dangerous designes when any pretence is made , that the gouernment of spiritual affaires appertaining to the Cath. Church , is letted or impugned by our temporall gouernour , for in such case ( saith this learned Father ) the said supream Pastor hath authority to proceed against the said temporall gouernor , for defence & preseruation of his spiritual Charge , had we not need to looke about vs euen with Argus eyes , when wee haue so many hands of this Briarius to fasten vpon vs at euery turne : euery let of spirituall affaires is punishable by the supreame Pastor , and such lets may as easily be imputed or imposed for a crime vpon the temporall gouernour ; here is a good gap opened , and a way made wide enough for the firebrands of sedition , and the contentious discontented , to reuell and route it in a common wealth , to suggest , inform , obiect , and oppose against all magistracy . Here againe I must put him in mind of his mittigations and extenuations , in sorting and vsing the gentler , and more pleasing words . What shall we think he meaneth by proceeding against the Temporall gouernor ? might he not as well haue said , cite him , censure him , excommunicate him , depose him , and beare him out of his chaire of estate with the horns of a dreadful Bull ? If Paulus the 3 , or Pius the 5 , had had this our mealie mouthed mittigator to haue bin the penman of their Bulls , he would rather haue the milder words of proyning or repressing , then the other of extreame and violent ( borrowed from the Prophet Ieremie ) of destroying and pulling vp by the rootes , yet his kindnesse doth not hold constant , for in after reasonings , when he ioyneth vp issue vpon the true state of the question ; whether the words of the Prophet be well applyed by allusion to make good the authoritie of Christs successors vpon earth , and whether the forenamed Popes by such their arrogant and impudent glosing vpon the text , doth not ( in this forcing and streyning of the Scriptures ) peruert the Sacred Oracles of God , he is content to ioyne with his companions of that feather , in iustification of the right ayplying of the text , for the confirmation of the Papall power , of pulling vp and destroying Soueraigne Gouernours , though indeed ( to doe him right all the reason he vseth , or yeeldeth in defence therof , is onely and barely this . Is this so great an impietie thinke you ? Then let him giue what allay he listeth to the tartnesse of this doctrine , by his well seasoning thereof with his soft and supple words ; yet as in the practike , the degrees of proceeding against Princes doth grow in order ( or rather in disorder ) of consequence by the actuall attempt of their subuersion and destruction , so in the disputatiue to allow him his mittigating tearmes , of redressing or repressing , will by direct inference and necessarie extention , reach to the crowne and life of Imperiall Maiestie . Therefore laying aside all masking and mincing of the matter , by his artificiall vtterance , the cause in controuersie , and to be argued is all one in the words as we put it , whether the Pope may depose the Prince , and in the words , as this shye and slye discourser will needes haue it , whether the Supreame Pastor may reftraine the exorbitant and pernicious excesse of great men , &c. Now that we haue the right questioned proposition , set downe plainely , and stripped of that Rhetoricall array which dazled our eyes from discerning the true vnderstanding and intention thereof , wee may proceede to the considering and sifting of the reasons , deuised and alleadged for the maintenance of this assertion : Neuerthelesse it is not my purpose , nor standing with my profession ( being no Diuine , and scant a Scholler ) to looke into all the sinewes and veines of this question , to the vttermost spread and extent thereof , it toucheth vpon some principles of naturall reason , it also runneth through the course of Histories of all ages and countries , It is triable by many rules and examples , both in the old and new Testament , it wanteth not the censure of the old Doctors , and Fathers of the Church . It is handled cunningly , and mystically , by the Popes Minions , the Canonists . It must abide a canuasse amongst the Sophisticating Schoolemen : Finally , it hath beene by the moderne handlers of controuersie , argued with much skill and strength of wit. I haue no intent to leade along this question , through all the parts of learning . I will willingly leaue the loade , and tugge off such multiplicity , or rather vniuersalitie to his good hand , and dexterity of handling , who is already interessed and engaged thereunto , and no doubt well prouided , and most accomplished , I meane , Mr Morton , against whom this Popish volume is addressed , in refutation of his former learned and religious treatise . My endeauours in this cause , be confined onely to that part of the Preface , in the which ( concerning this question ) that dissembling Authour , hath set forth the Catholike opinion , accompanyed , and garded with some reasons , to confirme and strengthen the same , pretending thereby to let his Lordship know , that the point whereof hee resteth doubtful , is amongst them reduced to a generall resolued certainety ; the opinion it selfe what it is indeed , or what it ought to be , in the direct opposition , or ( as he presumeth ) satisfaction to his Lordship hath beene already sufficiently debated , and laid downe . His reasons to cogere assensum be two ; one , that this assertion is founded in the very law of nature , and nations , the other is also maintainable by the authoritie , prouidence , and ordinance of our Sauiour Christ : for declaration of his first reason , hee setteth forth , that in the Common-wealths that are not Christians , all Philosophers , Law-makers , Senators , Councellors , Historiographers , and all other sorts of soundest wisedome , prudence , and experience , either Iew , or Gentile , haue from the beginning of the world concurred in this , that God and Nature , hath left sufficient authoritie in euery Common wealth , for the lawfull and orderly full repressing of these euills , euen in the highest persons ; so what a cloude of witnesses hee hath brought out with one breath , and yet no more for the proofe of his purpose , than the casuall confluence or concourse of Democritus his motes , did serue to make solide bodies or concreate substances . In this obiection he and I are as sarre a 〈◊〉 , as is from Rome to London , nay , as farre as the 〈◊〉 is from the West , where he saith , all Common wealths Philosophers , Law-makets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hers , and all sorts of 〈◊〉 dest wisedome , Iew or Gentile , &c. I on the other side , will be centent to make the like pompious and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of all Common-wealths , Lawn published or professed , that by any ordinary authority , such redresse as herein is meant by deposition of Princes , or highest persons , was , or might be , lawfully , reasonably , or iustly , had , vsed , or exercised . I am not ignorant , that hauing in this challenge put my felfe vpon the negatiue , and so giuen to him so large a scope of aduantage , as to disprooue my generality , with any one affirmatiue instance , it behooueth me to hold my selfe close to that very point which I require to be fully prooued ; therfore once againe ( so he will take in for a fauor that I doe ease him of the great taske which hee hath vndertaké to shew , that all Common wealths , Philosophers , &c. wherin his friends may pitty him for presumption , in proposing impossibilities ) I redouble it vnto him thus , that he cannot produce from al the infinity of learning , any one president , prophane or sacred , whereby it may appeare , that by any publikely authorised orders , there was euer any standing and ordinary direction , and power , for the deposing of lawfull Princes against their wills from their inheritable rights of Soueraignty ; I say lawfull Princes to meet with the obiections he is like to cloy vs with , of some Princes , who by reason of their naturall impotencies , were accounted vncapable or vnlawfull , & of other some , who acquiring Kingdomes by the sword inuasion , may be deemed vnlawfull , and so with like force & violence , to be repressed and expelled . Likewise I haue added ( inheritable rights ) as well because that fitteth our state , ( in whose bowels this debate hath so dangerously striuen ) as also to cut off from him the feeding supplies of his error , which are the electiue governments , wherein perhaps now & then vpon breaches of contracted condition there hath ensued deprauation from the possessed dignitie , ( yet those deprauations for the most part ) haue beene in tumult , violence , and disorder , factiously , and mutinously performed , without any reguler or iuridical course , agreeable to the tenure of the lawes of that place . 〈◊〉 added ( against their wills ) both because this enforcement from the Pope is of that nature , and vpon purpose to disfurnish him of some examples , wherein I foresee how triumphantly he would haue gloried . For we doe not deny but there hath beene many resignations vpon due consideration had by those suppressed Princes , of the many acknowledged , and vnanswerable defects , or offences in their regiment , and of the vndigestable dislike conceiued by the subiects of such their misgouerning and abusing superiority . Besides , I must 〈◊〉 him with an other Caueat , that neither the Romane , Turkish , nor any such Emperours will serue the turne , for instances in this case , because ( to say nothing of their forceable acquirings for the most part of such their Imperiall feares ) their deposing hath bin executed by strong hand , & rather by the fury of armed soldiers , than by any ordinary censure , or proceeding of Law or Iustice ; much lesse is hee to alleadge or propound any 〈◊〉 , wherein priuate or Phanaticall spirits , out of humor & 〈◊〉 reuenge , reward , or glory , haue attempted or 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of Hostile , & bloudy assault , vpon the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of Soueraignes . Hee must ( for very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mention of such , left the may by naming vnto vs either the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 K. Henry of France , was by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 and Acclamations , or the English 〈◊〉 , who of a deuotion to the Pop 〈◊〉 faction , poysoned King Iohn of England : yea , he might so bring in diuers Popes & Cardinals , that haue in such good zeale destroyed and made away Princes and Emperors . I am yet to 〈◊〉 him a little shorter , I must take from him , his discoursing vaine of mitigating , and blanching the matter , in a disguise of some selected phrases , whereby hee intendeth to aduantage himselfe . For example , when we are at this issue , whether there hath euer beene in any Common-wealth , any sufficient Authoritie left by God , and Nature , for the lawfull and orderly deposing of Princes , hee inserteth the repressing of euils , euen in the highest persons , so that when hee shall bee put to it , and the weight of his vndertakings is likely to breake his backe , or his braine ; then will hee take the benefite of this shift , of repressing of euills euen in the higeest , and rather then faile of matter , tell vs a stale tale of the Ephori , or Tribuni , and such like politike Constitutions tendering the liberties , or safety of the people , against the cruell oppressions , or encrochments of the mightie placed in Authoritie : neither is it yet my mind at this time , against the vniuersall affirmatiue of all Countries , all Philosophers , &c. or the Decrees of Law-makers , or the sage sayings of Senatoricall States-men , or the Reports and Obseruations of Historiographers , Poets , and Orators , 〈◊〉 and proouing the trueth of our contradiction . All the worthy Sentences and examples in 〈◊〉 of best acccount , either expressing the excelencie , and Maiestie of Soueraigntie , or the 〈◊〉 and submissiue demeanour of Subiects , are aplyable to this Theame , and would easily bee wrought , and as it were , embroydered into the contexture of a Treatise vpon this Subiect . To that which resteth in this Assertion , auouching that GOD and Nature hath left sufficient Authoritie in euery Common-wealth , &c. I pleade ignorance of his meaning , not vnderstanding ( except hee meaneth the Creation , in which sense hee should haue said , God in Nature , or by Nature ) how God should leaue or institute any such authoritie , but by his reuealed word . I trust hee will not obtrude vnto vs , any long concealed or closited Tradition , or any iuggling tricke of Reuelation , and vnwritten Veritie , wherewith the Christian world hath beene so notoriously 〈◊〉 ; and I am sure , that in the written Law of God , there is not any sillable sounding so harshly ( or rather horribly ) as to giue any order or rule , to dispoyle Princes of their Diadems , or to depose the Anoynted of God. Now for Nature , if shee haue any part in the frame and workemanship of the publique body of the State , as shee hath in the particular and naturall bodies of men , certainely shee hath allowed the like right to the Head of the Common-wealth , as shee hath done to the head of this fleshly Fabrifacture . Doeth not the inferiour members , patiently , and without repugnance , beare all the offences and surcharges , descending vpon them from the head ? Is there in Nature any so much as desire ( much lesse meanes ) of remoouing or repressing of the Head ? I acknowledge that Medicines are often applyed for the curing of the griefes and diseases of the Head but what more ready course is either deuised in 〈◊〉 , or assented vnto by Nature , for the cure of the infirmities and faults of the head , then to vnload the annoyances thereof vpon the subiected parts of the body ? Will you examine another degree of the opperation of Nature ? Next vnto the body it selfe , is the issue and off-spring of the bodie , what bounds of dutie hath nature made of the children towards the Father ? Hath shee left any such Law or libertie , that in any respects the childe may renounce or disclaime his parents ? yea , though the father should ( as oft as out of iudgement hee doth ) cast off or disinherite his sonne ? Let vs now but applyingly remember , that the Prince is Pater Patriae , the Father of the Countrey ; then will our cogitations aptly accommodate this similitude in Nature , vnto the dutious dependancy of the Subiect vpon the person of the Soueraigne , with a true naturall relation and recognition of all loue and obedience , hauing from nature ( out of the resemblance of these two paternes ) no other Law , then parendi & patiendi . Where shall we find more representatiue obedience of Natures intentions and operations , then in these originals and fountaines of Loue ? Then from what stepdames milke hath hee sucked this impuritie of opinion , That Nature hath left some sufficient authoritie in euery Common-wealth for the repressing &c. I will not deny but that there be some axioms of Reason , ingrauen in our nature , which perhaps ( being not rightly vnderstood ) hath occasioned this imputation and slander against Nature , Omnis natura est conseruatrix sui quisque sibi melius vult quam alteri , f●●●e nequimus eum qui infert iniuriam , and the like ; which as they argue a sense and sting in Nature , to vpholde our owne welfare , to feede our owne humour , to further our owne desires , to hate our enemies and wrong doers ; so they must admit the brideling limitation and exposition of reason , which also Nature hath giuen to rule the rest , that all the foresayd priuate , and indiuiduall respeets , must haue no place in the question of our naturall obligation to Superiours , as Fathers , and of our naturall vnion in the communitie of humane Societie ; for the preseruation whereof , Nature hath ordeined Gouernment , and the Soueraigntie thereof to bee sacred and inuiolable . The want of vpright consideration heercof , hath oftentimes been cause of precipitation in vntempered and ill gouerned natures , when seeking to serue their owne purposes in matters of affection or faction , they will easily make pretences of wrong to become auengers thereof against whatsoeuer lawfull authoritie . There bee too many such combinations in all Countreys , wherein euery Sect or side ( with intention to aduaunce that part whereunto it is 〈◊〉 ) doth dreame of these redresses and repressings of their opposites , extending their strength , and endeauour euen to the highest persons . Such , actions or pretences haue no more ground in 〈◊〉 , then if any adulterer should maintaine his 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 pronenesse of appetite ; The Thiefe by the naturall instinct of prouiding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Murtherer , by the naturall 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of reuenge : But we stand assured , that whatsoeuer nature by her vncorrupted rules , doth induce or perswade vs vnto , touching our duties in Morall actions , the same , as it was written by the finger of God , in the heart of man , at the Creation , so was it also reduced , and comprised by the Wisedome of God , into the Tables of the Morall Law , in the which for as much , as we haue an expresse commandement , of honor and obedience to gouernors that must remaine fixed in our hearts , to hold vs firme in the Bond of allegiance : Then let P. R. and all his conjoyned Catholikes , ( as hee vaunteth ) make it plaine vnto vs , that eyther Nature hath implanted , or the Commandements of God haue enioyned , therepressing or deposing of such Princes , vppon any exceptions , surmizes , or accusations whatsoeuer : As for the Law of Nations , because that is but secundary and derivatiue , from the other , what hath beene averred of the one , holdeth the same respect and certainty , as doth the roote it selfe , from whence it issueth , yet before wee depart from this Argument of Natures working , I haue to note that this cunning and curious Composer of Bookes , and Contriuer of cases , doth in this his chiefe proposition , worke himselfe quite out of the question , and putteth the Pope cleane out of the doores , for the question being of the power of the Pope , that is of the power , authority , and iurisdiction of a Forraine Commander , and Iudge , he telleth vs , that God and Nature , hath left some sufficient authority in euery Common-wealth , &c. which directly maketh the Popes preheminency with vs altogether needelesse , and a very nullity , sith ( by his owne sayings ) and that more agreeable to reason , there is sufficient authority within the Land , ( not requiring any his 〈◊〉 or vsurpations ) to the gouerning of that body , which is of it selfe compleate and liueth by the vigor , spirit , and powerfull opperation of his owne soule , his lawfull Soueraigne : Thus is the Pope ( as touching the first reason , drawne from the Law or Right of Nature , or Nations ) either left out by him , or cast out by me , from repressing of Princes , or 〈◊〉 himselfe within these our Countries or Territories . The second reason bringeth a better Commission , that will make way through all repugnances , it is inforced in the name and authority of Christ himselfe , and it is thus chayned together for impregnable strength , Christ was to found is Common-wealth of Christians the farre more perfection , then other states had before been establishe , subjecting temporall things to spirituall , and appointing a Supreame Vniuersall gouernour in the same , with a generall charge to looke to all his sheepe ; without exception of great or small , people , or Potentates : Therefore hee inferreth that the Supreame care , iudgement , direction , and censure , of the matter in question , was left by Christ vnto the sayd Supreame 〈◊〉 or Pastor of his Church , and Common-wealth : But it was doubted whether this power was committed to the supreame Pastor directly , and immediatly , or indirectly , and by consequence : The Canonists out of the Commission vnto St. Peter , Pose ones meas , do hold the direct and immediate authority , charge , and ouersight , in temporallities . The Catholike Diuines ( vpon whom the brunt and pressure by 〈◊〉 , must bee sayed ) haue thought it safer , to chuse the indirect and consequentiall , which they expresse in this manner : When the gouernment of spirituall affaires , is impugned by any temporall Gouernors ; so as the sayd spirituall Commission , cannot be executed without redresse or remedy , 〈◊〉 and in such cases , the said Supreame Pastor , is to haue authority to proceede against the temporall gouernors ; Also , for the defence and preseruation of his spirituall charge , but both parts fully are agreed , that there is such authority left by Christ in his Church , for remedy of vrgent causes , otherwise he should not haue sufficiently prouided for the necessity thereof . Here is goodly building of Castles in the ayre , Castles did I say ? Nay , of the Tower of Babell , in the steede of the City of God , Christ ( sayth hee ) was to found his Common-wealth of Christians , in farre more perfection then other states , &c. why Christs intentions , erections and perfections were all to saue sinners , and to bring them vnto Heauen , what proofe is this that hee was to found the Popish Hyerarchy , or the Antichristian Monarchy ? and what is this farre more perfection , &c. Is it an outward pompe or power , to chayne and fetter Princes , vnder a temporall obedience of a Spirituall Vsurper ? What is this same subjecting of temporall things to spirituall , is it to make a Minister or Bishop of Heauenly matters , tyrannous and rampant , ouer the temperall states , setting their imperiall feete vppon the neckes of Lyons and Dragons ? what is the nature , end , and eminency , of the spirituall Kingdome of Christ , is it any other then the Preaching of the Gospell , the way of salvation , and the possessing of euerlasting life ? Then what straightnesse , what extractions , doth the Limbeckes of their braines ( bewitched with temporall vanities ) make of a worldly rule , and Dominion ? He was to appoint one Supreame and 〈◊〉 Gouernor , &c. we on the other side constantly denying this their principle , doe easily bring them to the end of their wits ; yet wee will pocket vp one confession in this place , which hee is likely to forsake , and not acknowledge another time : In more perfection ( sayth hee ) then other states had before beene established , acknowledging thereby , that vnder the Law , and in the old Testament , the temporall was not subject to the spirituall . Hath hee not well collected and conected his propositions to bring out this grand conclusion of superiority ouer Princes ? doth he not neede a distinction of proofe , to make these parts that cleaue like sand to hold together , against the breach which wee are to make vppon him ? His distinction of direct , or indirect , shal be directly anoyded and his great Mace , which hee beareth vp in his March of state , of Ordine ad Deum must bee directed and ordered to a better sence ; and his commission of pasce , shall bee examined how farre it can authorize him to assume the pretented power : If hee will but thanke me for it , I will befriend him a little with my directions : I will chalke him out his way , with a straight line , by the which hee must be brought and passe along , if he desireth to come right vppon the conclusion . I will distribute his journey into seuerall baytings , or reposes , otherwise called common places : I doubt it will prooue a long labour , and very troub esome to carry his commission along with him , hee is like to venture himselfe in many straights , and hazardable passages , and will be often stayed by the Kings Watch , but more often foundred by the rubs , and roughnesse of the way , which hee is to walke through : He must begin and set forth at this poynt . 1 That Christ purposing to found his Common-wealth of Christians in farre more perfection &c. hath appoynted the same to be an absolute Monarchy , vnder one supreame and vniversall Governour , visible , eminent , and knowne as the head on earth , in all causes of Christs kingdome . 2 Next who that individuall person is , whom Christ appointed to be such a Monarche , and by what commission is he assigned thereunto , and by what words thereof can he challenge the obedience of all the subiects or Christians in that Common-wealth ? 3 Whether if St. Peter be affirmed to be the said Monarche , what can be alledged for his Superiority , that is not equally communicable to the rest of the Apostles , ioyntly or severally , by the like authorizement ? 4 Whether St. Peter was more especially appointed the chiefe Apostle for both Iewes and Gentiles ; If for the Iewes , how came it , that St. Paul reproved him for misleading the Iewes ? If for the Gentiles , why was St. Paul by a publike consent and Counsell nominated to be the Apostle of the Gentiles , who at Rome planted the Church , and from whom the succession is most proper . 5 Whether St. Peter ever came at Rome ? sith there is evident demonstration by computing the times and places of his abode , during his life after Christs ascension , that he could not be there at all by any coniecture , as by the Epistles of St. Paul is evicted . 6 Allowing that St. Peter was at Rome , was he not there as an Apostle and so no more appropriate to that place then to the whole world ? 7 Being an Apostle , how came he to be chiefe , yea the vniuersall Pastor over both Iewes and Gentiles ? except such his Pastorship were rather Apostolicall then Episcopall ? If his 〈◊〉 were Apostolicall , then all the Apostles had interest thereunto as well as he : If Episcopall , did he renounce or relinquish his Apostleship to erect a new state or seate of an 〈◊〉 Bishop , neuer mentioned in the Scripture , and of a larger extent and dominion then the Apostleship , and by what warrant and authoritye did he so ? 8 If he did found any such Episcopall eminencie vniversall over all the Churches of the world , and that invested in his owne person , why may it not be thought , that such his Episcopall function was setled vpon him rather at Antioch , where his chiefest abode was ( after his departure from Ierusalem ) then at Rome ? 9 Whether in case he preferred Rome before Antioch , Ierusalem and other places , ( whereof there is no apparant proofe or certainty , ) is that successive seare established at Rome , of the like and the same power , vertue , and veritie , as was conferred on his owne person ? 10 Whether such supposed succession were afixed to the place , or aplied to the persons ? 11 Whether if the succession were applied to the place , was it not cut off and discontinued when there was no vniuersall Bishop refiant at Rome ? which for some hundreths of yeares after Christ , and since the vsurpation Papall for a long time together hath come to passe ? 12 If the succession were in the persons , did not the abominable wickednes of life , or the open profession of Atheisme , Arianisme , Coniuration , and contracting with the Deuill , damnable doctrines of all sorts , and hereticall positions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by such persons ; yeain their Cathedra , dissolve the said succession ? and what 〈◊〉 they make for Pope Ioane , whose stay standeth vnrefuted ? 13 Moveover he 〈◊〉 me what became of this 〈◊〉 ; and where that Common-wealth of Christians ( as they will needs calbit , that they may make themselues common wealths men ) could finde there one 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Governor , when there were two , three , or 〈◊〉 such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at once ? 14 Yet we haue not done questioning with him , This great 〈◊〉 of doubts must resolve vs how it commeth to 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 persian , 〈◊〉 Russian , 〈◊〉 , and other 〈◊〉 Churches , haue not beene made 〈◊〉 with this 〈◊〉 mentall part of doctrine , that Christ hath ordayned the Bishop of Rome the supreame and vniuersall Pastor of the whole Common-wealth of Christians , which he hath 〈◊〉 and founded ? 15 He is also to 〈◊〉 himself of an answere to another question , Whether the succesors of S. Peter ( were it once agreed vppon ) who they were , Clement , Linus , Cletus , or 〈◊〉 , did over hold or exercise any ditivation of authority from St. Peter over 〈◊〉 and other Apostles that survived St. Peter in the Church or did they or any of them striue for Superioritye with them , yea rather did they not yeeld vnto them ? 16 Besides , this 〈◊〉 diving determinor in Divinity doubts , must take into his consideration what warrantize of any lawful vocation , election , and ordinatiō , the succeeding Bishops of Rome can avow or maintain , sith no man may take on him any 〈◊〉 ministery or 〈◊〉 but in that regular and 〈◊〉 manner . And whether such their calling to their Ministeriall offices , and Pastorall charge , were ordinary , or extraordinary , the difference in the admissions and choyce of such Bishops which sometimes was by substitution of the proceeding Bishop , sometimes by election of the people , and in later times by the suffrages of Cardinals , and sometimes by meere intrusion , giveth cause to move this question . 17 What reasons can be pretended or alledged , why if both Christ and St. Peter intended the succession of Bishops onely in that Sea of Rome , 〈◊〉 there hath new Titles beene taken vp , of Patriarke 〈◊〉 , and then of Supreame head of the Church , and then of Papa or Pope , which seemeth to inferre an alteration , or else an augmentation of the power or charge , first conferred by Christ or St. Peter vppon that Sea ? and so consequently a question , whether the latter diuised Titles be likewise authorized from Christ ? 18 Doth it not behoue that this so pregnant a Patron of Papacy , doe cleare all causes touching the interruption and discontinuance of the supposed succession of Popes ; whereof ( some hauing before beene propounded ) it shall not be amisse to cast him one bone more , to whet his teeth or witt vppon , I would know whether ( after cannons , and constitutions made by his Holinesse , and ratyfied by Councells , touching the lawfull election , and admittance of the Bishop of Rome ) if a Pope enter vnduly , and contrary to such orders and Cannons , by simony , bribery , faction , yea with strong hand , or any other corrupt courses , may notwithstanding be held and reputed a lawfull Pope ? and the acts by him done , the carnalls by him made , and the decrees or trans-actions of his time , shall bee adiudged as to stand in the right of Christs Vicar on earth ? Are not in such cases , the linckes of the chaine tying together the succession broken , or let loose sith in the particulers ( in whom the same should be continued ) such elections and ordinations , are adiudged intrusions and vsurpations , yea vtterly voyde and very nullities ? 19 Yet I must make him a little more worke with other questions , what is the cause that for so long a space of 600. yeares after Christs Assention , this position of the Romish Supremacy , and vniuersall head-ship , ( if it were so evident and demonstratiue from Christs owne appointment , as this bold bragger would haue vs to beleeue ) was neither by the Fathers of the Primitiue Church , nor by any generall Councels , approoued or ratified . 20 I am disposed to offer him another objection like a blocke to stumble at , which neuer any Papist yet well passed ouer , but he brake his shin against it ; and that is the opinion and censure of Gregory the great , Bishop or rather Patriarke of Rome , how did hee inuey against that tytle of vniuersall Bishop , as an arrogant stile , calling Iohn Patriarke of Constantinople , the fore-runner of Antichrist for assuming of such a title or authority : may it not stagger this stout Champion of Popery to heare from the mouth of a successor of St. Peter , such a detestation of that stile , as Antichristian , which is auouched to haue beene the ordinance of Christ , yet did Bonifacius that succeeded him , ambitiously affect nd accept the very same appellation giuen to him from Phocas the Emperour 600 yeares after Christ , as is sayd before . 21 Here , if I should let in vpon him a sea of proofes , that the Pope is clearely convicted to be not a fore-runner ( as Gregory speakes ) but the very same Antichrist described by so many particularities in Daniel the Appocalips , in St. Paul and other places of the Holy Scripture , he would neuer be able to scape drowning , but would be so over-whelmed in those depthes , that hee could neuer more get forth , yea , or stirre either hand or foote , for his swimming to any shore ; and the great disputant could then hold his breath no longer in this question euen sinking downe to the bottome after all his strength spent in vaine , by striuing to hold vp his head . 22 Now , to draw to the issue in hand , wee must trouble him to make manifest vnto vs , what is the true extent of this so high power and vniuersall charge in St. Peter , or any other his successors , and whether the same do include any temporall iurisdiction , and entermedling in civill causes , to the deciding , iudging , or ordering thereof ? 23 Lastly , to bring him home to his rest , and to the ground whereupon hee must reare his foundation , hee must euict by proofe , that the Supreame , Vniuersall , Romane , Bishop , by force or tenor of any Commission giuen by Christ , and transferred vnto St. Peter , and so diriuatiuely and successiuely conueyed ouer to him , may censure , iudge , or depose Princes , taking vppon him the decision of Regall rights , assayling of Subiects from obedience , animating at home rebellion are from abroad invasion , and that vnder protext of aduancing of the Ecclesiasticall regiment of soules , and the good of Catholike Religion . This is the highest ladder of the Popes eminency , to the which exaltation , hee cannot otherwise assend then by these stayres and steps , before rehearsed , which must lead him vp to his lofty consistoriall Chayre : If any of these stayres bee loose and faile him , hee falleth vnrecouerably , and shall neuer bee able to assume the power , which hee pretendeth himselfe to bee lawfully possessed of . But when of all these exceptions and interruptions cast in his way , hee can cleare or assure not any one , his presumption in taking so much vppon him , will but argue his all daring boldnesse ; and his striking close to the conclnsion , when the premises runne another way will make euen Children to scoffe at the want of judgement in his so great vndertakings . By these few indissoluable questions ( amongst infinite others ) for all the world knoweth what a world of doubts , and what a sea of controuersies , is encompassed in this cause . This P. R. or rather R. P. ( if hee would be better knowne ) that would seeme to bee so iudicious in his resolues , and so modest and moderate in his assertions , might haue beene put in minde to stay his confidence in concluding so Magistraliter , that case , with his peremptory est amen , which hath so many stopps , windings , and euen breake necke passages , as hath hetherto perplexed , and plunged the whole Alphabet of their owne Authors . By that time , that he hath runne through the explication and proofe of the particuler difficulties before propounded , hee will somewhat slacke , the heate of his audacious affirmations , and to let him know that this poynt , ( as wee now propound it and debate it ) is not amongst the Catholike wrighters themselues , so clearely and generally agreed vppon as hee avoucheth ( for hee sayth ) that in this there is no difference of opinion , or beleefe in any sort of Catholikes whatsoeuer , ( so they bee Catholikes ) I must remember him ( if hee forget not his owne name , yea and his nick-names too , ) that in the bitter contentions , and fiery conflicts , betweene the Priests and the Iesuites , a principall matter of their variance was this , That the Priests vtterly condemned this Turbulent , and Sedicious opinion of the Iesuites . That the Pope might and ought to intermeddle in the temporall rights and preheminencies of Princes , and that he had a powre to depose and deiect them at his pleasure . Doth not William Watson the Priest in his booke of quidlibets bestow a whole Chapter with much earnestnes of spirit , and variety of arguments , vpon this very subiect , making in the same this R. P. the obiect of his scornings and revilings ? Doth he not in many places of that worke impute all the causes of the many troubles and extremities which they vndergoe in England to the violent spirits , and treacherous practizings of the Iesuites , who neglecting or despising the Ministeriall function , are become meere Statists , and negotiating factors of the Sea of Rome , disturbing the quiet of all Countryes where they be entertained , and working wicked stratagems and damnable devices against Soveraigne Princes ? Hath hee so soone forgotten , or can hee so bold'y dissemble , in what sort the said Priests vncased and discovered him for his many notorious and scandalous intermedlings in 〈◊〉 ? Perhaps he will say that they be no Catholikes , for so he enterposeth ( if they be Catholikes ) he dareth not to lop away at once so many chiefe lims , so many strong armes , yea such stocks and plants of the popish religion , though the said Priests doe not feare or spare to affirme , that the Iesuites are not any certaine order or vocation in the Church , being rather to be reckoned ( as their vse and imployment is ) to be Lay-men , States-men , busie-bodies , pragmaticall agents beyond all limits of any spirituall calling ) yet it is necessary , ( if he will constare sibi ) to stand to it , that ( seeing they vary from him , in this part of doctrine ) they be no Catholikes , because in this refusing and refuting of his Majesties distinction of the difference of Papists , he expresly affirmeth , that he that holdeth not all and every Article assented vnto and established in the Church , he is not to be accounted Catholike , acording to St. Augustine . Catholicum is constered to be secundum totam , and not secundum partem , I will leaue the Priests to defend that they be better Catholikes then he , notwithstanding this discrepance and my selfe will revert to the parting place where occasion was taken to make this digression . There is offered for plea the words of the institution , and the very authenticall enstallment made by Christ himselfe , Pasce oues me as which words include ( say they ) acording to Catholike exposition , not only authority to feede , but to governe also , direct , restraine , cure , represse , and correct when neede is . Allow that these words doe appoint and institute a pastorall charge ( which is a geminall vnderstanding thereof ) yet such charge is not thereby more appropriate to Peter , then to other Apostles , but if they so far tender out the same , to make them beget vnto vs a Pastor , of Pastors , a Bishop , of Bishops , a supreame and soveraigne governor of the whole Church , I may not yeeld their logick such libertie , as to conclude so vnconsequently . Againe allow that in this commission and charge every Pastor were required not only to instruct the sheepe of his fold with wholesome doctrine of faith , but also to have an eye to their life and conversation to reprove them , admonish them , and censure them with ecclesiasticall discipline , what is that to the governing in secular affaires , or to the claime of such an vnlimmited power by the Popes intrusion ? I may not yeelde to their Rhetoricke , such a preuayling or perswading power , as that where they cannot shape so much as a shadow , there they shall erect and create the true substance , of a more then Monarchiall principallity : It is heere auouched , that Catholike exposition includeth within this worde , Pasce the commission of gouerning also . Therefore many Catholikes that will rather hazard the exclusion of his ( if they bee Catholikes ) then they will condiscend to this interpretation . A graue and profound Catholike , one of the pillers of papacy , Cardinall Baronius being to animate and confirme his Holinesse proceedings , against the Venetians for their great sinne , of executing Iustice , against men of clericall habit , in causes criminall , and ciuilly punishable , passed ouer this Text of Pasce , as not sufficiently seruing the turne , to prooue the Popes right of jurisdiction in such t̄eporall affaires ; and thereuppon interpreting and applying the same restrictiuely , to the teaching function , made choyce of a fitter peece of Scripture , to accommodate vnto that case , and to put into the Popes hand , for the justification of that excesse of his authority : Hee maketh the office of St. Peter to be two-fold , the first of feeding and teaching , comprised in the word , Pasce , the other of correcting , and chastifing contayned in the words of Christ , vsed in the vision of the beasts presented to Peter , occide et manduca , kill and eate : You see that hee was content to leaue that leane and pining application of Pasce , and to finde out a more stinging Text , that might pierce to the very quicke of the cause , doth not this same ( occide et manduca ) giue authority to draw blood , putting the Sword into his Holinesse hand , to execute at his will and pleasure , such as hee shall recon , Beasts without exception of great and small , people or potentates , Is it not made evident thereby that all sorts of people whatsoever , cleane or vncleane , high or low , friend or foe , are as it were tyed and bundled vp together , and so subiected and abiected at his feete , to feed vpon , and satiate his devouring appetites ? It maketh no matter for the proper sense of the text , ( figuring and signifying Iew , or Gentile ) the wrest and streine thereof serveth best to his purpose , cutting even to the core of this question . Old Father Barronius in his dreame , espied more then young S. Peter could apprehend by vision : He hath found and inferred out of that place , that which St. Peter if hee lived to this day ( except his successors did teach him ) could never have gessed at , the Excommunication , and further degradation of States and Soueraignes . In the same his encoraging advice to his Holinesse ( which I rather recount , because it so evenly matcheth with their moderne divinity ) hee stirreth vp the fainting spirit of the Pope with a Memento te positum esse in Petram , Remember that thou art placed for Rocke , whosever rusheth against thee shall be crushed all to peeces . Therefore where his Holinesse layeth a heavie hand to his fulminating censures , there no resistance , rescue , or reliefe , can availe to defend from destruction . For this Prophesie is as fitly appliable to the Viear of Christ , as it was directly and properly referred to Christ himselfe . Thus this learned Cardinall bestowed vpon his Holinesse as he were the very image and character of Christ vpon earth the self-same attribute , and exaggeration vsed in scripture , to set forth the might and dignity of our redeemer . Nay further , hee will needs comfort the Pope with the application of that to his person in perticuler , which Christ assured to his whole Church in generall , that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against him , and will earthly Princes then persume to shut his Holinesse out of dores ? Hee that hath a power over Hell it selfe , shall not he commaund and over-rule the earth ? These beeing the proude and prophane conceits which they have of that Idoll of Rome ( their imagined Lieutenant of Christ ) they draw not only from the Spouse of Christ the rich ornaments of her glory to deck that bewitching Harlot with , but also hold it no robberie , to enrobe the man of sinne with the gracefull and blessed titles of the Sonne of God , for which so Luciferian and blasphemous arrogatings , I doubt it will not be made good and verified , that the gates of hell shall not be shut against him . I must confesse , that I like better of the simplicitie of our mitigator , in misliking vpon the poore probability of reason picked out of the word ( Pasce ) and that rather by a consequence , then by any direct induction , then I doe of the affected and vnserchable subtilty of this Cardinall , and some others , who studying for vnwonted straynes , and forcings , doe cast beyond the Moone to magnifie or dignifie his Holinesse aboue the Sunne , I will be bold to set downe some more of these deepe digged and far-fetched argum̄ets , not with any purpose to vouchsafe them any time , or paines for answere , but euen to admire , if not exclaime at the impious and presump tuous absurdity , of such their so frivolous and most strange inferences ; Pope Bonifacius the eight ( that layd the first stone of this Babilonian building ) out of the words of Christ vnto his Disciples , in the twenty two of St. Luke ( they sayd vnto him , behold here are two Swords , Christ answered it is sufficient . ) By these two Swords ( sayth Boniface ) Christ meaneth the spirituall and temporall , both the which are left by our Sauiour , for the defence and preseruation of his Church ; and because there would be no order , but mutiny , tumult , and confusion , if these swords should not well agree , therefore there must needes be employed , and intended by Christ , a subjection , and subalteration of the one sword vnto the other , and both depending vpon one Supreame Command . From this supposed authority of Christs leauing and recommending both Swords vnto his Church , Boniface tooke vppon him the power of both Swords , and caused to be passed as an Article of Faith that the Pope is supreame , ouer both estates , spirituall and temporall , and shortly after in a Iubile , publikly shewed himselfe , with a key in one hand , and a sword in the other . And that hee may the better maintaine , the taking of the sword , hee further argueth , that one of the swords , was his prodecessors St. Peters sword , ( it being well knowne that Peter had a sword ; because Christ sayd vnto him put vp thy sword ( shall I neede to make any refutation of this collection , or assertion ? being declared not as positiue out of the word , but expository , by a sence which the Pope assumeth ? Let me yet gather vp this note by the way , that it was good fortune , that Christ did command St. Peter to put vp his sword , else perhaps the sharpenesse and weight thereof , had long since light vppon the heads , and neckes of Princes , as well as it cut off the eare of Malchas : for the same pretence which occasioned him to draw vppon Malchas in rescue and maintainance of his Maister Christ might incite the high courages of his supposed successors to bee as actiue with their blades and forces , for the support and furtherance ( as they alledge ) of the Christian faith and religion , impugned , or impeached by temporall Potentates . I would now know of Maister P. R. whether hee accounteth the exposition and decree of Bonifacius the Pope , to bee Catholike and Orthodoxall , if hee doe not , wee also will take ( by his example ) the like liberty of acceptance or dislike in any the Articles of Faith , concluded and adiudged by his Holinesse : If hee doe , then what neede hee bee so slye and mistrustfull in affirming the same Doctrine , absolueth also , without any distinctions and cooling quallifications , as if hee were either ashamed of confession or afraid of conviction ? when hee hath such an argument ab authoritate to a rest him to stand vnto it ? Why should hee ( I say ) runne about the bush , with a Commission direct and indirect , when hee cannot but know that Bonifacius was resolute in opinion , that his power ouer Princes , and in temporallities was absolute without any oblique consequence , or respectiue dependency , jumping therein plainly , and fully with the Canonists , Papa est Dominus totius orbis directe in temporalibus . How would this so well tempered and timorous mitigator bee brought to iustifie the hautinesse of Pope Clament the fifth , successor to Bonifacius , who not satisfied with the rule and command ouer temporall and earthly states , did brauely adventure , by his papall Bull , expressely to enioyne , and command Angels to execute his will : Me thinketh I should aske him also whether hee will hold consonancy of iudgement with his owne Country-man , and good friend the renowned Cardinall Allen , who in his Appology for the English Catholikes , out of the miraculous working of St. Peter mentioned in the fifth of the Acts , of sentencing to suddaine death Ananias and Saphira , doth no lesse miraculously wring out this great Ministery of excommunicating , censuring , and other proceedings against Princes . There is no parcell of Scripture wherein any mention is made of St. Peter , but if it can be racked to affoord them any patterne or patronship for either their deedes or decrees , it is miserably torne , and tormented to vndergoe that seruice : Not so much as the power of Keyes ; but it must needes bee made a picke locke , to possesse prisons , Castles , and Towers : The Key of knowledge for the sauing of soules , is turned to a Key of powre to deprive Princes , the binding and loosing of sinnes , is but a very legerdemaine of fast and loose at the Popes pleasure , the fishing for men to bring them to eternall life , is made a pretence for spreading his nets , to catch and conquer whole States and Dominions : The Pastorall Sheep-hooke , subdueth Kingly Scepters , Saint Peters Aurum & argentum non habeo , doth now glitter in all the pompious and copious varietye of riches , and the promise of Christ , Dabo tibi claues regni caelorum , is not so much esteemed , as the offer of the Devill , Dabo tibi &c. All these things will I giue thee , if thou wilt fall downe and worship mee . If the Pope will needs enioy a right of succession of all that Christ sayd vnto Saint Peter , let him not refuse also ( Get thee behinde mee Sathan , ) and , O thou of little faith . Nay , the denying of Christ , so expressely imitated in the declining , degenerating , and sliding away from the sinceritye of the Gospell , is apparently branded vpon this Antichristian iniquity , where Saint Peters either example , or precept , fitteth not their turnes , there they will not vse , or rather cannot relieve it , and could be well pleased that it were put over to their Ezponctorius his charge and admonition , that they subiect themselves vnto all manner of ordinance of man for the Lords sake , whether it be vnto the King , as vnto the Superior , or vnto Governours , as sent of him for the punishment of evill doers , and for the prayse of them that doe well . And likewise his beseeching of the Elders , as his fellow Pastors , that they feede the flocke not as Lords over Gods Heritage , will not fashion to , or cohere with their owne proude doctrines of exemption from Temporall Authoritye , of opugning and repressing Princes , of their Lordlinesse over their fellow-Ministers , of their desisting from Teaching and Preaching , and of Saint Peters Primacy to reare vp the Romane Papacy . And therefore must be censured , interpreted , distinguished , abridged , and limited , by such curtelings , and consterings , as the glosser or goulfe of the Sea of Rome shall devise for the best advantage . In the like manner doe they all so deale with Christ himselfe , whom whence they fetch and found the originall of theyr lineally derived Popedome . Christ professed himselfe , and so instructed his Disciples , to bee humble and meeke , but how doth the Pope tread that path ? not so much in the exercise of his owne Lowlinesse , or in the abstinence from high state and loftye cariage , as in the depressing of the mightynesse and power of Lawfull Soveraignes , reducing or enforcing them to be meeke indeede , in a degree of base and contemptible humiliation . Christ refused to be made a Iudge in a Civill or Temporall cause , the Pope maketh himselfe Iudge of any debates , that by any pretext can be conceived to be fit for his cognizance : Christ bad , Giue vnto Caesar that which was Caesars : The Pope robbeth Cesar , of his treasure , of his honor , of his power , of his rights , and of his subiects . Christ declareth his kingdome not to be of this world , the Pope ( besides his owne Temporall Soveraignity , will haue an Oare , and commaund in all the States of Christendome . In which part , of the Temporall kingdome of Christ in this life , P. R. is much cumbered , and put to his shift , to finde out an even cutting distinction , to saue the repugnancye of Christs sayings . The Canonists , and some other Catholikes , out of these words , All power is given vnto mee in Heaven and in Earth , doe conclude , that besides his Spirituall government of our Soules , he hath a kingly Dominion also vppon our bodies and goods , and vppon all the Kingdomes of the earth , and might iustly haue exercised all actions , of temporall iurisdictions , as casting into prison , appoynting new Offices , Kings , and great Monarckes . Marke how they compell our Sauiour Iesus Christ to sallogize against himselfe ? All power is giuen to mee in Heauen and in Earth , but my Kingdome to bee of this World is such a power , Ergo , my Kingdome is of this same World. Now obserue also his witty and substantiall reconcilement , hee had a Kingly temporall power in this life , but hee renounced the vse and priuiledge of the same : Or thus , hee had no direct Dominion vppon temporall things , yet indirectly , for preseruation of his spirituall Dominion hee had and might haue vsed the same , and in that sence left it to his successour : Is not this most shamelesse , and direct abusing of Christ , and his most Sacred Word ? When hee sayd at another time , that the Foxes had holes , and the Birds of the Ayre had nests , but the Sonne of man , had no place to hide his head : If these expositors had then beene knowne to his Apostles , they would haue replyed ; Sir , you haue places of refuge , but you renounce the vse and priviledge thereof , or albeit you haue not any place directly , yet indirectly for the necessity of your function , you haue all palces at your Command , or if you haue not in your owne indiuiduall person , yet in your Successors , you must needes haue , else how should they maintayne the hauing and inhabiting of such Royall and Magnificent edifices , wherein they keepe such stately and more then imperiall Courts ? What is this else ; then to tell Christ hee wotteth not what hee sayth , and to enter him like a Novice in their new Schooles of equiuocation , to learne their falatious mentall preseruations ? But admit it to be incident into their Offices , to interpret Christ as themselues listeth , How doth it happen , that the rightfull successors of Christ doth not also succeede him in his modestye , humilitye , povertye , and meekenesse ( especially beeing commaunded to learne of him ) and so ( in like sort as Christ did ) renounce the vse and priviledge of Temporall Power , or whence haue these successors their so plenarye and direct preheminence , when from Christ they could convey it but indirectlye , and by consequence : Or can they make any demonstration or playne proofe of the stint and circuite of time , at the periode or expiration whereof , that Temporall Dominion which in Christ was Indirect and Potenticall , should become vnto the Pope , Direct , and Ordinarye ? Or was there not as vrgent cause that Christ , ( in respect of the many letts , impeachments , and impediments which he met withall ) should for the preservation of his Spirituall Dominion , directly , or indirectly , in some sort or other , betake himselfe to his Temporall Authoritye ? Except they will say , that hee was in his owne person militant and suffering , but in these his successors triumphant and glorious . Let mee then bee answered , Whether such a Succession hath any image or representation of that first type or patterne which sayde ( Learne of mee . ) To manifest yet more discerningly , the idlenesse , the fraude , and vnfit applying of this distinction , let them know , that is not to be trusted vnto , because it will serue their adversaries as well as themselues , for where the question may be propounded and disputed , whether temporall Princes may suppresse or remooue Popes , ( if the authorities alleadged out of Gods Word , and the Histories of the Church shall not suffice to giue in evidence for any such direct and vndoubted preheminence in Princes ) then we may make bold of this their make-shift distinction , that Princes haue euer had such a power annexed , and proper to their governing charge , though they haue forborne the vse and preuiledge thereof , or that indirectly and by consequence ( for the vpholding of their states , and keeping of their people in obedience , which by so many Popish practises is dayly perverted ) they may and ought to exercise and execute the same . Moreouer , let it be examined , how and from what originall this distinction draweth his pedigree , what bosome or heate did first hatch it , and what causes of weight doth still nourish and continue the same , Mr. P. R. hath fully acquainted vs with the certainty thereof . For if Christ ( sayth he ) should not haue left such an authority in his Church for remedy of vrgent causes , hee should not haue sufficiently provided for the necessity thereof . It is maruaile that this our Moderator , and mollifying Mittigator did not vse the word of conveniency , in the stead of necessity , to haue avoyded the disadvantage of the stricktnesse of that word , can there ( concerning the subsistance , and stability of the Church ) any more vrgent causes to be imagined for the vpholding thereof , then there was in the first times of the primitiue purity ? or is the vsurping power of the supreame Pastor , his ouer awing or over peering of Princes , his correcting and repressing of them , by alienating subiects , and egging enemies against them any constitutiue causes or essentiall necessities of the Church ? I will not deny but that the height and eminency , wherevnto the Bishops of Rome , haue aspired , by encroching vpon the rights and vndermining the states of temporall Gouernors , as indeede to be provided for , and maintayned by this presupposed necessity : But the purity , the poverty , the simplicity , the feruency , of the first fathers , and propagators of the faith and Church of Christ needed none of these humaine and worldly additaments , none of these temporall encountrings , or conflicting with Potentates , no such foreseeing perpecations , to affront all occurting causes , nor any such politiciall circumventings , and fortifications for defence and offence against Princes : They conquered powers and principalities , but with the spirituall Armor of God , they beate vppon them with the hammer of the word , they cut deeply into the secrets of their soules , with the sword of the spirit they prayed for their peace , and prosperity , they embrased the very persecutions with obedience , and for the countenancing fauours , ( by giuing them respit from affliction , and the sunne shine of liberty ) they honoured them as the nursing fathers of the Church , ( when I contemplate the composute and frame of the Popish Monatchy , and the linking together of so many cunningly contrived positions , tending ( all of them ) to the encrease of gaine and advance of Honor to the Sea of Rome , I wish that some excellent Scholler extraordinarily endued would out of his many obseruations collected , exhibite vnto the world ( in imitation of Matchauell , who made the shames and vices of the house of Florence , the patterne of a perfite Prince ) this Antichrist of Rome as a true president of Tyranny and Vsurpation by publishing with an apt resemblance , as well the vilde and vnchristian practises , as also the false and pernicious articles , whereby he hath atchived so strange matters , and attained vnto so vnmeasurable greatnesse , which my desire is the more increased , the more I consider , how the webs of that worke , hath ensuared , if not enthralled Christian people , euen in the carriage of this controversie . I haue traced the foot-steps of many politicke reaches , and now in the closing vp of the matter , a faire traine is layd , to catch and lay hold vpon an easie follower , which we must not so suddenly passe by , as not to discerne the sleight thereof , he speaketh plainely in honest and oyly words : That that authority temporal is to be moderated by many perticularities to be considered , There must be iust cause , graue and vrgent motives , formall proceedings , great deliberation , lawfull meanes , and other circumstances , to concurre , requiering great discretion ; what a goodly displaying he maketh , in tearmes of the best shew , when yet ( howsoeuer occasins shall alter their intentions ) there is no more conteyned or propounded thereby , then what is vsually requisite in all Benches of Iustice , erected for tryall of common rights , But our question is , Whether the Pope be a competent Iudge , vpon or against Temporall Gouernours , let the matter be caried neuer so presizely and circumspectly , that maketh him no title for enterposing his vsurped Authority . Therefore hee might well haue spared his paines , in making this the third question which neither in this , nor any other iudiciall power is any question at all . But he conceived , that this orderly course and discrect cariage which hee would haue vs to presuppose in the Pope , would carry vs along in all conformity , to condiscend to any his presumptious and vsurping iurisdiction . Let him tell whether the publicke denunciation , or rather execration made euery Maundee Thursday against the Hereticks whatsoeuer , doth not also enwrap the Princes of our religion ( especially if they haue made and executed feuere lawes against the Popish ) within the danger and rigor of that sentence , which if it do , then these flourishing and superfluous words , of the cognition of the cause , of due proceedings , of vrgent motiues , of aduised consultations , of lawfull meanes of preambles and circumstances are but snares to beguile the simple , seeing that his Holinesse ( for the most part ) acteth his solemnities , and ceremonies of Excommunication , both generally and personally , without the obseruing of the particularities . Beyond all this the pondering of such seuerall considerations , to whose brest , or trust are they recommended ? are they not euery one wholly and absolutely in the Popes discretion ? Let vs but remember the course of proceedings by these perticularities , against our late Queene , his Holinesse tooke knowledge , as well by publicke fame , as by complayning relacions , of the afflicted and distressed Catholikes , and of Queene Elizabeths hard vsage of them in this Kingdome , there is the vrgent motive and importing cause , what were the consultations , what the meanes , and what the proceedings , a Bull of Excommunication publickly deprived her , of her Royall Dignity , setteth free her Subiects from their Allegiance , enioyneth all Catholikes to endeavor her deposing , and so exposeth her to continuall Treasons , and bloody Assassinates ; This is the short Epitome of this all presuming Papacy , Then let any other Prince take to himselfe the like scantling , by the measure offered to Queene Elizabeth , ( bethinking himselfe whether the enumeration of so many good poynts , of aduisednes , and the cautilous respects set forth by glosing words , may sufficiently secure him from feares and iealousies . One other doubt ( of great consequence and preiudice ) may much perplex Princes , which is the vndistinguished and vnlimited nature of the causes , triable by the Popes authority , for what cause can be supposed so meerely Ciuill , as hath not some mixture of cases in Conscience , and so to be referred in order to a spirituall end , becomming ( as in that regard ) of a spirituall cognizance . And then his Holinesse ( holding himselfe onely in his owne element ) beeing the supreame Iudge in spirituall doubts , how extendable is the amplitude of his power to any manner of debates or variences , which ( by complaint or appeale ) vnder a colour of devotion or religion shall be presented to his holy decision ? But the deadliest poyson that lyeth in the Dragons Tayle , is the disposition and ordination of the meanes , of giuing to such Popes Iudgements , the full blow of execution . For where the spirituall blast of his indignation , is not much regarded , there ( as the inferior rout of the Clergy , doth ) his holinesse will not sticke to implore the ayde of the secular arme , be it forraine , be it domesticall , be it directly for the same cause , or indirectly ( I am in loue 〈◊〉 that distinction ) vpon the fore-plotted quarrells , be it by the sedicious tumult of insurrection , or by any 〈◊〉 audaciousnesse of 〈◊〉 . Surely , when I consider the desperate 〈◊〉 . of some particular men , who abandoning all care or respect of themselues , and instigated onely with a seeming zeale of religion , do with violent hands of blood , enterprise the distruction of Prince . I am induced to beleeue , that they haue some direct Commission , or some indirect incitation so to compell and precipitate their ill gouerned mindes , into the horror of so vild an action : Neverthelesse , I may not dissemble , that concerning any priuate exployts , in this kinde , they disclayme the approbation thereof ; though I am well assured , that experience to the contrary doth make it manifest , that they dissemble . This authority ( sayth this our satisfying mittigator ) doth not onely not allow the wicked and vnlawfull attempts of priuate men , but also doth expressely and publickely condemne the same , as in the Councell of Constance , the wicked article of lawfull killing of Princes , by private men ( holding them Tyrants ) is rejected and condemned . Euery man seeth how resolued a case he maketh it , both by the Catholicke Divines , and by the Cannon of the Councell of Constance , that no priuate attempts though of neuer so magnanimous a spirit against the life of a Prince , though neuer so much tainted with Tyranny , insuffieiency , infidellity , or heresie can be in any sort iustifiable . But that it may the better be knowne , that these be but fallacious and gay-coated words , Ad faciendum populum , I will ( for bearing any mine owne refutations , encounter and contradict this smoothing P. R. with one of his owne fellow Iesuites , that goeth more roundly , and plainly to this poynt : Such a one as whether he bestowed his skill and faculty , with any mischiefeuous intention to animate wicked enterprises , ( for his Booke was Printed about the very time of our last so memorable plots of Treason ) my charity will suspend my iudgement , he casteth no colours , nor feareth to deliuer boldly his resolutions , and encouragements to all Catholikes . It is Iohannes Mariana , a Spaniard and Iesuite , and a Diuinity Reader , his Booke is intituled , De Rege et Regis institutione , published in the the yeare 1605. Dedicated to the King of Spaine , and printed Per missu superiorum , yea and Regia authoritate . Now if Mr. P. R. will allow this great Scholler , comming foorth in lucem et oculos hominum , accompanied with such estate of attending approbations , to be a Catholike , hee shall heare him speake , and then set him blame his temerity , for telling tales out of the Iesuiticall Schoole . The sixe Chapter of his first Booke , is wholy bestowed vpon this question , of the lawfulnesse of deposing or slaying Tyrants . The particularity of killing the French King is argued , the reasons on both sides produced , pondered and enforced : His determination decideth , and adjudgeth the fact to haue beene just , prayse worthy , and agreeable to the Catholicke grounds . He further setteth foorth , the receiued opinion of the Church , to be that it is lawfull for Subiects , when the King resuseth to be reformed , and after sentence against him , to renounce their Obedience , to consult for the leuying of a necessary Warre , to taxe the people , with the charge thereof , and with armed force and weapons , ( in such case of necessitie ) to set vpon him , to kill him , and destroy him , and then descendeth to this conclusion Eademque facultas esto , cuicunque priuato , qui spe impunitatis abiecta , neglecta propria salute , in conatum iuvandi rempublicam , ingredi voluerit ; Let any private man , which ( casting aside all hope of impunity , and carelesse of his owne safety ) will adventure to enterprise his endevors to relieue the Common-wealth , take vnto him the same liberty , Hath he not soundly and definitively declared the doctrine of the Church of Rome , and the very secresies and misteries of the Iesuites profession ; to the apparant conviction of this Mittigators fained attestations ? And to the foresaid Councell of Constance , ( which is produced to impugne this position of the practises , or attempts of private men against lawfull Soveraignes ) hee also maketh answere in this manner , First , that no Decree of any Councell standeth good and holy , without the consent of his Holinesse thereunto , Then , that this Decree was neuer approved by Pope Martin the 5th , neither would Eugenius or his successors euer ratifie the same , and after declareth also , that the Fathers of that assembly did chiefly intend that their Session and consultation against the Hussits who maintained that Princes , for crimes by them committed , did forfeit their estate , and that thereupon they might lawfully be by any man deprived of that power which they vniustly held , or obteined . Againe , that in perticuler and properly , they then purposed to opugne the proposition of Iohannes Parvus , a Divine of Paris , who vnder colour of this defence , that it was lawfull by private authority to kill a Tirant , endeavored to justifie the fact of the Duke of Burgundie in slaying of the Duke of Orleance , In which case there were these diversities from that rule . Here was betweene these persons equallitie , and no inferioritie , there was a solemne oath violated and broken , and here was no attending for the sentence , or direction of the Superior . Here we see two Iesuites in two different opinions in a matter of greatest moment , both of them founding vpon the faith of the Church , both approved permissu superiorum by the allowance of the superiors . Thus hauing buckled together two principall Iesuites to lugg and tugg each other by the eares , I will only thus far giue my verdit of their variance , That the Spanierd Mariana dealeth plainly and constantly to the practize of Popery , and the ratificacions and afirmacions of the Popes themselues , who will not endure any abridging of their prerogatiue power of proceeding against Princes in what sort soeuer , And our English P. K. hideth the sting , would conceale deepe dissembled treacheries by protesting termes to secure vs from suspicions , till the venome of malice hath pierced all the veines of the state , and seazed our very hart and life-blood , by surprizes vnthought of , hauing brought vs into a carelesse and deceitfull securitie ; P. R. hath beene very curious and copious in trying , and examining his aduersaries allegacions , interpretacions , falsificacions , translacions , and applicacions , seeming so watchfull and diligent in that kind of animaduersion , as if he accounted it a shame , and foile , to omit any line or sillable vnanswered , for indeede , the whole bulke of his booke in this businesse , is fraught with no other stuffe then with such wrangling matter , of misavouching , and misconsterings of quoted allegacions . But that it may appeare how his deadly hooke resting in the beliefe of his heart , is covered over with an honied bait beguiling vs with fairer speach , I shall be bold to trouble him with one question . What is the cause that Mr. Mortons publication , of the solemne Oration made by the Pope Xixtus the 5. in the Consistory of the Cardinalls , in the commendation of the notable , rare , and memorable act of the braue Monke that killed the French King , and the inferrence by him made and vrged against the Pope , for his maintenance of Conspiracy , and Treason , is both by the modrate answer first , and after , by this mitigating replier layed aside in silence , and not once handied , or glanced at by any seeming answer . The truth is , they were enwrapped with a dilemna to allow the fact was against their pretence in their position , and to disallow the Pope , was against their faith in their religion they must defend by argument , what for outward carriage is giuen them in charge , sith it tendeth to their aduantagious purpose : and they may not ( without dispensation ) either presume to censure , or vndertake to oppugne , what his Holinesse approveth , lest they betray and shake the foundacion of their Supremacy . By this time , I trust his well cloaked dubble iniquity is discovered to his very nakednesse ; were it not now very strange that hee and I ( whom our former contencions haue so farr devided afunder ) should part reconciled , and well accorded ? In his sixt Chapter ( of corruptions and falsificacions ) hee taketh hold of Mr. Morions exposition , That the Imperiall and Kingly Authority in Spirituall causes , reacheth no farther then as to outward preservation , and not to personall administration : Hereupon he assureth vs , that if this be really ment , all the Catholikes of England will presently take the oath of Supremacy , requiring with an earnest challēge that as this is publikely printed , and that by Authority , so it may have publike allowance & performāce to make it good , whereby as touching that poynt there may be an attonemēt . I feare that the man in the heate of his sudden apprehension , and without the wary consideracion which his pen hath been accustomed vnto , doth overshoote and forget himselfe . Shall I thinke that he hath never read , or vtterly forgotten the Oath of Supremacy ? He hath so scanned and canvased the Statutes of Henry the eight , Edward the sixth , and Queene Elizabeth picking at every mote thereof , and making a beame of the same ( though with a left eye , and a left hand ) that I cannot so much as surmize but that he hath had every threed of this question betweene his fingers . Therefore ( if his former subtillity hath not suddenly betrayed him , and exposed him to derision ) as I must admire that he is so easily reformed in Iudgement , so , I shall be content to embrace the occasion of a well gained agreement . And will P. R. the Iesuite , and the rest of the English Catholikes of the Romish faction abide by this word in good earnest ? that if the Kings Maiestie doe not claime or assume vnto him personall administration in cause Ecclesiasticall , the Oath of Supremacy shall no further be stood vpon , or refused . Then let him bethinke himselfe of this part or clause of the Oath , That no forraigne Prince , Person , Prelate , State , or Potentate , hath or ought to haue any iurisdiction , power , superiority , preeminence , or authority Ecclesiasticall , or Spirituall within this Realme , if he digest this , then see how one thing draweth on another : all our former differences are at once , and in this one compounded : also , for if the Pope ( being a forraigne Prelate or Potentate ) be excluded , from hauing any Ecclesiasticall power or Spirituall authority within this Realme . Then our question of his preheminency or jurisdiction in repressing the exorbitant and pernicious excesse of great men , as an Ecclesiasticall Iudge , or Supreame Pastor , direct , or indirect , is at an end clearely determined : I doubt not but his excellent Majesty of his Princely care to bring home so many lost sheepe , and to bosome them againe in his dearest loue , will affoord them that fauorable interpretation which this there Aduocate and Orator , requireth in their behalfe . In the meane space ( not to loose what we haue got ) I returne vnto P. R. the like charge of making good of his word , touching the Oath of Supremacy , in the sence and distinction afore mentioned , and therewithall might thinke it not reasonable , any further to stricke a yeelding aduersary , that by so voluntary an offer cleareth the cause from any further controuersie . But remembring the nature and quallity of our adversary and the many winding and intricaking trickes he is vsed vnto in the canvassing of this or the like controversies , I feare that this our reconciliation is rather seeming then substanciall , and will suddainly vpon a small touch , fall a sunder againe to as great a discrepance ; for howsoeuer he doth so franckly yeeld vnto his Majesty , a supremacy , of the Church in Ecclesiasticall causes , as touching outward preseruation onely , let him be but sifted a little in his meanings , it will breake from him that he neuer purposed to strengthen the state and authority of our Soueraigne , with any such power of absolute defence and protection , which shall presently appeare by ministring vnto him some few questions : I pray you Sir , what Church , and what Ecclesiasticall causes , doe you consent to be within the Kings Royall preseruation ? is it incident and appropriate to his Princely Scepter , to mayntaine the religion now established in his Dominions ? by making Lawes for enforcing subjects , to an vniforme allowance , and profession thereof , by punishing Recusants according to Iustice , and by employing all his powers to suppresse the oppugners , or Conspirators against the same ? Dareth he to abide by this ? will he henceforth justifie this preseruation , and that by his religious oath , which hitherto the impoy-soned pens of these Iesuited spirits haue not spared odiously to tearme a cruell persecution ? wee haue shaked him already from his attonement , with vs in this poynt , He will tell vs plainely , That the Church and Ecclesiasticall cause which he authorized the Prince to protect and preserue , is onely the Catholike Church , and Religion , and then ( as if orbs , and vrbs , were all one ) that the Catholike is the Romish , so that vnlesse the King will turne Leigeman , with a kinde of vazilage to the Sea of Rome , his right of Supremacy in the outward preseruation of the Church , ( which this man dareth assure vs that all Catholikes in England will easily accord vnto ) must be denied him , as not due and proper to the Title of his Regality , Papacy is the pole-starre of all their contemplations , It is the Centure whereunto are carried and cleaueth fast all their drifts and disputations . And no further shall any Prince hold power ( especially , in Ecclesiasticall causes which are all bosomed vp in the breast of his Holinesse ) then the same shall serue in a sub-ordination to the advancing and exaltation of that most imperious Romish Hyerarcy . Nay their temporall authority , also must be kitbed , stinted , and subjugated by that vntollerable yoake of Popish vsurpation , except it should be made plyant , ranged , and accommodated , In ordine ad dominum Papam , Then ( not regarding P. R. his assurance of the voluntary submissions , and subscriptions of all Catholikes of England , to the Kings Supremacy , according to the limitation or interpretation aforesayd ) we may well assure our selues that no English Papists , ( finding this supremacy of defence and preseruation to tend to the subversion and extirpation of their idolatrous Religion ) will euer yeelde oath to keepe fayth thereunto : Yet ( hauing closed with him in a full consent vnto this position , that euery Prince hath Iure divino , the supremacy of outward preseruation of the Church , and Ecclesiasticall causes within his Territories and Dominions ) let it be remembred that he neuer hereafter scandalize the proceedings and execution of Iustice in England against the refractaries and treacherous oppugners of the Religion established in this Realme , sith the same is the lawfull and necessary act of a well warranted and acknowledged Supremacy ; from which our publicke profession of Fayth is to receiue protection and preseruation ; I cannot but conceiue that this Clearke P. R. wil be shent , and receiue some checke for his Doctrine : For out of question if his Holinesse , and Cardinall Bellarmine , haue enkindled their displeasures against Mr. Blackwell , the Arch-Priest for allowing the Oath of Alleagiance ( which contayneth onely an acknowledgment of the hereditary rights of temporall Soueraignity , whereunto naturall duty , ( in respect of relation ) doth bind each subject : How much more heynously will it be taken , that this Arch-Iesuite ( as if both their Arches , had slipped from them at once ) should so confidently condiscend to this artickle of Spirituall Supremacy , in the sence , qualification , or moderation , before expressed ? He cannot escape the blame , of forgetting or forsaking of his principles , neyther can he euer salue his offence , by any wily Interpretation or beguiling distinction . His direct , and indirect , his absolute and conditionall , his mediate and immediate , his simpliciter and secundum quid or quatenus , and the like ( which in all his discoursiue argumenting doth make his way for him through many Obstacles , whilst he treadeth out vnto vs his maze of Circuler shifts , and manifold euasions ) can touching this his confession or protestation haue no place or serue him to any stead , because knowing aforehand how the case standeth in euery circumstanciall or considerable perticularity , he hath to the King of England within his seuerall Dominions adjudged the Supreame gouernment of causes Ecclesiasticall , as in the office and care of preseruing the Church , with the fayth and Doctrine thereof , from all wronges or corruptions Forraigne or Domesticall . I encroach not vppon him by inferences and constructions , I onely take that which he so fully and clearely gyueth ; and do challenge him that what he hath deliuered vnto vs for his judgement and resolution , ( and that in high termes and vanting and flaunting of his aduantages therein . ) He will ( notwithstanding any reprehension or retreite from the Pope or Bellarmine ) still with the like brauery and constancy mayntaine vnto the end ; but shall I disclose a secret or rather a wonder vnto the World ? What if the very same Author who so boldly assumeth and assureth at this time for all Catholikes the Title of Spirituall Supremacy , to appertayne to the Crowne Imperiall of this Land , doth after in another set Treatise , published purposedly , or rather maliciously , to traduce and discredit our gouernment , and to vphold the Popes and Cardinall Bellarmines censures concerning the Oath of Allegiance , like a very Changling , fall quite away from this his former so earnestly pro ferred and promised conformity , declareth himselfe , to be so farre from affoording his Majesty by oath his supremacy of preseruation in causes Ecclefiasticall , as that he holdeth it vnlawfull for a Catholike conscience to take the oath of Temporall Allegiance , as repugnant to the Religion of the Church of Rome , will not euery man of vnderstanding admire , how the same person can refuse to sweare Allegiance Temporall , that hath so readily and hotly , granted a Supremacy Spirituail ? To induce me to beleeue that it is all one person that hath so vndertaken to act vnto vs two so repugnant parts , I haue ( besides fame and report ) and a kind of idempnity in the phrase and stile , some very approveable probabilities , his mencioning of the powder-treason in these weake and tender tearmes , of that headlong action of a few Catholike Gentlemen , and such other lamenting speeches , for the euill cariage , or miscarying of the enterprise without any one apt or right expressing word to denotate or condemne the foulenesse thereof , is certainely moulded with the soft hand of this our countersetting kind-hearted mitigator , his shaping and propounding of the generall question concerning the Popes authority over Princes , is conceaved even in the same words which this P. R. hath vsed in delivering and expressing the same , and then acquainteth vs with his supposall , That it was never the meaning of such Catholikes as tooke the Oath of allegiance to deny simply and absolutely , That the Pope as supreme Pastor of the Catholike Church hath any authority left him by Christ , either directly or indirectly , with cause or without cause , in neuer so great a necessitie , or for neuer so great and publike vtilitie of Christian religion , to proceede against any Prince whatsoever , temporally , for his restraint or amendment . Is not this the very same water of the same Cesterne ? He yet goeth further for better proofe and confirmacion of his said supposall by the selfe-same reasons set forth Verbatim : for that they should thereby contradict the generall consent of all Catholike Divines , and confesse that Gods providence for the conservacion and preservacion of his Church and kingdome vpon earth , hath beene defectuous , for that hee should haue left no lawfull remedy for so great and excessive an evill as that way might fall out . I had set the print of my fingers vpon all and every of these words before , so that by that brand they were presently knowne vnto mee , and their Author or owner apparantly discovered , howsoever as a Iesuite he stileth himselfe Gent. who bound to no order may assume any shape . Then presupposing vpon these likelyhoods , that in the pursute of this my slippery adversary ( Iesuite or Gent. ) I haue met with him againe as at a new turning , I must not let him escape vntill hee make mee a good answere , how he can affirme for the King a Supremacy Ecclesiasticall for preserving of the Church , and yet alledge against the oath of allegiance a more supreame power in the Pope , to suppresse and annihilate that Supremacy , and that in a course of Temporall Supereminency ? I ever tooke Supremacy to be such a superlative , as admitteth no superior : I never heard of any subalternate supremacy , it hath too harsh and absurd a sound ; but that any temporall Prince absolute of himselfe , vndependent vppon any higher on earth , immediate to God Almighty should be over-awed or over-topped by the pretended primacy of a Luciferian Prelate , and that by the brandishing of a temporall sword , and imploying forces , coercians temporall , what can be more vnsensible to be conceaved , more vnreasonable to be maintayned , or more impious to be practized ? Yet the only cause and couler why the Pope commandeth , and the Cardinall adviseth , the Catholikes of England , to forbeare and refuse to take the oath of allegiance , is this , That in the said oath is couched and included the derogation , and renunciation of the sufficiency and absolutenesse of the Popes authority over or against his Majestie , claymed by vertue of his high office of supreame Pastor , whereby he is enabled to proceed against any Prince whatsoever temporally for his restraint and amendement , or to permit other Princes to do the same : So that the question of the lawfulnesse of this oath , and the question argued in these few leaves of my labor concerning the Popes arrogant Vsurpation , hath not any threed of difference sorting both alike to one and the same purpose . Therefore if vnto my former refutation of the Mittigators , immoderate attribution of power vnto the Pope , I shall ioyne some few animadvercions vpon the epistoling Gentlemen : also ( an alter idem of P. R. ) for the better observing and discovering of his deceitfull and disloyall cariage , in the reproving of that oath , it will be a continuance of the same skirmish , and the like battering of the same bulwarke which the pride of Rome hath erected and endeavoreth to fortifie against the dignity of Kings and the truth of God. First I observe that howsoever he vndertaketh in generall tearmes to make good the Popes desision touching the refusall of that oath on the part of his Maiesties Catholikes subiects , yet in his perticuler arguing thereupon , ( as if he were also another Pope , whom as a iudge , it becommeth not to dispute ) he discusseth not the severall parts to be disliked in the oath , or setteth forth plainly and contradictorily the words which hee will hold or maintaine to be vnlawfull or cumbersome to the squemish conscience of their pretended Catholikes , whereby a true state or issue of the matter in question might be taken in consideration , but in stead of such expresse and positiue mentioning of the disliked parts of that oath , glideth away in his glosing fashion wiht bare affirmation of dangerous doctrinall clauses , conteining matter of faith craftely conioyned together , with the exacting of civill duty , preiudiciall to the integritie and purity of Catholike religion . This kind of handling a controuersie , is rather resoluing then reasoning , and more Pope like in determining as a Iudge , then Scholler like in demonstrating as a Disputer : Why doth hee not to euery branch , of the sayd oath affixe and oppose his negatiue , without any such faynt plea , or fumbling and broken speeches , cut of with &c. Will the distinction of direct , and indirect , as he maketh it to serue the Pope for actions and authorities , so serue his turne also in speaking and argumenting ? standeth it with any Logicall rules , to induce or inforce conclusions , indirectly by conception and application , which ought to be produced directly , in a full opposition to the questioned proposition . Then where the oath hath these plaine words , that the Pope hath not any power or authority to depose the King , or to dispose any his Maiesties Kingdomes , or Dominions , or to authorize any Forraigne Prince to invade or annoy him in his Countries , or to discharge any of his Subjects from their allegiance and obedience to his Maiesty , or to giue Licence or leaue to any of them to beare Armes , rayse Tumults , or to offer any violence , or hurt to his Majesties Royall person , state , or government , why doth not he in justification of the vnlawfulnesse of this oath , by as playne , full , and broade termes , tell vs that the Pope , by the capacity of his omnipotency , is indued with so plenary a power , as that he may depose the King , dispose his Kingdomes , authorize Forraigne invasions , discharge his Subjects from allegiance , licence them to offer violence to his Royall Person , state , or gouernment ? And that for that regard the conscience of the Catholikes may not be obliged by any such prophane oath , impyous against the Pope , and the amplitude of his Pastorall primacy ? But doth hee in any-one line of his whole Volume , let slippe any word expressely declaring , naming , or mentioning any power of this nature , and that Lawfully may produce these effects , to be invested or bestowed vpon his Holinesse ? I am perswaded that the igniculi of naturall duty , the morsus of an acknowledging conscience , and the pudor of his face ( which perhaps yet retayneth some remnants of modesty ) would not suffer him so far to degenerate from naturall notions , so farre to be alienated from his dutious recognicion , or so farre to passe all the bonds of shame , as directly , and roundly to deliuer vnto the World any sentence so monstruous , and so full of horror and heynousnesse . Neuerthelesse hee hath taken such a taste of the sower grape of Rome , and is dipped so deepe into the venome and malice of that imperious and persecuting Church , as that yet indirectly , and by a subtile conueyance of his meaning , hee giueth vs to vnderstand , that his inward soule , hath pronounced this doome and judgement against his annoynted Soueraigne , and therefore that soule , must not be entangled , stayed , or bound , by any brideling or restrayning oath to the contrary . But how doth his outward man manage these difficulties ? Iust in the same manner to an hayres breadth , as Mr. Mittigator ( whom hee may call his ille ego ) doth that is closly , dissemblingly , timorously , and treacherously : In the place of the Pope , hee vseth the entitleings of Supreame Pastor , the deposing and killing of Princes , hee compriseth , and couereth vnder the words of proceeding against , and restrayning of them , what is done by inuasion , insurrection , or force of armes , is included in the word temporalty , the stirring vp and appoynting of other Potentates , to partake , in the quarrell , is brought in very gently in this good shew of permitting other Princes , &c. Now fie vppon this blaunching and disguising Oratory , If hee could passe away cleanly with these easie and fauouring phrases , hee would steale out against vs , ( as not suspecting his harmefull intentions ) his deadly writ of execution : This one word of restrayning would ( like to a ball of wild-fire ) disclose it selfe , and breake a sunder , into censuring , depriuing , deposing , destroying , and murthering of Soueraignes , and would haue no meane , or end of oppression or Tyranny . Next , admitting him to this liberty , as not to single out any speciall , or particular clauses of the oath , let vs examine how hee prooueth that there bee enwrapped within the sayd oath , poynts of religion as well as of 〈◊〉 obedience ; he maketh reckoning to haue shewed it by foure seuerall distinct wayes : I will beare him witnesse that the wayes be seuerall ; for onely one of them hath shewe of leading vs to the scope and conclusion fore-intended , the rest are all straggling pathes , quite from the purpose , for are not these I pray you good arguments ? The Pope telleth the Catholikes that hee hath heard , that they are compelled to go to the Churches and Assemblies of Heretickes , and to be at their Sermons , Ergo , the oath of Allegiance contayneth matter of Religion , as well of ciuill obedience . Againe , Bellarmine compareth the oath to the crafty composion and commixture of the Images of the Emperor Iulian , and the Pomim gods , all coupled and combined together in this Imperiall banner : Ergo , by an argument ab authoritate , there be in that oath poynts Spirituall and Temporall conjoyned together . Lastly , the good Gentleman doth kindly make this reall offer for satisfaction of his Majesty , that hee will sweare vnto him , as much Loyalty as euer any Catholike Subject of England did , vnto the lawfull Kings in former times before the change of King H. 8. Ergo , there lurketh articles of sayth in the sayd oath , vnder the pretence of ciuill duties . The first of the foure , seemeth to shute faire , and and at the least to sticke in the Butt , though farre enough from the marke ; and thus it speaketh , from the plaine expresse words , sence , and drift of the oath it selfe , That besides the acknowledgment of our Soueraigne to be true King and rightfull Lord ouer all his Dominions ; and that I will be a true loyall Subject vnto him and such other clauses , whereat no man sticketh or maketh any difficulty , the sayd oath contayneth further , that I must sweare in like manner some poynts , concerning the limitation of the Popes authority , to wit , what hee cannot doe towards his Majesty , or his Successour in any case whatsoeuer ? Which question brought vnto the Thesis of all Kings toucheth ( sayth he ) a poynt of Doctrine and Catholike beliefe , concerning the sufficiency of of Pastorall authority , left by our Saviour in his Church vnto St. Peter , and his Successours , for redressing of all inconueniences that may fall out ; and this to forsweare hath perill of euerlasting Damnation . There must be a monstrous strayne , nay , hee must breake through and steale , before his Holinesse with his predominate power , can get into the Creede . 〈◊〉 haue before set in his way crosse barres , and obstacles ●● nough , which hee will neuer be able to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impeach his assention into any such height , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our consciences , The article of Catholica Ecclesia , 〈◊〉 be no cloake or conductor for him , nor shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Canopy over his high estate of ● , 〈◊〉 callity . The Argument wherewith this Gent. doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pope to so eminent a place of power , and reputation that his prerogative is past questioning , and that vpon paine of 〈◊〉 , is this , every oath that conteyneth poynts concerning the limitation of the Popes Authority , is an oath belonging to Religion ; but this oath expressing what the Pope cannot doe towards his Majestie , or his successor in any case whatsoever , is an oath concerning the limitation of the Popes authority , therefore this oath is belonging to Religion : If the Maior propofition be vntrue or vncertaine , all the rest tottereth and falleth , as without foundation : I will examine the same by the pondering of the particuler words thereof . First , ( belonging to Religion , in a generall sence may comprehend all the actions and resolues of men : yea ciuill duties , also are within the spaciousnes thereof , because a true Christian is governe his whole life and carriage by the rules of his Religion : but this Disputor must narrow the signification thereof more precisely , tying and applying the same onely to the articles of Payth . Secondly , the Popes authority must vndergoe the like distinction as themselues haue propounded vnto vs , ( that is to say ) what he may doe as Pope , and what he hath accustomed to doe by other acquiered titles , or by meere vsurping intrusion . Now then to say , that euery limiting of the Popes authority whatsoeuer the same be , or howsoeuer obtayned or exercised belongeth to the Articles of beleefe , I for my part will neuer beleeue it , and I do not thinke , that any of their owne Secritaries will be so much besotted , I will explayne my meaning by instances and cases of the like condition ; suppose that the Pope would pretend and pleade that the King doth hold of him the Crowne of this Land , and therefore as Superior Lord , will require homage or trybute , and in default of rendering the same , will invade his Dominions with sword and force : If in this case the King shall for more security of his Imperiall State , aske ( vppon Allegiance ) the oathes of all , or any his Subjects in detestation of that claime , may the Catholikes make scruple of conscience concerning such an oath , because the same seemeth to limmit and abridge , the Popes pretended right and authority ? making in the meane time no Religion of the limitting , lessening , and detracting from the Soveraignes Title and pre-eminence ? perhaps they will say that this is a question of civill right , and that the Subject is cleerely bound to maintaine the Prince . But how if the Pope pretend withall his Pastorall care , and preservation of matters spirituall , then I trust ( in ordine ad spiritualia ) his temporall attempts must bee supported , by his spirituall Children , against the King and Country . Againe , let it be conceiued that the Pope much mooued with indignation , at the execution of Iustice ministred in this Kingdome , against the Treacherous Conspirators of the Popish faction , should vpon that gnawing grudge towards the Iudges of this Land , take vpon him by solemne Censure , to depriue and displace them from their Iuridiciall offices , wherein ( though he can assume no ordinary or rightfull power ) yet in ordine ad spiritualia and for the generall releefe , and necessity of the Catholike cause hee adventureth as from his pastorall charge , to pronounce them from henceforth to be incompetent Iudges , commanding all Catholikes also to reckon of them , and the iudgements by them giuen : Now the question is , whither to make a constant asseueration that the Pope hath no such authority , be vnto a Catholike conscience a poynt of Faith or Religion , because of such limiting bounds , disabling the Pope in his supposed sufficiency of his generall function for the good of the Church ? If the denying or abating of the popes authority over these inferior minifters of Iustice be not accounted cumbersome to the c̄osciences of Catholikes ( wherein I thinke they will make no doubt ) why should the abjuring of this papall power ouer our Supreame Magistrate touching the 〈◊〉 and destroying of him , be thought so dangerous , and damnable , or repugnant to their owne Religion ? will Religion allow him more liberty against the highest , then against the meaner Substitutes ? or if hee haue such a Rule ouer Princes themselues , why not also ouer the Subordinate Officers of the Kingdome ? to command , direct , authorize , or suppresse them , to the best auayle and aduancement , of the Catholike side , that so hee may become more then Monarchiall , by an absolute and vnlimited Dominion ? This Gent. saith that touching the acknowledgement of our Soveraigne to be true King and rightfull Lord over all his Dominions , no man sticketh at that : But , I aske , whether if the Pope haue already enwrapped his Majestie within any of his generall sentences , or shall declare by any especiall means , that he is not to be acknowledged King , will not then the Catholikes sticke at that ? must not they refuse to sweare vnto that clause of recognition also ? for feare that his Holinesse be questioned and limited in his owne powre and preeminence ? I will not feare to affirme , That the true allegiance , and obedience of a naturall subject , cannot dwell together in the corrupted heart of a devoted & dissembling Papist , and therefore no marvell that the heart preposessed with Papacy , doth cast such doubts , of offending his dearest love , especially having plighted faith , and vowed his service , by all constant endeavors thereunto . This contrariety of Masters , must needs breed iealousies on both sides , for as the Pope forbiddeth Papists , to sweare their allegiance and fidellity to the King , ( fearing lest himselfe should thereby be excluded and renounced ) So the King can never thinke himselfe secure and assured of those subiects , who ( from their acknowledgement of the Popes superiorship over the King , and that in such a degree as may indure no limiting ) dare not be affianced by oath to the safety of the King against the decrees and designes of their Dominus dominancium . Then what will they say , or do , to free his Majestie from feares and ielousies ? Doth this supple Gent. thinke to make or bring confidence , which I hope in Gods goodnesse that the Pope will never attempt any thing in preiudice of his Majestie . Surely Sir , your hope is too weake a stay for our state to rest or trust vnto : For what if the same great important and vrgent cases , concerning Christian religion doe fall out wherein yee averr the Popes authority over Princes : Then in that case I perceive the best answere wee shall expect from you will be the fooles proverbe , non putarem . For here againe you feede and foppe vs one with another of your hopes ( which wee hope will never be betweene our Soveraigne and the Sea Apostolike . ) Is it not more then strange that this so provident coniecturer of future events , should hope that that matter will neuer be ; which long hath beene , continually is , and I trust perpetually will be , seeing , that these same great , important , and vrgent cases concerning Christian Religion haue done , and doe dayly fall out , betweene our Soveraigne and the Sea of Rome , called by him Apostolike , Therefore it appeareth that the man hath lost his wits , whilest he would obtrude his hopes . The true conclusion is , that for as much as these great and important cases are in continuall conflict and question betweene the Pope and his Majestie , and that consequently the Authority of the Pope lyeth prest in dayly readinesse to represse and suppresse his Majestie vpon all occasions , as it concerneth his Royall person , for the preservation of his Life , State , and Dignity , to assure himselfe of the vnviolable faithfulnesse of his Subiects , so that must needs be accounted a disloyall and vnnaturall part for any subiect to be so seduced , by hipocriticall pretences , as to adhere to a forraine and fained clericall Primacy , against his alleagiance , love and duty , towards his true Soveraigne Lord and King. The Gent. vseth many glorious and plausible speeehes of the humble acknowledgment of all temporall dueties to his Majestie , and iumpeth with the Mittigator in opinion , that it is not vnpossible for the Catholikes to conforme in Subiection to the Civill goverment , and yet to reserve their consciences to the religion of Rome , if this were affirmed of such Countries only where the Prince is of the Romish faith , or of this Nation whilest the Pope had some hold , and prevalency in the same , then perhaps we might come neere to an agreement in this poynt , but where the Prince and Pope are of religion so repugnant and opposite , where the Pope is quite secluded and expelled frō any power Eccleslasticall or Civill , and where the Prince as in the right of the Crowne , is the defender and preserver of the faith within his Kingdome , there we are taught by experience , and directed by reason , that the entertayning and professing of Papacy , is the renouncing and repressing of regallity . I weigh not the allegation that is made , of the long continuance for well-neere a thousand yeares , of the admission and permission of the Popes Superioritie in this Realme , and how the same for all that space stood vn-offensive vnto this state , for whilest there was either subiugaiton , or coniugation of the two powerfull commands , their contrarietyes and repugnances could not be so apparently discovered , as they be now manifested , by the distinguishment and finall dissevering of them into their proper natures , rights , and limitations . I haue read diligently that great Volume , avouched by this Gent. written with much labour to this poore purpose , of declaring the Papal pre-eminēce within this Cuntry , ever since the first conversion thereof to Christianity , vntill the reigne of King Henry the eight . The Authors sedulity and devotion may amongst the Birds of the same feather , receiue his reward , ( at the least ) of commendation , but I will vndertake with one short answere , ( consisting but of two parts ) to runne my pen through every line of that huge Bulke , blotting and putting out whatsoeuer he hath painted , foorth for the best shewe . First , ( forbearing to refute their Fables , and taking their owne accompt of time , which they make of the entry of the Romish Religion into this Land , ) it is euident that the mystery of iniquity , and the Antichristian arrogancy of the Romish prelacy , was then reuealed and exalted into worldly pompe : So as they then sending of Factors into these parts , was but to Conquer the simple people , of that vninstructed age to the bondage and yoake of Rome . ' And therefore no maruaile , if they were still held in the same , or the like subjection in the succeeding times , wherevnto they were at the first surprized by politicall handling , and with much simulation of piety trayned one for intromitting , and acceptation thereof ; and I cannot invent a fitter resemblance whereby to represent the cunning carriage of that plot in those dayes , then that which Cardinall Bellarmine hath vsed and applyed in this question . Which is the crafty composition and commixture of Images set by Iulian the Emperour of himselfe and the panim gods coupled and combined together , in his Imperiall banner , for as that Emperour vnder the shew of reuerence due to be performed to himselfe , though to haue seduced those good Christians to the honoring of Idols , so in those darke and vndiscerning times of our fore-fathers , by the tempering and ioyning of the Christian Religion , and the Antichristian vsurpation , their simplicity was abused , and they by subtile practises , wrought vnto such a credulity , as that together with the sweete comforts of Christ , they sucked in at once the poyson of Romish Idolatry , and the oppression of papacy : The second part of my answere is , that notwithstanding such encroachment of the popedome vnto this Kingdome , wherein by stealing steppes and sundry Hypocriticall passages that had gotten good footing , keeping in the meane while both Prince and people in an ignorant devotion , and a dread of damnation : Yet did the Kings of England , from time to time , feele themselues and their Soueraigne state to be enthralled and wronged by the ouer-awing , and busie intermedling of that vniversall pastorship , and therefore omitted not , vppon all occasions , to make knowne their dislikes and reluctations , to vphold the course , and force of the ancient Common Law , to defend and put in practise the Imperiall prerogatiues of their Crowne , and to restrayne the exorbitant ambition of the sea of Rome , by prouiding statutes , vnder grieuous penalties against the Subjects of this Land , that in derogation of the Iustice , gouernment , and regall rights , of the King , did make recourse vnto Rome , by way of appeale , impetration , or other pretences contrary to the naturall obligation of their faith and allegiance . But it will be sayd , how came it to passe then , that the Subjects held on their former orders , and no whit refrayned from Rome , yeelding still to the pope the same their dependency , and acknowledgments : That shall I also tell you , the pope and Councell of Rome ( knowing right well , how fully they had possessed all sorts of people , with a blind zeale , carried after idle Ceremonies , and well pleasing superstitions , and remembring that they had so seazed and fastned vpon their Conscience , as that euery one held the saluation , or damnation of his soule , to consist in his obedience , or disobedience to the Church of Rome , ) did crosse and avoyde the execution of such states by decreeing and sending foorth their Ecclesiasticall execution , of suspending , and excommunicating , of all Ministers of Iustice , or other ministeriall persecutors whatsoeuer , that should attempt to enforce , or execute any such 〈◊〉 ; by this meanes of denouncing such terrors to the soule , the mightinesse and authority of the pope , grew dreadfull and powerfull , vntill it pleased the Almighty God , by the revelation of his truth , and discouery of Popish falshoods , to inspire with courage and magnanimity the heart of that Right Noble King H. 8. who finally without any feare of his thunderbots , accomplished that worke of freeing this Realme from the grieuous butthen , and heauy yoake of the popish Supremacy , which diuers of his prodecessors Kings of England , had often , and much endeauoured , and desired to do , if their illightnings with grace , and enablings with meanes , had serued them thereunto ; Thus it is made cleare , that the Popes authority , neither at the first landing thereof vppon the Coast of this Kingdome ( which was not in the purer times , but 600 yeares after , Christ as themselues confesse , when the Church of Rome was falne from sincerity ) neyther in the continuance and exercise of the same was lawfull , allowable , or beneficiall , but rather intruded , offensiue , and prejudiciall vnto this state ; and for his motion of sampling our proceedings to the practise vsed in other Countries ouer Catholike Subjects , in this poynt of excluding the Pope for intermedling temporally against Princes , shewing that they will be ready to answere as much duty and allegiance to his Majesty , as any such Catholike Subjects in any other Kingdome doth , or is bound to doe : He must know that he must then make and take his patterne , from the Protestant Princes , who haue resumed their ancient and originall rights , and not from them whom he calleth Catholikes , that honoreth the best , and dishonoreth themselues ; wherefore the Gent. may hold his hand from the booke , his kind offer of swearing vnto his Majesty as much loyalty as euer any Catholike Subject of England did vnto the lawfull King in former times and ages , before the Change of King H. 8. will not be accepted as a suffring seruice or duty ; Then was both King and people made drunke with the Popish cup , of spirituall Fornications , the Kings then were but halfe Kings , and the Subiects but halfe Subjects ; his Holinesse had pared away so much from the one , and gayned so much vppon the other , the one could not be absolute in commanding , for feare that his Superior should enterpose , the other could not be absolute in obeying , because there might come a stronger countermaund ; then what hath this offer more then thus ? We haue beene filthy and will be filthy still . And why should not his Maiesty require of his Subiects such obedience , as by the rules of the true reformed Religion , which hee professeth he lawfully may doe ? Or is there any reason that he should still be held to the former wrongs , and disaduantages , which ignorance , hypocrisie , pride , and other manifold corruptions did beget and produce against his Crowne , and Soveraignity : Is it to be reckoned a poynt of Fayth and Saluation to lay forth a limitation of that power which hath beene heretofore so infinitly extended , and so vniustly claymed ? and what is this limitation ? Forsooth that the Pope cannot make Kings no Kings , or Subiects no Subiects , that his spirituall Sheephooke may not subdue the Princely Scepter , nor order and dispose of temporall rights ; why may not the Pope be limited with some clauses ? Of what he may do , and what he may not doe ? The Gent. dogeth me , with P. R. his distinction of directly , and indirectly , which importeth thus much , that in plaine , true , and in direct course , to his Pastorall office , there be fixed bounds , which he cannot passe , but in an vndue vnproper , and indirect course , he may goe where he listeth , neyther hedge nor ditch can hold him , neyther can there any matter of cause be conceiued , wherevnto this indirect and outstretched power may not be carried , we reckon in the Common acceptation of speech , vndirect dealing to bee fraudulent and vniust dealing , and why shold it not likewise be vnderstood , that this indirect authority is a wrong vsurping , and mis-begotten authority ? The temporall is subordinate to the spiritual therefore ( in ordine ad Spiritualia ) he that hath all spirituallity , may in that regard , as occasions be ministred , rule , and order any temporall thing , or businesse whatsoever ; this is the reach & strayne of their ( indirectly ) which can be no lesse then a direct and shamelesse illuding shift , for maintayning whereof , and iustifying of that infinity of doing and determining , so many English Subiects , must forsake and abandon their obedyence , breaking a sunder all the chaynes of loue and allegiance , which Nature , Lawes , Diuine , and humane , and necessity it selfe doeth tye them with , alas , that vppon so slender proofe , not contayning so much as a shadow of any probability , our deare Country-men enjoying the benefits of the same soyle , and pertaking the protection of so gracious a Prince : whereby their liues and estates are preserued in peace and good repose , should bee bewitched to their owne woe , and seduced to the stirring of sedition : Yet it is not vnknowne that diuers of them moued more with the true zeale of rendring to his Maiesty , their dutious respects , then carried with that head-strong , and blind zeale , of attending the pleasure and commands of their great Dragon , haue willingly ( and as wee are to judge ) faithfully taken the oath aforesayd , to the exceeding comfort and ( as he entertayneth the same with an acceptable construction ) to the assuring of his Maiesty , of their vnfeined fidellity . But this cauilling Gent. taketh exception vnto , and maketh considerations vppon the words , ( willingly and faithfully . ) First , for shew and proofe that they haue not done it willingly or freely : hee alledgeth that the statute imposing such a paine vppon the refusors , doth make a kinde of restraynt through feare ; and so depriueth them both of liberty and freedome ; I appeale to the parties themselues , that haue taken the oath , who speaketh more truely and honestly of , then he , or I , when I finde it a branch of their oath , that they doe sweare willingly , I doe beleeue them , not taking them to be so Reprobate , as in any such 〈◊〉 rate manner forsweare themselues : Neither doe I 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 of them , as that the passion of feare could so farre transport them as to make them sweare 〈…〉 : He ( belike knowing them better then I ) 〈◊〉 against them , that they haue not taken the oath willingly , and therefore they be directly 〈◊〉 , yet he thinketh he hath pleased them againe , and falued the matter by laying the fault vpon the enforcement of feare , wrought in their hearts , by the rigiour of the Law : In the meane time hee maketh them in their Religion to be very faint , and of little faith , if worldly respects and dread of Calamities . can so farre stagger them , or preuaile ouer their infirmities , as to make them feare man more then God ; and so in an vnbeleefe and prophannesse , hazard saluation by forswearing ; but because he so carpeth at the carriage , and composure of that oath , and the enterlacing of those words , I would aske his opinion whither it be not lawfull and reasonable that any Magistrate may , yea ought , to charge the conscience of him that sweareth , that he shall doe the same willingly , and faithfully ? Or doth he know any oath , wherein the same are equall thereunto , to expresse the trueth and sincerity of the heart , be not eyther directly vsed , or necessarily imployed ? His supposall of feares , troubles , or losses , is as applyable to the taking of any other oath , and by any other persons aswell as to this , by them taken , seeing that there is no oath prescribed to be required or exacted of any subiect , but the refusall thereof doth occasionally , and consequently , draw dangers and losses to the partie so refusing . And doth hee thinke it fit to infert thereof that all the oathes that are propounded with such condition , or likely to breed such inconvenience to the refuser , are not taken freely and heartily ? I wish his wits more freedome , and his heart more loyalty then so to judge . If the oath had stayed at the recognition of his Majesties right vnto the Crowne , and had not mentioned the Popes Authority , or any restrictions concerning the same , the heauinesse and extreamitye of the penaltye appoynted against the refusors , and so much aggrivated by this Gent. had not beene charged as a compulsarie cause , or any privation , or impediment to the freedome of the Catholikes consciences , whereby it is made evident , that not the manner , but the matter of the said oath , it is , that stingeth and offendeth them so much , for otherwise they will not deny , but his Majestie may lawfully , either by oath ( which putteth vpon their Soules an awe and obligation spirituall ) or by propounding correspondent punishment temporall ( which often worketh a suppression of outward attempts ) secure himselfe so farre as he may of good affection , or at the least of no aversion in his Subiects . As touching the other word ( faithfully ) howsoever he comments vpon the same either by way of interpretation of the sense and meaning , which his Catholikes reteyned to themselves , when they tooke the said oath , or by way of direction vnto such as shall hereafter be pressed thereunto , what cautelous reservation they may make by a mentall conceit , ( for surely by giuing his judgement what the former haue done , he intendeth to instruct the rest what to do ) yet for my part , I will still hold my selfe in my rule of charity which before I haue obserued , That for as much as they haue sworne , that the words by them spoken were sincerely acknowledged , according to the plaine and common sense and vnderstanding of the same , without any equivocation or mentall evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . I doe not beleeue , that any of them haue vsed any such damnable deceit , or haue so apparently and grossely foresworne themselues . Can this Gent. be so hard-hearted towards his beloued , as when he seeth and rehearseth the very words of their religious asseverations , and protestations , and that with this concluding clause ( by the faith of a Christian ) yet to iudge that they tooke the said oath in the same lawfull sense and interpretation which might stand with the true Catholike doctrine , making them thereby equivocators , and mentall Iugglers , yea , expresse periured , if they haue secretly reteyned any others meanings then as the common and plaine sense of the words affordeth . But how doth he convey and conster that part of the oath as concerning the Popes Authority , in dealing with temporall Princes ? What moderate meaning hath he found for the safegard of the Catholike consciences that haue taken that oath ? Truly this devise and exposition is so sleight and simple , as that I am verily perswaded he propoundeth and publisheth the same , meerely for the instruction and practise of the simple and vulgar Catholikes : The learned amongst them would be ashamed of so meane and vnschollerlike a shift , to wit , that in swearing , that the Pope hath no authority to proceed against Princes , they should subunderstand ( without good cause ) for this inperpretation ( saith he ) is agreeable to the integritie and sinceritie of the Catholike doctrine , quia illud possumus quod iure possumus , And I pray the Gentlemans worship , to tell me whether non possumus etiam quod iure non possumus , is not power for the most part extendeable beyond right and iustice ? But in this case the question it selfe being De jure , Whether the Pope rightfully and lawfully ( as incident into his Pastorall place ) may exercise power and authority over Princes temporally , how frivolously , and ridiculously , is this evasion devised , that hee may not doe it without good cause , which is as much to say , hee may not doe it lawfully , except hee doe it lawfully . Why ? the question is not what hee may doe vnlawfully , for then wee might give to some one Pope an exemption , and dispensation for more sinnes , then there were vertues among them all . But when it is asked what this supreame Pastor may doe , or what he may not doe , in the right of his ministeriall office , this same ( jure ) hath reference to the authority generall , and not to the exercise thereof in any vnlawfull particularitie . Yet I may not so haue done with this his so foolish conceit , lest if I let him passe therewith , hee may gather vpon me another absurdity , that ( with good cause ) the Pope may take vpon him the power , which we absolutely deny him , who knoweth not , that the cause and offence may be such as may moue and provoke the dislike of all men ? yet the correction , reformation and restraint belongeth not to all men , but only to a competent and authorized Iudge , which the Pope over Princes can never be , especially in temporall affaires , neither directly , that is truly and by commission , nor vndirectly , that is coulerably by any devised or fained pretence , wherfore if he can invent no better an hiding corner for dissembling swearers , I hope there is no Catholike will make vse of his so fond a reservation and favorable interpretation , which indeed is all one , as if he asked leave to speak senselesly , to meane deceitfully , and to practize treacherously ; presently after this out of his charity he had conceaved this escape by construction , for the consciences of Catholikes , forgetting ( as it seemeth ) that the said oath had by speciall words provided against such reserved meanings , he remembreth himselfe better acknowledging that as this case standeth , they may not well induce themselues to equivocate , or sweare in any other sense then frō his Maiestie is proposed , and concludeth it to be lesse hurt plainly to deny to sweare , then by such swearing to giue no satisfaction neither to God , the King , himselfe , nor his neighbors , thereupon falleth into a deepe grave invective against this great pressure laid vpon mens consciences , shewing that howsoever we recken it a godly devise & intent , and that God did accordingly blesse the same , yet that no violēce or oppression whatsoever is like to this , and that the devising of this new oath was no blessing , but an vnspeakable afflictiō and augaraciō of mind ( his angry passion forging vnto vs that new word ) and in this fuming fashion he preceedeth , not forbearing to tell vs that by such extreame vexing of men , we shall gaine nothing , and giueth vs further to vnderstand , that such forcing of men against their consciences may make vs more doubtfull of their good will after they haue sworne , then we were be-before ; and that iniury receiued , must needes stirre them to more auersion of heart , working contrary effects to that which is pretended ; Nay , he dareth also to adde hereunto some threates and terrors , Setting foorth that amongst all other passions , none is more strong then that of reuenge for oppressions receiued , and therefore would haue vs conceiue , and apply it , that such as do not sticke to sweare against their consciences , for feare or other passions , will as easily breake that oath vppon like motiues if occasion serue : In this boyling manner doth the fervency of his spirit inkindle the inclinable hearts of the male-contended , Catholikes , by the memory of their wrongs , and with vehemency of words , making incitations , to sedition , and insurrection ; his Theologicall resolving that wee commit a grieuous sinne , when wee force and presse men to sweare against their consciences , making the same the highest degree of scandall actiue , tendeth to no other end , then to scandalize the Iustice of our state , and to animate their mutining and factious complices , to some desperate vndertakings . And because hee sayth , that such their Catholike Doctrine , will not be denyed of the learned Protestants themselues : He forceth for answere a declaration of the truth , positiuely mayntained amongst vs in that behalfe ; wherein ( first absolutely denying that de facto we inforce any so to sweare ) or that the tenor of the Statute , or any rigor contayned in the penalty thereof , doth presse them to any repugnancy , against their consciences , we confesse that amongst priuate men in particuler neccssities , for discouering of some truth , which otherwise cannot be made knowne this course of giving and taking satisfaction by a voluntary oath is held in vse , and that needfully and lawfully ; and that in such debates of priuate nature , it belongeth to the discretion , honesty , and conscience of any well aduised man , not to require or accept of the oath of any such as hee by vehement presumption mis-doubteth will forsweare himselfe . But when for the publike good , and by publike authority of the Law , the publike officer or Magistrate is enioyned to vrge an oath , or to be satisfied by the same , he therein ( for performing and executing of the direction and command of the Law ) is not to be blamed , neyther committeth any sinne , though in his priuate opinion hee shall suspect that the party so brought to his oath , will falsly or corruptly forsweare . For heerein hee is but a Minister of the Law , and must leaue the searching into the secrets of the heart , to the Almighty all seeing , and all iudging God , his duty and office both worketh and endeth in the act of the Law , saving that piety and charity may mooue him zealously to admonish him that so sweareth , to haue God and his Christian faith in remembrance , and to beware of all precipitation into the danger of hell fire . This godly and charitable aduisednesse , ( I am well assured ) is duely obserued by the Magistrates of this Realme , not suffering any to passe so carelesly , as not with louing tendernesse to admonish them , of the important poynts , of that oath , and to adhort him to plainnesse , and willingnesse in taking of the same , that their consciences may not after be combred , and confounded with scruples , conflicts , or reluctations . He affirmeth a likely obiection to be made on our side , for defence of the enforcing of Catholikes to this oath , which is by way of justification , of our doings therein , to be agreeable to the practise of the Romish Church , or in a course of recrimination that the Popish authority is more or equally culpable of the same offence , because in the tribunalls of inquifitors , men are forced to abiure their opinions , and that vnder paine of death , or other most grieuous punishments . Now what is his answere , and what is the difference which he findeth out , to convince our constraynings to be dissauowable , and theirs ( much more violent and Tyrannous ) to be approueable ? marry , because the Catholike Church hath Ius acquisitum ouer Heretickes , as her due subiects , though now gone out of her , and departed from her ; doth this answere beseeme a Gent. that professeth learning , who well knoweth that wee will presently deny the Popish to be the Catholike Church ? that we haue not departed from the Church ? but from the abhominations of Rome , that we be neither Heretickes , not subiects to that Antichristian Supremacy , and that their Ius acquisitum is not obtayned by any derivation or substitution from Christ , but it is intruded and vsurped , and so rightly termed acquisitum , beeing neither Datum nor Legitimum , but gotten by fradulent contriuings , and strong illusions ; in which cases it is not vnlawfull to shake of the yoake of bondage , and Tyranny , so vniustly brought vppon vs , so soone as any meanes and opportunity shall be offered . And the rather because we haue ( to front this Ius acquisitum with ) an old and strong opposition in our Law , that nullum tempus occurrit Regi , whose Royall pre-eminence and supreame power , God hath in due time redeemed , from that great captiuity of the Romish Babell ; and was it not high time , and most requisite that the dignity , and Maiesty of this Kingdome should be exempted from the seruitude of that Ius acquisitum ? Doe you not note that all such as be or haue beene brought vnder the same , are by this Gent. called the subiects of the Catholike Church ? such is the haughtinesse of that high built Tower of pride . The Pope is here made a Soveraigne , St. Peters nets catcheth more Kingdomes , then Fortune cast into the nets of the Athenian Captaine . The Monarchies of Europe must be come the acquisites or perquisites of the Court of Rome . Hath not then the Pope some reason thus to contend for the retayning of his subiects in his obedience , by barring of them from swearing themselues subiects to his Majestie , and by performing of the duties of allegiance requierable of subiects ? I shall be driven to avouch in earnest , that which Cardinall Bellarminegathereth against vs as a great absurditie , that is , That no man can professe vnfeinedly his civill obedience , and detest treason and conspiracy , but hee must bee forced also to renounce the Primacy of the Sea of Rome . The headship of the supreame Bishop which beareth away in his streame the service and devotion of so many reputed Catholikes , is the headspring of treacherie and sedition , which by claiming amongst vs so many subiects , draweth from vs their affection and obedience . The distinction of Spirituall subjection and civil obedience , is become idle and of no vse , because the Pope doth not keepe his quarter , but will needs breake forth of the rayles and limits of that distinction , taking vpon him to be authorized also temporally , and that , for the suppression and subversion of the Civill Soveraignity , and so vpon that occasion ( hauing his sheepe as by his pastorall charge to attend his call and heare his voyce ) maketh at the lest a scruple , and distraction , if not a full declination in the wills and dutyes of the people of this Kingdome , whence must necessarily arise either privie complottings , or open attempts , in favour of their opinions , and in furtherance of their defires , which how farre it will extend , and into how deepe degrees it vseth to grow , many sorowfull and fearefull examples hath in this Realme demonstratively declared vnto vs , to every whereof Papacy hath beene the stirrer and instigator . I scant dare to mention that late most memorable example ( beyond all examples ) of the Powder-Treason , this Gentleman is so tender-eared , as that he cannot indure to heare of that , he findeth fault with the appolloger for the odeous and often repetition thereof . I cannot blame them if the repetition of that purpose bee thought odeous , which maketh them odeous to all true Christian hearts , and putteth all the world at gaze , in admiring at a designe so diuellish and detestable . And because he asketh whether there be no end of reprobation , I will end with a wish , That there were in that hollow vault some shrill and screeching Eccho , that might never cease , by continuall resounding out-cryes , to beate and fill the aire , with the memorie of that hellish enterprise , that a Treason so extraordinarie , hatched vp with the heate of Papacy , should even from forth of the stones themselves receave for ever in all succeeding Ages , a most iust reproofe and exprobation . My position wherewith I will conclude is this , That albeit I doe not hold all popish opinions , or Papists seduced with such errors , to be culpable of Treason , knowing that many simple and vninstructed people , may in some perticulers be misled , and neverthelesse , remaine allowable subiects , and perhaps not forsaken Christians : Yet such and so many of them , as directly , and compleatly , maintaine Papacy , that is , the Supremacy of the Popes power and Authority in the sense , and to the purpose , as this Gentleman and P. R. hath expressed and advanced the same , and in vpholding thereof , deny their Faith , Allegiance , Assistance , Subjection , and Adherence vnto their Soveraigne , doe carry Treasonable hearts , and are thereby apted for the like Actions , as opportunity shall allure or enable them thereunto . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01076-e280 Inter 〈◊〉 fragmenta . Suat . li. 1. c. 1. Notes for div A01076-e1010 Cae. 6. par . 2 Cae. 5. par 2 ● Pet. ●● 1. Pet. 5. A Letter of a Catholike Gentleman touching the Oath of Allegiance , Fol. 67. Fol. ●● Answere to Sir Edward Cooke . 
A33736	----	Mr. Coleman's two letters to Monsieur L'Chaise, the French king's confessor with Monsieur L'Chaise's answer to Mr. Coleman, which the House of Commons desired might be printed : together with the D. of Y's letter to the said Monsieur L'Chaise, which sheweth what Mr. Coleman wrote to him, was by his special command and appointment. Two letters to Monsieur L'Chaise Coleman, Edward, d. 1678. 1678 Approx. 51 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33736 Wing C5046 ESTC R6884 12527872 ocm 12527872 62696 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33736) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62696) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 310:7) Mr. Coleman's two letters to Monsieur L'Chaise, the French king's confessor with Monsieur L'Chaise's answer to Mr. Coleman, which the House of Commons desired might be printed : together with the D. of Y's letter to the said Monsieur L'Chaise, which sheweth what Mr. Coleman wrote to him, was by his special command and appointment. Two letters to Monsieur L'Chaise Coleman, Edward, d. 1678. La Chaise, François d'Aix de, 1624-1709. James II, King of England, 1633-1701. [2], 26 p. s.n.], [London : 1678. Place of publication from Wing. Errata on p. 26. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England -- Political activity. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. Coleman's TWO LETTERS TO Monsieur l' Chaise . THE French KING'S Confessor , with Monsieur l' Chaise's Answer to Mr. Coleman : Which the House of Commons desired might be Printed . Together With the D. of Y's LETTER to the said Monsieur l' Chaise ; Which sheweth , what Mr. Coleman wrote to him , was by his special Command and Appointment . Mat. 10. 26. Luke 8. 17. Fear them not therefore ; For there is nothing covered that shall not be revealed , and hid that shall not be known and come abroad . Psal . 7. 14 , 16. Behold he travelleth with iniquity , and hath conceived mischief , and brought forth alye ; His mischief shall return upon his own head , and his violent dealing upon his own pate , Job 5. 12. He disappointeth the devices of the crafty , so that their hands cannot perform their Enterprise . Printed in the Year , 1678. THE FIRST LETTER OF Mr Coleman's To the French Kings Confessor , MONSIEUR LE-CHEER . Since Father Sir Germaine hath been so kind to me as to recommend me to your Reverence so advantagiously or to encourage you to accept my Correspondence ; I will own to him that he has done me a Favour , without consulting me , greater than I could have been capable of , if he had advised with me , because I should not then have had the confidence to have permitted him to ask it in my behalf ; And I am so sencible of the honour you are pleased to do me , that though I cannot deserve it , yet at least to shew the sence I have of it ; I will deal as freely and openly with you at this first time , as if I had the honour of your Acquaintance all my life , and shall make no Apollogy for so doing , but only tell you , I know your Character perfectly well , tho I am not so happy as to know your Person ; and that I have an opportunity of putting this Letter into the hands of Father Sir Germaines Nephew ( for whose integrity and prudence he has undertaken ) without any sort of hazard . In order then Sir , to the plainness which I promise , I will tell you what has plainly passed between your Reverend Predecessor Father Ferriers and my self , about three years ago , when the King , my Master , sent a Troop of his Horse-Guards into the Most Christian Majestys Service , under the Command of my Lord Duras : He sent with it an Officer called Sir William Frogmorton , with whom I had a particular intimacy , and he had then very newly embraced the Catholick Religion , and to him did I constantly write , and by him address my self to Father Ferriers . The first thing of great importance , which I presumed to offer to him ( not to trouble you with lesser matters of what passed here ; and immediately after the fatal Renunciation of the Kings Declaration for Liberty of Conscience , to which we owe all our late mischiefs and hazards ) was in July , August , and September , 1673. when I constantly inculcated the great danger the Catholick Religion , and his most Christian Majesties Interest would be in , at our next Session of Parliament , which was then to be in October following ; at which , I plainly foresaw , that the King , my Master , would be forced to something in preiudice , of his Alliance with France , which I saw so evidently and particularly that we should make Peace with Holland , that I weighed all the Arguments I could ( which to me were Demonstrations ) to convince your Court of that Mischief , and pressed what I could to perswade his Christian Majesty to use his utmost force to prevent that Sitting of our Parliament , and proposed Expedients how to do it . But I was answered so often and so positively , that his Christian Majesty was so well assured by his Ambassador here our Ambassador there , the Lord Arlington , and even the King himself , that he had no such apprehensions at all , but was fully satisfied of the contrary , and lookt upon what I offered as a very zealous mistake , that I was forced to give over arguing , tho not believing as they did , but confidently appealed to time and success to prove , who took their measures rightest . When it happened , that which I fore-saw came to pass , the good Father was a little surprised to see all the Great Mens mistake , and a Little one in the Right , and was pleased by Sir William Frogmorton to desire the Continuance of my Correspondence , which I was mighty willing to comply with , knowing the interest of our King , and in a more particular manner , of my more immediate Master the Duke , and his Most Christian Majesty to be so inseperably united , that it was impossible to divide them without destroying them all . Upon this I shewed , That our Parliament , in the Circumstances it was mannaged , by the temerous Counsels of our Ministers , who then Governed , could never be useful either to England , France , or the Catholick Religion , but that we should as certainly be forced from our Neutrality at their next Meeting as we had been from our active Alliance with France the last ; that a Peace , in the Circumstances we were in , was much more to be desired than the continuance of the War , that the Desolution of our Parliament would certainly procure a Peace , for that the Confederates did more depend upon the Power they had in our Parliament , than upon any thing else in the World , and were more encouraged from thence to continue the War , so that if that were Dissolved , their Measures would be all broken , and they consequently , in a manner necessitated to a Peace . The good Father minding this discourse some what more than the Court of France thought fit to do my former , urged it so home to the King , that his Majesty was pleased to give him Order to signifie to his Royal Highness , my Master , that his Majesty was fully satisfied of his Royal Highnesses good intention towards him , and that he esteemed both their Interests but one and the same ; that my Lord Arlington and the Parliament , were both to be lookt upon as very unuseful to their Interest ; and that if his Royal Highness would endeavour to Dissolve this Parliament , his Majesty would assist him with his Power and Purse to have such a new one as would be for their purpose . This , and a great many more expressions of kindness and confidence Father Ferier was pleased to communicate to Sir William Frogmorton , and commanded him to send them to his Royal Highness , and withal to beg his Royal Highness to propose to his Most Christian Majesty what he thought necessary for his own Concern , and the advantage of Religion , and his Majesty would certainly do all he could to advance both or either of them . This Sir William Frogmorton sent to me by an Express , who left Paris , June 2 , 1674. Stilo Novo . I no sooner had it , but I communicated it to his Royal Highness , to which his Royal Highness commanded me to Answer , as I did on the 29th . of the same Month. That his Royal Highness was very sensible of his Most Christian Majesties Friendship ; and that he would labour to cultivate it with all the good Offices he was capable of doing for his Majesty : That he was fully convinced that their Interests were one : That my Lord Arlington and the Parliament , were not only unuseful , but very dangerous both to England and France , that therefore it was necessary that they should do all they could to Dissolve it . And that his Royal Highnesses opinion was , That if his Most Christian Majesty would write his thoughts freely to the King of England upon this Subject , and make the same offer to his Majesty of his Purse to dissolve this , which he made to his Royal Highness to call another , he did believe it very possible for him to succeed , with the assistance we should be able to give him here ; And that if this Parliament were dissolved there would be no great difficulty of getting a new one , which would be more useful : The Constitution of our Parliament being such ; that a new one can never hurt the Crown , nor an old one do it good . His Royal Highness being pleased to own those Propositions , which were but only general , I thought it more reasonable to be more particular , and to come close to the Point . That if we hapned to agree , we might go the faster about the Work and come to some issue before the time were too much spent . I said this for my Maixme , The Dissolution of our Parliament vvould certainly procure a Peace . Which Proposition was granted by every body I conversed withal , even by Monsieur Ravigny himself , with whom I took liberty of discourting so far , but durst not say any thing of the Intelligence I had with Father Ferriers . Next , That a Sum of Money certaine , vvould certainly procure a Dissolution . This some doubted , but I am sure I never did , for I knew perfectly well , that the King had frequent Disputes with himself at that time , whether he should Dissolve or Continue them , and he several times declared , That the Arguments were so strong on both sides , that he could not tell to which to incline ; but was carried at last to their Continuance by this one Argument ; If I try them once more , they may possibly give me money , If they do , I have gained my Point , If they do not , I can dissolve them then , and be vvhere I am novv ; so that I have a possibility at least of getting money for their continuance , against nothing on the other side . But if we could have turned this Argument and said Sir , Their Dissolution will certainly procure you money , when you have only a bare probability of getting any by their continuance ; and have shewn how far that bare probability was from being a foundation to build any reasonable hope upon , which I am sure his Christian Majesty was sensible enough of : And how much 300000 l. Sterling certain ( which was the sum we proposed ) was better than a bare Probability ( without any reason to hope that that would ever come to pass ) of having half so much more ( which was the most he designed to ask ) upon some vile dishonourable terms and a thousand other hazards , which we had great reason to be afraid of . If , I say , we had had power to have so argued , I am most confidently assured we could have compassed it . For Logick in our Court built upon Money has more povverful Charmes than any other sort of Reason . But to secure his most Christian Majesty from any hazard as to this point , I proposed that his Majesty should offer that sum upon that condition , and if the condition were not performed , the money should never be due , if it were , and that a Peace would certainly follow thereupon , ( which no body doubted ) his Majesty would gain his end , and save all the vast expences of the next Campagne , by which he could not hope to better his condition , or to put himself into more advantagious circumstances of Treating than he was then in , but might probably be in a much worse considering the mighty oppositions he was like to meet with and the uncertain Chances of War. But admitting that his Majesty could maintain himself by his great strength and conduct in as good a condition to Treat the next year , as he was then in , which was as much as could then reasonably be hoped for , he should have saved by this Proposal as much as all the men he must needs loose , and all the charges he should be at in a year , could be valued to amount to more than 300000 l. Sterling , and so much more , in case his condition should decay , or it should be worse than it was when this was made : and the condition of his Royal Highness and the Catholick Religion here , which depends very much upon the success of his most Christian Majesty , delivered from a great many Frights and real Hazards . Father Ferriers , seemed to be very sensible of the benefit which all Parties would gain by this Proposal , but yet it was unfortunately delayed by the unhappy and tedious sickness which kept him so long from the King in Franche Conte , and made him so unable to wait upon his Majesty after he had returned to Paris , but so soon as he could compass it , he was pleased to acquaint his Majesty with it , and did write to the Duke himself , and did me the honour to write to me also , on the 15th . of September 1674. and sent his Letters by Sir William Frogmorton , who came express upon that Errand . In those Letters he gave his Royal Highness fresh assurances of his most Christian Majesties Friendship and of his Zeal and readiness to comply with every thing his Royal Highness had or should think fit to propose in favour of Religion , or the business of the Money , and that he had commanded Monsieut Ravigny , as to the latter , to treat and deal with his Royal Highness , and to receive and observe his Orders and Directions ; but desired that he might not at all be concerned as to the former , but that his Royal Highness would cause what Propositions he thinks fit to be made about Religion , to be offered either to Father Ferrier , or to Monsieur Pompone . These Letters came to us about the middle of our September , and his Royal Highness expected daily when Monsieur Ravigny should speak to him about the subject of that Letter , but he took no notice at all of any thing , till September 19 , the Evening before the King and the Duke went to Nevvmarket , for a fortnight , and then only said , That he had command from his Majesty to give his Royal Highness the most firm assurance imaginable of his Friendship , or something to that purpose , making his royal Highness a general Complement , but made no mention of any particular Orders relating to the subject of Father Ferriers Letter . The Duke wondring at this proceeding , and being obliged to stay good part of October at Nevv-market , and soon after his coming back hearing of the death of Father Ferrier , he gave over all further prosecuting of the former Project . But I believe I saw Ravigny's pollicy all along , who was willing to save his Masters money , upon an assurance we would do all we could , to stave off the Parliament for our own sakes , that we would struggle as hard without money as with it , and we having by this time upon our own Interests prevailed to get the Parliament Prorogued till the 13th . of April , he thought that the Prorogation being to a day so high in the Spring , would put the Confederates so much beyond their measures , as that it might procure a Peace , and be as useful to France as a Desolution . Upon these Reasons , which I suppose he went upon . I had several discourses with him , and did open my self so far to him as to say that I could wish his Master would give us leave to offer 300000 l. to our Master for the desolution of the Parliament , and shew him that a Peace would most certainly follow a dessolution , which he agreed with me in , and that we desired not the Money from his Master to excite our Wills , or to make us more industrious to use our utmost power to procure a Dissolution , but to strengthen our Power and Credit with the King , and to render us more capable to succeed with his Majesty , as most certainly we should have done had we been fortified with such an Argument . To this purpose I promised Monsieur Pompone , frequently , by Sir William Frogmorton , who returned from hence again into France , on the 16th . of November , the day our Parliament should have set , but was Prorogueth , Monsieur , Pompone , as I was informed by Sir William , did seem to approve the thing , but yet had two Objections against it . 1. That the Sum vve proposed vvas great , and could very ill be spared by his Majesty in the Circumstances he vvas in . To which we answered ; That if by his expending that sum he could procure a Dissolution of our Parliament , and thereby a Peace , which every body agreed would necessarily follow , his most Christian Majesty would save five or ten times a greater sum , and so be a good husband by his expence ; and if we did not procure a Dissolution , he should not be at that expence at all , for that we desired him only to promise upon that condition , which we were contented to be obliged to perform first . 2. The second Objection was , That the Duke did not move it , nor appear in it himself . To which we answered , That he did not indeed to Monsieur Pompone , because he had found so ill an effect of the Negotiation with Father Ferrier , when it came into Monsieur Ravignys hands , but he had concernd himself in it to Father Ferrier . Yet I continued to prosecute and press the Dissolution of the Parliament , detesting all Prorogations , as only so much loss of time , and a means of strengthening all those who depended upon it in opposition to the Crovvn . The Interest of France , and the Catholick Religion , in the opinion they had taken , that our King durst not part with his Parliament , apprehending another would be much worse . 2. That he could not live without a Parliament , therefore they must suddainly meet , and the longer he kept them off , the greater the necessities would grow , and consequently their power to compel him to do what they listed would increase accordingly ; and therefore if they could but maintain themselves a while , their day would certainly come in a short time , in which they should be able to work their Wills. Such discourses as these kept the Confederates and our Male-contents in heart , and made them weather on the War in spite of all our Prorogations , and therefore I pressed , as I have said , a Dissolution until February last , when our Circumstances were so totally changed , that we were forced to change our Councils too , and be as much for the Parliaments Sitting , as we were before against it . Our Change was this . Before that time the Lord Arlington was the only Minister in credit , who thought himself out of all danger of a Parliament , he having been accused before them and justified and therefore was zealous for their sitting , and to increase his Reputation with them , and to become a perfect Favourite , he set himself all he could to prosecute the Catholick Religion , and to oppose the French. To shew his Zeal against the first , he revived some old dormant Orders , for prohibiting the Roman Gatholicks to appear before the King , and put them in Execution at his first coming into the Office of Lord Chamberlaine . And to make sure work against the second , as he thought , prevailed with the King , to give him and the Earl of Ossery , who married two Sisters of Myn Heere Odyke's , leave to go over into Holland with the said Heere , to make a Visite , as they pretended , to their Relations , but indeed and in truth , to propose the Lady Mary , Eldest Daughter to his Royal Highness , as a Match for the Prince of Orange , not only without the consent , but against the good liking of his Royal Highness ; insomuch as the Lord Arlingtons Creatures were forced to excuse him with a distinction , that the said Lady was not to be lookt upon as the Dukes Daughter , but as the Kings , and a Child of the State , and so the Dukes Consent not to be much considered in the disposal of her , but the Interest only of State ; by this he intended to render himself the Darling of the Parliament and Protestants , who would look on themselves as secured in their Religigion by such an alliance , and designed further , by that means to draw us into close Conjunction with Holand , and Enemies of Erance . The Lord Arlington set forward upon this Errand , November the 10th . 1674 , and returned not till January 6 , following . During his absence , the Lord Treasurer , Lord Keeper , and Duke of Lauderdale were the only Ministers in any considerable credit with the King , and who all pretended to be intirely united to the Duke , declared loudly and with great violence against the said Lord , and his actions in Holland , and did hope in his absence , to have totally supplanted him , and routed him out of the Kings favour ; and after that they thought they might easily enough have dealt with the Parliament , but none of them had Courage enough to speak against the Parliament , till they could get rid of him , for fear they should not succeed , but that the Parliament should sit in spight of them , and come to hear that they had used their endeavours against it , which would have been so unpardonable a crime with our omnipotent Parliament , that no power would have been able to have saved them from punishment . But they finding , at his return , when they could not prevail against him by such means and arts as they had then tried , resolved upon new Councils , which were to out-run him in his own course , which accordingly they undertook , and became as fierce Apostles , and as zealous for Protestant Religion , and against Popery , as ever my Lord Arlington was before them ; and in pursuance thereof , perswaded the King to issue out those severe Orders and Proclamations against Catholicks , which came out in February last , by which they did as much as in them lay to extirpate all Catholicks , and Catholick Religion out of the Kingdom . Which Counsels were in my opinion so detestable , being levell'd ( as they must needs be ) so directly against the Duke by People that he had advanced , and who had professed so much duty and service to him , that we were put upon new thoughts how to save his Royal Highness from the deceits and snares of them upon whom formerly we depended , we saw well enough that their design was to make themselves as grateful as they could to the Parliament ( if they must sit ) they thinking nothing to be acceptable to them as the persecuting of Popery ; but yet they were so obnoxious to the Parliaments displeasure in general , that they would have been very glad of any expedient to keep it off , though they durst not engage against it openly themselves , but thought this device of theirs might serve to that purpose , hoping that the Duke would be so alarm'd at their proceedings and by his being left by every body , that he would be much more afraid of the Parliament than ever , and use his utmost power to prevent its sitting , which they doubted not but he would endeavour and they were ready enough to work underhand with him for their own sakes , not his , in order thereunto , but durst not appear openly ; And to encourage the Duke the more to dissolve the Parliament , their Creatures used to say up and down , That these vigorous proceedings against the Catholicks vvas in favour of the Duke , and to make the Dissolution of the Parliament more easie , vvhich they knevv he coveted , by obviating one great Objection vvhich vvas commonly made against it , which was , That if the Parliament should be Dissolved , it vvould be said it vvas done in favour of Popery , vvhich Clamour they prevented by the severity vvhich they had shevvn against it before hand . As soon as we saw these tricks put upon us , we plainly saw what men we had to deal with , and what we had to trust to if we were wholly at their mercy , but yet durst not seem so dissatisfied as we really were , but rather magnified the contrivance as advice of great cunning and skill . All this we did purely to hold them in a belief , that we would endeavour to dissolve the Parliament , that they might rely upon his Royal Highness , for that which we knew they longed for , and were afraid they might do some other way , if they discover that we were resolved we would not . At length when we saw the Sessions secured , we declared we were for the Parliaments meeting , as indeed we were from the moment we saw our selves used by all the Kings Ministers at such a Rate : That we had reason to believe they would sacrifice France , Religion , and his Royal Highness too , to their own interests , if occasion served , and that they were led to believe that that was the only way they had to save themselves at that time ; for we saw no expedient for to stop them in their Carreirs of Persecution , and those other destructive Counsels , but the Parliament , which had set it self a long time , to dislike every thing the Ministers had done and had appeared violently against Popery , whilst the Court seemed to favour it ; and therefore we were confident that the Ministers having turned their faces , the Parliament would do so too , and still be against them , and be as little for Persecution then , as they had been for Popery before . This I undertook to mannage for the Duke , and for the King of Frances Interest , and assured Monsieur Ravigny ( which I am sure he will testify if occasion served ) That that Sessions should do neither of them any hurt , for that I was sure I had power enough to prevent mischief , tho I durst not answer for any good they should , do , because I had but very few assistants to carry on the work , and wanted those helps which others had of making Freinds . The Dutch and Spaniard spared no paines nor expence of monys to anituate as many as they could against France . Our Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , and all the Bishops , and such as call themselves Old Cavaleers , who were all then as one man , were not less industrious against Popery , and had the Purse at their Girdle too , which is an excellent Instrument to gain Friends with , and all united against the Duke , as Patron both of France and of the Catholick Religion . To deal with all this force we had no money , but what came from a few private hands , and those so mean ones too , that I dare presume to say , that I spent more my particular self out of my own Fortune , and upon my single Credit , than the whole body of the Catholicks in England besides , which was so inconsiderable in comparison of what our Adversaries could command , and we verily believe did bestow in making their party , that it is not worth mentioning . Yet , notwithstanding all this , we saw that by the help of the Nou-Conformists , as Presbyterians , Independents , and other Sects who were as much afraid of Persecution as our selves , and of the Enemies of the Ministers , particularly the Treasurer , who by that time had suplanted the Earl of Arlington , and was grown sole mannager of affairs himself , we should be able to prevent what they designed against us , and so render the Sessions ineffectual to their ends , though we might not be able to compass our own ; which were to make some brisk step in favour of his Royal Highness , to shew the King that his Majestys affairs in Parliament were not obstructed by reason of any aversion they had to his Royal Highnesses person , or apprehension they had of him or his Religion , but from Faction and Ambition in some , and from a real Dissatisfaction in others . That we have not had such fruits and effects of those great summes of mony , which have formerly been given as they expected . If we could have made then but one such step , the King would certainly have restored his Royal Highness to all his Commissions , upon vvhich he would have been much greater than ever yet he was in his whole life , or could probably ever have been by any other course in the World , than what he had taken , of becoming Catholick , &c. And we were so very near gaining this Point , that I did humbly beg his Royal Highness to give me leave to put the Parliament upon making an Address to the King , That his Majesty would be pleased to put the Fleet into the hands of his Royal Highness , as the only person likely to give a good account of so important a Charge as that was to the Kingdom ; and shewed his Royal Highness such reasons to perswade him that we could carry it , that he agreed with me in it , that he believed we could ; yet others telling him how great a damage it would be to him if he should miss in such an undertaking ( which for my part I could not then see , nor do I yet ) he was prevailed upon not to venture , though he was perswaded he could carry it . I did communicate this design of mine to Monsieur Ravigny ; who agreed with me , that it would be the greatest advantage to his Master imaginable to have the Dukes power and credit so advanced , as this would certainly do it , if we could compass it : I shew'd him all the difficulties we were like to meet with , and what helps we should have . But that we should want one very material one , money , to carry on the work as we ought : And therefore , I do confess , I did shamefully beg his Masters help , and would willingly have been content to have been in everlasting disgrace with all the World , if I had not with the assistance of 20000 l. sterling from him ( which perhaps is not the tenth part of what was spent on the other side ) made it evident to the Duke , that he could not have missed it . Monsieur Ravigny used to tell me , that if he could be sure of succeeding in that design , his Master would give a very much larger sum ; but that he was not in a condition to throw away money upon uncertainties . I answered , That nothing of this nature can be so infallibly sure , as not to be subject to some possibility of falling , but that I durst venture to undertake to make it evident , that there was as great an assurance of succeeding in it , as any Husband-man can have of a Crop in Harvest , who sowes his Ground in its season ; and yet it would be accounted a very imprndent piece of wariness in any body to scruple the venturing so much Seed in its proper time , because it is possible it may be totally lost , and no benefit of it in harvest . He that minds the Winds and the Raines at that rate , shall neither Sow nor Reap . I take our Case to be much the same now as it was the last Session , if we advance the Dukes Interest one step forwards , we shall put him out of the reach of all Chances for ever ; for he makes such a Figure already , that cautious men do not care to act against him , or always without him , because they do not see he is much overpowered by his Enemies . Yet he is not at such a pitch as to be quite out of danger , or free from opposition , but if he could gain any considerable new addition of power all would come over to him as the only Center of our Government , and no body could contend with him further . Then would Catholicks be at ease , and his Most Christian Majesties Interest secured with us in England , beyond all apprehensions whatsoever . In order to this , we have two great Designes to attempt this next Sessions . First , That which we were about before , viz. To put the Parliament upon making their humble request to the King that the Fleet may be put into his Royal Highnesses care . And , Secondly , To get an Act for General Liberty of Conscience . If we carry these two , or either of them , we shall in effect do vvhat vve list aftervvards . And truly vve think vve do not undertake these great Points very unreasonably , for that we have good Cards for our Game ; Not but that vve expect great opposition ; and we have reason to beg all the assistance we can possibly get ; and therefore if his Most Christian Majesty would stand by us a little in this Conjunction , and help us with such a sum as 20000 l sterling , which is no great matter to venture upon such an undertaking as this , I would be content to be sacrificed to the utmost malice of mine Enemies , if I did not succeed . I have proposed this several times to Monsieur Ravigny , who seems alwayes of my opinion , and has often told me That he has vvrit to France on this Subject , and has desired me to do the like ; but I know not whether he will be as zealous in this point as a Catholick would be , because our prevailing in these things will give the greatest blow to the Protestant Religion here , that ever it received since its Birth , which perhaps he would not be very glad to see , especially when he believes that there is another way of doing his Majesties business well enough without it , which is by a Dissolution of the Parliament , which I know he mightily depends upon , and concludes , that if that comes to be dissolved , it will be as much as he need care for , proceeding , perhaps upon the same manner of discourse which we did this time twelve month . But with submission to his better judgement , I do think that our case is extreamly much altered from what it was then in relation to a Dissolution , for then the body of our governing Ministers ( all but the Earl of Arlington ) were intirely united to the Duke , and would have governed his way had they been free from all fears and controule , as they had been if the Parliament had been removed , but they have since that time engaged in quite different Councils , and imbarqued themselves and Interests upon other bottoms , having declared themselves against Popery ; and to dissolve the Parliament simply , and without any other step made , will be to leave them to Govern what way they list , which we have reason to suspect will be to the prejudice of France , and Catholicks , because their late Declarations and Actions have demonstrated to us , that they take that for the most popular way for themselves , and the likeliest to keep them in absolute power , whereas should the Duke get above them , after the trick they have shewed him , they are not sure he will totally forget the usuage he has had at their hands . Therefore it imports us now to advance our Interest a little farther , by some such project as I have named , before we Dissolve the Parliament , or else perhaps we shall but change Masters , a Parliament for Ministers , and continue still in the same slavery and bondage as before , but one such step as I have proposed well made , we may safely see them Dissolved , and not fear the Ministers , but shall be established and stand firm without any opposition . For every body then will come over to us , and worship the rising Sun. I have here given you the History of three years as short as I could , though I am afraid it will seem very long and troublesome to your Reverence amongst the multitude of affairs you are ingaged in . I have also shewn you the present state of our Case , which may by Gods Providence and good Conduct be made of such advantage to Gods Church that for my part I can scarce believe my self awake , or the thing real , when I think of a Prince in such an Age as we live in , converted to such a degree of Zeal and Piety , as not to regard any thing in the World in comparison of God Almightys glory , the Salvation of his own Soul , and the Conversion of our poor Kingdom , which has a long time been opprest and miserably harrassed by Heresie and Schism . I doubt not but your Reverence will consider our Case , take it to heart , and afford us what help you can , both with the King of Heaven , by your holy Prayers , and with his most Christian Majesty , by that great credit which you most justly have with him . And if ever his Majesties Affairs or your own can ever want the service of so inconsiderable a Creature as my self , you shall never find any body readier to obey your Commands , or faithfuller in the execution of them , in the best of his power , than Your most humble , and most obedient Servant . September 29. 1675. THE ANSWER FROM MONSIEUR L' CHAISE to Mr. COLEMAN from PARIS , 23d . of October , 1675. Sir , THE Letter which you gave your self the trouble to vvrit to me , came to my hands but the last night . I received it vvith great satisfaction , and I assure you that its length did not make it seem tedious ; I shall be glad on my part , to assist in seconding your good Intentions , I will consider of the means to effect it , and vvhen I am better informed than I am as yet I vvill give you an account , to that end I may hold Intelligence vvith you , as you did vvith my Predecessour . Sir , I desire you to believe that I vvill never fail as to good vvill , for the service of your Master , vvhom I honour as much as he deserves , and that it is vvith great truth that I am , Your most humble , and most obedient Servant , D. L. C. THE SECOND LETTER OF Mr. Coleman's To the French Kings Confessor , MONSIEUR L' CHAISE . I Sent your Reverence a tedious Letter on our 29th . of September , to inform you of the progress of our Affaires for these two or three last years . I have now again the opportunity of a very sure hand to conveigh this by , I have sent you a Cypher , because our Parliament now drawing on , I may possibly have occasion to send , you something which You may be vvilling enough to knovv , and may be necessary for us that you should , when I may want the conveniency of a Messenger . When any thing occurs of more concern than other , which may not be fit to be trusted to a Cypher alone , I will , to make such a thing more secure , write in Lemon , between the Lines of a Letter which shall have nothing in it visible , but what I care not who sees , but dried by a warm fire shall discover what is written , so that if the Letter comes to your hands , and upon drying it any thing appears more than did before , you may be sure no body has seen it by the way . I will not trouble you with that way of writing but upon special occasions , and then I will give you a hint to direct you to look for it , by concluding my visible Letter with something of Fire or Burning , by which mark you may please to know that there is something underneath , and how my Letter is to be used to find it out . We have here a mighty work upon our hands , no less than The Conversion of three Kingdoms , and by that perhaps the subduing a pestilent Heresy , vvhich has domineer'd over part of this Northern World a long time . There was never such hopes of Success since the Death of our Q. MARY , as now in our dayes , when God has given us a PRINCE who is become ( may I say by Miracle ) Zealous of being the Author and Instrument of so glorious a Work : But the opposition we are sure to meet with , is also like to be great : So that it imports us to get all the Aid and Assistance , For the Harvest is great and the Labourers are fevv . That which we rely upon most , next to God Almighties Providence , and the Fervor of my Master the Duke , is the mighty mind of his Christian Majesty , whose generous Soul inclines him to great undertakings , which being mannaged by your Reverences examplary Piety and Prudence , will certainly make him look upon this , as most suitable to himself , and best becoming his power and thoughts ; so that I hope you will pardon me , if I be troublesom too upon this occasion , from whom we expect the greatest help we can hope for . I confess I think his Christian Majesties temporal interest is so much attracted to that of his R. H. which can never be considerable but upon the advancement of the Catholick Religion , that his Ministers cannot give him better Advice even in a politick sence abstracted from the Considerations of the next world , then that of our dear Lord , To seek first the Kingdom of Heaven , and the Rightcousness thereof , that all other things may be added . Yet I know his most Christian Majesty has more powerfull motives suggested to him by his own Devotion , and your Reverences Zeal for Gods Glory , to engage himself to afford us the best help he can in our present Circumstances : but we are a little unhappy in this , That we cannot press his Majesties present Minister here , upon these latter Arguments , which are most strong , but only upon the first , Monsieur Ravigny's sence and ours differing very much upon these , though we agree perfectly upon the rest ; And indeed though he be a very able man , as to his Majesties service , in things where Religion is not concern'd , yet I do believe it were much more happy , considering the Post he is in , that his temper vvere of such a sort that vve might deall clearly vvith him throughout and not be forced to stop short in a discourse of consequence , and leave the most material part out , because vve knovv it vvill shake his particular opinion , and so perhaps meet vvith dislike , and opposition though never so necessary to the main concern . I am afraid we shall find too much reason for this Complaint this next Sessions of Parliament , for had we one here for his Christian Majesty who had taken the whole business to heart , and who would have represented the state of our case truly as it is , to his Master , I do not doubt but his Christian Majstey would have engaged himself farther in the affair then at present I fear he has done , and by his approbation have given such counsells ( as have been offered his R. H. by those fevv Catholicks vvho have accesse to him and are bent to serve him , and advance the Catholick Religion , vvith all their might ) more credit with his R. H. Then I fear they have found ; And have assisted him also with his purse as far as 100000. Crovvns or some such summe ( vvhich to him is very inconsiderable but vvould have been to them of greater use then can be imagined ) tovvards gaining others to help him , or at least not to oppose him , if vve had been so happy as to have had his most Christian Majesty vvith us to this degree , I vvould have ansvvered vvith my life for such success this Sessions , as vvould have put the interest of the Catholic . Religion in his R. H. And his most Christian Majesty out of all danger for the time to come . But vvanting those hopes of recommending those necessary , councells vvhich have been given his Royall Highness in such a manner as to make him think them vvorthy of his accepting , and fit to govern himself by , and of those advantages , vvhich a little money vvell managed vvould certainly have gained us , I am affraid vve shall not be much better at the end of this Session then vve are novv : I pray God vve do not loose ground . By my next , vvhich shall be ere long , I shall be able to tell your Reverence more perticularly vvhat vve are like to expect : In the mean time I most humbly beg your holy prayers for all our undertakings , and that you vvill please to honour me so far as to esteem me , vvhich I am , entirely and vvithout any reserve Sir , Most Reverend Father , Your Reverences most humble and most obedient Servant . A Coppy of his R. H. his Letter to L' Chaise , about the time Mr. Coleman vvrote his long Letter , 1675. THE 2d . of June , last past , his Most Christian Majesty ; offered me most generously his Friendship , and the use of his Purse to assistance against the designes of my Enemies and his , and protested unto me , That his Interest and mine were so clearly linckt together , that those that opposed the one , should be lookt upon as Enemies to the other ; and told me moreover his opinion of my Lord Arlington , and the Parliament ; which is , That he is of opinion that neither the one nor the other is in his Interest or mine ; and thereupon he desired me to make such Propositions as I should think fit in this Conjuncture . All was transacted by the means of Father Ferrier ; who made use of Sir William Frogmorton , who is an honest man and of truth , who was then at Paris , and hath held correspondence with Coleman , one of my Family , in whom I have great confidence . I was much satisfyed to see his most Christian Majesty altogether of my opinion , so I made him Answer the 29th . of June , by the same meanes he had made use of to write to me , that is , by Coleman , who adrest himself to Father Ferrier ( by the forementioned Knight ) and entirely agreed to his most Christian Majesty , as well to what had respect to the Union of our Interests , as the unusefulness of my Lord Arlington and the Parliament , in order to the service of the King my Brother , and his most Christian Majesty , and that it was necessary , to make use of our joynt and utmost credits to prevent the success of those evil designs resolved on by the Lord Arlington and the Parliament , against his most Christian Majesty and my self ; which of my side I promise really to perform ; of which , since that time , I have given reasonable good proof . Moreover I made some Proposals , which I thought necessary to bring to pass , what we were obliged to undertake , assuring him that nothing could so firmly establish our Interest with the King my Brother , as that very same offer of the help of his Purse , by which means , I had much reason to hope I should be enabled to perswade to the Dissolving of the Parliament , and to make void the designs of my Lord Arlington , who works incessantly to advance the Interest of the Prince of Orange and the Hollanders , and to lessen that of the King your Master , notwithstanding all the Protestations he hath made to this hour , to render him service . But as that which was proposed was at a stand by reason of the sickness of Father Ferrier , so our Affaires succeeded not according to our Designes , only Father Ferrier vvrote to me , the 15th . of the last Moneth , That he had communicated those Propositions to his most Christian Majesty , and that they had been very vvell lik't of , but as they contained things that had regard to the Catholick Religion and to the offer and use of his Purse , he gave me to understand he did not desire I should treat vvith Monsieur Ravigny upon the first , but as to the last , and had the same time acquainted me , that Monsieur Ravigny , had order to grant me , vvhatsoever the conjuncture of our Affaires did require ; and have expected the effects of it to this very hour , but nothing being done in it , and seeing on the other hand that my Lord Arlington and several others endeavoured by a thousand deceits to break the good Intelligence which is between the King my Brother , his most Christian Majesty and my Self , to the end they might deceive us all three , I have thought fit to advertise you of all that is past , and desire of you your assistance and Friendship to prevent the Roguerys of those who have no other design than to betray the Concerns of France and England also , and who by their pretended service , are the 〈◊〉 they succeed not . As to any thing more I refer you to Sir William Frogmorton , and Coleman , who I have comanded to give an account of the whole state of our Affair , and of the true condi●●●●of England , with many others , and principally my Lord Arlingtons endeavours to represent to you quite otherwise than it is . The two first I mentioned to you are firm to my Interest , so that you may treat with them without any apprehension . FINIS . Errata . Page 1. line 6. for LE-CHEER , read L'CHAISE , and so where-ever you meet with that Name . l. 〈…〉 Sir Germaine , r. Saint Germaine ; and so throughout 〈…〉 
A36128	----	A discoverie of the hellish plot against divers particular of the nobility of the kingdome of England also the papists gvnpowder-plot brought to light : with the copie of a letter sent from a noble-man in Ireland to Colonel Lunsford, Jan. 11, 1642 : shewing in a most true and reall reiation the manner how this hellish plot was laid and how these noble pillars of Protestant-religion the Earl of Cork, the Earl of Kildare and the valourous Lord Iones should have been blown up : as also hovv they intended to burn dovvn the citie of Dublin vvith wild-fire and how they were beaten back by the lord chief-justices in the castles. E. F. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A36128 of text R19461 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D1653). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A36128 Wing D1653 ESTC R19461 12442269 ocm 12442269 62116 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36128) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62116) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 249:E132, no 14) A discoverie of the hellish plot against divers particular of the nobility of the kingdome of England also the papists gvnpowder-plot brought to light : with the copie of a letter sent from a noble-man in Ireland to Colonel Lunsford, Jan. 11, 1642 : shewing in a most true and reall reiation the manner how this hellish plot was laid and how these noble pillars of Protestant-religion the Earl of Cork, the Earl of Kildare and the valourous Lord Iones should have been blown up : as also hovv they intended to burn dovvn the citie of Dublin vvith wild-fire and how they were beaten back by the lord chief-justices in the castles. E. F. [7] p. Printed for Iohn Greensmith, London : 1642. The letter is signed: E. F. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Lunsford, Thomas, -- Sir, 1610?-1653? Catholics -- England. Dublin (Ireland) -- History. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. A36128 R19461 (Wing D1653). civilwar no A discoverie of the hellish plot against divers particular of the nobility of the kingdome of England. Also the papists gunpowder-plot, brou [no entry] 1642 981 3 0 0 0 0 0 31 C The rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOVERIE OF THE HELLISH PLOT AGAINST DIVERS particular of the Nobility of the Kingdome of England . ALSO THE PAPISTS GVNPOWDER-PLOT , brought to light . With the Copie of a Letter sent from a Noble-man in Ireland , to Colonel Lunsford . Jan. 11. 1642. SHEWING , In a most true and reall Relation , the manner how this Hellish Plot was laid , and how these Noble Pillars of Protestant-Religion , the Earl of Cork , the Earl of Kildare , and the valourous Lord Iones , should have been blown up . AS ALSO , Hovv they intended to burn dovvn the Citie of Dublin vvith Wild-fire , and how they were beaten back by the Lord chief-Iustices in the Castles . London , Printed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smith . 164 〈◊〉 . A GUN-POWDER PLOT IN IRELAND , DISCOVERED . THe rebels having intelligence that the noble Earle of Ormond , the Earle of Kildare , and the Lord Iones were fully resolved about the 7. of Ian. to relieve the City of Dublin , by reason that the Rebels have besieged it a long time , whereby they wanted provision and Ammunition very much , they resolved altogether to hinder their intents : therefore Generall Neale , and many other of the Rebels invented a Plot for the utter confusion of them all , and it was to be performed at that very instant when the aforenamed Lords were marching with their forces towards the City of Dublin . THE Manner how the PLOT was laid . THe Rebels for bringing their bloody and hellish designes to perfection , had provided shovels , spades , pick-hacks , and many other instruments for the said bloudy design , and about the number of 400. souldiers , and there with all speed they set them to worke which was to vndermine the ground for the space of two miles , and laid there great store of Gunpowder : and so by that meanes to blow up the aforenamed Lords in their marching over : thi● being done , the Rebels intended to march against the City of Dublin , and to destroy it by wild-fire : but they were prevented , and their hellish designs discovered by a miraculous means . THE Manner how this PLOT was discovered . COlonell Morton marching before the protestant Army , and the two other Lords bringing on their forces with puissant courage , they being come within the space of sixe miles of Dublin , Colonel Morton feeling the ground quiver under his feet , it seeming like dry ground , caused the Army to stand , and said , that hee feared that there was trechery intended against them , he therefore immediatly took one of their strongest pikes , and thrust it into the ground , to see whether it were hollow or not , the pike running in with such great force , and hee laying no strength to it , immediatly caused some of his souldiers to dig , to see what plot there was intended against them , and digging a yard deepe they espyed a vault , and great store of gun-powder , whereupon the aforesaid Colonell caused them to retreat back , fearing that they had come too far , but not knowing how to discover the same : unlesse that some man would venture his life to goe in : where presently a young man stept forth , and spake to them as followeth . Noble Captain , to do you and my Country good , I will venture my life to find out this hellish plot , then they let him down , who presently espyed 6 men , they immediatly questioning of him , he answer'd that he came from Generall Neale , chiefe Generall for the Rebels , to helpe them in their good enterprise , who being there about the space of two dayes , they resolved that onely one of them should tarry to bring this to passe , which was to give fire to the Gun-powder , for to blow up the protestant Army , the rest should goe forth , and retire back to the Rebels : therefore they concluded together to draw cuts which of them should tarry , which as the Lord would have it , it fell to his lot : and they being gone , hee seeing the place which they came out at , came presently to the said place , and opened the doore , which was of wood , and covered with turfe , in such a manner , that no man could perceive whether there were any doore or not : and comming forth , he re●ated to Captain Morton how it was . Who presently set a strong guard about the said vault , and then 200 , of the protestants went in , and fetched all the powder out , and great store of Ammunition they have also taken . THE COPIE OF A LETTER SENT from a Noble-man in Ireland , to Colonel Lunsford . Sir , WE desire you to make ready your forces , as soo●e as possible you can , and to fall on with speed , you know our meaning , and wee vvill send you aid suddenly ; for vvee have gathered our forces together , since they were defeated by the Scottish Regiments , for in that fight vve lost 2000. men , and what you begin , vve vvill end , use your hands , and put in practice your wits ; for you know wee have many friends in Citie and Countrie , and what monies you disburst , vve vvill be ansvverable to you , Your loving friend , E. F. FINIS . 
A34722	----	Serious considerations for repressing of the increase of Iesvites, priests, and papists without shedding blood written by Sir R.C. and presented to King James of happie memory. Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A34722 of text R30275 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C6497). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 66 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A34722 Wing C6497 ESTC R30275 11282092 ocm 11282092 47272 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34722) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 47272) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1458:10) Serious considerations for repressing of the increase of Iesvites, priests, and papists without shedding blood written by Sir R.C. and presented to King James of happie memory. Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. [2], 52 p. s.n.], [London? : MDCXLI [1641] Place of publication supplied by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. eng Anti-Catholicism -- England. Catholics -- England. A34722 R30275 (Wing C6497). civilwar no Serious considerations for repressing of the increase of Iesuites, priests, and papists, without shedding blood. Written by Sir R.C. and pre Cotton, Robert, Sir 1641 11363 3 10 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SERIOVS CONSIDERATIONS for repressing of the increase of IESVITES , PRIESTS , and PAPISTS , without shedding of Blood . Written by Sir R. C. and Presented to King IAMES of happie Memory . Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLI . CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE REPRESSING of Priests , Jesuites , and Recusants , without drawing of Blood . I Am not ignorant , that this later Age hath brought forth a swarm of busie heads , which measure the great mysteries of State by the Rule of their self-conceited wisdome ; But if they would cōsider , that the Common-wealth governed by grave Counsellors , is like unto a Ship directed by a skilfull Pylot , to whom the necessities of occasions and grounds of Reason , why hee steereth the Helme to this or that point of the Compasse , are better knowne , then to those that stand aloofe off ; they would perhaps be more sparing if not more wary in their Resolutions . For my owne particular , J must confesse , that J am naturally too much inclined to his opinion , who once said ; Qui bene latuit , bene vixit , and freshly recalling to mind , the saying of Functius to his Friend at the houre of his untimely Death : Disce , meo exemplo , mandato munere fungi : Et fuge ceu Pestem , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . J could easily forbeare to make my hand-writing the Record of any opinion , which neverthelesse I protest to maintaine , rather deliberatively then by the way of a conclusive assertion ; Therefore without wasting precious time any longer , with needlesse Prologue , I will briefly set downe the question in the termes following : Whether it be more expedient to suppresse Popish practises , against the due Allegiance to his Majestie , by the strict execution of the Lawes Touching Jesuites , and Seminary Priests , or to restraine them to close Prison during life , if no reformation following . The doubt propounded consisting of Two Branches , necessarily requireth to be distinctly handled , that by comparing either part the conveniency , mentioned in the Question , may be cleered with more facilitie . 1. In favour of the first Division there are not a few , who grounding themselves on an ancient Proverbe , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , A dead man bites not : Affirme that such are dangerous to be preserved alive , who being guilty , condemned , and full of feare , are likely for purchase of life and liberty , to ingage their utmost in desperate adventures against their King and Countrey . 2. No lesse is it to be feared , that while the Sword of Justice is remisse in cutting off hainous offenders , against the dignity of the Crowne , the misled Papall multitude in the interim , may enter into a jealous suspence , whether that forbearance proceed from the feare of exasperating their desperate humours , or that it is now become questionable , whether the execution of their Priests be simply for matter of State , or pretended quarrell for Religion . 3. And whereas in a remedilesse inconvenience , it is lawfull to use the extremity of Lawes against some few , that many by terrour of the Example may be reformed ; what hope can there be , that clemency may tame their hearts , who interpret his Majesties grace in Transporting their Priests out of this Realme to be a meere shift , to rid the Prisons of those whom Conscience could not condemne of any capitall crime . 4. Neither are their vaunting whisperings to be neglected , by which they seeke to confirme the fearefull Soules of their party , and to inveigle the ignorant , doubtfull , or discontented persons ; for if the glorious extolling of their powerfull Friends , and the expecting of a golden day be suffered , to winne credit with the meaner sort , the relapse cannot be small , or the meanes easie to reforme the Errour , without a generall combustion of the State . 5. Let experience speake somewhat in this behalfe , which hath evidently discryed within the current of few yeares ; That the forbearance of Severity hath multiplied their Roll in such manner , that it remaines as a Corrasive to thousands of his Majesties well affected Subjects . 6. To what purpose serves it , to muster the names of the Protestants , or to vaunt them to be ten for one of the Roman faction , as if bare figures of numeration could prevaile against an united party resolved and advised aforehand , how to turne their faces with assurance unto all dangers , while in the meane time , the Protestants nestling in vaine security , suffer the weed to grow up that threateneth their bane and mercilesse ruine ? 7. Sometimes the Oath of Supremacie choked their presumptuous imaginations , and yet could not that infernall smoake be wholly smothered , nor the Locusts issuing there-out , be cleansed from the face of this Land . Now that the Temporall power of the King , contained in the Oath of Allegeance , is by the Papall Sea , and many of the Adorers thereof , impudently avowed to be unlawfull ; shall the broachers of such Doctrine be suffered to live , yea to live and be received of us , for whose destruction they groane daily ? 8. To be a right Popish Priest , in true English sense , is to beare the Character of a disloyall Renegade , of his naturall obedience to his Soveraigne ; Whom , if by connivence he shall let slip or chastice with a light hand ; what immunity may not Trayterous delinquents in lesser degrees expect or challenge after a sort , in Equity and Justice . 9 If there were no receivers there would be no Theeves : Likewise , if there were no Harbourers of the Iesuites , it is to be presumed that they would not trouble this Isle with their presence ; Therefore Rigor must be extended against the Receiver , that the Jesuite may be kept out of doores ; were it then indifferent Justice to hang vp the Accessary and let the Principall goe free ; namely to suffer the Priest to draw his breath at length , while the entertainer of him vnder his Roofe submits his body to the Executioners hand ? Without doubt if it be fit to forbeare the chiefe , it will be necessary to receive the second offender into protection . Wherewith a mischiefe must ensue of continuall expence ; and scandalous restraint of so great a number . 10. Reputation is one of the Principall Arteryes of the Common-wealth , which Maxime is so well knowne to the Secretaries of the Papacie ; That by private Forgeries and publicke impressions of Calumniations , they endeavour to wound us in that vitall part ; Howsoever therefore , some few of that stampe being better tempered then their fellowes in defence of this present government , have not spared to affirme ; That tyranny is vnjustly ascribed therevnto , for so much as freedome of Conscience , after a sort , may be redeemed for money ; Notwithstanding there want not many Pamphleters of their side , who opprobriously cast in our teethes , the converting of the Penalty , inflicted on Recusants , and refusers of the oath of alleageance from the Kings Exchequer to a particular purse : surely we cannot presume that these Libellers may be disswaded from spitting out their venome maliciously against vs , when they shall see their Priests mewed vp without further processe of Law : For either they will attribute this calme dealing to the Justice of their cause , the strength of their party or patience , or that tract of time hath discovered our Lawes importing overmuch sharpenesse in good policy , to be thought fitter for abrogation , by non vsance , then repealed by a publicke decree . 11. Moreover it is fore-thought by some , that if these Seminaries be onely restrayned , that they may prove hereafter like a snake , kept in the Bosome , such as Bonner , Gardiner , and others of the same Livery shewed themselves to be after Liberty , obtained in Queene Maries dayes ; And if the losse of their Ghostly Fathers agrieve them , it is probable , that they will take Armes sooner , and with more courage to free the Living , then to set vp a Trophie to the dead . 12. How soever the Iesuites Band is knowne in their Native soyle , to be defective in many respects , which makes them vnderlings to the Protestants ; as in authority , armes and the Protection of the Lawes , which is all in all : Neverthelesse , they insinuate themselues to forraigne Princes , favouring their party , with promises of strange assistance at home ; if they may be well backed from abroad ; To which purpose they have divided the Inhabitants of this Realme into foure Sects ; Whereof Ranking their Troupes in the first place ( as due to the pretended Catholiques ) they assumed a full fourth part to their property , and of that part againe they made a Subdivision into two portions ; namely of those that openly renounced the established Church of England , and others whose certaine number could not be assigned : Because they frequented our service , our Sacramēts , reserving their hearts to their Lord God the Pope . The second party they allot to the Protestants , who retaine yet , as they say , some Reliques of their Church ; The third Ranke and largest , was left vnto the Puritans , whom they hate deadly , in respect , that they will hold no indifferent quarter with Papistry . The fourth and last maniple ; They assigne to the Politicians : Huomini ( say they ) Senza Dio , & Senz anima : Men without feare of God , or regard of their Soules ; Who busying themselves onely with matters of State , retaine no sense of Religion : without doubt , if the Authors of this partition have cast their account aright , we must confesse , the latter Broode is to be ascribed properly vnto them ; For if the vndermining of the Parliament House , the scandalizing of the King in Print , who is Gods annoynted ; And the refusall of naturall obedience , be workes of those that neither stand in awe of God or Conscience ; well may the Papists boast , that they are assured of the first number ; and may presume likewise of the lasts friendship , when occasion shall be offered ; For the preventing of which combination ; it is a sure way to cut off the Heads ; that should tye the knot , or at least , to brand them with a marke in the forehead , before they be dismissed , or after the opinion of others , to make them vnwelcome to the faeminine Sexe ; which now with great fervency imbraceth them . These are for the most part Arguments vented in ordinary discourse , by many who suppose a Priests breath to be contagious in our English Ayre ; others there are , who maintaine the second part of the question , with reasons not vnworthy of observance . Death is the end of Temporall woes ; But it may in no wise be accounted the grave of memory ; Therefore howsoever it is in the power of Justice to suppresse the person of a man , the opinion for which he suffered ( conceived truly or vntruely in the hearts of a multitude ) is not subject to the edge of any swor● how sharpe or keene soever : I confesse that the Teeth are soone blunted , that byte only out of the malice of a singular faction : But where poyson is diffused through the veynes of a Common-wealth with intermixture of Blood , good and bad , separation is to be made rather by vacuation , then by present incision : The greatest byter of a State is Envie ioyned with thirst of Revenge , which seldome declares it selfe in plaine Colours , vntill a Jealousie conceived of personall dangers breaketh out into desperate resolutions : Here comes it to passe , that when one mal-contented member is grieved , the rest of the body is sensible thereof ; neither can a Priest or Iesuite be cut off without a generall murmure of their Secretaries , which being confident in their number , secretly arme for opposition , or confirmed with their Martyrs blood , ( as they are perswaded ) resolve by patience and sufferance to glorifie their cause ; and to merit heaven . Doe we not daily see , that it is easier to confront a private Enemy , then a society or Corporation : And that the hatred of a State is more immortall then the spleene of a Monarchy ; Therefore except it be demonstrated , that the whole Roman City which consists not of one broode , but of a succession of Persons may be cut off at the first stroake , as one entrei head , I see no cause to thinke our state secured by sitting on the skirts of some few Seminaries , leaving in the meane time a multitude of snarlers abroad , who already shew their Teeth and onely waite opportunity to bite fiercely . I will not deny , that whom we feare , we commonly hate ; provided alwaies , that no merit hath interceeded a reconciliation ; For there is great difference between hatred conceived against him that will take away the life , and him that may justly doe it , and yet in Clemency forbeares to put it in effect , For the latter breedeth reverent awe , whereas the former subjecteth to servile feare , alwaies accompanied with desire of innovations . And although it hath bin affirmed of the Church of Rome ; Quod Pontificium genus semper crudele ; Neverthelesse out of Charity , let us hope that all Devils are not so black as they are paynted ; Some or perhaps many of them there are , whom Conscience or in default thereof , pure shame of the world will constrain to confesse , that his Majestie most graciously distinguisheth the Theory of Popery , from the Active part thereof ; as being naturally inclined ; Parvis peccatis veniam , magnis sever itatem commodare ; nec poena semper , sed Saepius poenitentia Contentus esse . 2. Mistaking of punishments , legally inflicted , commonly proceeds from fond pitty , or the interest which we have in the same cause , both which beget blind partiality . Admit then that the Papall side , affecting merit , by compassion may be meerely touched , with the restraint of their Seminaries ; that cannot be denyed , I hope , except they had the hearts of Tygers ; that in humanity they will preferre their ease of durance before the Rigor of death : And albeit that PARSONS , BELLARMINE , and the POPE himselfe , constraine their spirituall Children , to thrust their fingers into the fire , by refusing the oath of alleageance : Notwithstanding we have many Testimonies in Judiciall Courts , and printed Bookes , that the greater part of them are of that Theban Hunters mind , who would rather have seen his Dogs cruell Acts , then have felt them , to his owne cost . Garnet himselfe also in one of his secret Letters lamented , that after his death , hee should not be enroled amongst the Martyrs : Because that no matter of Religion was objected against him , yet it plainely appeares in his demeanure ; That hee would gladly have survived the possibility of that glory , if any such hope had remained , neither is it to be presumed , that being in prison , he would ever have conceived that we durst not touch his Reverence , or that the Law was remisse , which had justly condemned him and left his life to the Kings mercy , it was the distance of the place and not persons , that interpreted the sending over Seas of the Priests , to be a greater Argument of their innocency , then of his Majesties forbearance : For had Father Parsons himselfe bin Coram nobis , his song would rather have been of mercy then Justice . It is truely said , that we are all instructed , Better by examples then precepts ; Therefore if the Lawes printed , & indictments recorded cannot controle the Calumniations of those that wilfully will mistake Treason for Religion , By the execution of 2. or 3. of that Backbiting number , I doubt not , but the question may readily be decided , Namque immedicabile vulous ense recidendum est , ne pars sincera trahatur . To dally with Pragmaticall Papists , especially with those that by their example & counsell pervert his Majesties Subjects , I hold it a poynt of meere Injustice : For what comfort may the good expect when the bad are by connivence freed to speake and imboldened , to put their disloyall thoughts in execution ? For explaining therefore of my meaning , it is necessary to have a regard vnto the nature of the Kings Liege people , that are to be reformed by example of Iustice , & other forrayners who will we , nill we , must be censurers of our actions . It hath been truly observed , that the Nations of Europe , wch are most remote from Rome , are more superstitiously enclined to the dregs of that place , then the neare neighbours of Italy : whether that humour proceed from the cōplexion of the Northern bodies wch is naturally more retentive of old Customes , then hotter Regions ; or that the vices of the City , seated on 7. Hils , are by crafty Ministers of that Sea , concealed from the vulgar sort , Ilist not now discusse , but most certaine it is , that the people of this Isle exceed the Romans in zeale of their profession : Insomuch , that in Rome it selfe , I have heard the English Fugitives taxed by the name of Pichiapetti Inglesi . Now as our Countrymen take surer holdfast of Papall Traditions , then others : so are they naturally better fortified with a courage to endure death for the maintenance of that cause ; For this Clymate is of that temperature , out of which Vegetius holdeth it fittest , to choose a valiant souldier , where the heart finding it self provided of plenty of blood to sustain sodain defects , is not so soone apprehensive of death or dangers , as where the store-house of blood being small , every hazard maketh pale Cheeks and trembling hands ( Angli ) say ancient writers , bello intrepidi , nec mortis sensu deterrentur : And thereunto Botero the Italian beareth witnesse in his relations of many strangers , therefore comming out of forraine parts , among the Rarities of England , desired to see whether report hath not bin too lavish in affirming that our condemned persons yeeld their bodies to death with cheerfulnesse . And were it not that by daily experience , we can call our selves to witnesse of this truth , J could produce the Reverend Judge Fortescue , who in commendation of our English Lawes , made suteable , as he well observeth , to the inbred conditions of the Inhabitants of this Soyle , avoweth that the English people in tryall for criminall causes are not compelled by Tortures to confesse , as in other Nations it is vsed , for as much as the quality of the English is known to be lesse fearefull of death , then of Torments , for which cause , if the Torments of the Civill Law were offered to an innocent person in England , he would rather yeeld himselfe guilty and suffer death , then endure the horror of lingring paines ; Insulani plerumque fures ( saith one ) and so true it is , that this Country is stained with that imputation , notwithstanding that many are put to death , to the end that others , by their fall , might learne in time to beware : if then it doth appeare that terror prevailes not to keep men from offences , which are condemned by Law and Conscience , what assurance can there be to scare those who are constantly satisfied in their minds , that their sufferings are either expresly or by implication for matter of Religion and health of their Soules ; In such a case to threaten death to Englishmen ; Quibus nihil interest humive , sublimive putrescant , is a matter of small consequence , Purpuratis Gallis , Italis aut Hispanis ista minitari , to a setled resolution of death , menaces to prolong a wearisome life , prevaile much more in such cases . Rightly did Clement the 8th consider that by burning two Englishmen in Rome for supposed Heresie , he rather impaired his cause , then bettered it ; Jnsomuch that many present at the resolute death of Mr. Marsh , who was brought to dust in Campo di Santa Fiore , spared not to proclaime him for a Martyr , carried away of his ashes for a Relique , & wished their soules in the same place with his ; which newes brought to the Popes eare , caused him ( as it was bruted about in Rome ) solemnly protest ; That none of the English Nation should publiquely from that time forward , be consumed with fire ; On the other side , if we read the volumes written in praise of their Priests constancy , their Martyrologie or Kalender of Martyrs , and Path way of salvation , as it were chalked out vnto the Papists , by sacrificing their lives for the Pope ; we shall find that by taking away of one , we have confirmed and invited many ; whereof I could give particular instances , if I thought any scruple were made in that point . As for forraigne parts , which hold with the Papall Supremacy , it is cleere , that they will be severe and partiall Judges in this cause ; For albeit that here in England it is well known to all true and loyall Subjects ; that for matter of Roman Doctrine , no mans life is directly called into question : But that their disobedience in reason of State , is the only motive of their prosecution ; Neverthelesse where a great Canton of Christendome is rooted in a contrary opinion , & things in this world are for the most part esteemed by outward appearance ; this Land cannot escape malicious scandals , neithet shal there be want of Colledges to supply their faction with Seminaries . Therefore again , and again I say , that if the state of the question were so set that it were possible by a generall execution of the Priests and their Adherents , to end the controversie , J could in some sort with better will subscribe thereunto ; But seeing J find little hope in that course , J hold it safer to be ambitious of the victory , which is purchased with lesse losse of blood , and to proceed , as Tully teacheth his Orator ; who when he cannot wholly overthrow his Adversary , yet ought he to doe it in some part , and with all endeavour to confirme his owne party in the best manner that may be . 4. He that forbeareth to sowe his ground in expectance of good winde , or a favourable Moone , commonly hath a poore Crop , and a leane Purse ; So shall it fare with this state , if private whisperings of discōtented persons , that neverlearnt to speak well , be too nicely regarded ; yet ought they not to be slightly set at nought , lest our credit grow light , even in the Ballance of our dearest friends . The Papasticall Libels informe against vs , as if we were desirous to grow fat with sucking of their Blood , the very walls of their Seminary Colledge at Rome , are bedawbed with their lying phansies , and in every corner , the Corner-creepers leave some badge of their malicious spleen against vs , crying out of cruelty and persecution : But if the penalty of death be changed into a simple indurance of Prison , what moate can they find in our eyes to pull out ; or with what Rhetorick can they defend their obstinate malipertnesse , wch with repaying vs ill for good , deserve to have coales of indignation powred vpon their heads , Visne muliebre consilium , said Livia to Augustus , let severity sleepe a while , and try what alteration the pardoning of Cinna mayprocure ; The Emperour harkened to her Counsell , and thereby found his Enemies mouthes stopt , and the malice abated ; some there are perchance , that will terme this Clemency , innovation , and vouch the Precedent of that City , who permitted none to propound new Lawes , that had not a Corde about their necks , ready for vengeance , if it were found voprofitable : But let such Stoyicks know , that there is great difference between the penning of a new Law , and advise given for the manner of executing it ; neither by their Leaves , are all Jnnovations to be rejected ; For divine Plato teacheth vs , that in all Common wealths , vpon just grounds , there ought to be some changes ; And that Statesmen therein must behave themselves like skilfull Musitians , Qui artem Musices non mutant , sed musices modum . 5. That an evil weede groweth fast , by example of the new Catholiques increase is cleerely convinced ; But he that will ascribe this generation simply to his Majesties Heroicall vertue of Clemency , argueth out of the fallacy which is called Ignoratio Elenchi . Was not the zeale of many cooled towards the last end of Queene Elizabeths Raigne , hath not the impertinent heate of some of our owne side bereft us of part of our strength ? And the Papacy with tract of time gotten a hard skinne on their Consciences ; Parva metu primo , mox sese attollit in altum : But if we will with a better insight , behold how this great quantity of Spawne is multiplied , we must especially ascribe the cause thereof to their Priests , who by their deaths prepare and assure more to their sect , then by their lives they could ever perswade . It were incivility to distrust a friend , or one that hath the shew of an honest man , if he will franckly give his word , or confirme it with a sacred Oath : But when a protestation is made upon the least gaspe of life , it is of great effect , and possesseth those that cannot gain say it upon their owne knowledge . The number of these Priests , which now a dayes come to make a Tragicall conclusion , is not great ; Yet as with one Seale many Pattents are Sealed , so with the losse of few lives numbers of wavering spirits may be gained , Sanguis martyrum semen Ecclesiae ; And though these Priests having indeed a disadvantagious cause , are in very deed but counterfeit Shadowes of Martyrs unto a true vnderstanding , yet will they be reputed for such by those that lay their soules to pawne vnto their Doctrine , with whom , if we list to contend by multitude of voyces , we shall be cryed down , without all peradventure ; For the gate of their Church is wide , and many there are that enter thereinto . 6. By divers meanes , it is possible to come to one and the selfe-same end ; seeing that then the some of our welwishings is all one ; Namely that Popish Priests may have no power to doe harme ; It is not impertinent to try sundry pathes , which may leade vs to the perfecting of our desires . Politicians distinguish ; Inter rempub : constitutā & rempub : constituend : According to the severall natures whereof , Statists are to dispose of their Counsels and Ordinances . Were now the Rhemists and Romulists new hatched out of the shell , the former course of severity might soone bury their opinions with their persons ; But sithence the disease is inveterated , variety of Medicines is Judiciously to be applyed . The Romans did not punish all Crimes of one and the selfe-same nature with extremity of death ; For some they condemned to perpetuall Prison , and others they banished into an Island , or some remote Country , even in the case of Religion , they were very tender to dip their fingers in Blood ; For when Cato was Consul , and it seemed good vnto the Senate to suppresse with violence the disordered Ceremony of the Bacchanals , brought by a strange Priest into the City ; He withstood that Sentence , alleadging that there was nothing so apt , to deceive men as Religion ; which alwaies presents a shew of Divinity ; And for that cause , it behoved to be very wary in chastizing the professors thereof , lest any indignation should enter into the Peoples mindes , that somewhat was derogated from the Majestie of GOD . Others more freely , have not spared to place Religion ( J meane that Religion which is ignorantly zealous ) amongst the kinds of Frensie , which is not to bee cured otherwise then by time , given to divert or qualifie the fury of the Conceit ; Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum ! Howsoever , in valuing the power of a city , or strength of Arguments , quality , and worth is to be preferred before number : Neverthelesse , where the uttermost of our force is not known , it imports much to have it conceived , that the multitude stands for us ; for doubts and suspitions cast in an Enemies way , evermore make things seeme greater , & more difficulty thā they are indeed ; we have by Gods mercy , the sword of justice drawne on our behalfe , which upon short warning , is able to disunite the secret Vnderminers of our quiet , we have a King zealous for the house of the Lord , who needeth not to feare lesse successe in shutting up of Priests , then our late Queen had in restraining them in Wisbich Castle ; where lest their factious spirits should grow rusty , they converted their Canker to fret upon themselves , and vomiting out gall in quodlibets , shewed that their Disease was chiefly predominant in the spleen . Whattempests they have raised in their Colledge at Rome , their owne bookes , and many Travellers can witnesse ; The storme whereof was such , that Sextus Quintus complained seriously of the vexation , which he received oftner from the English schollers , then all the Vassals of his Triple Crowne . And untruly is the Magistrate noted of negligence , or overmuch severity , that layeth waite to catch the Foxes , and the little Foxes , which spoile the Vinyard ; Though afterwards without further punishment , he reserve them to the day , wherein God will take account of their Stewardship . For if Aristotles City defined to be a society of men , assembled to live well , be the same , which in our Law hath reference to the maintenance of the poore in peace : so long as we taste of the sweet of a peaceable Government ; we cannot say , but that we live well , and that the City consisting of Men , and not of Walls , is happily guided . 8. An Oath is a weake Band to containe him that will , for pretended Conscience sake , hold no Faith with Hereticks , or by absolution from a Priest , thinketh himselfe at liberty to flye from any promise , or protestation whatsoever . Therefore when I remember , that Watsone the Priest , notwithstanding his invectives against the Jesuites , gained liberty to forge his trayterous inventions , and had others of his society in the complot : I judge it safer to make Recluses of them , then to suffer such to dally with us by Bookes , and some idle intelligences cast abroad onely , as a Mist to bleare our eyes : but how shall we find the meanes to apprehend those disguised Romanists , that borrow the shapes of Captaines , Marchants , Gentlemen , Citizens , and a●l sorts of people , and by equivocation , may deny themselves to be themselves ? In answer to this question , I will first shew the Reason , why they are not pursued and taken , and hereafter make an overture , how they may be boulted out of their Hutches . The Nature of Man , howsoever in hot bloud it be thirsty of revenge ; in a cooler temper , it hath a kind of Nausea , as I may call it , or a distaste of taking away of the lives , even of the Nocent : Insomuch that in all Assizes and Sessions , an offender can hardly be condemned , whom the foolish pitty of many will not after a sort excuse , with laying some imputations on the Judge , part on the Jury , and much on the Accuser ; and such is their blind affection , that the Prisoner who , perhaps , was never recommended for handsomnesse , will be esteemed of them , for one of the properest men in the company : from hence it comes , that the name of a Serjeant , or a Pursevant is odious , and the Executioner , although he be the hand of Iustice , is esteemed no better then an Enemy of Mankind , and one that lost honesty and Humanity in his Cradle . Reverend Master Foxe was wont to say , that Spyes accusers , where necessary Members in a Commonwealth , and deserved to be cherished , but for his owne part , he would not be of any of that number , or wish his friends to affect such impliments , and albeit that the Law permits and commands every man to apprehend a Fellon ; doe we not commonly see very many content to stand by and looke on , while others performe that office ? Likewise , it is evident , that if such as are tender of their reputations , be very scrupulous , personally to arrest men for civill actions of debt , they will be more unwilling instruments of drawing their bodies to the Racke , or the Gallowes ; especially when their is any colour of Religion to be pretended in their defence ; The diversity of mens faces is great , but the difference of their minds in this Case is more variable , wherein the meanest have thought as free as the highest , besides this , there are too many of the blind Commonalty , altogether Popish , though not reconciled Papists , who , in their foolish ignorance , will say , it is pitty any should dye for their Conscience , though indeed they make honourable amends for their Treason ; verily I know not , what misgiving of their mind ? it is , that maketh men forecast the possibility of alteration in matters of Religion , and for that respect , they are exceeding backward , in discovery and laying hands on Seminaries , yea , and are timorous , in enacting sharpe Lawes against them , as those that silently say among themselves , Sors hodierna mihi ; cras erit illa tibi : some also survive , who remember , that in Queene Maries time , the Protestants alleadged a Text , that the Tares should not be plucked up before Harvest : Nay , shall I speak a Bugges word ; there is no small number , that stand doubtfull , whether it be a gratefull worke to crosse Popery , or that it may be done safely without a sowle aspersion of Puritanisme , or a shrewd turn , for their labours at some times , or other : By which unhappy ambiguity it comes to passe , that these , Animalia amphibia , the Priests I mean , that prey on the soules and bodies of either Sex , unattached revell where they list , though they be no more seene , then a man dancing in a net . How much fitter were it for us couragiously to invite them to our party , by Preaching , or confuting them by writing , and unto the state wherein we stand , wisely to apply the exhortation of the Assyrian King to his souldiers , you are fooles ( quoth he ) if there be any hope in your hearts , to redresse sorrow , by flight , or rather endeavour to make them flie that are the causers of your griefe , assuring your selves , that more perish in flight , then in the battle , even as many seeking to meete the Papists halfe way , discomfort our owne party . 9. It followeth now , according to the Methode prescribed before , that an overture be made , how to get the Jesuites and their shaddowes , the Priests into possession : it hath bin heretofore recited , that the unwelcome name of a Blood-sucker , a Busiebody , or a Puritane hath bin shrewd scarecrowes unto many honest minds , by abrogating therefore of those or such like imputations , many will be stirred up to undertake the apprehending of the Adversaries unto the truth : especially , when for their paines and time imployed , they shall deserve , and have the titles of good Patriots , dutifull Subjects , and zealous Christians : how ready is every common person to carry a Malefactor to the stokes , rather then to the goale or Execution , and doubtlesse , they will be no lesse forward to attach a Priest when they are assured that the worst of his punishment shal be a simple restraint within the walls of some old Castle . A certaine kind of People there is , with whom mony playes a more forcible Orators part , then any perswasion of the dutifull service , which they owe to their Common-wealth : These men will not be negligent to give intelligence , and also to procure it faithfully provided , that reward may helpe to line their thred-bare purses , and exempt them from need to sell liberty unto Seminaries : and where assurance of gaine is propounded , for discovery what Master or Housekeeper will trust his servant with keeping of his Priest , or sleepe quietly while he is engaged to the danger of a Mercenary ? I remember , that in Italy it was often told me , that the bountifull hand of Sir Francis Walsingham , made his intelligencers so active , that a Seminary could scarcely stirre out of the Gates of Rome , without his privitie : which successe , by mediation of Gold , may as readily be obtained from Sivill , Valcdolid , Doway , Lovaine , Paris , and other places , and by forewarning given of their approach , they may be waited for at the Ports , and from thence , soone conveied to a safe Lodging . But whence shall the streame follow that must feed this bounty ? It is a doubt easily satisfied . If some thousands of pounds out of the Recusants penalties be reserved in stock , and committed by his Majesty into the disposition of zealous distributers , who will not be afraid to conclude Perdat fiscus ut capiat Christus : neither need we seeke any further succour to repaire decayed Castles , and therein to defray the charge of the Priests , with a sure guard to keepe them : then the foresaid forfeitures , that by the Justice of the LAVV may bee collected : which course , if ever it come happily to bee entertained , and that Recusancy cause to be an ignominous prey to the subjects , the proceedings for Religion shall be lesse blamed , and perhaps altogether unjustly accused , by any gracelesse , Gretzerus or Cacodaemon , Johannes , tincting their pennes in Gall , and vineger , For besides occasion of calumniation , given by suites of that nature , it is evident that many Recusants that would be indicted for the King , and the effecting of the project aforesaid , shall escape without punishment , and be borne out against the power of a private person , begging them to no other purpose , then hath heretofore bin used , and albeit the penalty be rated at xxl a moneth , yet was it never the Law-makers intent , that such as was not able to pay so great a summe , should goe scot-free . But that according to the proportion of their abilitie , they should doe the penance of their purses for their disobedience ; whereas now ( if the voice of the People , which is said to be the voice of God , is to be credited ) the poorer sort is skipt over , as if they ought no soules to God , nor duty to their Soveraigne , a poore man , saith one , is to be pittied , if he offend thorow necessity : but he doe amisse voluntarily , he is more severely to be chastised ; forasmuch , as wanting friends , and meanes to beare him out , it sheweth that his fault proceedeth from presumption . 10. Let us now presuppose that all the whole Regiment of Iesuites and Seminaries , were lodged in safe custody , may we then perswade our selves that Popery will vanish like a dumb shew ? I am cleerly resolved , that though it receive a great Eclipse , notwithstanding , without other helpes , the Kingdome of Antichrist will onely lye hidden as a weed , that seemes withered in winter , and is ready to sprout out with the Spring . Temporall Armes are Remedies serving for a time : but the Spirituall sword is permanent in operation , and by an invisible blow workes more then Mortall man can imagine . The word of God carryeth this two edged weapon in its mouth , which is to be vsed by faithfull Ministers of the Church , whom pure zeale , without respect to wordly promotion or persons , ought to encourage . Of Judges , the Scripture saith Estote fortes , and daily we see that sitting in their judiciall seates , God inspireth them with greater courage , then whē , as private Persons , they are to give their opinions : No lesse is the power of the holy Ghost in his servants , that out of the Pulpit are to deliver his Embassage . Let them therefore not be dismai'd to speak out plainly , and tell the truth without running a middle course betweene heate & cold . Unprofitable descanting upon the Scripture with an old Postell , or for want of better matter , waste the poore time shut up in an houre Glasse , with skirmishing against the worthy Pillars of our owne profession . Rumour which is ever ready to take hold of evill , hath raised a secret , though ( as I hope ) a causelesse suspition ; that there should be some secret combination under hand , by changing the state of Questions , to put us in our old dayes , to learne a new Catechisme ; and when they haue brought us out of conceit with the Reverend Interpreters of the Word , to use us then , as the Wolves ( mentioned in Demosthenes Apologie ) handled the Shepheards , when they had delivered up their Dogs . Most sacred was that Speech of our most gracious King concerning Vorstius ; he that will speake of Canaan , let him speake the Language of Canaan . How can we draw others to our Church ; if we cannot agree , where , or how to lay our Foundation ? Or how may we cleanse the Leprous Disease of dissension , which the Papists , which are least assured to themselves , and most doubtfull of their salvation , are not ashamed to ascribe unto many of us ? I would not have Ministers indiscreet , like Dogs , to bark against all , whether they know , or know them not . I like better the opinion of Aristotle , who adviseth those that stand in guard of a place , to be curst ; onely to such as are about to endammage the City . If Pursevants , and other civill Officers , would learne to keepe this rule , they might goe about their businesse , with much credit . The imagined feare of inviting the Romish faction , by force to deliver their ghostly Fathers out of prison , move me not a whit ; For I cannot believe , that they esteeme them at so deare a price , that they would runne the hazard , by freeing others out of hold , to put themselves into their places . some will say , that a man of straw is a head good enough for a discontented Multitude . That the Papists are very Cholericke , it appeares sufficiently by their writings : yet it hath pleased God to send those curst Cowes short hornes , that when they could not finde a man of sufficiency to serve their turne , they were faine to doe homage to Garnets straw ; forgetfull as they are , that such stubble cannot endure the tryall of fire ; but unto us , that ought to be doers , as well as Professors of the Gospell , let this remaine as a memorable Theoreme : Religion is the Mother of good Order ; good Order , is the cause of prosperous Fortune , and happy successe in all Counsels , and enterprises ; wherefore in what estate soever , their wanteth good Order , it is an evident Argument , that Religion goes backward . 11. I have ever held it for a kind of injustice , to omit the executiō of mean laws , made to prevent the effects of idlenesse , & then to apply main extremity of the sword , whē the proling habit gotten by the vice comes to light . No lesse is the course uncharitable ( with par-don for this presumption be it spoken , when wee spare them that have no Religion at all , and censure those that can give account of somewhat tending to that purpose . He that is in misery must be borne withall if he speak miserably , and when the child from his Mothers Brest hath suckt nothing but Popery , a man had need to be angry with discretion , if he heare him speake in the voyce of a Papist . God calleth some by miracle ; but the ordinary meanes in his Word : if that means , in many places of this Land be wanting ; of what Religion is it likeliest , the people will be ? I suppose , that few men will gainsay my assertion , that outward sense will direct them to Popery which is fuller of Pageants , then of spirituall doctrine . And what is the cause , that after so many yeares of preaching of the Gospell , that the common people still retaine a sent of the Roman perfume ? The cause is , for that the formall obedience of comming to Church , hath bin more expected , then the instruction of private families ; publique Catechising is of great vse , but the first elements thereof are to be learnt at home : and these , which we learn from our Parents , stick most surely in our minds . What was the cause why the Spartans continued their governmēt so many Revolutions of times , without mutations ? Histories record , that learning their Countrie Customes from their infancy , they would not be induced to alter them ; And in this our native soyle , we perceive that the common Lawes which relye on antient Customes , are better observed then late Statutes of what worth soever they be : so doth it fare with the poore People , which being once seasoned with the old Dregs of Papisme , will hardly be drawne from it : till the Learning of the true Faith be growne to a Custome . I will prescribe no order of aff●ires , to effect this ; But I suppose , that the antient laudable course by the Bishops confirmation , will not be sufficient to fulfill so great a taske ; the Ministers must and ought , to be the principall and immediate hāds to give assistance to so gratious a worke , and in case , any be defective in their duty , the Reverend Bishops may take notice thereof in their Visitations . Perhaps it will be thought a hard taske to constraine old People to learne the A. B. C. of their Christian Beliefe . But how hard soever it be , I hold it no incivility to prepare people of all Ages for the Kingdome of heaven . By the order contained in the Booke of Common prayer , on Sundayes and Holidayes , halfe an houre before the Evensong , the Curate of every Parish ought to examine Children sent vnto him in some points of the Catechisme , and all Fathers , Mothers , Masters , and Dames should cause their Children , Apprentises , and servants , to resort unto Church , at the time appointed : There obediently to heare , and be ordered by the Cutate ; untill such time , as they have learnt all that in the said Book is commanded : And when the Bishop shall appoint the Children to be brought before him , for their confirmation , the Curate of every Parish shall send or bring in writing , the names of those Children of his Parish , which can answer to the Questions of the Catechisme ; and there ought none to be admitted to the Holy Communion , untill such time as he can say his Catechisme , and be confirmed : many times I have stood amazed , to behold the magnificence of our Ancestors Buildings , which their Successors as this day are not able to keepe up ; But when J cast mine eyes upon this excellent Foundation : laid by the grave Fathers of the Church , and perceive their children neglect to build therupon : with exceeding marvaile , I rest almost besides my selfe . For never was their better Ground-plots laid , which hath bin seconded with lesse successe . It was not the hanging vp of the Bull of Pius Quintus on the Bishop of Londons doores , or the forbearing to hang vp Priests , that hath wrought this Apostasie : but the idlenesse , and insufficiency of many Teachers , conspiring with the Peoples cold zeale , that hath bin the contriver of this unhappy Web . Untill the xith . yeare of Queen Elizabeth's Raigne , a Recusants name was scarcely knowne : The reason was , because that the zeale , begotten in the time of the Marian persecution , were yet fresh in memory ; And the late Persecutors wat so amazed with the suddaine alteration of Religion , that they could not choose but say Digitus Dei est hic . In those dayes , there was an emulation between the Clergy and the Laity : and a strife arose , whether of them should shew themselves most affectionate to the Gospell ; Ministers hanted the houses of worthiest men , where Iesuits now build their Tabernacles ; and poore Country Churches were frequented with the best in the Shire . The Word of GOD was pretious , Prayer and Preaching went hand in hand together : untill Archbishop Grindals disgrace , and Hatfields hard conceit of prophecying , brought the flowing of these good graces to a still water : The name of a Papist smelt ranck , even in their owne Nostrills , and for pure shame to be accounted such , they resorted duly , both to our Churches and exercises : But when they saw their great Coriphaeus Sanders had slily pinned the name of Puritans , upon the sleeves of Protestants , that encountred them with most courage , & perceived that the word was pleasing to some of our own side , they took hart agrace to set litle by the service of God , & duty to their Soveraign , therwith start up frō among us , some that might have bin recommended for their zeale , if it had bin tempered with discretion , who fore-running the authority of the Magistrate , took upon them in sundry places and publikely to censure , whatsoever agreed not with their private conceits , with which crosse humours vented in Pulpits and Pamphlets , most men grieve to be frozen in zeale , and in such sort benummed , that whosoever ( as the worthy Lord Keeper Bacon observed in those dayes ) pretended a little sparke of earnestnesse , be seemed no lesse then red fire , hot in comparison of the other ; And as some things fare the worse , for an ill Neighbours sake , dwelling beside them , so did it betide the Protestant , who seeking to curbe the Papist , or reprove an idle Droane , was incontinently branded , with the ignominous note of a Precisian . All which wind , brought plenty of water to the Popes Mill , and there will most men grind , where they see apparence to bee well served . 12. If without great inconvenience the children of Papists could be brought up out of their company , it were a happy turne : But I find it to be full of difficulty ; There is provision made to avoid Popish Schoole-masters , but there is no ward against Popish Schoolemistresses , that infect the silly Infants while they carry them in their Armes , which moveth me to suppose that the former proposition to examine how Children and servants are brought up ; and truly to certifie the list of the Communicants , and Recusants , will be the readiest meanes to let his Majesty know the yearly increase or decrease of the church in every Diocesse : And whosoever shall send his children , or any of his Majesties subjects , to be placed in Monasteries , or Seminary Colledges , or Popishly to be brought up in sorraine parts : I thinke that for punishment both the one & the other , worthily might be disfranchised of the priviledges , due to natural English-men ; so far-forth , as any good by the Lawes may descend to them : But not to be exempted from the penalties thereof ; or the Regall jurisdiction of the Crowne . J know well that contradiction is odious , and makes a man seeme ambitious , to be thought more understanding then others . In which case , the Spanyard useth onely to terme him presumptuous , whom he would call Foole , if civility would beare it . But in my defence , I hope it shall suffice againe , to revive my former protestation , that Idiscourse by the way of proposition , rather then Arrogance of defining any thing : with pardon therefore , may I be permitted to say . That the first easie Law of xijd . inflicted on him that could not give a reasonable excuse , for his absence from Church or Sundayes , was one of the best Ordinances , that hath hitherto bin enacted . But while wee sought to make new Statutes , savouring of more severity , we neglected the old , and were loath to execute the new : For it is a certaine Rule , that whosoever in policy will give liberty , and yet seeme to suppresse a crime , let him procure sharpe Lawes to be proclaimed , which are onely necessary for some times , and rare occasions to be put in Execution ; but not to be an ordinary worke , for every day of the Weeke . Daily use likewise teacheth us , that it is lesse grievous to punish by an old Law , then by a new : Forsomuch , as Truth it selfe , seldome gets credit without proofe , and it is hard to free the people of suspition , that new Lawes are not rather invented against the particular persons and purses of men , then against the corrupt manners . By force of which reason , I am induced to conceive that the old use of the Church , contained in good nurture , and Ecclesiasticall censures will much more prevaile to muzzell Popery , then any fresh devises whatsoever . Neither doe J thinke it blame-worthy , to affirme that our cause hath taken harme , by relying more on the Temporall , then the Spirituall Armes . For while we trusted that Capitall punishments should strike the stroake ; we have neglected the meanes , which would , for the most part , have discharged the need of such severity . The Oath of Allegeance is not offered generally , to servants and meane People ; who if they had taken the Oath by absolution of a Priest , might recoyle from it , or change their opinion at leisure , without any ready meanes to discover their Leger-demaine : that Oath I feare will not bee often pressed , and to them that shift from place to place , how can it be tendered ? The principall Papists now cover themselves , in the crowde of the multitude : but if we can discover the affection of the multitude , they easily will be unmasked , and being singled out , rest ashamed of their nakednesse ; which under correction of better judgment , may be effected , if every new commer , to inhabit in a Towne , and servants newly entertained within a Weeke , or xiiij . dayes , be caused to repaire to the Minister , there in presence of the Churchwardens , and other honest men ; to subscribe unto such briefe and substantiall Articles concerning Faith , and Allegeance , as shall be according to Gods Word , and Justice , ordained to distinguish the sheepe from the Goates . In forraine Countries , every Host is bound to bring his Guest before an Officer ; there to certifie his name , with the occasion of his comming , & intended time of his abode in those parts ; and in case he stay longer , he must again renew his Licence , so curious and vigilant : also are they to keepe their Cities from infection , that without a Certificate , witnessing their comming from wholsome places , they may not escape the Lazeretto . No lesse ought wee to be watchfull to prevent the contagion of our Soules , then other Nations are of their bodies , every thing is hard , and scarcely pleasing in the beginning : But with time , some such course may be readily put in Execution : which I propound rather as matter for better heads , to worke on ; then peremptorily to be insisted on in the same Termes . But lest any charge me with Temerity ; that when I desire to know the multitudes inclination , by the meanes aforesaid : I satisfie my selfe with their Parrots Language , pronouncing it knowes not what : I thinke it not impertinent , to put them in mind , that heretofore I have required instructions , both precedent and subsequent ; and am ever of the mind , that though all this cannot be done at once ; yet it is necessary alwayes to be doing our best : knowing , that not to goe forwards in Religion , is the ready way to goe backwards . It is not the outward obedience of comming to Church , that discovers the inward thought of the heart : it is the confession of the Tongue that must utter these secrets . And where the Curates are insufficient , or the Parish great , I wish they had Catechistes to assist them , maintained by the Purses of the Recusants : which Pension being collected for Gods cause , will free us of scandall ; though it grieve them to pay the spirituall Army , waged against their owne Stratagems : surely by giving them way in petty matters , they are growne to be very masterfull in their party : Plato affirmeth , that the Popular state proceeded from the Licence , which the people took to make immoderate Applauses in the Theaters : when , as by arrogating that immunity , without contro ement , in place of their Governors , and perceiving the Nobility to joyne with them in the same passions , they thought their Heads as worthy to governe , as any of those that were made out of the selfe-same mould : In like manner , while we suffer ignorance openly to maintaine such petty glimpses of Popery , as are thought to be scarce worthy , to be look't at , and in small matters runne an indifferent course , which neither make sure friends , nor feeble Foes ; unawares they take the bridle from us , and eate out Religion , as it were by an insensible Gangrena . Principiis obsta , serò , medicina paratur . Cum malaper longas convaluere moras . For by sufferance of breaking smaller Lawes , People are emboldned to set the greater at nought . To comprehend all things in a Law , which are necessary to the Reformation , I neither hold it profitable nor expedient ; yet it is discretion to provide for the most important : smaller matters , whereof the Lawes speake not , are to be commended to the discretion of Parents , Masters , and other reverent persons , who by example and advice , may prepare younglings , by education and custome , to obey the Lawes : especially such as are in high place ought , in this behalfe , to be like Caesars Wife . Non solum crimine , sed etiam criminis suspitione vacare , and with circumspection to behave themselves ; that the world may conceive , in requiring obedience to God and their Soveraigne , that they hold the multitude rather for companions , then slaves : if great men take another way , they may seduce many by example ; though by Words they expresse not their concealed opinions ; Tace & loquere , said God to Moses , it is the speech of the heart , which utters more then words and syllables : And in our common Lawes , it is held maintenance , when a great Personage , onely by his presence countenanceth a cause . Neither let us secure our selves with this Argument : the Papists are plyable in small matters , ergo , they will yeeld in greater ; And because they tooke no Armes in 88. therefore it were needlesse curiosity to suspect them now : for who knowes not , that small baites are used to take the greatest Fish , vt cum esca una etiam hamus devoretur . Warinesse is the sinewes of Wisdome , and nothing is more dangerous , then to be secure in matters of State : Therefore for the Lawes already made , I wish that the most effectuall of them , which least concernes life , may be executed ; For better it were not to make them , then by neglect to set them at liberty ; seeing that many offences there are , which men would abstaine from , if they were forbidden , but when a strict commandement is avoided without punishment , therout springs an unbridled Licence , hardly to be reformed by any rigour . To conclude , I say freely , that who so endeth his dayes by a naturall death , he shall be subject to receive many mens doomes , for every particular offence ; But when for Religions sake , a man triumpheth over the sword , that one eminent vertue razeth out the memory of other errours , and placeth him , that so dyeth , in Paradice ; if common opinion may be lawfully vouched ; which glory having many followers , and admirers , awaketh even dull spirits to affect their footesteps , and to sell their lives , for the maintenance of the same cause : J need not envy the name of a Martyr to the Jesuit ; for his cause if it be rightly weighed , will blanch that title : but I desire to have all those Lineaments defaced , which may compound that counterfeit Image , in prosecuting of which purpose , if J have failed in my advice , and by confused handling intricated the question , J humbly request , that a wise mans verdit , may mitigate the heavines of yt censure . It is neither good to praise bad Counsels , because of their good successe ; nor to condemne good Counsels , if the Events prove not fortunate ; lest many be animated , to advise rashly , and others dishartned , to counsell gravely . Illi mors gravis incubat , Qui notus nimis omnibus , Ignotus moritur sibi . Senec. Trag. FINIS . 
A38185	----	The Franciscan convert, or, A recantation-sermon of Anthony Egan ... preached in London on April 6, 1673 to which is annexed, A narrative of the strange behaviour and speeches of the papists in Ireland since His Majesties declaration of indulgence : and the commendatory letter in Latine, given to the author by his superiour before his conversion. Egan, Anthony, B.D. 1673 Approx. 35 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A38185 Wing E248 ESTC R7765 12272802 ocm 12272802 58340 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38185) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58340) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 182:15) The Franciscan convert, or, A recantation-sermon of Anthony Egan ... preached in London on April 6, 1673 to which is annexed, A narrative of the strange behaviour and speeches of the papists in Ireland since His Majesties declaration of indulgence : and the commendatory letter in Latine, given to the author by his superiour before his conversion. Egan, Anthony, B.D. Ford, Henry, Sir, 1619?-1684. [5], 31 [i.e. 33], [2] p. Printed for Robert Clavel ..., London : 1673. A letter "By the Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governour of Ireland" i.e. Henry Forde: p. 31. The commendatory signed: 15, March, 1670, Frater Carolus Mack Carty. Numerous errors in pagination. 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Catholics -- Ireland. 2006-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Advertisement . THe Author being informed , that after he had Preached this Sermon , the people judged him to be the Capuchin Fryer , who lately burnt his Beads , Crucifixes , &c. in the Pallace Yard at Westminster : He desires to satisfie the World of their mistake , for , that to his knowledg , he never saw him in his life , neither was he in England at that time . Anthony Egan . FINIS . The Franciscan CONVERT : OR A Recantation-Sermon OF ANTHONY EGAN , ( Late Confessor General of the Kingdom of Ireland , and Guardian of the Friory of Monasterioris , in the Province of Lemster ; Now a Minister of the Gospel according to the Ordination of the Church of England , ) Preached in London on April 6. 1673. To which is annexed , A NARRATIVE of the strange Behaviour and Speeches of the Papists in Ireland since His Majesties Declaration of Indulgence . And the Commendatory LETTER in Latine , given to the Author by his Superiour before his Conversion . LONDON , Printed for Robert Clavel in Little Britain , 1673. The Franciscan Convert : OR A Recantation-Sermon , &c. Luke 22 , the latter end of verse 32. When thou art converted , strengthen thy Brethren . COnversion is an hard work , but it is glorious ; it relates to the two great Faculties of our mind , the Understanding and the Will. Our Understanding , that our Faith be found ; Our Will , that our Morals be good . I will begin with our Morals , because it is no matter what our Judgment is when our manners are bad ; Lewd men credit no Profession , but disgrace the cause they own . Christianity consists of a redemption , and that redemption from the iniquity of our ways ; that is to say , a Turning from Sin to Vertue , from Satan unto God. A Turning from a bad life is nothing else but a Separation of a mans self from profane uses unto Holiness ; As when a Child and Heir of Hell becomes one of the Sons of God , in Scripture Phrase this work of Conversion is called a Ceasing from evil , and a learning to do well ; A putting off of the old man , and a putting on of the New ; and it is called a new Creature , a Conformity to Christ in his Death and Resurrection ; or according to the same Apostle elsewhere , Be not conformed to this World , but rather transformed by the renewing of your minds . Or lastly , in our Saviours Language , A seeking the Kingdom of God and the righteousness thereof , and being holy as he is holy in all manner of Conversation . Therefore Christians , as you desire to have Peace with God and your own minds , live soberly , righteously , and godly in this World. Labour to prove the truth of your Profession by your pious practices . Endeavour to become living Images of God , Vessels of honour , and Temples of the Holy Ghost . I might argue against Sin from the common mischiefs of it , and remind Sinners of the Labyrinths into which it leads them , and assure you that Gods Service is perfect freedom . For if all the happiness which Christian Religion propounds to us were only confined to such Promises as have a relation to eternal Bliss , it might be thought that the Lord Jesus was only careful to make the end of a Christian Race glorious , yet had neglected to make the way pleasant which leadeth thither . But if it be truly considered on the other hand , that those very Precepts which are enjoyned as the Rules of our duty are in themselves infinitely conducing to our own present satisfaction , then we must conclude that none can be miserable in the next World but only such Sots as will not give God leave to make them happy in this . For the Laws of the holy Jesus are so agreeing to our Natures , that the Execution of them are as great expedients of our present happiness as Testifications of our duty , so that our duty and our priviledges run parallel in one Line . In the next place , as Conversion relates to our Wills , so also to our Understandings , that we may have such Notions of God and his Worship as becomes the Solemnity of that duty we owe to our God. And what dangerous Errors , Education , and Prejudice may breed is very obvious to all that have made remarks in the World. For we know that a dangerous Principle hath hurried many into desperate Practices ; Saint Paul's Zeal for the Mosaick Law made him spurn against Christ himself . So that the immoralities and debaucheries of some men are less dangerous than their Tenents . God forbid that any thing that I say should give the least countenance unto Vice , but to shew that we may fly from one extreme to another . I may compare the enormities of Vice to a Sore that is Ulcerated , Nauseous , and Offensive to all mens view : Errors in our Judgment ( or a false worship of God ) is like to a Sore skinned over , though not so offensive to our Senses , yet more dangerous to the Vitals . Our Saviour told the Scribes and Pharisees , that Harlots and Publicans entered into the Kingdom of God before them ; not that we are to think that the Kingdom of God is a place for either Harlots or Publicans , as such : but that the recovery of the one is more hopeful than the recovery of the other . The Profane person is sick , but then he and all men know it : The Heretick is sick , but he thinks himself well , and so neglects all means for a remedy , and the cure of such a one becomes a wonder . The Subject I have chose this day is copious , and from it I might present you with many particulars , but I must forbear and come to the Application , which I must Center in my self : When thou art converted , &c. I hope this Scripture is fulfilled this day on my self , being a Monument of God Almighties mercy in bringing me from the gross Superstitions of Popery to the glorious light of the Gospel ; and seeing the Consequent of my Text is the strengthening of my Brethren . I shall now give you some few of the principal motives which drew me from my former perswasions . You must know I was bred and Catechized in all the absurd Doctrines and Practices of the Romish Church , and no little Zealot in that way ; I was ordained Deacon and Priest , and made Confessor General throughout the Kingdom of Ireland ; was a Frier of the Order of St. Francis , and afterwards Superiour of a Convent , and Chaplain to several eminent persons of qualety in that Kingdom . Upon a certain time I accidentally came to a publick house to refresh my self , I found that a lewd Priest had pawned the consecrated Host to the woman of the house for five and thirty Shillings : which I redeemed : And with this remarke that Christ was made by him , not an Offering for Sin , but a Sacrifice for his Lust . I need not tell you how great the Scandal was to my self , but augmented by considering that the Person was a Superiour of an Order , and in great reputation among his People . There are many sad circumstances in the story , but I will forbear at present to mention them . Upon this great disgust I began to dispute the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , and all the ridiculous consequences of it became evident to my understanding ; for suppose a Turk should tell me that I make my God , and then eat him ; and should he challenge me to produce so nonsensical a Tenent in the Alcoran , I must either change my opinion of Transubstantiation , or quit my Christianity . Is it not strange that Christ should eat himself , and that all the Disciples should eat him alive before the Jews had Crucified him ? I know he calls the Bread his Body , but then he calls the Cup his Bloud , and shall one be allowed to be a figure , and not the other ? But that which expounds the whole Institution are these words , Do this in remembrance of me ; that is to say , This Ordinance is a commemorative Sacrifice of my self ; if Christ be corporeally present , how comes there to be any exercise of our memories ? But others have said so much of this Subject that I need say no more . Another great motive of my Conversion was their Adoration of Images , so flatly contrary to the Second Commandment . God told his People Israel of old that they saw no similitude , for the prevention of all manner of Worship by Images . They say , by Graven Image is meant only an Idol , but then these words following , Nor the likeness of any thing before me , spoyls that interpretation . For if by graven Images be meant only Idolls , then the Commandment is altogether superfluous , for Idolls were forbidden in the first Commandment by having no other Gods ; and if they say , they worship not the Image , but the person represented by it : I answer , this justifies all the Heathens in their Idolatries , for they said they worshipped nothing made with hands , neither did they believe them to be their Gods , but that their Gods were present in them in an Extraordinary manner . In the next place , I will speak of the Doctrine of Purgatory , which upon serious examination became strange to me . Indeed I read of a narrow way that leads to bliss , and a broad way that is the high road to misery , for that Via media , that leads to Purgatory , I find it not in my Bible ; yet I hold Purgatory , but it is in my Saviours bloud : and it is that Purgatory which only must purge my soul from sin ; and if that Purgatory will do a sinners work , I will look for no other . Yet for all this , Purgatory in the Popish Notions of it is a gainful Doctrine ; it is that fire which makes the Popes Pot boyl ; and therefore no wonder if they be so loth to have it extinguished . Another motive that I had to abandon all Communion with the Church of Rome , was that intolerable practice of having the Service in a Tongue unknown to the people : and Chap 14 of the former Epistle to the Corinthians seems to be wholly writ against that Custom . It is said Exod. 12. 26 , 27. And it shall come to pass , when your Children shall say unto you , What mean you by this Service ? that you shall answer and say , it is the Sacrifice of the Lords Passeover , &c. When I read this Scripture it reminds me that Gods Service is a reasonable Service , and that we ought to know the reason and meaning of that Service we perform to God. Edification and Devotion are inseparable from the true Worship of God. Now should I in the language of this Scripture come to the Common People at the celebration of the Mass , and say , What mean you by this Service ? What satisfactory answer can be expected ? Some of late ( I must confess ) have translated the Popish Prayers into the Vulgar Language , but the Pope has forbidden the use of them . So that who shall so use them are not right Catholicks . But above all the Tenents of Rome none seemed more ridiculous to me than that Doctrine of Infallibility , for if that be proved , I shall submit to any thing that she shall impose upon me . For had St. Peter himself been appointed the infallible Judge of Controversies , what needed the Council at Jerusalem , Acts 15. It would have been a much shorter cut to have had St. Peters determination in the Case , without giving the Apostles any further trouble in it . The Patriarch of Antioch pretends that he is St. Peters Successor , and we have more reason to believe him so then the Pope ; for Antiquity is clear that he was Bishop of Antioch , and the Scriptures are express that there he exercised his Function , and that there it was that the Disciples were first called Christians . St. Paul saitb , that to him was committed the care of all the Churches . St. Peter might have said those words with as much innocency as St. Paul , but it was Gods mercy that he did not , for then the Pope would have pretended a good Text for his Universal Pastorship . But that which makes the Doctrine of infallibility more vain are those contradictory establishments which are in that Church ; had I time I might give in endless instances . But that which is the most mischievous to them is their non-agreement among themselves where this infallibility is seated , which makes nothing more fallible than the very Doctrine of Infallibility . And I must tell you , that among the many other Errors and ill Practices which I discovered in the Roman Church , their Cruelties were no small disgust to me , as if Christianity had taught them to forget Humanity ; I cannot but with horror think of those barbarous Massacres which were committed in my own Country , as if Papists had guts , but no bowels ; so that it is not only their Prayers , but Faith that they have written in bloudy Characters : You will hear them boast of Loyalty : Look into the Irish Histories , and then judge of those pretences . If by accident some have shewed themselves so in England , yet the constitution of their Church looks with another aspect , for I am sure I ever thought it a meritorious action to murther either Prince , or any Protestant Subject , provided I was commissionated so to do by the Pope , but how to serve two Masters , I understand not , the Pope and the King ; I must tell you , that I my self am an instance of their intended cruelty , for after my conversion from their fooleries , and having by the good providence of God been instrumental in bringing seven Friats and Priests from their Communion , and several of their Laity , their malice was such , that Preaching upon a Sunday in a Protestant Church a Musket was levelled at me as I stood in the Pulpit , but through Gods mercy the Bullet went only through my hair without doing me any other mischief ; but when I saw my life was aimed at , I was forced to quit both my new Preferment , and my Country . But are these things according to the Gospel of Peace ? They that Preach Religion with fire and faggot surely know not what manner of spirits they are of , if our Saviour's Kingdom were of this world his Servants would fight ; and indeed we read St. Peter used his Sword once in his Masters quarrel , but he got so sharp a rebuke for it , that I do not read that he ever so much as wore one after . Must the Pope cut off Heads because St. Peter cut off an Ear ? This is strange . The old Romans thought to propagate the Faith by dying for it : Our new Romans think to establish theirs , but by a quite contrary method ; Reason is the Crown of a man , Religion is the Crown of Reason , Christianity is the Crown of Religion , Charity is the Crown of Christianity , and Charity we know suffereth long , and is kind , and seeks its own establishment by means and methods the most like to it self . I must also tell you , that the Prayers to Saints and Angels became very offensive to me , having in all the Scriptures not one Precept , nor one Example to give countenance to any such custom . I am sure our Saviour invites weary and heavy laden sinners to come to him , Mat. 11. 28. And when I can come and have an access to the Throne of his Grace with boldness , I shall not think my self to stand in need of any other Spokesman ; if I can be free with my Prince , why should I trouble any Courtiers to present my Addresses . Besides , we have great reason to believe there is an incommunicable gulf between the glorified Saints and us , for the Scripture tells us , That Abraham knows us not , and Israel is ignorant of us , &c. I could also give large Narratives of their pious frauds , as they call them , by which they delude the people to fix them in their gross Errors and Superstitions . When I was made a Frier , a great number of people were present at the Solemnity ; I appeared in a spruce Garb , had there my Horse , my Sword and Pistols , and appeared with much Gayety and Splendour . The head of the Convent advised the People to take notice of my Pompous condition , and that I was willing to lay aside all those outward glories for St. Francis his sake , and accordingly I disrobed my self , and put on the mean Garments which belonged to the Order , and then made three Vows , of Obedience , Poverty , and Chastity : After that took one and twenty Oaths ; now in the Oaths I swore never to come on horseback , never to wear Shoes , to obey my Superiour in what ever he commanded me , without examining the lawfulness of his Commands , not to be ashamed to beg , never to be out of my Friers habit . But that which was a cause of a disgust at that time unto me was this : The Superiour tells me , that I must take my former Garments , that is , return in the same Posture I came , and go see my friends ; and though all these things were against my Oaths , yet he would absolve me from them . I must confess this seemed to me a strange cheat to the People , that he should tell them what self-denial I was guilty of in taking those Oaths , and yet he presently absolves me from them ; and this is the state of all the Irish Friars . And I may tell you what offence I took at those vain stories which they have of Miracles , and especially when I discovered their grand impostures therein : For about seven years ago a Priest , near the City of Limbrick , by name William Sarchwell , had for fifty shillings hired a Woman to pretend her self a Cripple from her birth , and that she had a Revelation that if she dipped her self in such a Well , whilst a Priest said Mass by the place , she should be recovered of her infirmity ; The plot thus laid , and accordingly executed , she comes halting to the Well , returns out of it perfectly cured , which became a Miracle to the people ; which did not only get the Contriver of the Cheat a vast sum of money , but also confirmed the people in their Superstition . But after some time the Counterfeit had some remorse of conscience , came to me to confession in order to absolution , which I would not grant till she had declared the whole story to the Congregation , which she did accordingly . It is well known the poor miserable people are mightily deluded by these Cheats . A Frier of great note and Zeal told me that he was at a Franciscan Convent beyond the Seas , where was the Image of the blessed Virgin , made with a Scrue in the head thereof , where they put in some water , and having a string that came undiscerned to a place where the Friers stood ( and when they thought the people had brought a good Offering ) then by the help of that string they could unloose the Scrue , by which the blessed Virgin seemed to weep , and this was one of their Miracles . Indeed the Relator ( though a Friar ) said it was a great scandal to him , and accordingly complained to the General of the Order , but his answer was , should he make a reformation in that particular that Convent should starve . It is said , that the Monks of a certain Convent had put the like fallacy upon St. Bernard himself , who when he came into their Church had prepared an instrument to carry a voice to the Image of the blessed Virgin , who when he came into the Church saluted him with a Salve Bernarde ; but he , apprehensive of the cheat , gave no other return to the complement than this : It is a shame for a woman to speak in the Church . But of all their fine stories commend me to this new Miracle they talk of for the confirmation of Transubstantiation , the Story is this : They say , that in a certain place within the King of Spains Dominions , that as the Sacrament of the Mass was celebrated that all the perfect Effigies and proportion of a man rose out of the Host , but when the people came too near , that they might plainly see the Miracle , he vanished away , therefore for ever hereafter it must be horrid Blasphemy to deny Transubstantiation shall be hardly guilty of so much Vanity as to make any replication to such a ridiculous story , only let it be no offence to tell you what a remark a facetious person made to the Rélator of it : You suppose , saith he , that it was Christ himself that appeared , and it seems that upon the approach of the people he vanished a way , which is the only circumstance to make the story credible , for he might suppose the people were come to eat him , and so he vanished . Upon these considerations , and reasons , and others , more than I have now time to mention , I renounce here in the presence of God and this great Assembly my former Popish ways , and withal I declare my self a Protestant ; and that you may believe me a true Protestant , I do further declare , that I am a Protestant according to the Church of England , as it is here by Law established ; And I must further declare before the Searcher of all hearts , that I speak none of these things either out of malice or prejudice , nor for any sinister end or corrupt design whatsoever , but that Gods name may be glorified , his truth cleared , and my Brethren edified , and that my own Soul may be eternally saved . But will it not be enquired by some , Whether I be not gone from Popery to Popery , that is , unto the same Church , though of another Denomination , it being objected , that the Constitutions of this Church are framed out of Popery , and the Common Prayer Book compiled out of the Mass-Book ? I answer , The Devil hath many devices to carry on his own interest , and the Papists do contrive many Engines to distract Protestants ; and I look upon this Objection to be hammered in their Forge to make us worry one another , and to break our Communion . But to give a full answer to the objection , let me tell you , that I think I understand the Mass-Book better than any here , and can assure you the Argument is vain and unworthy : My reason follows , first all is not Popery that is in the Mass-book , there are several particulars of the Primitive Litturgy that is not Popery : There are several places taken out of the holy Bible , neither is that Popery . Secondly , there are several other good things in the Mass-book , and if it were not so the Cheat would be evident to every Eye . You know the Devil could tempt our Saviour in Scripture language , shall we therefore expunge these Scriptures because the Devil used them ? He transforms himself sometimes into an Angel of light , yet that makes him no less a Devil , though harder to be discovered . The reformation quarrels not with the Church of Rome for any thing that is good , but what is really bad ; We differ not from Rome in any thing but wherein she hath differed from her self , so the Schism is in Rome , not here : and from very good grounds I am apt to believe that Rome hath altered almost as much in her Religion as in her Language ; for you may as well say that the Italian is the ancient Language of Rome , as the present Court of Rome is the ancient Church of Rome . The Church is compared to a Spouse , the Pope hath put her in a Fools coat , and besmeared her face with filth and nastiness . The Reformation washeth her face , and takes from her her ridiculous garments , but meddles not with her Essentials , nor any thing else but what is an apparent scandal : But I know not how to represent the condition of our Church at the time of the Reformation better than by comparing it to a house infected with the Plague ; The Charity and Wisdom of Authority orders this house to be cleansed by burning all the infected Rags , but the Pewter , Brass , or Iron , and other goods not capable of any infection still abide to the use of the house . What remains of the comparison I leave to your own meditation to illustrate . I have only this to say , That as the Papists have attempted my life , I must conclude that they will traduce my name , and bespatter my reputation , but I hope your Charity will relieve me ; and for my own part , with the Almighties assistance , I will be cautious that my life scandalize not my Profession , that from thence the Enemies of the Lord may have no cause to blaspheme . I hope you will joyn with me in giving to the God of my mercies all honour and praise , the just Tribute of all created beings , henceforth and for evermore . AMEN . A true Narrative of some of the Actions and Speeches of several Papists in Ireland , since his Majesties Declaration of Indulgence , published in that Kingdome , whereby does appear the great disadvantages and hazards such persons as are converted from Popery to the Protestant Religion , must of necessity expose themselves to : By me , Anthony Egan , now Minister of the Gospel , late a Franciscan Fryer , and Guardian of the Friery of Monasterioris , in the Kings County , in the Province of Leinster , Confessor general throughout the said Kingdom , and Chaplain to several persons of quality of the Popish Religion there . BY the Providence of God , I was Converted to the Protestant Religion about two years since , at which time I obtained from the succeeding Guardian of the Friery , whereof I was formerly Guardian ( a Guardian being used to be Elected every three years ) a Testimonial of my good behaviour before I declared my self in publick to be Converted After my Conversion , I applied my self to the Lord Bishop of Clonfeart , who gave me a Curates place in Loughreah , with some other preferment in the County of Galloway , worth about 80 l. per annum , where I , shortly after , in using my Function in the Church , was shot at by one Thomas Tressey , a Papist , Inhabitant of that place , but not wounded , for which he was afterward bound to his good behaviour , by the said Bishop ; after which , the Papists , there , did several times threaten me with death : whereupon , for preservation of my Life , I was forced to retire into Lymerick , whereby I lost such preferment as the said Bishop had bestowed upon me : But before I went from Loughreagh , several of the Papists Priests , and others , living thereabouts , which I am ready to name , and do hereby Accuse , did publiquely report that his Majesty , his Royal Highness , and all the Nobility & Gentry of the Kingdome of England , were privately of their Religion , which they used as an Argument to make me fall back again to Popery . After my coming to Lymerick , I being appointed to Preach an Anniversary Sermon in Detestation of the late Rebellion there , several Popish Priests , and others , came to hear me ; and after Sermon ended , as I was going from Supper , assaulted me in the Night-time , and endeavoured to kill me , but by the providence of God , I defended my self , and escaped unhurt . After that , I came to Youghall about Christmas last , where one of the Papists there , did report in the hearing of Credible Witnesses , that he should think himself very happy if he could have opportunity to kill me , though he should be hanged for it immediately , for which the said Papist was by the Mayor committed to prison . After which , to save my life , I was forced to go to Dublin , and being recommended by the Earl of Orrary to the Arch-Bishop of Dublin , and Lord Chancellor of Ireland , I had Authority , and did preach as well in the Cathedrals as other Churches there ; and as often as I preached , was assaulted in the Streets by a Rabble of Papists of that Citty : in one of which Assaults , my Man was wounded , and I hardly escaped their Fury ; whereupon my Lord Lieutenant of Ireland gave me his Protection ; notwithstanding which , I was persecuted and assaulted as much as before , in so much that I was forced for safeguard of my Life , to come for England , to my great discouragement , and the discouragement of all such that are Protestants of that Kingdome , and others that would be so , were they not held to their Superstition , for fear of losing their Lives by the fury and rage of the Papists there . During my abode in Ireland , since my Conversion , I was instrumental in Converting several Priests and others to the Protestant Religion , and without doubt , many more would have been turned from the Romish Church , had they not been affrighted by the rigour and fury of the Papists there against me , and others ; one whereof being Guardian of a Friery , and after some Correspondence with me , had inclination to become a Protestant ; whereof , Talbot , that goes by the name of Arch Bishop of Dublin , understanding , Excommunicated him , and the whole Inhabitants of two Parishes procured a Warrant from the Lord Dungan , who is a Papist ; and made a Justice since the Indulgence , to take the said Guardian or Prior , who being brought before him , he caused him to be laid in Irons , and committed to a Dungeon , where he remained till complaint was made to the Counsel of Ireland ; whereupon the Councel dispatched Sir Henry Ingoldsby to know the truth thereof , with a Habeas Corpus for his Removal , who found him in the Condition before related , and committed for High Treason , as appeared by his Mittimus , whereby he could not be removed ; but all the said Sir Henry Ingoldsby could do , by being bound for his true Imprisonment , was , to procure him the liberty of the Town , and a Tollerable Roome to Lodg in , till he should be delivered by due course of Law. All which I am ready to prove , not only of my own knowledg , but also by the Testimony of several persons of Quality ; some whereof are now in this Kingdome : and many other things of like nature , which to avoyd prolixity , I now omit ; but if desired , will shew the particulars . By the Lord Lieutenant General , and General Governour of Ireland . ESSEX . WHereas we are informed , that Anthony Egan Clerk , the last Sabbath day , and several other times , hath been Assaulted , abused and disturbed in the Street , and other places , by Boys , and other disorderly , loose , and idle persons , to his great discouragement in the performance of his Function , and contrary to his Majesties Lawes , and all good Order & Government : For prevention of the like disorders in the future , We do hereby , strictly Charge , Require , and Command all Magistrates , Justices of the Peace , Sheriffs , and their Officers , Constables , and all other his Majesties Officers and loving Subjects whomsoever , not only to permit the said Anthony Egan , and his Servant , quietly and peaceably to pass from place to place , as they , or either of them shall have occasion , within this City and Suburbs , or elsewhere , in this Kingdom ; but in case they , or either of them , shall hereafter be Assaulted , Abused , or Disturbed , or any manner of Violence or Injury offered unto them , or either of them , openly , or privately , ( they behaving themselves civilly , as becometh Loyal Subjects ) to take , apprehend , and secure all such person or persons of what age , condition , or sort soever they are , that shall be found offending , as aforesaid , in any kind , and carry them before the Lord Mayor of this City , or the next Justice of the Peace , to the place where they shall be taken to be punished according to Law : Given at his Majesties Castle in Dublin , the 4th . day of February , 1672. Henry Forde . This following Commendatory was given to the Author by his Superior , a little before he was Converted to the Church of England . TEnore praesentium licentiam concedo fratri patri Antonio Egano nostri instituti confessario eundi ad Commitatum de Clare circa quaedam negotio per agenda , nobis nota quibus finitis , sicut ipsi videbitur expediens , revertatur praecipue commendo praefatum Antonium omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos contigerit in via , ut , benigne charitative illum tanquam verum obedientiae filium recipiant . 15. March. 1670. Frater Carolus Mack Carty Guardianus . 
A35564	----	To J.S., the author of Sure-footing, his letter, lately published, The answer of Mer. Casaubon, D.D., concerning the new way of infallibility lately devised to uphold the Roman cause, the Holy Scriptures, antient fathers and councills laid aside Casaubon, Meric, 1599-1671. 1665 Approx. 68 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35564 Wing C811 ESTC R3910 13677198 ocm 13677198 101247 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35564) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101247) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 841:25) To J.S., the author of Sure-footing, his letter, lately published, The answer of Mer. Casaubon, D.D., concerning the new way of infallibility lately devised to uphold the Roman cause, the Holy Scriptures, antient fathers and councills laid aside Casaubon, Meric, 1599-1671. [4], 24 p. Printed for Timothy Garthwait ..., London : 1665. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. -- Sure-footing in Christianity. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2005-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion IMPRIMATUR , May 29 , 1665. John Hall , R. P. D. Epis . Lond. á Sac. Domest . To J. S. ( the Author of Sure-Footing ) his Letter , lately Published : THE ANSWER OF MER. CASAUBON , D. D. Concerning The New way of INFALLIBILITY , lately devised to uphold the Roman Cause : The Holy Scriptures , Antient Fathers , and Councills laid aside . LONDON . Printed for Timothy Garthwait , at the Kings-head in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1665. SIR , I Have by the help of a Friend , lately received your Letter to me , which you have published with some other pieces of yours . Had I apprehended any difficulty in the business , I could have found an excuse , from my present indisposition of body , which hath been upon me this long time . But I think I shall not need much Study , to answer you ; this Letter , I mean. I will not insist upon personal things , which do not at all concern the cause it self , no further than civility doth oblige me . First , you challenge me ( so I understand you ) of somekind of breach of friendship . A great crime , I shall acknowledge it , if truly guilty . But the truth is : Now that you have put me in mind by those circumstances you mention , I remember well , when Bp. Morton ( of Reverend and Blessed memory ) lived in Durham-house , ( which was at the beginning of the late Troubles ) there was a civil Gentleman in the House , ( whether in the quality of Chaplain , or Secretary , I do not remember ) with whom I did walk some time : but what our communication was , about Religion , or any thing else , I can give no account . It should seem by your Letter , you are the Gentleman . But whether this may be called Acquaintance , or Friendship , I know not . For since that time ( so many years ago ) I never heard of you , that I remember : neither did I think my self by any Law of friendship ( such as this ) obliged to inquire . If your memory of me , and my name , hath been more tenacious ; I wish you much good of it : I have often grieved , that mine is no better . If it were your kindness , to think of me , when I did not of you ; I am beholding to you for it . But how I should know , 20 years after , that S. W. the Author of SCHISM DISPATCHT ( now turned into I. S. in Sure Footing , &c. which I prosess I do not understand : ) was the party whom I had seen in Durham-house , especially after so much trouble of body , and mind , which those times did occasion , I will leave it to your further consideration , I protest to you seriously , that neither by any information I have had from any body else ; nor by any suspition of mine ; I never had the least thought of any such thing . Before I enter into the cause ; I will make an end of this business , of our acquaintance . You charge me at the end of your Letter , that I was accessory to your change . Truly Sir , because I acknowledge we did talke together , but can give no account of particulars , in any thing that I think , ( as my mind and my apprehension of things then was ; which I remember very well : ) could possibly proceed from me ; so far I may and will , in civility believe you : But to believe that I said any thing to you , wittingly and willingly , which I knew to be false and fictitious , contrary to my sense and judgement ; and this too , to no end at all , that is , without any provocation , or inducement , but to do my self hunt ; when , for ought I knew , what I said to you , might probably come to the knowledge of that Reverend Prelate , a zealous Protestant , and who entirely loved me ; you must pardon me , Sir , if I believe you not in this , but absolutely deny it , and offer my self to take my oath to the contrary . But because I am not willing to believe , that you willfully devise , but rather , that your memory hath deceived you ; I will see what I can do to help you . First then you say , I told you , They were mad , who read the antient Fathers , and saw not , that they meant Christ was as really in the Sacrament , as in Heaven . I remember it was once , by a Jesuite , laid to my Fathers charge publikely ; that he should write somewhere , in the margin of a book written by a learned Protestant , where he treateth of the Eucharist : Omittamus Patres : nam corum authoritate velle uti ad nostram sententiam confirmandam , est exquisitissimo genere insanioe insanire . Though the words might be justified ( being written hastily too ) if by nostram sententiam , we understand them , who make a meer figure of the Sacrament . Yet I shall not need to fly to that ; in case it be granted , these words were written by my Father . For there was a time , ( and I have acknowledged it , in a book dedicated to King James , that learned and religious King , above 40 years ago : ) when my Father , who then followed other studies , was very much set upon by Cardinal Perron in matters of Religion : neither could he avoid it , because it was by order from the King. What opinion you , or any others now , have of the Cardinal , I know not : but he was then generally accounted the greatest Wit , and most Eloquent man of his time . And I can shew , how at that time my Father did write many things from his mouth , ( so expresly acknowledged by him ) for his remembrance ; which afterwards , upon further perusal and consideration , himself , in the same paper , condemned and consuted . I have at this time by me , a very considerable Collection of such Notes ; and had them when I answered the Jesuite . No wonder then , if he had written such words at that time ; who afterwards , at more leisure , took infinite pains to satisfie himself about that matter , having examined all the Testimonies of Antient Fathers , and Records of all Ages , of that Argument , with great accuracy ; which Work of his had been published soon after his Exercitations , if he had lived . No wonder then , I say . However , I had no reason to believe it then , upon his report , whom ( the Jesuite , I mean , before spoken of ) in other things I had found very bold , and partial ; to say no more . But afterwards , it was my luck in the King ( now Charles the Second our Gracious Lord and Soveraign ) his Library , at St. James's , ( where for ought I know it is still ) to light upon the book , and I do acknowledge , I found the words there . Now the thing being in a manner publick already , though not , perchance , so publickly known ; it is possible I might say somewhat of it to you , ( the word , mad , makes me think I did ) who , probably , being before resolved , were willing upon very little ground , as I conceive , to make some advantage of it . And how much less , I pray , as to the matter of the Eucharist , doth Calvin himself say , in that passage by me produced in the book you mention ; Substantiam vcri corports & sanguinis Jesu Christi utì ex utero Virginis illam semel accepit , Proesentem esse in cana tam sidelibus , quàm infidelibus , which passage is out of his Epistles ? But many other , to the same purpose , may be collected out of his other works , as that , Idem Corpus , quod passum est pro nobis : and , Substantia Christi , manentis in coelig ; lo , arcanâ vi nobis communicatur : and the like . So that you have no reason to except against Calvins interpretation of the reality , except you deny God that power , ( for Calvin makes it a great Miracle ) to exhibit the body and blood of Christ , truly and really ; and yet spiritually which , I think , is not more incredible ; than a corporeal presence , and yet invisible . Sure I am , and can shew it under his hand in more then one place ; my Father was well pleased with Calvins Doctrine , in this point . Judge you therefore , how likely it is , I should tell you , your second objection ) that either Father or Grand-father , did hear Calvin say , He would willingly cut off one of his fingers , on condition he had never written what he had written , concerning that Sacrament , or that kind of Reality . But what say you , if I can help you in this also ? I am very confident I can . For this I can shew you , or any body else , written with my Father 's own hand ; that a Person of Credit and Integrity , as he believed , and one that had been very intimate with Mr. Calvin , had heard him say , Dolere sibi vehementissimè , quod usus exhibendoelig ; Eucharistioelig ; morientibus esset sublatus . Et affirmabat ( idem ) semel audivisse Calvinum , orto super eâre sermone , dicentem , Optare se ut sibi unus è manu digitus esset proelig ; cisus et ille usus esset restitutus ; sed se reverentiâ earum Ecclesiarum , quoelig ; usum bunc damnant , impedirl , quò minus de eo restitaendo cogitaret . Here , you see , Calvin doth profess his grief , wishes one of the fingers of his hand cut off , on a condition : gives a reason , why he cannot help it : All this , you have . Your mistake is about the Subject : you say , reality ; which was , according to the true Relation , the denying of the Sacrament to dying persons . Sir , you see how willing I am to save you from suspition of wilful falshood . For otherwise I might have thought it enough absolutely to deny , what you lay to my charge . I might have done it with a good Conscience ; and I think my negative , with impartial judges , would have carried as much shew of probability as your affirmative . The matter of friendship and private talk answered ; your next charge is , that I have shewed my self an absolute stranger to Science ; and withal very uncivilly injurious , without any need or provocation . First , an absolute stranger to Science ( if I mistake you not ) because I slight so much your way of infallibility , in matters of faith ; which you so much extoll , as grounded upon self-evidence , upon principles of reason and nature ; so demonstrable , that nothing in the world can be more . Then secondly , injuriously uncivill : in what ? First , in the harshness of the terms , whereby I express my Judgment : and secondly , in wrongfully , or standerously imposing upon you things , or words which you never wrote , you say . Now , sir , will you please , laying aside all passion , as I shall endeavour in this answer , to hear what I have to say my self : and it may be you will be of another Judgement . I will not tye my self to your order ; but as neer as I can , I will not leave any part of your charge unanswered . First then I say : Your book Schism Dispatcht , came to my hands from a learned Gentleman , who desired me to look upon it at leisure , intimating that it was much cryed up by some men of your side . He was pleased to give it me , and tied me to no time . At last , the time came ; I was at leisure . You may believe me , as you please : I shall onely desire , if you think it reasonable , that you will not judge till you have read all . I have naturally a great antipathy to Fanaticks and Fanatick opinions . I look upon them , as the great enemies of mankind ; that is , of true religion , and civil government . You know what this Kingdome hath lately suffered by them , and how neer it came to utter destruction . When I had read your opinion , of Orall Tradition , ( a thing , as you explain it , I had never met with , nor heard of before : ) upon which you would have us to ground our faith , and without which you acknowledge no right Christianity ; I profess I took you for either a right fanatick ; or one , who cunningly did endeavour to undermine all religion . But of the two , rather , I thought , a fanatick . Whether I had any just ground for such an opinion , or suspicion rather ; I shall by and by further satisfie you : in the mean time , think of me as you please . I could not but think the worse of you too , for handling that pious worthy man , against whom you write , so unhandsomely . An ingenuous man , would love worth : and a good Christian , piety even in an enemy . I know you give him some good words in your first Chapter : but in your Preface ; in you : book generally , and at the end of your book , where you pretend to reckon his faults ; truly , Sir , though confidence , I know , and high language goes a great way with them , that cannot judge ; and might be proper enough to your end ; such scorn , such petulancy , did not become you . These two considerations , without any particular grudge , or provocation ; made me , I confess , somewhat beyond my ordinary straine , or genius , to express my self , in delivering my judgement . I should now , in the next place , give you some reasons for my Judgment . But I will first see how I can acquit my self from imposing upon you , and mis-relating your words . Before I wrote , what I have written , ( where you are mentioned : ) I had read ( in part , for it is a great book , you know : ) Dr. Hammond his answer , intituled , The Dispatcher Dispatched . I supposed he had read you more at leisure , ( indeed I never did , but here and there by parcels : ) than I had done . Besides , I found some others , to whom you referr us , and from whom you profess to have learned ; mentioned by him ; and their words often quoted , and compared with yours . I had them not ; never saw them ; much less , read them . That he would or could mistake , or misrelate you ; or them ; so candid and judicious a man , as he was ; I had not the least suspicion . This made me less heedfull , whether I used your own words , precisely ; and in your own order , or method ; so as I set down nothing , but what was your sense and meaning ; clearly to be gathered from your own words . Sure I am , I intended it no otherwise ; and I am yet very confident , if I have laid no more to your charge , then Dr. Hammond hath done , to you and to those others , which concurr with you in the same opinion ; I have done you no wrong . For , as I take it ; the question is not , Whether you protest against your absurdities , sometimes ; and seem to disclaim them , in words : ( which is ordinary enough , to writors ; especially , when they have an uncouth opinion , or assertion , to make good : ) but , Whether you have positively declared your self , this , or this , to be your opinion ; and , Whether that be not the principal end , and scope of your Discourse , To maintain such an opinion . If therefore you take the advantage of any words , casually misplaced ; or of pages mis-quoted , to criminate : this is not to criminate , properly ; but to cavil . Give me leave therefore to remind you , ( for I profess I did partly rely upon him , and upon those grounds I have mentioned , I thought I had reason so to do : ) how he ( Dr. Hammond ) upon accurate examination of what you had written , and some others had written , doth represent your opinion : and it was some argument to me , that you did not think your self wronged by him , because I never heard of any answer that you had made . However , it shall be upon this condition , that if I cannot make good my charge to the full , from what you have written , and I have read , since ; I will make no advantage at all of his words . First then ; the main business , as I conceive ; what you mean by Orall tradition : Orall Tradition is that , ( faith Mr. White ; they are Doctor Hammonds words : ) which the mothers flatter into their children : and is the most sweet and connatural way that can be imagined , to beget a firm and undoubted assent : and this , ( faith Doctor Hammond , from you both ) if not exclusively ; yet , comparatively , so , as to carry it clearly from Scripture , and Fathers , which are but dead letters , and mute writing in comparison of this , which alone he looks on , as Gods living word . This then is your opinion . That all the assurance we have of our Faith , and the onely thing Christianity stands upon , is by this teaching of flattering mothers ; or in your words , of fathers and mothers of families . Dr. Hammond faith ; if not exclusively . But whatever you do in Schism Dispatcht : ( where nevertheless you plainly enough exclude Scripture and Fathers , as Dr. Hammond doth else where tell you : ) it is apparent , that in your Sure footing , you do very positively exclude both Scripture and Fathers : as when you say , There is no arguing against Tradition , out of Scripture : and that none canin reason oppose the authority of Fathers and Councils , against Tradition . Insomuch that you will not allow Christs promise to his Church , ( which both Protestants and Papists , if true Christians , have so much relied on , and found so much comfort in : ) to bear any part in the Rule of Faith : that is , ( what else you mean ; by Rule of Faith : I cannot tell ) to be trusted to , as certain and infallible without your Tradition : Nor allow us to say , that Tradition is certain , because Christ hath promised it ; no further than can be made good , or demonstrated by principles of nature , and such Mediums as you call intrinsecal . Of the Scriptures particularly , Dr. Hammond doth give us this account , that never any Romanist , Jew , Heathen , or Mahumetan , hath attempted the like against them , to bring their credit down ; as Rushworth hath done in his Dialogues , to establish this Oral Tradition , which you maintain . And if the same ( though truly I do not see what can be done more , by any ) be not done , or attempted by you : yet you are answerable for what is done by Rushworth in those Dialogues , because you refer to him , without any exception ; and that both are engaged in one cause , which doth oblige you , if not to say , yet to think no less . Another thing which doth much add to my wondring and indignation , is , the newness of your way : the consequences whereof is , that if this way have not been known to former ages till this late discovery , it must of necessity follow , ( and your Corollaries acknowledg it ) that Christ hath had no Church all this while : no people , or nation upon Earth , that could be called faithfull . You indeed , for the most part , cunningly hide , as much as you can , the monstrousness of your Doctrine , under the generall word of Tradition ; which you know both Papists , and Protestants , under several notions ; or in the same notion , with some limitations ; do own and acknowledge : though you still understand but one thing , by that word : that is , the teaching of flattering mothers , in every age . Of mothers , I say , and upon them , it seems , you most rely , because Dr. Hammond , who hath read all your books , doth most keep to those terms ; but , of Fathers and Mothers of Families , if you will , as you expresse it . So you tell us in a place , this way ( of Tradition ) is the way every Catholick in the whole Church , none excepted , holds and follows : your way therefore , not a new way : as if a man would prove , that a dogg is a man , because both dog and man , are Animals . All Romanists hold Tradition ; therefore they hold the Tradition of Fathers and Mothers ; that , and none but that , as the onely foundation of their faith : for so it must be understood , or else you say nothing . Now , by Mr. Whites account ( as I find in Dr. Hammond ) the first invention , or beginning of this , was in a sleight familiar conference ( afterwards exalted to no less , then Divine Revelation or Inspiration ; you shall know what I mean , by and by : ) which made Dr. Hammond say , that this Discovery of Mr. Whites , as it is the greatest blessing , the richest jewel ; so it is the greatest riddle and mystery in the world . And again to propose it to his Readers consideration , Whether it be credible , that so great a Jewel as this pretends to be , should be withheld from the Christian world for above 1600 years , and at last brought forth , not onely by one man that pretends not to inspiration , ( then he did not , it seems ) but also in a sleight familiar conference , between two Kinsmen . So that if Dr. Hammond , who made it his study , and had read all your Books , ( as was said before ) did not ignorantly mistake , or wilfully falsifie , as you charge me ; what can be more horrid , and monstious ? And then again , by your own Corollaries ; That body of men , who adhere to Tradition , ( Oral still , that is the teaching of Fathers and Mothers of Families : ) can evidence clearly and plainly , who are truly faithfull , who not , — who are of the Church , who not : pag 97 , 98. And again ; No company of men hang together like a body of a Christian Church , or Common-wealth , but that which adheres to Tradition : p. 99. By these Corollaries , I say , it is clear , and must of necessity follow , that till this way of Tradition was hatcht , ( whether new , or old ) Christ had no Church , no faithfull People in the World. As the Consequence of your Doctrine is horrible ; so the Doctrine it self , both at first hearing , and the more a man looks into it , ( if he have the patience ) with reason and judgment , no less prodigious , and incredible . The Doctrine of Faith , on which Gods Catholick Church is founded ; true Christianity , on which depends Eternity of bliss , or misery ; to be preserved in every Age , sound and entire ; and so conveighed from Age to Age ; by Fathers and Mothers of Families ? This , the way , and the onely way God hath appointed , and Mankind must trust unto ? It is far from my thoughts , in this short Answer to your Letter , to reason the case with you , by way of Confutation ; there be some about it , you tell me , who I hope will make you sensible , how miserably you are mistaken in your grounds . Give me leave onely to insist a while , on the monstrousness of your Opinion , as it doth appear unto me . You know the World is much amended generally , in point of knowledge , within these hundred , or two hundred years . Who hath not heard of that admirable or regeneration of Learning , by all kind of Writers , since , or about that time , so much extolled and magnified ? Let Pope Leo the X. who then was , and his Cardinals , have a great part ( under God ) of the thanks , if you will ; I am not against it : though by the aversness you shew frequently to Books and Learning , I doubt you will be more ready to curse , than to bless them for it . But durst you , even now , undertake , that every twentieth or fiftieth man , or woman generally , among you , is able to give an account of their Faith ? I will not say rational , but reasonable , so that they may deserve the name of sound Christians , in the main Fundamentals , wherein we , for the most part , agree ? England , I think , I may say , ( not to disparage others ) is furnished , and hath been these many years , with as able Ministers , as any Nation can boast of in Europe . I have been a Minister and Preacher here these Forty years , and above : I know what I have found , to my grief , in more places then one . We may thank the Puritans of England , if it be no better ; whose endeavour hath alwayes been in all places , to set up their Lectures , and Pulpit-Preaching , instead of Catechising ; whereas Three moneths right Catechising , will make more Christians , I am confident , then Forty years Pulpit-Preaching . Do not think , I pray , to take any advantage of this , and tell me , Though it be so among us Hereticks ; yet , you thank God , it is otherwise , among Catholicks , as you call your selves : For I could tell you strange things , from your own Writers , men who never were suspected , in the least degree , to favour Protestants ; concerning your Preachers ; what manner of men they are commonly : how able , or how carefull to discharge their duties . I will name but one to you , ( till you desire more ) Laurentius Villavineentius , Doct. Theol. De reite formando studio Theol. which Book ( though not that particular passage of Ministers ) he did almost verbatim transcribe out of Hipperius , a Protestant ; though otherwise , a virulent inveigher against Protestants , as any I have read . Read him there ; but especially , De sacris Concionibus formandis , Lib. I. c. 2. and I think you will say , you have your belly full . So now : Will you have a fight of former times , from unquestionable Records ? In the dayes of Alfrid , King of England , the ignorance of the Land was such generally , that himself complaineth in his Preface to Gregories Pastoral , Christianity was become an empty name , without any substance , or reality . And Asserius , one of his Masters , in his life , doth relate that it was a long time before he could read , because he could get none to teach him ; though he much desired it . Some six or sevenscore years before , when Cuthbert was Archbishop of Canterbury , and Ethelbald , King of the Mercit , or Middle-land Counties , a Synod was held at Clyff , by which it was ordained , that ( for the time to come ) All Priests should learn the Creed , and the Lord Prayer , that they might be able to teach them to others . So in England : How elsewhere ? In the dayes of Charles the Great , in France , there were so many ignorant Priests , that a Law , or Capitulum , was made for the rebaptization of such , as had not been baptized in the Name of the Father , the Son , ( a hard Lesson , it seems , for the Priests of those dayes ) and the Holy Ghost . Yet we deny not , but the worst dayes afforded some men of worth : but what the generality was , we may guess by these particulars . I have read a Book intituled , Fragmenta Caroli Magni , printed at Antwerp , A. D. 1560. in a place it treateth of the ancient manner , as the marginal Note doth import , of choosing Bishops . First he is chosen , à Clerosen Populo ; that is , by the Clergy , and the People , according to the language of those times : Then he is presented to the Apostolick : ( that is , the Pope ) for consecration . Then faith the Record , ( Pontifex jubet inquiri de quatuor Capitulis Canonicis ; ) Inquisition is made concerning the four Canonical Articles ; by which it seems , the capacity or incapacity of men , for such a degree , was wont in those days , chiefly , or in the first place , to be judged : The first is ; Whether he had not been Arsanoquita , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sodomite ? ) The second , Whether he had not lain with a Nun ? The third , with a Beast ? The fourth , Whether he had not married one , that had been married before ; or a Widow ? Et de his inculpabilis inventus , &c. and being found innocent in these , he further takes an Oath , he will be so for the time to come . Some few more questions being asked , ( among which I find none , except it be included in Dimissoria ab Episcopo ; concerning his sufficiency , in point of Learning : ) he is consecrated the next day . I could tell you of Italy , and other places . But , by this , I hope , you will give me leave to ask you ; What you think of the Fathers and Mothers of Families , of those times ; in what a capacity they may probably be supposed to have been , to preserve and transmit sound Christianity , without any further helps of written Word , or Record , unto posterity ? Ordinary Romanists , I know , when they are put to it , about the Popes Infallibility ; they fly to Christ his Promise , and peculiar Providence : which is a good plea , could they prove by Scripture , or true Tradition , ( that is , the consent of Primitive Fathers ) that such infallibility was ever promised by Christ , unto the Pope : Which to say , your friend , and Master ( as I find him stiled , in Dr. Hammond ) Mr. White , doth resolve to be Heretical ; yea , archiheretical ; where , Dr. Hammond will tell you , p. 263. for I have not the Book . But a plausible plea , however , I say , as it pretends to ground upon Christs Promise , but not your plea , because you disclaim Christs Promise , and all plea of a peculiar Providence , as a principle to be grounded upon : Is not the Church of Rome much beholding to you ? One thing I must grant to you , that your way , though few Romanists , I think , will acknowledge it their way ; is no new way , absolutely . For it was indeed the Heathens way , as is objected unto them by ancient Fathers ; which they made use of , to uphold their Heathenism , against Christianity : and what those Ancient Fathers thought of that way , you may read in them , or may be told by others , in due time . It was also the very way the infidel Jews used , as by others hath been observed , by which they endeavour , to this day , to just fie their infidelity . I cannot say , it is the way of the Mahametans , as yet : they have somewhat else to plead for themselves ; Success , and Multitude . But this I can say , whenever it shall please the Mahumetans to make use of this way , who now can plead above a thousand years Oral Tradition ; you leave us no way how to deal with them ; how to confute them . And have not you well deserved of Christianity ? But again ; do not we see that a great part of the Christian world , ( the greater part I may say , if you allow them not Christians , who are not under the Pope ; ) where once Christianity flourished , hath already failed , notwithstanding Tradition ? Those flourishing Churches of Asia ; of Africa ; those Apostolical Sees ; where are they What security have you from principles of Nature , which you onely allow of ; that the same may not befall these Churches also , supernatural pleas of Divine Promise , or Providence , being laid aside , as you would have them ? Sir , be not offended , I pray , with my plain dealing . I have no desire to anger you . What I thought of your Opinion before , I have told you . But since the reading of your Sure footing ; what I did but suspect , before ; seems now to me , very apparent and visible . First , I consider your language , such as this , for example : [ Seeing by this time , that my Discourse , by stooping from my first principles , while I applied them to my business , seem'd immerst in matter ; and by the blunder of many more and more particular Terms , then were in the meer Principle , forcibly taken in , began to look with a contingent Face ; ( though indeed I still perch'd upon the specifical nature of things , and so never flagg'd below the sphere of science , ) therefore , &c. ] Then secondly , your Confidence , as though , if your opinion should not prove true , the whole course of Nature were in danger to be turned back , and the Elements to return to their original Chaos : for to this purpose , you often express your self . And then : I fear not the gates of Hell ; ( for which you choose rather to trust to the strength of your own wit ; than to Christs Promise : ) and , Hence I set TRADITION on her Throne ; and the like . Thirdly and lastly , your Science , certain sense , self-evidence , intrinsecal mediums , connexion of causes , demonstration , principles of Nature , and the like ; which you inculcate in every page , as though science and demonstration were meat and drink and sleep to you , and you lived by nothing else ; Whereas ( let me be accounted mad , I am willing , if it be not true : ) all that you ground upon ; your principles ; ( as you apply them : ) your reasons , your consequences , are so ridiculous , and childish , and senseless , that a man may with as much probability undertake to reduce all Story , all Truth , all Religion , to Esops Fables ; as to reconcile your Doctrine to Sense and Reason . Believe me , Sir , these be shrewd Arguments of a distemper , which is not ordinary . I could tell you of pregnant instances , but I doubt you would not thank me . But above all things , Mr. White , ( whose Scholar you have acknowledged your self . Dr. Hammond doth tell me , in this new Device ; ) let his case awaken you , and make you ( if it be not too late ) sensible of yours . It cannot be unknown to you , I believe : but because this Answer , ( as your Letter ) may come to the hands of others , who know it not ; give me leave to set it down here . This good man then , ( a rational man otherwise , it cannot be denied : what he hath written against Apparitions , and false Miracles , not to speak of his other Works , which I have not seen ; shew him to be so : ) being , it seems , highly conceited of his parts and performancess , fell into a conceit , That God himself , by immediate inspiration , had inspired him in all he had written ; of Religion , especially : and moreover , that God , to the end all men should know and believe he was indeed inspired , and by what they now saw , might judge of his other Works by him published ; had wrought a great miracle ( upon himself ) visible and apparent , able to satisfie any rational man. I say miracle . Yet true it is , and I must take notice of it , lest I hear of it afterwards , as a Calumniator ; that Mr. White , where he doth begin his story , to prevent somewhat , which he cunningly foresaw , might be objected ; doth say somewhat , to decline the presumption of a miracle , as not so proper in this business ; but , how agreeably to the rest of his tale , and to his conclusion , Quod superest , tibi consule , & ostentum à coelo ad te delapsum , ne contemnito ; let the indifferent Reader judge . Now the miracle , ( or ostentum , which you will : ) as himself relates it . is ; That whereas , neither by Books , nor by Masters , he never had applied himself to the study of Geometry , so as to think himself , or to be accounted by others , a man of skill in the Art of Science : God , on a sudden , had made him a perfect Mathematician : so perfect a Mathematician , that he took upon him to resolve greatest doubts in that Art , which had posed the wits of greatest Mathematicians in all Ages ; as particularly , the Quadratura Circuli . With what success , I will not take upon me to judge : but one of his own profession , in point of Religion , hath told him and others ; in an Answer , titled , Querela Geometrie : who , pag. 40 , 41. doth conclude in these words : That , whereas Mr. White aimed to be accounted a person , whom Almighty God particularly designed to use as his instrument , for the governing of his Church , in this present conjuncture ; and to this effect , to have received great light , and infused knowledge from him ; ( as we heard him speak in his Preface : ) he hath now given such a Character of himself , that it is impossible any man should be so simple , &c. Who also , for the Readers further satisfaction , hath reprinted Mr. Whites whole Preface to his Book , titled , Tutela Geometrica ; both in Latin , at it was written , and in English , translated by himself ; where the Reader , if he please , may find such expressions of deepest Enthusiasm , or Infatuation ; as can scarce be parallelled out of any Book , now extant , and written by a Christian ; that I can , at this present , call to mind . Of any Book , I mean , written and published by the Author , or Enthusiast himself . For otherwise , stories of Enthusiasts , their high language , great brags , and confidence ; yea actions , and deportment , suitable to their words , even unto death ; we have good store . Whether Mr. White , since that , become to himself again ; ( as to this particular , I mean. For a man may be out of reason ; out of his witts , I will not say ; in some one particular , through much intention : who yet in other things , may be very sober and rational : it is a known case among Physicians : ) or indeed , whether alive or dead , I know not ; you do , I suppose . Me thinks this example should be a warning to you , to make you sensible of your case ; more then those great Wits , you so often tell us of , ( who perchance look upon you , as a crazy man , and think it Charity not to offend you : ) their applause , to confirm you in your distemper . If I had so much interest in you , as some have ; I know what advice I would give you : if , that mentis gratissimus error , ( as the Poet expresses it ) which ordinarily doth accompany such distempers , have not taken too deep root . To tell you truth ; that whole passage of yours in your Letter of Advice to your Answerer , p. 14. I easily yeeld to those great discoursers , &c. I do not like . Your language is modest enough , were it in another cause : but in such a cause as this , ( your opinion , I mean : ) such study , such sedulity , yea such zeal , as you there mention ; must needs do you great wrong . Sir , the worst I wish you , is , that , you may be sensible of your case , before it be too late : and the best I can wish to our cause ; were it lawfull , or charitable , to wish hurt unto any , that good may come of it ; is , that all Romanists , who meddle with Controversies , were of your mind and opinion ; which I make no question , but all men truly rational , on either side , would look upon , as the ultimus conatus , ( a pittifull one , God knowes ) of a dying Cause : as to reason , I mean , and good authority , either of Scripture or of Ancient Fathers . Now I come to particulars , in the order I find them . Infallibility you say ( the Popes personal Infallibility ) is not the thing you build upon : and therefore not very sollicitous , what becomes of it . You do not , it may be ; and Mr. Whyte doth not : but others of your profession , both for number and account , incomparably the greater part , ( who perchance will think I do them wrong , to call you a part : ) tell us otherwise , and make it their chiefest Article . Of this , somewhat hath been said by me , in my late booke ; and it is the opinion of divers others , Papists and Pretestants , that it is the main point , or Controversie : till you have disproved this , I need to say no more . Now if you , and Mr. Whyte , and some more , whom you think considerable , or a considerable partie , be of another opinion ; and think it Heretical , or Archiheretical , to maintain the contrary ; what occasion you Romanists have to boast of your good agreement , who are of such different beliefe , in main fundamentals ; I leave to you to consider . But was not this a sufficient ground ( which you call my mistake ) since you dispaired , and gave over this , which others of your company , built so much upon ; to make you , ( since you would not be so ingenuous , or had not so much light yet , as to acknowledg your error , and return to us ) to make you look about , I say , to find somewhat else , that you might build so many strange practises , and opinions of your Church upon ; for which you know , and partly acknowledge , you have no ground at all , or at least , not sufficient ground , either in Scripture , or what we call Tradition ; that is , the consent of Ancient Fathers ? I say no more . In the next place , you endavour to countenance your new way though not under the notion of new ) by the temper of the times , which hath produced so many attempting witts . Truly , Sir , it cannot be denyed , but your opinion or way , hath much of the temper of the times ; be it spoken without any disparagement , or disrespect , to any of reall worth ; whether you call them Witts , or otherwise . Not to speak of England , lest I may be thought , to aime at any , particularly ; you cannot but know , by report , and by books , that in some places beyond the Seas , there is a sect of men , who take upon them to be the onely Witts of the World , and glory in that title ; whose chiesest Witt is , to make a mock of all Religion , and to scoff at the Scriptures : which the dullest Complexions , if they make it their study , are very capable of ; and indeed , rather deserve the name of Boufons ( some , naturally have a faculty that way , who are good for little else ) then Wits . You might better have forborn that word , ( which you often use ) when you tell us of men of real worth . I am not so addicted to old things , though you make me so ; but I can embrace new , with thanks and congratulation , when I shall see just cause . Their attempt , or project , I profess , I do not like , who to make themselves the more admired , trample over all , that former ages , which produced so many excellent wits , had in great respect , and esteem , under the notion of Learning , or Science . However , though some innovation in matter of humane Learning , or Science , may be born ; yet in such a fundamental of Religion , as you make your way to be ; no man truly sensible of Religion , but will abhorr it . It is the ready way to no Religion at all ; or , to any ; and you know many account them the onely Witts shall I say , or wise men of the world , that are of that temper . I will not say , it is your end ; but that it will be the effect of your new way ( give me leave to call it , as I find it : ) should it prevail , ( which God forbid ) I have much reason to believe . As for the rest , that you object ; I have said it before , but I must repeat it : You play the Sophister too grosly , and abuse your Reader shamefully , when you tell us , Your way is not new , because the ancients of Vincentius Lirinensis , I have given you a particular account ; I wonder you would name him : ) maintain Tradition . There is as much difference between that Tradition , which they maintain , and that which you do ; as there is between a brute , and a man , though both be animalia . Neither will that help you ; to say they maintain ( some may speak so ) Tradition , unwritten ; therefore , oral For it may be so called , in regard of the first original , or Authors ; though , since that , recorded , and attested by multiplicity of Authors . And though there were no such attestation extant , ( which cannot be said of true Tradition ) yet still you are as much to seek , to bring it to Fathers and Mothers of Families in your sense , which seem confident , never came into any mans mind , till you , or Mr. Whyte dreamed it : of all other inventions , in this kind , the most ridiculous , I ever heard of . So much of mistake , laid to my charge . Now to the injuries you complain of . The first is , That I confess my selt a stranger to Rushworths Dialogues ; and that I make some doubt whether Schisme Dispatcht , and Rushworths Dialogues , might not be of one Author , though under two names . Your descant upon this , is , my genius doth not incline me to trade in books , that pretend to reason . You do pretend , indeed , and so do most in your case , with as much , or more confidence , ( ordinarily : ) though the matter appear never so ridiculous to others , and false ; as the most rational , in best causes . As in our English story , he that could not confirm his new Revelations by miracles , ( Mr. White 's miracle , it seems , you do not much trust to : ) endeavoured to do it , by strong asseverations , and from thence proceeded to Oaths and Execrations , against himself , if it were not true : &c. so D. Hammond tells you , you know where . You are not come to Oaths and Execrations , I am glad of it : for then we should be forced to stop our eares : instead of them , we hear of strong asseverations , of principles of nature ; and connexion of causes . and demonstrations : these we may hear , and laugh . The Doctor , it seems , by this application , began to suspect somewhat , which I do more then suspect . But I believe had he seen your Sure footing , and these pretty Corollaries ; he had never taken so much pains to consute you , as he hath done . But he also I perceive made some question , whether Rushworths Dialogues , the Apology , and the Dispatcher , were three , or one . The next injury ; I charge you , you make nothing of , and disclaim the testimonies of Popes , and Prelates , &c. I say so ; you say , you do not ; in that very page , it may be ; but all that you have written , doth tend unto this , and you do it eminently , in your Corollaries , page 100 , 101. Still provided , that Tradition be taken in your sense , for orall tradition , ( that is , the instruction and catechising of fathers and mothers of families ) in opposition to written . And so you explain your self , Schism Disp . p. 47. To Stop the way against the voluntary mistakes of mine adversaries , I declare my self to speak here , not of written tradition , to be sought for in the Scriptures and Fathers , which lyes open to so many cavills and exceptions ; but of orall tradition . All the rest of your accusation , is but words , and impertinencies ; which I will not spend time upon . To this may the third also , ( which you call injurie ) be referred ; That I charge you , you slight Scriptures , Fathers , and Councils as and call them in scorn , wordish testimonies . It is not your bare professing , you respect and honour them , in such and such a sense , that will serve the turn . The greatest Rebell in the world may tell his King , he doth honour him ; as he is a Man , perchance ; Gods creature , made after his Image , &c. when he hath a knife in his hand , to stab and murder him , as a King. So you deal with the Scripture , you cast upon it all the dirt and scorn you can ; as Scripture , in general : you call it , a dead dumb letter ( what do you think of the Author in the mean time ? ) you make it to be of no use at all , as to the rule of faith , or deciding of controversies of religion . But if fathers and mothers of families tell you ; that understood ( in points of faith ) in this and that sence , it is good Scripture , and the word of God ; then it shall be Scripture with you , and not till then . As for other uses , which godly people might make of them ( so highly recommended unto all people by the Ancients , upon that score : ) those uses you take away also , whilst you forbid them to read them . But this , you will say , doth not concern Oral Tradition , properly : in so doing , you do no more , then other Papists . But then I must tell you , it doth not a little aggravate the case , that flattering mothers should be trusted by you for the conveyance of faith and Religion ( sound and sincere ) and the true sence of Scripture , ( in things controverted ) to posterity and so many brought up to learning , and so much more rational and intell gent , not allowed ( where the Inquisition reigneth , especially : ) the use of them , for fear they turn hereticks . Before I proceed ; you charge me , I call ordinary Citations , testimonies , though many citations have nothing in them of a testimony . True ; but he that cites , commonly , doth intend his citation , as a confirmation of somewhat that he saith , and so it becomes a testimony , in a larger sence , as the word is commonly taken in Bellarmine , for example , and others , Testimonia Patrum ; any words of theirs , are so called though never intended for such by the authors ; nor attired in the formality of a testimony . I wonder you should stick at such a thing : but you may as wel ' wonder , I take notice of it . The fourth injury ; I say , the onely thing you place infallibility in , is Oral Tradition and the Testimonies of fathers of families . Have not you told us many times you admit of nothing , to have any part in the rule of faith but Oral Tradition ? Do not you upon that account , exclude Christs promise to his Church ? Do not you forbid your adversaries , to use dead testimonies , ( that is , Fathers and Councils : ) or some book granted to be sacred ? yea , elsewhere , expressly , any kind of testimony , either from Scripture , Councils , Fathers , or History ; except your Oral Tradition be first granted to you ; which granted , all testimonies become uselss ? Is not this your business every where , that tradition ( your tradition ) is the onely thing , against which nothing must be heard , and which onely gives credit unto all other things ; such credit , as they are capable of ? You would make a man hope sometimes , that you begin to be sensible of the absurdity of your doctrine , which makes you so often say , and unsay , and contradict your self . But I fear , it is not so well , but rather , that you are afraid to offend your party , and therefore write so variously and inconsistently . You say , you place infallibility in other things too , though you make that the greatest . Either you aquivocate in the word , Infallibility ; and abuse your Reader : or manifestly contradict your self , and overthrow your own grounds . But Popes , and Prelates , are masters of families also , you say , and therefore have a part , or bear a share in your Tradition . I could answer , that flattering mothers is the word in Dr. Hammonds reply all along , or most occurrent , not without ground , certainly : and in the very manner , or nature of this Tradition , as it is explained ; it is certain , they must be the greatest part , incomparably . But if we take in Fathers , as well as Mothers , ( which I suppose is your intention : ) then Popes and Prelates may come in , I will grant you ; but then it must be , in the most literal sense , as they are fathers of children , as well as other men , though they have no wives . For though he may be called Pater familias , I know , that keeps a house , though of servants onely : yet servants , men and women at large , are not for your purpose , as you explain the business of Tradition ; but such only , who were taught by their Fathers and Mothers , when Children : neither are others mentioned by you , that I remember . Yea most of your arguments , fall to the ground ; as natural affection , and the like ; if others be admitted , besides Children . If therefore you take in Popes and Prelates , as partners , or actors in your tradition : it must needs be , you presuppose , they have Children , all , or most . Which though it may be true enough ; yet whether they will take it well , at your hands , to acknowledg it so publickly , I know not . But all this granted ; yet it is but little , that you grant to Popes and Prelates . For you say , they are a part , and the eminentest members ; that , is somewhat : but you add , ( and indeed could not avoid it , by your grounds : ) pag. 333. in proportion to their number and what is that , among so many millions of other men ? The fifth Injury : I charge your way , or Doctrine , with many Chymerical suppositions , and impertinencies . I have said enough to this , which I shall not need to repeat . I shall onely add ; I understand by you , some body is appointed to answer you . You know what Dr. Hammond hath done already , whom I think you never answered . But by your Sure footing , first and second part , I perceive you , or rather indeed your disease , or delusion , hath made a great progress . If therefore it should so fall out , that you have been mis-informed , and your dreams are not thought so considerable as to deserve an answer ; pray for my life , and health , ( for it may do you good , and I look upon you still , as an ingenuous man , however this hath happened to you ; ) and I will promise you , very mathematically , and scientifically , ( as great an enemy as you take me to science ) to examine all your grounds ; and to make it appear clearly , to your self , if possible ; but to all men that have but eyes and ears , ( to use your own expression ) that nothing can be more contrary to the course of Nature , and to Reason and Providence , grounded upon certain and approved experience of all Ages ; than what you ground upon . What you may think of it , I know not : but I do not conceive that there is any thing of bragging in this undertaking : else , it would not become me , and I should be sorry for it . In that which followeth , by Ours and Yours ; I know not what you mean , whether Poepists and Protestants , in general ; or whether you , and me particularly : but I think , and it is more probable , Papists and Protestants , in general . However , it is apparent , you do brag and vapour egregiously , as if you intended to put your adversaries out of countenance , by calling them cowardly rogues ; and by telling them , what brave things you have done ; when in very deed , it is but a dream , and pure imagination . Put this is , as all the rest , Tradition on its Throne : and , the gates of Hell , &c. it is no good sign . But I have said , ( or indeed suspected , I say no more ; but I will not stand upon that ) you are no friend to ancient books , or learning : Truly , Sir , I think a man may gather so much by your own words and profession . What mean you else , when you so often tell us of , wordish learning ; aicry descants and discourses ; knacks of humane learning ; Grammar and Criticisms ; bookishness , and much reading ; and the like : But if it be granted , all this may come from a man that is a lover of true learning , but impatient to see how much it is wronged by many false pretenders ; ( which is true enough : ) yet if Fathers and Mothers of Families , who , I think , generally , do not pretend to much learning , are able and sufffcient , nay the onely sure means appointed by God , to preserve truth , in matters of Faith and Religion ; what further use have we of all books , ancient and late , that have been written on that subject ? You know , Sir , that ancient Fathers and Councils , and other Ecclesiastical Writers , their Translations , and what hath been written upon them , by sundry learned men , will make a great part of that , which we ( Divines , at least ) call Learning : that such Books , in greatest Libraries , take up most part of the room . It is not enough to say , a man may read them , for his recreation , if he will , and we are not bound to burn them : You need to say no more , but that there is no need of them : what will follow , should you be believed , generally , by men in Authority ; any man may foresee , without the gift of Prophesie : in this age especially , so much addicted to new knacks , and inventions ; so fiercely set , to disgrace and cry down whatsoever former ages have most esteemed , and reverenced . Your division of Books into several Classes , and sentiment of them so divided , I have no mind to quarrel at , or examine , because it is not much to the purpose , or main business . That many deserve no better then to be burned , even of them that fill Catalogues and Libraries ; I should easily yield : so it were done by them that could judge of Books indeed , not by self-conceited men , or by men addicted to one kind of study , who are apt to think all needless , that comes not within the verge of their cognisance , or capacity . But I do not like your counsel of abridging : for that hath been the destruction of best Authors , in all Ages , and hath brought many a curse upon the Abbreviators . Among them that deserve to be burned , it would not much trouble me , if Dr. Dee's tedious Legend about his Spirits , were one . And because you tell me of him , I am very willing to take this occasion to acquaint others , ( in case this paper be ever printed ) how I came to have to do with him . I know , I have said enough elsewhere ; but because many have heard of the Book , by relation , who never saw it ; and because somewhat is come to my knowledge , since , which I did not know then ; I hope it will not do amiss here . When I lived at Sir John Cottons , ( where , besides the comfort and honour of that truly noble and learned Gentlemans company , I had the use of a choise Library , as any England , for the number , doth afford ) in his Father , Sir Thomas ( then living ) his house , at Westminster ; I had not been there many months , but Sir Thomas did mention these papers of Dr. Dees unto me ; adding , that my Lord of Armagh had seen them , and wished them printed ; not for their worth or exellency ; but because he found in them so much of the humor and language of the times , as that he thought many would be convinced by the book , from whence , either , ( Canting language , and affected Sanctitie ) did spring . When I had perused them , my answer was , I was very fully satisfied of the reality of those things w ch the book related : that I knew Dr. Dees hand very well , ( I did know it , because I had divers books , which had been his ; among others , a Simleri Bibliotheca , where Dr. Dee had written , in the margines , the names of divers Manuscript books , in England , Greek , and others , w ch he had seen in several places : I know not how I came to part with it , as I did with many others , for which I have been very sorry since : ) and was sure it was his hand ; and made no question , but the Devil , or deluding spirits , ( whom he thought to be good ) had appeared to him , in that manner , as is there related . But for the printing , I doubted scarce any man would adventure upon it , because it was such mad uncouth stuffe , for the most part . So the business rested , halfe a year , more , or lesse . After that , Sir Thomas spake to me a second time , and seemed very desirous that the Book were printed . I told him I would look upon it again , and if I found , as I had done before , I would bestow a Preface upon it ; and then we would try , what could be done . This was done , and the book ( so it fell out ) printed . What I have said of it , in the Preface , for which I have had thanks from many , who were not much pleased with the Book ; I retract not . If the Book hath not given content unto all men , I have no great reason to wonder at it . Onely this , by your good leave , I shall add , to confirm the reality of the relations , that are printed . Many other papers of Dr. Dees , since that Book was printed , came to my hands ; containing more Visions and Revelations ; with many Letters from great Princes , and particular transactions ; by all which ( for the hands and seals , with many other circumstances , will satisfie any rational man of the sincerity of the Records ) it doth further appear , in what credit he was then , in the World ; what use he made of his Spirits ; or rather , they of him ; and that some great matter was attempted by the Devil in him , & by him , but that God disappointed it . Among those papers , there is a particular relation of a Conference they had , ( Dr. Dee , and his mate Kelly : ) with a great Prelate , ( Bishop , or Archbishop , I do not well remember : ) in Germany , but not a German ; in the conclusion whereof , because the Bishop would not yield these Apparitions were true , ( that is , from God , and by good Angels ) Kelly in a great rage challenged him to go down with him to the open fields ; He should pray , and he would pray ; and they should know , which of them God did own for his , and which not . Which the Bishop refused , but gave him very good Reasons , ( such as became a sober grave Christian , and Prelate : ) why he would not . That relation , I think , is in Latin. I conclude ; What you say in scorn of that Book , doth not concern me . If you have any thing to say to the Preface , I will answer you . These late Papers I have mentioned , if you desire to know , are to be found ( with the permission of the worthy , and honourable Owner ) there , from whence the others , now printed , came . And now to return to you , Sir ; it doth offend you , that I said Atheism and Mahometism would get well , by your way , How can it be otherwise , when all faith , all christianity , practical , and other , necessary to salvation , is reduced to such Authority ? You have already been told , that you justify Mahometism , and Atheism : it is the way that the Atheists anciently took , to uphold their cause ; and the Mahometans may , when they please : now , they need it not . Neither , may you be sure , will ever be converted by your principles . And for Christianity ; in very deed , I cannot phansie them , ( I will except you ; I conceive yours is a different case : ) much better then Atheists , that build their faith upon such a ridiculous ( good sport to Atheists , or atheisticall men : ) senseless foudation . The sixth , and last injury , which , you say , you account the worst ; That I should write , Others of approved worth and abilities , had met with you , who I thought had done you more credit , then you deserved . I am sorry I should express my self , which I avoid as much as I can , so obscurely , you should be so much mistaken in my meaning . But when you know my meaning , whether you will like it better , I know not . However , I will tell you : My meaning was , that Dr. Hammond , a man of approved worth and ability , had already answered you : who I thought , had done you , ( your book , not your person ; ) more honour , by so long and elaborate an answer ; ( which indeed I did wonder at ) then you had deserved , by that book of yours . I think I have done with all that concerneth me . Nothing now remaineth , but that , as obliged , if by nothing else , yet by your example I subscribe my self , Sir , Your well-wisher and humble servant MERIC CASAUBON . FINIS . 
A38353	----	A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of Ianuary, and a letter inclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read and ordered to be entred To the worshipfull, and my much honoured friend Orlando Bridgeman Esquier, and a burgesse of the Parl. at his chamber at the Inner Temple, these present. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A38353 of text R215025 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E28B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A38353 Wing E28B ESTC R215025 99825730 99825730 30117 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30117) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1793:2, 1883:16) A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of Ianuary, and a letter inclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read and ordered to be entred To the worshipfull, and my much honoured friend Orlando Bridgeman Esquier, and a burgesse of the Parl. at his chamber at the Inner Temple, these present. R. E. aut 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], London : printed 1642. Advising Bridgeman to absent himself from Parliament, and to convey a letter to Mr. Anderton from R. E. Speaks of the impeachment of the five members and threatens the solicitor, Fynes, and Earl of Essex, Warwick, Say, Brook, and Paget in the Lords, and is written as from a Roman Catholic. Item at 1793:2 identified on film as Wing E2620 (number cancelled in Wing 2nd ed.). Reproduction of the original in: Cambridge University Library, Trinity College Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- History -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A38353 R215025 (Wing E28B). civilwar no A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of January, and a letter inclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read, and o [no entry] 1642 707 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-10 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Letter directed to M. BRIDGEMAN , the fourth of Ianuary , and a Letter inclosed in it to one M. ANDERTON , were this day read and ordered to be entred . To the worshipfull and my much honoured friend , Orlando Bridgeman Esquier , and a Burgesse of the Parl. at his Chamber at the Inner Temple , these present . SIR , we are your friends : These are to advise you to look to your self , and to advise others of my Lord of STRAFFORDS friends to take heed , lest they be involved in the common calamitie : Our advise is , to be gone , to pretend busines , till the great Hubub be passed : withdraw , least you suffer among the Puritans . We entreat you to send away this inclosed Letter to M. ANDERTON , inclosed to some trusty friend , that it may be carried safely without suspition , for it concernes the common safety ; So desire your friends in Coven-Garden . Jan. 4. To the worshipfull and my much honoured friend , Master Anderton , these present . SIR , although many designes have been defeated , yet that of IRELAND holds well . And now our last plot workes as hopefully as that of IRELAND , we must beare with something in the Man , his wil is strong enough , as long as he is fed with hopes , the Woman is true to us , and real , Her Councel about Her is very good : I doubt not but to send you by the next very joyful newes , for the present , our rich Enemies , PYM , HAMPDEN , STROUD , HOLLIS , and HASLERIG , are blemisht , challenged for no lesse then Treason : before I writ next we doubt not but to have them in the Tower , or their heads from their shoulders . The SOLICITOR , and FYNES , and EARLE we must serve with the same sauce : And in the House of the Lords , MANDEVIL is touched , but ESSEX , WARWICK , SAY , BROOK , and PAGET must follow , or else we shal not be quiet . FAULKLAND , and CULPEPPER , are friends to our side , at leastwise they wil doe us no hurt . The Protestants and Puritants are so divided , that we need not fear them , the Protestants in a greater part wil joyne with us , or stand Neuters , while the Puritan is suppressed . If we can bring them under ; the Protestant wil either fall in with us generally , or else , if they doe not , they are so indifferent , that either by fair , or foule meanes , we shal be able to command them . The mischievous Londoners , and Apprentices , may doe us some hurt for present ; but we need not much feare them ; they doe nothing orderly , but tumultuously : Therefore we doubt not but to have them under command after one brunt , for our party is strong in the City , especially HOLBORNE , the new Buildings , and WESTMINSTER : We are afraid of nothing , but the SCOTS appearing againe : But we have made a Party there , at the Kings last being there , which wil hold their hands behinde them , while we act our parts at home ; Let us acquite our selves like men , for our Religion and Countrey , now or never . The Kings heart is Protestant , but our friends can perswade Him , and make him beleeve any thing . He hates the Puritane party , and is made irreconcileable to that side ; so that the Sunne , the Moone , and Starres , are for us . There are no lesse then twenty thousand Ministers in ENGLAND , the greater halfe wil in their places , be our friends , to avenge the Bishops dishonour . Let our friends be incouraged , the worke is more then halfe done . Your servant . R. E. LONDON , Printed 1642. 
A41361	----	A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot To the tune of Packington's Pound, the second part. A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot. Part 2. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. 1682 Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41361 Wing G100 ESTC R213337 99825754 99825754 30141 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41361) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30141) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1793:22) A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot To the tune of Packington's Pound, the second part. A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot. Part 2. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill., engr. s.n., [S.l. : 1682] By John Gadbury. Place of publication from Wing. Verse - "The plot being thus subtly contriv'd as you hear". Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion cartoon panel I Mea Culpa — Mea Culpa — Mea Maxima Culpa . From Poperie to save this Nation A Doctor ventures his Damnation cartoon panel K So help me God — inset cartoon panel Their Witnesses did not agree . Mar. 4. Commits Idolatry , for our sakes And of false Oaths noe scruple makes . cartoon panel L M Taisborough hides Armes , in open Roomes A Knight in his Fore Fathers Tombes . cartoon panel N Fough — I Smell Gunpouder . An other where noe man woud thinke Gunpowder hides , in filthy sinke . cartoon panel O Something for a poor Scholar . Get you gone and be hang'd . The Popes Cheife Agent was soe poor He Begd an Almes at Pickerin's dore . cartoon panel P How are we cros'd . My Flint was loose And my Silver Bullet's lost . Pickerin had Kild the King , noe doubt But Bullets lost , and Flint dropt out cartoon panel Iohannes Paulus de Oliva One and Twenty And Powder too , was very scarse For w. ch Old Whitebread Whips his Arse . cartoon panel Q How dare you — Oh hold Turns another in my Coate . Our Doctor he does cudgell basely And dare you ( says he ) to my face lye . cartoon panel Describe Don Iohn . A tall black man — Since naught but blowes is to be got Wise Oates discovers Iesuits Plot. cartoon panel R S God forbid I shoud accuse him . — I know him not . His Eyes are dim , by Candle light And growing faint , does not swear right . cartoon panel T Which hand will you have They life and mony , Al refuse — The fatal Rope , they freely choose . cartoon panel We are Innocent God bless y e King. And forgive our Enemies And to be cut into fowr Quarters — Cause they 'd be Canoniz'd for Martirs . Some Notes on the Picture to prevent Popish Cavils . I. Be not scandaliz'd at a word or two of Latine ; 'T is only to shew the folly of the Papists , who pray in an unknown Tongue . K. This is not meant of any Oath against the Papists , but of their wicked Oath of Secrecy ; which though the Doctor often took , yet we may charitably believe he never did intend to keep it ; since he positively assures us he did but counterfeit : He only seemed to be a Papist , but was all the while a True-Protestant in his Heart . See L. Staf. Tryal p. 123. L. Arms for 5 or 600 Men were hid in his Parlour ; yet by Art Magick were invisible to the Gentlemen of the Country , who often dined with him in the same Room . See his Tryal . M. Sir H. T 's . Vault was search'd for Arms , and Coffins opened ; but all the Arms they had hidden there were turn'd to Bones . N. Sir R. T 's . Sink was searched for Arms and Gunpowder ; yet nor so much as one Black-Bill could ever be found there , nor in any other place . O. See Wakeman's Tryal , p. 73. P. Grove , that he might be sure to give an Incurable Wound , did traiterously and maliciously champ a Silver Bullet with his poysonous Teeth . See his Tryal , p. 24 , & 81. Q. Either another man in such a Coat , or else ( as some believe ) the Devil in his likeness , went often to Court , and occasion'd this unlucky mistake , which was the cause of his being beaten . See the Jesuits Tryal p. 16 , 17. Many may perhaps wonder , that the crafty Jesuits would suffer him to be in such a miserable beggerly Condition ; and much more , that they would beat and abuse one , whom they had trusted with Secrets of so high a nature . But we can easily answer this , and an hundred other seeming Improbabilites , only by saying , They were infatuated . R. See Coleman's Tryal , p. 30. S. Wakeman's Try. p. 55 , & 82 , T. Langhorn's Memoirs , p. 6. A True Narrative of the Horrid Hellish Popish-Plot . To the Tune of PACKINGTON'S POUND . The Second Part. The Contents of the Second PART . Of Arms under-ground for Horse and for Foot ; The KING almost Kill'd , but Gun wiill not shoot , For which Pick'ring is whipt . All of them swear To be true to the PLOT ; yet Oats , not for Fear Nor Revenge , ( though turn'd away , and well hang'd ) Discovers them all ; The Jesuits are Hang'd . I. THe PLOT being thus subtly contriv'd as you hear , To God knows how many this ( 1 ) Secret th'impart , Some famous for Cheats , yet their Faith they don't fear ; To tye a Knave fast they had found a new Art. They ( 2 ) swore on a Book , And ( 3 ) Sacrament took ; But you 'l find , if into their grave Authors you look , Forswearing's no Sin , ( as ( 4 ) Recorder well notes ) Nor Treason , Rebellion , nor Cutting of Throats . The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . II. STill blinded with Zeal , and inveigl'd by Hope , Store of Arms they provide for Fight and Defence , Three Lords must command , as Vice-Roys of the Pope , And all over England they raise ( 5 ) Peter-pence . Their Letters they send By ( 6 ) Bedlow their Friend , Or else by the ( 7 ) Post , to shew what the intend . Some hundreds ( 8 ) Oats saw , which the Jesuits did write , 'T is a wonder not One of them e're came to light . The Truth of my Story , &c. III. POunds Two hundred thousand to ( 9 ) Ireland they sent ; Fifteen thousand to ( 10 ) Wakeman sor Potions and Pills ; Forty thousand in Fire-works we guess that they spent ; And , Item , Ten thousand to pay for Black-Bills ; Fifteen hundred more ( 11 ) Grove should have they swore ; Four Gentlemen Ruffians deserved ( 12 ) Fourscore ; Pious Pickering they knew was of Masses more fond , And for ( 13 ) Thirty thousand they gave him a Bond. The truth of my Story , &c. IV. THese two , to Kill the King by fair promises won , Had watch'd now some ( 14 ) years in St. James ▪ s Park ; And Pick'ring , who never yet ( 15 ) shot off a Gun , Was about to take aim , for he had a fair Mark : Just going to begin't , He ( 16 ) missed his Flint , And looking in Pa● , there was ( 17 ) no Powder in 't ; For which he their Pardon does humbly bese●ch , Yet had ( 18 ) thirty good lashes upon his bare Breech . The truth of my Story , &c. V. BUt a sa●der mischance to their PLOT did befall , For Oa , their main Engine , fail'd when it came to 't ; No marval indeed if he cuzen'd 'em all , Who turn'● him a ( 19 ) begging , and ( 20 ) beat him to boot : He wheeling about , Th' whole Party did rout , And from lurking holes did so ferret 'em out ; Till running himself blind , h● none of them ( 21 ) knew , And fainting at ( 22 ) Council , he cou'd not swear true . The truth of my Story , &c. VI. TO co●fort our Doctor , brave Be●loe's brought in , A m●re Credible Witness was not above ground ; He vows ●nd protests , though a Rogue he had been , He wou'd now not swear false for Five hundred p●und : And why shou'd we fear They falsly wou'd swear , To damn ●heir own ( 23 ) Souls , and to lose by it here . Poor Oat , who before had no Peny in Purse , Discov'ri●g the PLOT , was Seven hundred pound ( 24 ) worse Th●●ruth of my Story , &c. VII . TWo ●itnesses more were let loose from the Jayl , Thogh ( 25 ) One 't is confest did run back from his word ; ( In danger of Life a good man may be frail ) And th' ( 26 ) Other they slander for Cheating his Lord. T' every one of these men The Jesuits brought ( 27 ) Ten , To dispro●e 'em in Time and in Place ; but what then ? One Circ●mstance lately was sworn most clear By a ( 28 ) Man who in hopes has Five hundred a year . T●e truth of my Story , &c. VIII . ANd then we are told , We must always suppose , To murder the King a Great PLOT there has been ; And who to contrive it so likely as those Who Murder and Treason do hold for no Sin. Things being thus plain , To plead was in vain ; The Jury ( instructed again and again ) Did find them all Guilty , and to shew 't was well done , The People gave a Shout for Victory won . The Truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . IX . T Is strange how th●se Jesuits , so subtle and wise , Shou'd all by the Pope be so basely trepan'd , To Hang with much comfort when he shall advise , And go to the Devil too at his command . He may give them leave , To Lye and Dece●ve ; But what when the Rope do's of Life them bereave ? Can his Holiness , think you , dispense with that pain , Or by his Indulgences raise them again ? The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . X. Yet ( like Madmen ) of Life a Contempt they express , And of their own happiness careless appear . For Life and for Money not one would confess ; Th' had rather be Damn'd , than be Rich and live here . But surely they rav'd , When God they out-brav'd , And thought to renounce him the way to be sav'd ; With Lyes in their mouths go to Heaven in a string ; So prosper all Traytors , and GOD save the KING . The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . Concordat cum Recordo . Cl. Par. FINIS . I do imagine some will say there never was such another strange Ballad , with marginal Notes and Quotations . But I answer , there never was such another Plot , and I am affraid , that if I did not cite very good Authors , and bring Witnesses of untainted Reputation , the next Generation might be so far deluded by Popish Shams , as not to believe it . Authors Quoted . ( 1 ) As it appears in the several Tryals . ( 2 ) Ireland's Tryal , p. 23. ( 3 ) Hill's Tryal , p. 32 , ( 4 ) See his Speech in Ireland's Tryal , p , 81. ( 5 ) The same Tryal , p. 30. ( 6 ) Jesuits Tryal , p. 33. ( 7 ) The same , p. 29. ( 8 ) Oats's Narrat . all along . ( 9 ) See Coleman's Try. p. 23. ( 10 ) The same , page 40. ( 11 ) The same again , p. 21. ( 12 ) The same , p. 24. ( 13 ) The same again , p. 21. ( 14 ) Ireland's Tryal , p. 24. ( 15 ) The same , p. 25. ( 16 ) The same again , p. 24. ( 17 ) See Jesuits Tryal , p. 33. ( 18 ) Ireland's Tryal , p. 24. ( 19 ) Wakeman's Tryal , p. 73. ( 20 ) Jesuits Tryal , p. 91. ( 21 ) Wakeman's Tryal , p. 30 , & 55. As also Coleman's Tryal , p. 30. ( 22 ) The same again . ( 23 ) Wakeman's Tryal , p. 40. ( 24 ) Thus Oats and Bedloe affirm in Langhorn's Tryal . ( 25 ) Mr. Prance . ( 25 ) Mr. Dugdale . ( 26 ) Jesuits Tryal all along . ( 27 ) viz. To prove that Ireland was not in Town Aug. 19. See Wakeman's Tryal , p. 22. ( 28 ) Mr. Jenison . See th' Authors I quote ; there 's Witnesses plenty , Approv'd by a — Nemine Contradicente . Yet Juries ( for tender Conscience so famous . ) To save a True-Protestant , write Ignoramus . 
A33346	----	A true and full narrative of those two never to be forgotten deliverances one from the Spanish Invasion in 88, the other from the hellish Powder Plot, November 5, 1605 : whereunto is added the like narrative of that signal judgment of God upon the papists, by the fall of the House in Black-Friers, London, upon their fifth of November, 1623 / collected for the information and benefit of each family, by Sam. Clark ... England's remembrancer Clarke, Samuel, 1599-1682. 1671 Approx. 139 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33346 Wing C4559 ESTC R15231 12950712 ocm 12950712 95887 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33346) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95887) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 733:52) A true and full narrative of those two never to be forgotten deliverances one from the Spanish Invasion in 88, the other from the hellish Powder Plot, November 5, 1605 : whereunto is added the like narrative of that signal judgment of God upon the papists, by the fall of the House in Black-Friers, London, upon their fifth of November, 1623 / collected for the information and benefit of each family, by Sam. Clark ... England's remembrancer Clarke, Samuel, 1599-1682. Clarke, Samuel, 1599-1682. Gun-powder treason. [8], 68, [8], 23, 14 p., 1 folded leaf of plates. Printed for J. Hancock ..., London : 1671. Added t.p. and separate paging ([8], 23 p.): The gun-powder treason. Added t.p. and separate paging (14 p.): A narrative of the visible hand of God upon the papists. Originally published in 1657 as England's remembrancer. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Armada, 1588. Gunpowder Plot, 1605. Catholics -- England. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A True and Full Narrative OF Those two never to be forgotten DELIVERANCES : One From The Spanish Invasion in 88. The other from The Hellish Powder Plot : November 5. 1605. Whereunto is added The like Narrative of that signal Judgment of God upon the Papists , by the Fall of the House in Black-Friers London , upon their fifth of November , 1623. Collected for the Information and Benefit of each Family , by Sam , Clark , formerly Pastor in Bennet Fink . Behold the wicked travelleth with iniquity , and hath conceived mischief , and brought forth falshood . He made a Pit , and digged it , and is fallen into the ditch which he made . His mischief shall return upon his own head , and his violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate . Psal. 7.14 , 15 , 16. London , Printed for J. Hancock , and are to be sold at the three Bibles , being the first Shop in Popes-Head Alley , next to Cornhill . 1671 TO THE HONOURABLE And His much Honoured Friends EDWARD RVSSEL , Esq Son to the Right Honourable FRANCIS Earl of BEDFORD . AND TO The Lady PENELOPE , His prudent and pious Consort . SIR , MADAM , I Take the boldness to present you with these Narratives , not for that they are new , or supposing your selves to be strangers to them : but as a Testimony of my Gratitude for these favours I have received from you : The high Heavens may be seen in the lowest valleys : So may a large heart in the least Gift . But truly though the Gift be worthless , yet so is not the matter contained in it , which sets forth such eminent and signal deliverances as no Church or people in these latter Ages of the world have received ; And there must be a recognition of Gods mercies , or else there will neither follow estimation , nor retribution : Hence Micah 6.5 . O my people ( saith God many hundreds of years after ) remember now what Balack King of Moah consulted , and what Balaam the Son of Beor answered him from Shittim unto Gilgal , that ye may know the righteousness of the Lord. If there be not such a recognition of former deliverances , we that should be as Temples of his praise , shall be as graves of his benefits . Our souls indeed are too like filthy Ponds , wherein fish die soon , and frogs live long : Rotten stuff is remembred , memorable mercies are forgotten ; whereas the soul should be as an holy Ark ; the memory as the pot of Manna , preserving holy truths and special mercies ; as Aarons Rod , fresh and flourishing . Oh! let us imitate that man after Gods own heart ! If the Lord will be Davids shepherd , he will dwel in Gods house to all perpetuity , Psalm . 23.1 , 6. If God deal bountifully with him , he will sit down and bethink himself what to render for all his benefits , Psalm 116.7 , 12. A Christian counts all that he can do for God by way of retribution , but a little of that much he could beteem him ; and thinks nothing more unbeseeming him than to bury the mercies of God in oblivion . His two mites of Thankfulness and Obedience he dayly presents , and then cryes out as that poor Grecian did to the Emperour , If I had a better present thou shouldest be sure of it . What then may we judge of those persons in our daies , who labour to extenuate , yea annihilate these deliverances ? that would have no publick commemorations of them , that study how to invalidate them , and to blot out the remembrance of them ? To render good for evil is Divine : Good for good is Humane : Evil for evil is brutish : But evil for good is Devillish . Yet alas ! how ordinary an evil is this among us , to abuse our deliverances to Gods ' dishonour ? But Do ye thus requite the Lord , O foolish people , and unwise ? Is not he thy Father ? he hath bought thee , &c. Deut. 32.6 . Should we not remember that good turns aggravate unkindnesses , and our offences are not a little encreased by our obligations ? Ingrateful persons are like the Snake in the Fable , who said to the Country-man when he had shewed it kindness : Summum praemium pro summo beneficio est ingratitudo . Ingratitude is the greatest reward of the greatest benefit . How many such Snakes have we amongst us , that return evil for good , and unkindness for kindness ? Is not this to fight against God , with his own weapons ? as David did against Goliah : as Jehu did against Jehoram : and as Benhadad did against Ahab , with that life that he had lately given him ? for the preventing whereof ( if it may be ) are these things published , being almost worn out of remembrance more than the very names of them . Besides , though they may be found in larger volumes , yet are they not so fit for every Family : And as I have presumed ( honourable and beloved ) to publish them udder your protection , so I doubt not but they will find the better entertainment for the same . My earnest desire and prayer for you is that the God of Peace will fill you with all joy and peace by believing , multiplying his Blessings upon you and yours : And that you would afford me a room in your Albe among those that Sir , Madam , Love , honour and serve you . Sam. Clark. From my Study in Thridneedle Street , Octob. 22. 1657. THE SPANISH INVASION A Commemoration of that wonderful , and almost miraculous Deliverance afforded by God to this Nation from the Spanish Invation , Anno Christi , 1588. THe year one thousand five hundred eighty eight , was foretold by an Astronomer of K●n●ngsberg , above one hundred years before , that it should prove a wonderful year : and the German Chronologers presiged , that it would be the Climacterical year of the world , which was in some measure accomplished in that glorious and never to be forgotten Deliverance vouchsafed by God to us in England , and in that fatal overthrow of the Spanish Navy ; A true Narrative whereof followes . But that we may the better see what induced the Spaniard to make this hostile Invasion , we must be informed : both who were the inciters , and by what arguments , and artifices , they stirred him up thereunto . The Inciters were the Pope , and some traiterous English Fugitives who were entertained in Spain , and at Rome . The design was , The Conquest of England ; which had been hindred for the space of ten years by reason of the Spanish Wars in Portugal . The Arguments were , that seeing God had blessed the King of Spain with admirable Blessings and Successes ; had given him in Portugal , the East Indies , and very many rich Islands belonging to the same ; that he should therefore perform somewhat that might be acceptable to God ( the giver of so great and good things ) and most worthy the Power , and Majesty of the Catholick King : That the Church of God could not be more gloriously , nor meritoriously propagated , than by the conquest of England , extirpating Heresie , and planting the Catholick Roman Religion there . This War ( they said ) would be most just and necessary ; considering that the Queen of England was excommunicated , and persisted contumacious against the Church of Rome . That she supported the King of Spains Rebels in the Netherlands , annoyed the Spaniards with continual depredations ; surprised , and sacked his Towns in Spain , and America , and had very lately put the Queen of Scots to death , therein violating the Majesty of all Kings . Again , that this War would be no less profitable than just ; For hereby he might add to his Empire other flourishing Kingdoms , extinguish the Rebellion in the Low-Countries , hitherto fomented and supported from England ; secure his voyages from both the Indies , and abate his vast expences in convoying his Indian Fleets both forward and backward : For proof whereof ( they suggested ) that the English Navy was neither for number , nor greatness , nor strength comparable to that of Spain ; especially having the Portugal Fleet now annexed unto it . That England was not fortified , and it wanted Commanders : Souldiers , a Cavalry , and Ammunition ; was bare of Wealth , and Friends . That there were many in all parts of it addicted to the Romish Religion , and would upon the first opportunity joyn their forces with his . In brief , that so great was the strength of the Spaniard , and so unmatchable was their valour , that no man durst oppose against them , and therefore they might confidently assure themselves of victory . Moreover , that now an opportunity was afforded by God himself to the King of Spain to effectuate this great design , having no cause to fear any other enemies , by reason of a Truce lately concluded by him-with the Great Turk , and the French ( his old enemies ) being now embroiled in Civil Wars at home . They perswaded him likewise that England was an easier conquest than the Netherlands : For that he had a shorter cut to it by Sea , and that an open Sea : neither was it so fortified with Cities , Castles , &c. as the Netherlands were : and that England being once conquered , the Netherlands would soon follow of course , having lost their best supporter . These , and such like arguments prevailing with the King of Spain , in the next place they held a serious Consultation about the manner of Invading England . Don Avares Bassano , Marquiss of Sancta Cruce ; who was to command the Armado , advised that some Port-Town in Holland , or Zealand should suddenly be surprized by the Prince of Parma's Land Forces ( who was then Governor of the Netherlands under the King of Spain ) and by some Spanish Ships sent to assist him by Sea , that so the great Fleet might have an Harbour from whence to begin their Invasion : with whom agreed in opinion the Prince of Parma himself , who was very forward to promote this expedition . But others opposed this by reason of the difficulty , danger , expence of time , and vast charge that it would require . They held that with the same charge England might easier be won , and that the Conquest thereof would be assured , if a well-appointed Army out of Spain , and the Low-Counties might be landed at the Thames mouth , and London ( the Metropolis of England ) surprised by a sudden assault . And this opinion , as the more probable , prevailed . And then again it was advised by some , that War should first be denounced by an Herald , both to remove suspicion and jealousie from neighbour Princes , and to drive our Queen to call in forraign Forces to assist Her : hoping that according to the insolent manner of mercenaries , they would raise mutinies , and spoil the Country , which would make the Queens Subjects evil affected towards Her , so that all things would grow into confusion in England . But this motion was not hearkened to by men grown fierce , insolent , and confident of their own strength , only they desired the blessing of the Pope upon their Armado , and the prayers of the Catholicks to God and the Saints for good success . And to strike the greater terror into the hearts of the English , They set forth Books with printed Maps , wherein was expressed the greatness of their Preparations in each particular , which indeed was so great in Spain , Portugal , Italy , and Sicily , that the Spaniards themselves were amazed at it , and procured the Pope to Christen it by the name of the Invincible Armado . Now that the wonderful power and mercy of God to us in this poor Nation , in protecting us against the same , may the more gloriously appear , I shall in the next place set down what their preparations were for Ships , Mariners , Land-Souldiers , Ammunition , and other provisions for the carrying on of so great an undertaking . The Spanish Navy , being the best appointed for men , munition , and all manner of provision , that ever the Ocean saw , had been five years in preparing , consisted of one hundred and thirty Ships , whereof these were the principal . The Admiral Gallion of Saint Martins , of a thousand Tun burden , had in her one thousand seventy and seven Mariners , three hundred Souldiers , fifty Canon , &c. The Gallion of Saint Johns , of one thousand and seventy Tun , had in her one hundred and sixty Mariners , two hundred and thirty one Souldiers , fifty Canon , &c. The Gallion of Saint Mark of seven hundred and ninety two Tun , had in it one hundred and seventeen Mariners , two hundred and ninety two Souldiers , &c. The Gallion of Saint Phillip , of eight hundred Tun , had in it one hundred and seventeen Mariners , four hundred and fifteen Souldiers , forty Guns , &c. The Gallion of Saint Lewis , of eight hundred and thirty Tun , had in it one hundred and sixteen Mariners , three hundred and seventy six Souldiers , forty Guns , &c. The Gallion of Saint Matthew , of seven hundred and fifty Tun , had in it fifty Mariners , one hundred and seventy seven Souldiers , forty Guns , &c. The Gallion of Saint James , of five hundred and twenty Tun , had in it one hundred Mariners , three hundred Souldiers , fifty two Guns , &c. The Gallion of Florence , of nine hundred and sixty one Tun , had in it one hundred Mariners , three hundred Souldiers , fifty two Guns , &c. The Gallion of Saint Christopher , of three hundred fifty and two Tun , had in it ninety Mariners , three hundred Souldiers , thirty Guns , &c. The Gallion of Saint Bernard , of three hundred and fifty two Tun , had in it one hundred Mariners , two hundred and eighty Souldiers , thirty Guns , &c. A Ship of Saint Angelo , of seven hundred sixty and eight Tun , had in it one hundred and fourteen Mariners , three hundred and twenty three Souldiers , thirty Canons , &c. The Gangrine , of one thousand one hundred and sixty Tun ; had in it one hundred and ten Mariners , three hundred Souldiers , thirty six Canons , &c. The Ship Saint James , of six hundred and sixty Tun , had in her one hundred and two Mariners , two hundred and fifty Souldiers , thirty Guns , &c. The Manuel , of five hundred and twenty Tun , had in her fifty four Mariners , one hundred and thirty Souldiers , sixteen Guns , &c. The Saint Mary , of seven hundred and 7 Tun , had in her fifty Mariners , two hundred and twenty Souldiers , thirty Guns , &c. But I need not reckon up the rest . They had in all one hundred and thirty Ships , containing Ffty seven thousand , eight hundred and eight Tun ; wherein were Eight hundred and forty five Mariners , Nineteen thousand two hundred and ninety five Souldiers , and two thousand and eighty eight Gally-slaves . And so confident were the Spaniards that England should pay the shot , that they spared no cost for furnishing it forth with all things necessary . For which end they provided of Bullets for great shot two hundred and twenty thousand . Of Powder four thousand and two hundred Kintals , every Kintal containing a hundred pound weight : of Lead for Bullets a thousand Kintals : of Match a thousand and two hundred Kintals : Musquets seven thousand : of Partisans and Halberts ten thousand : with store of Murthering pieces , double Canon , and Field pieces for the Camp : they had also store of Furniture for Carriages , Mules and Horses ; so that they were sufficiently provided both for Sea and Land. Bread and Bisket ready baked , and Wine laid aboard for six months provision . They had moreover six thousand and five hundred Kintals of Bacon ; three thousand of Cheese , besides other Flesh , Rise Beans , Pease , Oil , and Venegar , with twelve thousand Pipes of fresh water . They had also store of Torches , Lamps , and Lanthorns , Canvas , Hides , and Lead to stop Leaks : Whips and Butcherly Knives to murder and torment the poor English. In a word , the Army was thirty two thousand strong , and cost the King of Spain thirty two thousand Ducats every day . In this Army were five Regiments of old Spanish Souldiers of the Tertio's of Naples , Sicily , and the Tercera's , commanded by five Masters Del-Campo : The first was Don Diego de Piementel , a Knight of the Order of Saint John , and Brother to the Marquess of Taveras : The second Colonel was Don Francisco de Toledo , brother to the Earl of Orgas : The third Don Alonzo de Luzon : The fourth Don Nicholas de Illa : The fifth was Augustin Mexia ; each Colonel having in his Regiment thirty two Companies , Besides the Castilian , and Portugal Bands , each of them having their peculiar Commanders and weapons . The General of this mighty Army ( the Marquess of Sancta Cruce being now dead ) was Don Lodovicus Peres , the Duke of Medina Sidonia of the Order of the Golden Fleece . The Admiral was Don John Martinez de Richald : The Marshal Don Francisco Bovadille : Others were chief Counsellors for the War , and Don Martin Alarcon was Vicar General for the holy unholy Inquisition , in whose train were a hundred Monks and Jesuites : and Cardinal Allen was appointed the Superintendent of Ecclesiastical matters throughout England , who fearing to be unprovided , translated Pope Sex●us his Bull into English , that it might be the sooner published upon the arrival of the Spanish Fleet in this our Nation . Of voluntary Adventurers , there were a hundred and twenty four Noble men , and Gentlemen of all the greatest houses in Spain , hoping to be well paid with the Lands and Riches of England . The Prince of Parma also in the Netherlands , by the King of Spains Command ; built Ships , and very many flat bottomed Boats , each of them big enough to carry thirty Horse , with Bridges fitted to them to ship and unship the Horses : He hired Mariners from East-Germany , set many thousands on work to dig and deepen River ; from Antwerp to Gaunt , and to Bruges : lading three hundred small Boats with Munition and Victuals . Two hundred more flat-bottom'd Boats were made , though not so big as the former , which lay ready in the Haven of Newport , besides thirty seven Ships of War at Dunkirk : He prepared Piles sharpened at the nether ends , headed with iron , and hooked on the sides to pile up the mouths of Rivers : At Graveling he provided twenty thousand empty Casks with cords , and other furniture to make floating Bridges to stop up the Havens ▪ beside an infinite number of fagots : He shipped likewise a great abundance of Saddles , Bridles , with other furniture for Horse , and Horses also for Carriages , with Ordnance and other provisions for War. Neer unto Newport he had lying under the command of Camillo thirty Companies of Italians , two of Walloons , and eight of Burguignons every company containing a hundred men : At Dyxmew he mustered eighty companies of Netherlanders , sixty of Spaniards , sixty of High Dutch , among which were seven hundred fugitive English under the command of Sir William Stanley , who of all others were held in greatest contempt : neither was Stanley , nor the Earl of Westmoorland , not others which offered their service and counsel once heard , but for their treachery to their Country barred from all access , and as most unfortuate conductors , worthily with detestation rejected . At Conick also he quartered other four thousand , and at Watene nine hundred horse , commanded by the Marquess of Guast . And to this land-service came the Duke of Pastrana , supposed to be the King of Spains base son : the Marquess of Buorgon , one of the Duke Ferdinands sons : Don Vespasian Gonsaga of the house of Mantua , a great Souldier , who had been Viceroy of Spain : Don John de Medices , bastard of Florence : Don Amadeus , bastard of Savoy , with many others of the like quality . Neither was Sixtus Quintus , Pope of Rome , any ways backward to shew his diligence , and devotion to this intended invasion ; but sent abroad his Crusado ( as he used to do against the Turks and Infidels ▪ ) wherein out of the treasure of the Church he gave plenary Indulgences , and pardon of all their sins to every one that contributed his assistance hereunto : and for the furtherance of this enterprise , himself undertook to contribute a million of Gold , the one half presently down , the other half when any notable Haven in our land should be won : yet with this Proviso , that the Crown of England should be held as Feudatory to the See of Rome ; in earnest whereof he bestowed upon the King of Spain his Apostolical Benediction , and the Title of Defender of the Faith : He sent also Cardinal Allen into the Low-Countries , and renewed the Bulls of Pius the fifth and Gregory the thirteenth , whereby Queen Elizabeth was excommunicated , deposed from her Throne , and her Subjects absolved from all allegiance to her . Thus we see what preparations were made both at Sea and Land ; at Rome , in Spain , and the Netherlands , for the subduing of England , extirpating the Gospel , and subjugating us under the yoke of Spain : now let us see what provision and preparations our Queen made to dispel this black cloud that hung over our head : And truly the first thing that she did was most Christian ; For as when Jehosophat was threatned with the like danger . 2 Chro. 20.3 . He sought the Lord and proclaimed a fast ; so did She , requiring all her subjects to humble themselves by fasting and prayer , knowing that these are the best weapons of the Church , that they by them might seek unto the Lord , and say in the words of Jehosophat , O Lord God , art not thou God in Heaven ? and rulest not thou over all the Kingdoms of the Earth ? and in thine hand is there not power and might , so that none is able to withstand thee ? O our God , wilt thou not judge them ? For we have no might against this great company that cometh against us , neither know we what to do , but our eyes are upon thee . But in the second place , knowing that Prayers without endeavours and means are like Rachel , beautiful but barren , that She might not be taken unprovided , She prepared with all diligence as strong a Fleet as She could , and all things necessary for War ; and She that in discerning mens parts and abilities was of a most sharp judgment , and ever most happy , having the free choice in her self , and not by the commendations of others , assigned to every office by name the best and fittest men . The charge of her Navy she committed to Charles Howard of Effingham , Lord Admiral of England , of whose skill she had had former experience , and whom she knew both by his Moderation and Nobility , to be wary in providence , valiant industrious , and of great authority among the Seamen , and well beloved of them : Her Vice-Admiral she made the famous Sir Francis Drake , and these she sent to the West parts of England ; and for the Guard of the narrow Seas , she appointed Henry Lord Seimore second son to the Duke of Somerset , whom she commanded also to lie upon the Coasts of the Low-Countries , with forty Ships , to watch that the Prince of Parma might not come forth with his forces : By Land She commanded the General forces of the Realm to be mustered , trained , and put in readiness in their special shires , for the defence of the whole , which accordingly was done , and whereof the Lord Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester was appointed Leeutenant ; twenty thousand whereof were disposed along our South Coast for the guard thereof : besides which , she had two Armies ; one of which consisting of a thousand Horse , and twenty two thousand Foot , was encamped at Tilbury neer the Thames mouth , whither the enemy fully intended to come : The other which was led by the Lord Hunsdon , consisted of thirty four thousand Foot , and two thousand Horse , which were to be the Guard of the Queens person : Her self in courage far surmounting her sex , as another Zenobia or rather Deborah , led forth the Lords Host against this great Sisera , and her Souldiers valiant and skilful , both for courage and quick dispatch , might well be compared to those Gadites that came to aid David , whose faces were like the faces of Lions , and were compared to the Roes in the Mountains for swiftness . Arthur Lord Grey , Sir Francis Knolles , Sir John Knorris , Sir Richard Bingham , and Sir Roger Williams , all gallant men , and brave Souldiers , were appointed to consult about managing the Land Service : These advised that all the commodious landing places for the enemy , as well from Spain , as from the Low-Countries should be manned and fortified , as Milford Haven , Falmouth , Plimmouth , Portland , the Isle of Wight , Portsmouth , the open coast of Kent , commonly called the Downs , the Thames mouth , Harwich , Yarmouth , Hull , &c. and that the Trained Bands throughout the Coast Shires , should meet upon a signal given to defend the said places , and do their best to prohibit the enemies landing . But in case he should land , that then they should leave all the Country round about wast , that so they might find nothing for food , but what from their Ships they should carry upon their shoulders , and that they should hold the enemies busied both night and day with continual Alarms , but not to hazard a Battel till more Commanders with their Companies were come together . Some suggested also to the Queen , that the Spaniards abroad were not so much to be feared as the Papists at home ; for that the Spaniards would not attempt the Invasion of England , but upon confidence of aid from them : She thereupon committed some of them to prison at Wisbeach in the Fenns ; by her Letters also she directed Sir William Fitz-Williams , Lord Deputy of Ireland what he should do . The King of Scots she put in mind to beware of the Papists and Spanish Factions : By her frequent Letters she wrote to the States of the Vnited Provinces not to be deficient in assisting her what they could . But amongst these preparations for War on both sides , Philip King of Spain , to cast a mist over her Majesties eyes , and to rock her into a sleep of security , importuned by all means the Realms unto peace , imploying the Prince of Parma to be his instrument therein , who dealt earnestly by Letters with the help of Sir James Crofts , a privy Counsellor , and a man much addicted to peace , as also by Andrew Van Loey , a Netherlander , that a treaty of Peace might be entred upon , affirming that he had Warrant thereunto from the King of Spain . Our Queen measuring other Princes by her own guileless heart , gave ear to this deceitful lullaby , little suspecting that a deadly snake could be hid in so fair a Garden ; yet resolved to treat of Peace with her Sword in her hand , neither was the Prince of Parma against her so doing . In the month therefore of Feb. Commissioners were sent into Flandeas , Henry Earl of Darby , William Brook , Lord Cobham , Sir Jamis Crofts , Valentine Dale , and John Rogers Doctors of the Law , who arriving there , were received in the Prince of Parma's name with all courtesy ; who thereupon sent away Dale presently to him to know where the place of meeting should be , and to see his Commission from the King of Spain : the place he appointed to be neer Ostend , the Town it self being then in the English hands ; and as for his Commission , he promised it should be produced at their meeting : Only he wished them to hasten the matter , lest any thing should happen in the interim to interrupt the treaty : and one Richardot , which stood by him , said more openly , That he knew not what in the mean time might be done against England . Which being reported to the Queen , She sent Rogers to the Prince to know whether there was any design for the Invading of England , as he , and Richardot by their words seemed to imply : The Prince answered that he had never any thought for the Invading England , when he wished the Treaty to be hastened , and was angry with Richardot , who denied that any such words had fallen from him . Commissioners for the King of Spain were Maximilian Earl of Aremberg , Governor of Antwerp , Richardot President of Artois , with some other Civilians . These stayed at Bruges , and for all their pretended haste , much time was cunningly spun out about the place of their meeting , which should have the Precedency , and what hostages should be given for security of the Commissioners : yet at length the Spaniards yielded to the English Precedency , both in going and sitting : and the place wars in Tents near unto Ostend . The demands for the Queen were , that there might be a surcease of Arms , with a present and undelayed Truce , she mistrusting the Spanish preparations at Sea : The sending away of forraign Souldiers out of the Low-Countries for Englands security : A restitution of such sums of mony as the Queen had lent to the States , and which the King had promised to restore : That the Netherlanders might enjoy their ancient liberties , and priviledges , nor be governed by a stranger , but by a Native Prince : That they might have liberty to serve God with Freedom of Conscience : And lastly , that the Articles of the Pacification of Gaunt , and other like treaties might be observed ; which things if they were granted , she would condescend upon reasonable conditions to deliver up the Towns in the Netherlands , which she then had in possession , that it might appear that she had not for her own advantage , but for the necessary defence of the Netherlands , and her self taken up arms . To these the Spaniards replyed , that touching their preparations at Sea , they did assure them that it nothing concerned England . That to send away the Souldiers , the King could not resolve till the Netherlanders had submitted themselves to him . Concerning their priviledges , that it appertained nothing to the Queen , neither should She prescribe to the King a Law. And so far was he from tolerating Religion , that he would not so much as hear thereof , otherwise then he had allowed to other Towns that had submitted to his obedience . And as for those Towns which had been taken from the King , and the mony expended about them , They said that the Spaniard might demand as many Myriades of Ducats to be repayed to him by the Queen , as he had expended upon the Low-Country War , from the time that She supported the revolting Netherlanders , and took them into her Protection . About this time went Dale by the Queens command to the Prince of Parma , and mildly expostulated with him about a Book lately published by Cardinal Allen , That English Renegado , wherein he exhorted the Nobility and People of England and Ireland to joyn with the Spanish Forces , under the conduct of the Prince of Parma , to execute the Popes sentence already published by his Bull against Queen Elizabeth ; wherein she was declared an Heretick , Illegitimate , cruel , for putting to death the Queen of Scots , &c. And her subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance , and commanded to aid the Prince of Purma against Her. ( And indeed there was a great number of these Bulls and Books printed at Antwerp , from thence to be dispersed all over England . ) The Prince denied that he had ever seen any such Book , or Bull , neither would he undertake any thing in the Popes name ; howbeit that he must obey his Prince . But for the Queen of England , he protested that he did so honour her for her Vertues , that next to the King his Master , he esteemed Her above all others , and would be ready to do Her service . For the manifestation whereof he said that he had perswaded the King to condescend to this treaty of peace , which would be more advantagious for the English than for the Spaniards : For ( said he ) if the Spaniards be overcome they will soon recover their loss ; but if You be overcome , your Kingdom , and all is lost : To which Dale made this reply : Our Queen is provided with strength sufficient to defend her Kingdom , and you your self in your wisdom may foresee that a Kingdom cannot be lost with the fortune of one Battel ; seeing the King of Spain after so long Wars , is not able to recover his ancient inheritance in the Netherlands . Be it so ( said the Prince ) These things are in the hands of the Almighty . After this the Commissioners contended with mutual debates , and replies , still twisting and untwisting the same thread . For when the English pressed that a Toleration of Religion might be granted for the Vnited Provinces , at least for two years ; It was answered , That as the Spaniard demanded not this for the English Catholicks ; so they hoped the Queen in her wisdom would require nothing of him which might be against the Honour , Oath , and Conscience of the Spaniard . When they demanded the mony due from the States of Brabant to our Queen ; They answered , that it was lent without the Kings Knowledge or Warrant ; and that the accounts being cast up , how much the said mony was , and how much the King had disbursed about the War , it would soon be known to whom the most ought to be repayed . With such answers as these they dallied with the English Commissioners , till the Spanish Fleet was come within the view of England , and the thundring of the Ordnance was heard from the Sea , which put the English Commissioners into some suspicion and fear , having no hostages for their safe return . But they received a safe conduct from the Prince of Parma ( who had in the mean time drawn down all his Forces to the Sea coast ) and so were conducted to the borders near Calice . Thus came this Treaty to nothing , undertaken by our Queen ( as was conceived ) to divert the coming of the Spanish Fleet : and continued by the Spaniard to surprize England unprovided , and at unawares So both sides put the Foxes skin upon the Lions head . And now we are come to speak of this Invincible Armado , which was the preparation of five whole years at least . It bare it self also upon Divine assistance , having received a special Blessing from the Pope , and was assigned as an Apostolical Mission for the reducement of this Kingdom to the obedience of the See of Rome : and in further token of this holy Warfare , there were amongst the rest of the Ships , twelve , called by the names of the twelve Apostles . The Gallions and Galliasses were of such a vast size , that they were like floating Towers and Castles , so that the swelling waves of the Sea could hardly be seen ; and the Flags , Streamers , and Ensigns so spread in the wind , that they seemed even to darken the Sun , and to threaten destruction which way soever they turned . On the nine and twentieth day of May this Fleet set sail out of the River ●ayo , bending its course towards the Groin in Galizia , the place appointed for the general Rendezvous , as being the nearest Haven unto England : But whilest they hoysed and spread abroad their proud sailes to the wind ; God , who is an enemy to such Nimrod-like undertakings , and hating such hostile actions , suddenly manifested his displeasure , and poured out revenge by a sudden and hideous tempest , which drave the Duke of Medina , the General , back again into the Groin ; eight other of the Ships being dispersed on the Seas , had their Masts broken , and blown over board ; besides three other Portugal Gallies which were driven upon the Coasts of Bayon in France , where , by the valour of one David Gwin , an English slave , and the help of other slaves , French , and Turks , they were delivered into the hands of the French , and they freed themselves by the slaughter of the Spaniards , amongst whom Don Diego de Mondrana was one . About the same time the English Admiral , and Vice-Admiral , who had in all about one hundred Ships , whereof fifteen were Victuallers , and nine Voluntaries of Devonshire Gentlemen , hearing for certainty that the Spanish Fleet was ready to hoise up their sails , resolved to put forth from Plymouth , and to meet , and fight them by the way ; but were so met with by the same wind , that they could not get past the Syllies , and thence also were forced by the Tempest to return into their former harbour , to refresh their Ships , and Companies ; only some of their Scouts at Sea descried some of the Spanish Ships , which likewise had been dispersed with the storm : but before the English could come near them , the wind vereing about , carryed them back to the Groine , where there rest of their Fleet lay in harbour . Intelligence being brought that the Saaniards were in want , their great Ships dispersed , and the rest sorely shaken with the storm , and their men dying by multitudes of the Pestilence ; the Lord Admiral Howard intended with the first Northerly wind to take advantage , which coming about upon the eighth of July , he lanched forth , and bore his sails almost within the sight of Spain , purposing to surprise their weather-beaten Ships , and to fight them upon their own Coast. But then the wind suddenly changing into the South , and he wisely foreseeing that the enemy might pass by without his discovery , that the Seas might be stormy , or his Fleet wind-bound , and that whilst he thus lay abroad , his service might be more necessary at home , and that his work was to defend the Coasts of England , he therefore presently returned and anchored his Fleet in the Haven at Plimouth , suffering his men to refresh themselves upon the Land. At the same time there came more confident advertisement ( though false ) not only to the Lord Admiral , but to the Court , that the Spanish Fleet could not possibly come forth again that year , upon which reports ( a dangerous matter in State affairs ) so confident was our Queen , that she sent for four of her biggest royal Ships to be brought back to Chattam : But the Lord Admiral suspecting the worst , by a mild and moderate answer retarded it , desiring that nothing might be lightly believed in so weighty a matter , and that he might retain them though at his own charge . Wherein indeed a special providence of God did appear , for just at that time news was brought to the Lord Admiral by one Captain Thomas Flemming , that the Spanish Fleet was entred into the British Seas , commonly called the Channel , and was seen near unto the Lizard point , which came thus to pass . The Spanish ships being new rigged , and their wants supplyed , their King still hot on his former resolutions , instantly urged and hastened his Commanders to put forth again to Sea , which accordingly they did upon the eleventh of July with the same South wind which ( as was said before ) brought back our Navy into Plimouth ; and so having a more favourable Gale , with brave shews , and full Sails , they entred our Channel , where casting Anchor , they dispatched certain smal Pinnaces to the Prince of Parma , to signifie their arrival and readiness , and to command him in the name of their King to forward his charge for that service . July the twentieth about noon , this terrible Fleet was descried by the English , coming forward amain with a South-west wind . It was a kind of surprise : For that ( as was said ) many of our men were gone to land , and our ships ready to depart : Nevertheless our undaunted Admiral towed forth such ships as he could get in readiness into the deep Sea , not without great difficulty , certainly with singular diligence , and admirable alacrity of our Mariners , cheered up with the Admirals own presence and assistance among them at their halserwork , the wind blowing strongly into the Haven . When they were forth they saw the Spanish ships with lofty Towers like Castles , in front like an half-moon , the horns whereof stretched forth in breadth about seven miles , sayling ( as it were ) with labour to the winds , the Ocean groaning under them ; so that though with full sails , yet they came but slowly forward . They seemed as it were to make for Plymouth ; but whether their Commission was otherwise , or because contrary to their expectation , they saw the English ships out of the Harbour , they steered by towards Calice , hoping to meet with the Prince of Parma : The English willingly suffered them to pass by , that they might the more commodiously chase them in the Reer with a fore-right wind . Iuly the twenty first , the Lord Admiral of England sent before him a Pinnace called the Defiance , to denounce war by discharging her Ordnance , himself following in the Ark-Royal , set upon the Admiral ( as he thought ) of the Spaniards but it proved to be Alonzo de Leva's ship , where fire , smoke , and loud thundring Cannons began the parley ; and rending Bullets most freely enterchanged betwixt them , were fiery messengers of each others minds . Soon after came up Drake , Hawkins and Forbusher , playing with their Ordnance upon the hindmost Squadron of the Enemies , which was commanded by Rechalde , who laboured all he could to stay his Men from flying for shelter to the Fleet , till his own ship being much battered with shot , and now grown unserviceable , was with much difficulty drawn into the main Fleet. At which time the Duke of Medina gathered together his whole Fleet , scattered here and there by the English , and hoising more sail , kept on his intended course toward Callice ; neither indeed could he do otherwise , the wind favouring the English , and himself finding the inconvenience of their great and high built ships , powerful to defend , but not to offend ; to stand , but not to move ; whereas on the contrary their enemies were nimble , and ready on all sides to annoy them , and as apt to escape harms themselves , being low built and so easily shot over . Hereupon he caused them to gather themselves up close in the form of an half-moon , and to slacken their sails that their whole Fleet might keep together . But our English Admiral having maintained an hot fight for the space of two hours , thought nor good to continue it any longer , thirty of his ships scarce coming to the work , the rest being as yet scarce gotten out of the Harbour . In this first days fight the Saint Katherine , a Spanish Ship , having been sorely battered and much torn , was taken into the middest of their Fleet to be repaired : And an huge Ship of Biscaie of Don Oquendoes , in which was a great part of the Kings treasure , began to be all in a Flame by force of Gunpowder , which was fired on purpose by a Flemish Gunner , for being misused by them : But the fire was soon quenched by the assistance of some other ships sent in to her help . All this while the Spaniards for want of courage ( which they called Commission ) did what they could to decline the fight , casting themselves continually into Roundels ( their strongest ships walling in the rest ) in which posture they made a flying march towards Callis : yet in the former medly a great Gallion , wherein was Don Pedro de Valdez , Vasques de Silva , Alenzo de Saias , with other Noble men , being sore battered with the English shot , in avoyding whereof she fell foul upon another ship , and ere she could be cleared had her fore-mast broken off , which so hundred her sailing , that she was unable to keep way with the rest of the Fleet , nor were their friends of courage to succour these distressed Lords , but left both ship and them in this sudden and unexpected danger . But the night coming on , our Lord Admiral supposing that they had left neither men nor Mariners aboard within her , and fearing to lose sight of the Spaniards , past by her , and followed the Lanthorn which he supposed to be carried by Sir Francis Drake , as it was appointed , but that brave Knight was eagerly pursuing five great Hulks which he took to be of the Spaniards , but when he came up , and haled them , they proved Easterlings and friends , and so were dismissed : yet by this mistake of his , the greatest part of our Fleet , wanting the direction of his light , was forced to lye still : so that he and the rest of the Fleet till towards night , the next day , could not recover sight of the Lord Admiral , who all the night before with two other ships , the Bear and the Mary-Rose followed the Spanish Lanthorn . July the twenty second ; Sir Francis Drake espied the aforementioned lagging Gallion , whereupon he sent forth a Pinnace to command them to yield , otherwise his bullets without any delay should force them to it : Valdes , to seem valorous , answered , that they were four hundred and fifty strong ; that himself was Don Pedro , and stood on his honour , and thereupon propounded certain conditions : But the Knight returned this reply , that he had no leisure to parley , if he would immediately yield , so ; otherwise be should soon prove that Drake was no dastard . Pedro hearing that it was the fiery Drake ( whose name was very terrible to the Spaniards ) that had him in chase , presently yielded , and with forty of his companions , came on board Sir Francis his Ship , where first giving him the Conge , he protested that he and all his were resolved to have dyed fighting , had they not fallen into his hands , whose valour and felicity was so great , that Mars and Neptune seemed to wait on him in all his attempts , and whose noble and generous mind towards the vanquished , had often been experienced even of his greatest foes . Sir Francis to requite his Spanish Complements with English Courtesie , placed him at his own table , and lodged him in his own Cabin : the residue of that company he sent to Plimouth , where they remained prisoners for the space of eighteen months , till by payment of their ransoms they obtained their liberty : But Drakes Souldiers had well paid themselves by the plunder of the ship , wherein they found 55000 Ducats of ●old , which they merrily shared amongst them . The same day Michael de Oquendo , Admiral of the Squadron Guypusco , and Vice-Admiral of the whole Fleet , suffered no less a disaster ; whose ship being one of the greatest Gallions , fell on fire , and all the upper part of the ship being burnt , most also of the persons therein were consumed : howbeit the Gunpowder in the hold not taking fire , the ship fell into the hands of the English , which , together with the scorched Spaniards therein , was brought into Plimouth , a joyful spectacle to the beholders . All this day , the Duke of Medina laboured securely to set his Fleet in order ; To Alphonso de Leva he gave in charge to joyne the first and last squadron together ; To every ship he assigned his quarter to ride in according to the form prescribed in Spain , commanding them upon pain of death not to desert their stations . Glitch , an Ensign-bearer , he sent to the Prince of Parma to acquaint him with his condition . July the twenty third , early in the morning the Spaniards taking the benefit of a Northerly wind , when they approached right against Portland , turned about against the English ; but the English , nimble , and foreseeing all advantages , soon turned aside to the VVestward , each striving to get the wind of the other , which at last the English got , and so they prepared themselves on each side to fight ; and the English continued all day from morning till night to batter those wooden Castles with great and small shot : The fight was very confused and variable , whilst on the one side the English bravely rescued the London ships that were hemmed in by the Spaniards , and on the other side the Spaniards as stoutly delivered Rechalde being in danger ▪ Never was there heard greater thundring of Ordnance on both sides , the chiefest fight being performed on this day ; yet notwithstanding the shot from the Spanish ships for the most part flew over the English without hurting them , only Cock an Englishman dyed with honour in the midst of his enemies in a little ship of his . The English ships being far the lesser , charged that Sea-Gyant with marvellous agility , and having given them their broad sides flew off again presently , and then coming up , levelled their shot directly without missing those heavy an unweildy ships of the Spaniards . But the Lord Admiral would not hazzard a fight by grappling with them , as some unadvised persons would have perswaded him : For he considered that the enemy had a strong Army in the Fleet , whereas he had none ; that their ships were more in number , of bigger burden , stronger , and huger built , so that they could not be boarded but with extreme disadvantage : He foresaw also that the overthrow would turn to a greater dammage than the victory would avail him : For being vanquished he should have brought England into extreme hazzard , and being conqueror he should only have gained a little glory to himself for overthrowing the Fleet , and beating the enemy . On this day the sorest fight was performed , wherein , besides other remarkable harms which the enemy sustained , a great Venetian ship with some other smaller were surprized , and taken by the English , and the Spaniards were forced for their further safety to gather themselves close into a Roundel , their best and greatest ships standing without , that they might secure those that were battered and less . July the twenty fourth , the fight was only between the four great Galliasses , and some of the English ships , the Spaniards having great advantage , theirs being rowed with oars , and ours ( by reason of the calm ) having no use of their sails , notwithstanding which they sorely galled the enemy with their great and chain shot ; wherewith they cut in sunder their tacklings , cables , and cordage to their no little prejudice . But wanting powder which they had spent so freely , and other provision to maintain the fight , the Lord Admiral sent some of his smaller ships to the next Ports of England to fetch supply ; which stirred up jealousies in the heads of many , that we should thus want upon our own Coasts . In which Interim a Council was called , wherein it was resolved that the English Fleet should be divided into four squadrons , and those committed to four brave Captains , and skilful Seamen , whereof the Lord Admiral in the Ark-Royal was chief : Sir Francis Drake in the Revenge led the second : Captain Hawkins the third : and Captain Forbusher the fourth . Other most valiant Captains there were in others of Her Majesties Ships , as the Lord Thomas Howard in the Lion , the Lord Sheffield in the Bear , Sir Robert Southwel in the Elizabeth , Captain Baker in the Victory , and Captain George Fenner in the Gallion-Leicester : It was also further appoined that out of every squadron certain small vessels should give you a charge from diverse parts in the dead time of the night , but the calm continuing , this designe could not be effected . July the twenty fifth , being Saint James day , the Spaniards were arrived against the Isle of Wight , where was a most terrible encounter , each shooting off their whole broad sides , and not above sixscore yards the one from the other : There the Saint Anne , a Gallion of Portugal , which could not hold course with the rest , was set upon by certain small English Vessels , to whose rescue came Leva and Don Diego Telles Enriques with three Galliasses : which the Lord Admiral himself and the Lord Thomas Howard in the Golden Lion , rowing their ships with their boats ( so great was the calm ) charged in such sort with their roaring Canons , that they had much ado , and that not without loss , to save the Gallion , from which time forward none of the Galliasses would undertake the fight . The Spaniards reported that the English the same day beat the Spanish Admiral in the utter squadron , rending her sore with their Great Ordnance , and having slain many of her men , shot down her main Mast , and would have much endanger'd her , but that Mexi● and Rechalde came in good time to her rescue . That the Spanish Admiral , assisted by Rechalde and others , set upon the English Admiral , which happily escaped by the sudden turning of the wind . That thereupon the Spaniards gave over the pursuit , and holding on their Course , dispatched again a Messenger to the Prince of Parma , to joyn his Fleet with all speed to the Kings Armado , and withal to send them a supply of great shot . But these things were unknown to the English , who wrote that from one of the Spanish ships they had shot down their Lanthorn , and from another the Beak-head , and that they had done much hurt to the third ; that the Non-parrella and the Mary Rose , had fought a while with the Spaniards ; and that other ships had rescued the Tryumph , which was in danger : The truth is , they had so sorely battered those huge wooden Castles , that once more they forced them for their further safety to gather themselves into a Roundel . July the twenty sixth , the Lord Admiral , to encourage and reward the Noble Attempts of his gallant Captains , bestowed the Order of Knighthood upon the Lords Howard and Sheffield , Roger Townsend , John Hawkings , Martin Forbusher , and others : And yet the vain glorious and boasting Spaniards caused a report to be spread in France , that England was wholly conquered by them . It was resolved by our men that from thenceforth they should assail the enemy no more till they came to the British Frith , or strait of Callis , where the Lord Henry Seimore and Sir William Winter , with the ships which they had for the guard of the narrow Seas , waited their coming ; and so with a fair gale from the South West and by South , the Spanish Fleet sailed forward , the English Fleet following it close at the heels . And so far was it from terrifying our English Coasts with the name of Invincible , or with its huge and terrible spectacle , that our brave English youth with an incredible alacrity , leaving parents , wives , children , kinsfolk , and friends out of their entire love to their native country , hired ships from all parts at their own proper charges , and joyned with the Fleet in great numbers , amongst whom were the Earls of Oxford , Northumberland and Cumberland : Thomas and Robert Cecil : Henry Brook : Charles Blunt : Walter Raleigh : William Hatton : Robert Carey : Ambrose Willoughby : Thomas Gerard : Arthur Gorges , and many others of great note . July the twenty seventh , the Spanish Fleet making forward , towards evening , came over against Dover , and anchored before Callis , intending for Dunkerk there to joyn with the Prince of Parma's forces , well perceiving that without their assistance they could do nothing : They were also warned by the Pilots , that if they proceeded any farther it was to be feared lest they should be driven by the force of the tide into the Northern Ocean . The English Fleet following up hard upon them , cast Anchor so neer that they lay within Culvering shot ; at which time the Lord Henry Seimore , and Winter joyned their ships to them , so that now the English Fleet consisted of one hundred and forty sail , all able ships to fight , sail , and turn about which way soever they pleased . Yet were they not above fifteen that sustained the greatest burden of the fight . From hence once more the Duke of Medina sent to the Prince of Parma to hasten forth his long expected , and much desired forces : with which messengers many of the Spanish Noble men went to land , having had enough of the Sea ; amongst whom was the Prince of Ascoli , the Kings base son , who returned to his ship no more ; and indeed well it was for him , for that his Gallion was afterwards cast away upon the Irish Coast , and never returned to salute Spain . These messengers earnestly prayed the Prince of Parma to put forth to Sea with his Army , which the Spanish Fleet should protect , as it were under her wings , till it was landed in England . And indeed the Prince of Parma , hearing the best , and not the worst of this voyage , made all things ready that lay in his charge , whose hopes were so fixed upon Englands Conquest , and the glittering Diadem upon Queen Elizabeths head did so dazel his ambitious eyes , being assured by Cardinal Allen that he was the man designed to be crowned therewith , that neglecting the Coronet of the Low-Country Government , he transferred the charge thereof upon Count Mansfield the Elder , and having made his vows to the Lady of Hall in Heinault , he was already in conceit no less than a King. But the date of his reign was soon expired , and his swelling tide fallen into a low shallow ebb : For the day following in his march to Dunkirk , he heard the thundring Ordnance ringing the passing peal of his hopes and title , and the same evening had news of the hard success of the Spaniards , the hoped advancers of his dreamed felicity ; and indeed do what he could , he could not be ready at the Spaniards call : His flat-bottomed boats for the shallow Channels leaked ; his provision of victuals proved unready , and his mariners ( having hitherto been detained against their wills ) had withdarwn themselves : there lay also watching before the Havens of Dunkirk and Newport , whence he was to put forth to Sea , the men of War of the Hollanders and Zelanders , so well provided with great Ordnance and Musketiers , that he could not put from the shore unless he would wilfully cast himself and his men upon eminent perils and dangers of destruction : and yet he being a skilful and experienced Commander , omitted no means , being inflamed with a desire to conquer England . But Queen Elizabeths foresight prevented both his diligence and the credulous hope of the Spaniards . For by Her command the next day after the Spaniards had cast Anchor , the Lord Admiral made ready eight of his worst ships , filled with wild-fire , pitch , rosin , brimstone , and other combustible matter : their Ordnance were charged with bullets , stones , chains , and such like things , fit instruments of death ; and all the men being taken out , upon the Sabbath day , July the twenty eighth , at two of the clock after midnight , were they let drive with wind and tide , under the guidance of Young and Prowse , amongst the Spanish Fleet. And so the Pilots returning , and their trains taking fire , such a sudden thunderclap was given by them , that the affrighted Spaniards , it being the dead time of the night , were amazed , and stricken with an horrible fear , lest all their ships should have been fired by them . And to avoid this present mischief , being in great perplexity , they had no other remedy to avoid these deadly engines , and murthering inventions , then by cutting their cables in sunder , the time being too short to weigh up their Anchors , and so hoising up their sails to drive at random into the Seas : in which hast and confusion the greatest of their Galliastes fell foul upon another ship , and lost her rudder : and so floted up and down , and the next day fearfully making towards Callis , ran aground upon the sands , where she was set upon by the English . This Galliass was of Naples : Her General was Hough de Moncado , who fought the more valiantly , because he expected present help from the Prince of Parma : But Sir Amias Preston gave such a fierce assault upon her , that Moncado was shot dead with a bullet , and the Galliass boarded , wherein many of the Spaniards were slain , and a great many others leaping into the Sea were drowned , only Don Antonio de Matiques , a principal Officer , had the good hap to escape , and was the first man that carried the unwelcome news into Spain , that their Invincible Navy proved vincible . This huge bottom manned with four hundred Souldiers , and three hundred slaves , that had in her fifty thousand Ducats of the Spanish Kings treasure , fell into the English mens hands ; a reward well befitting their valour , who sharing it merrily amongst them , and freeing the miserable slaves from their fetters , would have fired the empty vessel : but Monsieur Gourden , Governour of Callis , fearing that the fire might endanger the Town , would not permit them to do it , bending his Ordnance against those which attempted it . Had not this politick Stratagem of the fire-ships been found out , it would have been very difficult for the English to have dislodged them ; for those huge ships had their bulks so strengthened with thick planks , and massie beams , that our bullets might strike , and stick , and yet never pass through them : So that the greatest hurt which our English Canon did , was only by rending their Masts and tacklings . The Spaniards report that the Duke of Medina , when these burning ships approached , commanded the whole Fleet to weigh Anchor to avoid them yet so , as having shunned the danger , presently every ship to return to her former station , which accordingly he did himself , giving a signal to the rest to do the like , by discharging one of his great Guns ; but in this general consternation the warning was heard but of a few , the rest being scattered all about which for fear were driven some into the' wide Ocean , and other upon the shallows of Flanders . July the twenty ninth , after this miserable disaster , the Spaniards ranging themselves into the best order they could , approaching over against Graveling , where once again the English getting the wind of them , deprived them of the conveniency of Callis road , and kept them from supply out of Dunkirk , from whence rested their full hope of support . In the mean while Drake aad Fenner played incessantly with their great Ordnance upon the Spanish Fleet , and with them presently joyned Fenton , Southwel , Be●●●on , Cross , Riman , and lastly the Lord Admiral himself , with the Lords , Thomas Howard , and Sheffield : On the other hand , the Duke of Medina , Leva , Oquenda , Richalde , and others of them , with much ado got clear off the shallows , and sustained the charge as well as they could , yet were most of their ships pitifully torn and shot through , the fight continuing from morning till night , which indeed proved very dismal to the Spaniards ; for therein a great Gallion of Biscay perished , the Captains whereof to avoid ignominy ; or to be reputed valorous , desparately slew each other . ●n which distress also two other great ships presently sunk . The Gallion Saint Matthew under the command of Don Diego Piementelli , coming to rescue Don Francisco de Toledo who was in the Saint Philip , was , together with the other , miserably torn with shot , their tacklings spent , and their bulks rent , so that the water entred in on all sides , which sight was maintained against them by Seimore and Winter ; In which distress they were driven near Ostend , where again they were shot through and through by the Zelanders : Their desparate condition being known , the Duke of Medina sent his own skiff for Don Diego Piementelli , Camp-master , and Colonel over thirty two Bands : But he in a Spanish Bravado refused to leave his ship , and like a Souldier assayed every way to free himself : But being unable to do it , he forthwith made towards the coast of Flanders , where being again set upon by five Dutchmen of War , was required to yield , which finally he did unto Captain Peter Banderdness , who carried him into Zeland : and for a Trophy of his victory hung up his Banner in the Church of Leiden , whose length reached from the very roof to the ground : Another also of the Spanish ships coasting for Flanders , was cast away upon the sands . Francisco de Toledo also , being likewise a Colonel over thirty two Bands in the other Gallion , taking his course for the coast of Flanders , his ship proved so leak , that himself with some others of the chief betook themselves to their skiff , and arrived at Ostend , the ship with the residue being taken by the Flushingers . The Spaniards now finding their welcome into England far worse than they expected , were content to couch their Fleet as close together as they could , not seeking to offend their enemies , but only to defend themselves , and the wind coming to the South-west , in the same order they passed by Dunkirk , the English still following them at the heels . But left the Prince of Parma should take this advantage to put forth to Sea , the Lord Admiral dispatched the Lord Henry Seimore with his squaron of small ships to the Coast of Flanders , to joyn with those Hollanders , which there kept watch under Justin of Nassau , their Admiral : This Holland Fleet consisted of thirty five ships , furnished with most skilful Mariners , and twelve hundred Muskiteers , old experienced Souldiers , whom the States had culled out of several Garisons : Their charge was to stop up the Flemish Havens , and to prevent entercourse with Dunkirk , whither the Prince of Parma was come , and would fain have adventured forth , though his men were unwilling , hearing how their friends had been entertained at Sea : Only the English fugitives , being about seven hundred in number , under that treacherous Knight , Sir William Stanley , were very forward to be the first that should assault England . July the 31 betimes in the morning the North-west-wind blew hard , and the Spanish Fleet laboured by that advantage to return to the narrow strait , but were driven towards Zeland : whereupon the English gave off the chase , because they saw them carried almost to their utter ruine ; for they could not but run a ground upon the sands and shallows neer Zeland : but the wind turning presently into the South-west and by West , they sailed before the wind , by which means they were cleared of the shallowes , and so that evening they called a Council what to do , and by consent it was resolved to return into Spain by the Northern Ocean : for that they wanted many necessaries , especially great shot ; their ships also were pitifully torn , and there remained no hope that the Prince of Parma would or could bring forth his Fleet. The Armado having now gotten more Sea-room for their huge bodied bulks , spread their Main sails , and made away as fast as wind and water would give them leave : More fearing the small Fleet and forces of the English ( though far inferiour to them ) then standing upon terms of honour either for the credit of their Commanders , or their Invincible Navy : But surely if they had known the want of Powder ours sustain●d ( a fault inexcusable upon our own Coasts ) they no doubt would have stood better to their tacklings : But God in this , as in all the rest , infatuated them , and would have us to acknowledge that our deliverance was by his own gracious Providence and power , and not by any strength or policy of our own . The Spanish Fleet beeing now carried forth into the deep , they directed their course Northward , and our English Admiral followed them , lest they should attempt to put into Scotland , against whom they now and then turned head , but stood not to it : Yet most men thought they would return , whereupon our Queen with a manly courage took a view of her Army and Camp at Tilbury , and walking through the ranks of Armed men placed on both sides , with a Leaders Truncheon in her hand , sometimes in a martial pace , and other sometimes like a woman , incredible it is how much she strengthened and encouraged the hearts both of her Captains and Souldiers with her speech and presence . But contrary to expectation , the enemies with their sails spread , betook themselves to an absolute flight , and leaving Scotland on the West , they bended their Course towards Norway , being ill advised therein , ( but their necessity urged , and God had infatuated their Counsels ) thus to adventure to put their shaken and battered bottoms into those black and dangerous Seas : Neither was the Climate heathful for the crazed Bodies of the Spaniards , over-beaten , and tired with wants , they being now entred the fifty seventh degree of Northerly Latitude ; from whence our Lord Admiral returned , leaving only some Scouts to discover their success . When the Prince of Parma came to Dunkirk , the Spaniards entertained him with opprobrious speeches , as if in favour of Queen Elizabeth , he had neglected his opportunity , and willingly overthrown so hopeful a Design . The Prince to give them some satisfaction punished his Purveyors of Victuals , yet withal laughing in his sleeve at the insolency of the Spaniards , having heard them formerly to make their boasts that whithersoever they went they carried assured victory along with them , and that the English durst nor once abide to look them in the face . The Spaniards ( as was said even now ) being freed from the English that had haunted them like their Ghosts , consulted most seriously what was next to be done : they were very tender of the Popes Credit , who had prophesied , that this attempt would be fortunate and successful : The wrath of King Philip of Spain was to be feared , his vast Expences being thus lost , and his hopes frustrated : other Adventurers would be undone : the glory of the Spaniards would be laid in the dust : the Invincible Navy become a scorn , and England would still be England , not lorded over by the Spaniards , if without further attempt they should return into Spain . But on the other hand they considered that 5 thousand of the Souldiers were slain : a multitude of their Survivors lay sick or maimed upon their hands : Twelve of their greatest ships were sunk , lost , or taken : their Cables , Masts , and Sails were cut ; rent and broken with the English shot : Their Anchors left in the road of Callis : their victuals failed : Their fresh water was spent : and their enemies no less fierce , undaunted , and successful than at the first : The Prince of Parma though long in preparing , yet still unready , and kept in by the Dutch , Queen Elizabeths firm Allies : which circumstances wisely ballanced , the vote went currant for their hastning to Spain . But withal knowing that the King of Scots ( fast knit in affection and blood to our Queen ) would yield them no supplies ; and having as little hope that Norway would afford them any , they cast all their , Horses , and Mules overboard , for the sparing of their fresh water : and so framing their course to sail about Cathenes , and the Coasts of Ireland , they steered between the Orcades and the Isles of Farr unto the sixty first degree of Latitude : From whence the Duke of Medina , with his best stored ships , took Westward over the main Ocean towards Biscay , and at last arrived safely in Spain : where for his welcome , he was deposed from all his authority , forbidden to come at Court , and commanded to live private , neither could he give satisfaction by his bad excuses , albeit he imputed it to the treachery of his Mariners ; to their ignorance ; and small experience of those Northern Seas . The want of succours from the Prince of Parma ; the Tempests , Shipwracks and ill fortune : but not a word of the judgement of God , upon that Giant-like undertaking to enslave all England to the Spanish yoke . The residue of the Ships , being about forty in number , fell nearer with the coast of Ireland , intending to touch at Cape Clare , well hoping there to refresh themselves , and supply their wants : but the winds proving contrary and tempestuous upon those dangerous Seas , many of their ships perished upon the Irish shores , and amongst others a great Galliass , wherein Michael de Oquendo was Commander , and two other Venetian ships of great burden , besides thirty eight more , with most of the Spaniards contained in them Such as got clear off the danger , put forth to Sea : some of which by a strong West Wind were driven into the English Channel , where some of them were again set upon and taken by the English , others by men of Rochel in France ; and some arrived at New Haven in Normandy : So that of one hundred thirty four ships that set fail out of Lisboa , only fifty three returned into Spain : Of the four Galliasses of Naples but one : of the four Oallions of Portugal , but one : of the ninety one Callions , and great Hulks from divers Provinces , only thirty three returned , fifty eight being lost . In brief , they lost in this voyage eighty one vessels , thirteen thousand , five hundred and odd Souldiers . Prisoners taken in England , Ireland , and the Low-Countries were above two thousand : Amongst those in England , Don Pedro de Valdez , Don Vasques de Silva , and Don Alonzo de Saies , and others were kept for their ransome . In Ireland Don Alonzo de Luzon , Roderigo de Lasse , and others of great account : In Zeland was Don Diego Piementelli : To be brief , there was no famous , or noble family in all Spain , which in this expedition lost not a son , brother , or kinsman . And thus this Armado which had been so many years in preparing , and rigging with such vast expence , was in one month many times assaulted , and at length wholly defeated with the slaughter of so many of her men , not one hundred of the English being lacking , nor one small ship of theirs taken , or lost , save only that of Cocks : and having traversed round about all Britain , by Scotland , the Orcades and Ireland , most grievously tossed , and very much distressed , and wasted by stormes , wracks , and all kinds of misery , at length came lamely home , with perpetual dishonour : whereupon Medals were stamped in memory thereof : A Fleet flying with full sailes ; with this inscription , Venit , vidit , fugit , It came , it saw , it fled : Others in honour of our Queen , with flaming ships , and a Fleet in a great confusion , and this Motto , Dux faemina facti , A woman was conductor of the fact . In the aforementioned wracks above seven hundred Souldiers and Sailors were cast on land in Scotland , who ( upon the intercession of the Prince of Parma to the King of Scots , and by the permission of Queen Elizabeth ) were after a years time sent over into the Low-Countries : But more unmercifully were those miserable wretches dealt withal , whose hap was to be driven by tempest into Ireland : Some of them being slain by the wild Irish ( their old friends ) and others of them being put to death by the command of the Lord Deputy : For he fearing lest they might joyn with the Irish to disturb the peace of the Nation , commanded Bingham , Governour of Connaught to destroy them : but he , refusing to deal so rigorously with those that had yielded themselves , He sent Fowle , Deputy-Marshall , who drew them out of their lurking holes , and cut off the heads of above two hundred of them ; which fact the Queen from her heart condemned , and abhorred as a fact of too great cruelty . The remainder of them being terrified herewith , sick and starven as they were , committed themselves to Sea in their shattered vessels , and were many of them swallowed up by the waves . The Spaniards charged the whole fault of their overthrow upon the Prince of Parma , as if in favour to our Queen he had wilfully and artificially delayed his coming to them : But this was but an invention , and pretention given out by them , partly upon a Spanish envy against that Prince , he being an Italian , and his Son a Competitor to the Kingdom of Portugal : But chiefly to save the scorn and monstous disreputation which they and their Nation received by the success of that enterprise : Therefore their colours , and excuses ( forsooth ) were , That their General by Sea had a limited Commission , not to fight till the Land Forces were come in to them , and that the Prince of Parma had particular reaches and ends of his own to cross the designe . But it was both a strange Commission , and a strange Obedience to a Commission , for men in the midst of their own blood , and being so furiously assailed , to hold their hands , contrary to the Laws of Nature and necessity . And as for the Prince of Parma , he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that enterprise , by no less promise than to be made a Feudatory or Beneficiary King of England under the Seignory ( in chief ) of the Pope , and the protection of the King of Spain . Besides , it appeared that the Prince of Parma held his place long after of the Govenment of the Netherlands , in the favour and trust of the King of Spain , and by the great imployments and services that he performed in France . It is also manifest that this Prince did his best to come down , and put to Sea : The truth was , that the Spanish Navy , upon those proofs of Fight which they had with the English , finding how much hurt they received , and how little , hurt they did , by reason of the activity and low building of our ships , and skill of Sea-men ; and being also commanded by a General of small courage and experience , and having lost at first two of their bravest Commanders at Sea , Pedro de Valdez , and Michael de Oquenda , durst not put it to a Battel at Sea , but set up their rest wholly upon the Land enterprise . On the other side , the transportation of the Land Forces failed in the very foundation ; For , whereas the Council of Spain made full account that their Navy should be Master of the Sea , and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation : When it fell out to the contrary , that the great Navy was distressed , and had enough to do to save it self , and that their Land Forces were impounded by the Hollanders . Things ( I say ) being in this state , it came to pass that the Prince of Parma must have flown , if he would have come into England , for he could get neither Bark , nor Mariner to put to Sea. Yet certain it is that the Prince looked for the comming back of the Armado even at that time when they were wandring , and making their perambulation upon the Northern Seas . Thus we see the curse of God and his threatning in Scripture accomplished : They came out against us one way , and they fled seven wayes before us : making good ( even to the astonishment of all Posterity ) the wonderful Judgments of God poured out commonly upon such vast and proud aspirings . After this Glorious Deliverance of our Land by the Power of the Omnipotent , and the wild Boar repelled that sought to lay waste Englands fair and fruitful Vineyard , our Gracious and Godly Queen ( who ever held Ingratitude a Capital sin , especially towards her Almighty Protector ) as she had begun with Prayer , so she ended with Praise , commanding solemn Thanksgiving to be celebrated to the Lord of Hosts at the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in her chief City of London , which accordingly was done upon Sabbath day the eighth of September : at which time eleven of the Spanish Ensignes ( the once badges of their bravery , but now of their vanity and ignominy ) were hung upon the lower battlements of that Church , as Palmes of Praise for Englands Deliverance : a shew no doubt more pleasing to God than when their spread colours did set out the pride of the Spaniards , threatning the blood of so many innocent and faithful Christians . Queen Elizabeth her self , to be an example unto others upon Sabbath the twenty fourth of September , came from her Palace of White-Hall in Westminster , through the streets of London ( which were hung with blew Cloth , the Companies of the City standing in their Liveries on both sides with their Banners in goodly order ) being carried in a Chariot drawn with two Horses to St. Pauls Church , where dismounting from her . Chariot at the West door , she humbled her self upon her knees and with great devotion , in an audible voice She praised God as her only Defender , who had delivered Her self and People from the bloody designes of so cruel an enemy . The Sermon then preached tended wholly wholly to give all the glory to God , as the Author of this wonderful deliverance : and when that was ended , Her Majesty Herself , with most Princely and Christian speeches exhorted all the people to a due performance of those religious services of thankfulness which the Lord expected and required of them . About the same time the Fair being kept in Southwark , the Spanish Flags were hung up at London Bridge to the great joy of the beholders , and eternal infamy of the Spaniards proud attempts , as irreligious as unsuccessful . But the solemn day appointed for Thanksgiving throughout the Land was the nineteenth of November being Tuesday , which accordingly was observed with great joy and praising of God ; and well it were if it had so continued still , being no less a Deliverance than was that of Purim amongst the Jews , which they instituted to be kept holy throughout their Generations . The Zelanders also to leave a memorial of their thnakfulness to God , and their faithfulness to our Queen , caused Medals of Silver to be stamped , having engraven on the one side the Armes of their Countrey ; with this inscription , Glory to God alone , and on the reverse , the pourtracture of great Ships , under written , the Spanish Fleet , and in the circumference , It came , It went , It was , Anno 1588. In other medals also were stamped ships floating , and sinking , and in the reverse , Supplicants upon their knees , with this Motto , man proposeth , God disposeth , 1588. The Hollanders also stamped some medals with Spanish ships and this Motto , Impius fugit nemine sequente : the wicked fly when none pursues . Our Queen , to shew her gratitude as well to the instruments as to the Author of this great Deliverance , assigned certain yearly Rents to the Lord Admiral for his gallant service , and many times commended him , and the other Captains of Her Ships , as men born for the Preservation of their Country . The rest she graciously saluted by name as oft as she saw them , as men of notable deserts , wherewith they held themselves well apaid , and those which were wounded , maimed , or poor , She rewarded with competent pensions . The Lord of Hosts having thus dispelled this storm , the Queen dissolved her Camp at Tilbury , and not long after the Earl of Leicester ended his dayes , having been a Peer of great estate and honour , but liable to the common destiny of Great ones , whom all men magnifie in their life time , but few speak well of after their death . THis Admirable Deliverance was congratulated by almost all other Nations , especially by all the reformed Churches , and many Learned Men celebrated the same in Verse , amongst which I shall onely mention two : The first was that Poem made by Reverend Mr. Beza ; Translated into all the chief Languages in Christendom , to be perpetuated to all ensuing Posterity . It was this . STraverat innumeris Hispanus classibus aequor , Regnis juncturus Sceptra Britana suis Tanti hujus rogitas quae motus causa ? superbos Impulit Ambitio , vexat avaritia . Quam bene te Ambitio mersit vanissima ventus ; Et tumidae tumidos Vos superastis aquae ! Quam bene Raptores Orbis totius Iberos Mersit inexhausti justa vorago Maris ! At tu , cui venti , cui totum militat Aequor , Regina , O mundi totius una decus : Sic regnare Deo perge , Ambitione remota , Prodiga sic opibus perge juvare pios ; Vt te Angli longum , longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris , Quam dilecta bonis , tam metuenda malis . SPaines King with Navies great the Seas bestrew'd , T' augment with English Crown his Spanish sway : Ask ye what caus'd this proud attempt ? 't was lewd Ambition drove , and Avarice led the way . It 's well ; Ambitions windy pufflies drown'd By winds , and swelling hearts by swelling waves : It 's well ; those Spaniards who the Worlds vast round Devour'd , devouring Sea most justly craves . But thou O Queen , for whom Winds , Seas do war , O thou the Glory of this Worlds wide Mass , So reign to God still , from Ambition far , So still with bounteous aids the Good imbrace : That Thou maist England long , long England Thee enjoy Thou terror of all Bad , Thou Good mens joy . The other is that , made by Mr : Samuel Ward of Ipswich . OCtogesimus Octavus , Mirabilis annus Clade Papistarum , Faustus ubique piis . IN Eighty eight Spain arm'd with potent might Against our peaceful Land came on to fight : The Winds , and Waves , and Fire in one conspire To help the English , frustrate Spains desire . FINIS . THE Gun-Powder Treason : Being A Remembrance to England , OF THAT Ancient Deliverance From that Horrid PLOT , Hatched by the Bloody PAPISTS , 1605. Tending to revive the Memory of the FIFTH OF NOVEMBER to every Family in this NATION : That all sorts may be stirred up to real Thankfulness , and transmit the same to their Posterities ; that their Children may know the reason why the Fifth of November is Celebrated ; that GOD may have Glory , and the PAPISTS perpetual Infamy . The LORD is known by the judgement that he executeh , but the wicked is snared in the work of his own hands . HIGGAION SELAH . Psal. 9.16 . By Sam. Clark , Pastor of Bennet Fink , London . London , Printed for J. Hancock , and are to be sold at the three Bibles , being the first Shop in Popes-Head Alley , next to Cornhill . 1671. TO THE READER . Christian Reader , LEast the Remembrance of so signal a Mercy , and Deliverance vouchsafed by God both to our Church and State should be buried in Oblivion , I have ( at the request of the Book-seller ) presented thee here with a true and faithful Narrative of that Grand Work of Darkness forged in Hell , and by Satan suggested to some Popish Instruments , who envying the peace and prosperity of our Church , and progress of the Gospel , had designed at one blow to overthrow both : And that nothing might be wanting to compleat that horrid wickedness , their purpose was to have charged it upon the Puritans , thereby hoping to free themselves , and their Religion from the imputation of so hainous a crime . Now that the memorial of a Mercy of such publick and general concernment should not be forgotten , we have the Word of the Eternal God to be our Guide therein , when the Lord had by his Angel destroyed the first born of Egypt , and spared Israel , He instituted the Feast of the Passover to continue the memorial thereof through their Generations , Exod. 12.11 , 12 , 14 , 26 , 27. saith Moses to them , when your Children shall say unto you , What mean you by this service ? Ye shall say , It is the Sacrifice of the Lords Passover , who passed over the houses the Children of Israel , when He smote the Egyptians , and delivered our houses . And how careful good Mordecai was to continue the remembrance of that great Deliverance of the people of God from Destruction plotted , and contrived by that wicked Haman , appears Esther 9.20 . &c. where they did not only celebrate those present dayes of their Deliverance with Feasting and Gladness : but he , together with the rest of the Jewes ordained , and took upon them , and their Seed , and upon all such as joyned themselves unto them , so as it should not fail , that they would keep those days in their appointed time every year , and that those days should be remembred , and kept through their Generations , every Family , every Province , and every City , and that those days of Purim should not fail from amongst the Jews , nor the memorial of them perish from their Seed , &c. And truly the remembrance of this great Mercy hath the more need to be revived at this time , when some noted persons amongst us begin to lessen , and decry it , and wholly to lay aside the observation of that day , though enjoyned by Act of Parliament , and made Conscience of by most of the Godly People of the Nation . I have also been induced the rather to make this brief Collection of the Story , because , though it be published by others ; yet it is in larger Volumes , which are not every ones mony ; whereas for a small matter every family may get and keep this by them for the benefit , and satisfaction both of themselves and children , that so the Lord may not lose of his Glory , nor they ( for want of information ) fail of their duty . I shall conclude with that of the Psalmist , Psal. 107.8 . O that men would praise the Lord for his Goodness : and for his wonderful Works to the Children of Men : which is the hearty desire of Thine for thy spiritual Good , Sam. Clarke . Octob. 1657. THE DELIVERANCE OF OUR CHVRCH and STATE FROM THE Hellish Powder-Plot . 1605. THe Plot was to undermine the Parliament House , and with Powder to blow up the King , Prince , Clergy , Nobles , Knights , and Burgesses , the very confluence of all the flower of Glory , Piety , Learning , Prudence and Authority in the Land : Fathers , Sons , Brothers , Allies , Friends , Foes , Papists and Protestants , 〈…〉 blast . Their intent , when that irreligious atchievement had been performed , was , to surprize the remainder of the Kings Issue , to alter Religion and Government , and to bring in a forreign Power , Sir Edmond Baynam , an attainted person ( who stiled himself Prince of the damned Crew ) was sent unto the Pope as he was a temporal Prince to acquaint him with the Gunpowder Plot : and now to the Plot it self . The Sessions of Parliament being dissolved , July the 7th . Anno Christi , 1605. and prorogued to the seventh of February following ▪ Catesby being at Lambeth , sent for Th●mas Winter ; who before had been imployed into Spain , and acquainted him with the design of blowing up the Parliament House , who readily apprehending it , said , This indeed strikes at the root , only these helps were wanting ; a House for residence , and a skilful man to carry on the Mine : But the first , Catesby assured him was easie to be got ; and for the man , he commended Guy Fawkes , a sufficient Souldier , and a forward Catholick : Thus Robert Catesby , John Wright , Thomas Winter , and Guy Fawkes had many meetings , and conferences about this business , till at last Thomas Percy came puffing in to Catesby's Lodging at Lambeth , saying , What Gentlemen , shall we alwaies be talking , and never do any thing ? You cannot be ignorant how things proceed ? To whom Catesby answered , that something was resolved on , but first an Oath for secresie was to be administred : for which purpose they appointed to meet some three days after , behind Saint Clements Church beyond Temple-Bar ; where being met , Percy professed that for the Catholick cause himself would be the man to advance it , were it with the slaughter of the King , which he was there ready to undertake and and do . No Tom ( said Catesby ) thou shalt not adventure thy self to so small purpose ; if thou wilt be a Traytor , there is a Plot to greater advantage , and such an one as can never be discovered : Hereupon all of them took the Oath of Secresie , heard a Mass , and received the Sacrament , after which Catesby told them his Devillish Devise by mine and Gunpowder to blow up the Parliament House , and so by one stroke with the destruction of many to effect that at once which had been many years attempting : And for case of conscience to kill the innocent with the nocent , he told them that it was warrantable by the Authority of Garnet himself , the superiour of the English Jesuites , and of Garrard and Tresmond ( Jesuitical Priests likewise ) who by their Apostolical Power did commend the fact , and absolve the actors . The Oath was given them by the said Garrard in these words ; You shall swear by the blessed Trinity , and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive , never to disclose , directly nor indirectly , by word , or circumstance , the matter that shall be proposed to you to keep secret , nor desist from the execution thereof until the rest shall give you leave . The Project being thus far carried on , in the next place the first thing they sought after was an house wherein they might begin their work , for which purpose no place was held fitter than a certain edifice adjoyning to the wall of the Parliament House , which served for a withdrawing room to the Assembled Lords , and out of Parliament time was at the dispose of the Keeper of the place , and Wardrobe thereto belonging : these did Percy hire for his Lodgings , entertaining Guy Fawkes as his man , who changing his name into Johnson had the Keyes , and keeping of the Rooms . Besides this , they hired another house to lay in Provision of Powder , and to frame , and fit wood in for the carrying on the Mine , which Catesby provided at Lambeth , and sware Robert Ke●es into their Conspiracy , whom he made the Keeper of those Provisions , who by night conveyed the same unto Fawkes . The appointed day for the Parliament being the seventh day of February , It was thought fit to begin their work in October before : But Fawkes returning out of the Country , found Percys Rooms appointed for the Scottish Lords to meet in , who were to treat about the union of the two Kingdomes , whereupon they forbore to begin their work : But that Assembly being dissolved upon the eleventh of December , late in the night they entred upon the work of darkness beginning their Mine , having tools afore-hand prepared , and baked meats provided , the better to avoid suspition in case they should send abroad for them . They which first began the Mine were Robert Catesby Espuire , the Arch-Contriver and Traytor , and ruine of his name , Thomas Percy Esquire , akin to the Earl of Northumberland , Thomas Winter , John Wright , and Guy Fawks Gentlemen , and Thomas Bates , Catesby's man , all of them well grounded in the Romish School , and earnest labourers in this vault of Villany , so that by Christmas-eve they had brought the Mine under an entry adjoyning to the wall of the Parliament House , underpropping the earth as they went with their framed timber , nor till that day were they seen abroad of any man. During this undermining , much consultation was had how to order the rest of the business when the deed should be accomplished : the first was how to surprise the next heir to the Crown : for though they doubted not but that Prince Henry would accompany his Father , and perish with him , yet they suspected that Duke Charles , as too young to attend the Parliament , would escape the train , and perchance be so carefully guarded , and attended at Court that he would be gotten into their hands hardly , but Percy offered to be the remover of this rub , resolving with some other Gentlemen to enter the Dukes Chamber , which by reason of his acqaintance he might well do , and others of his like acquaintance should be placed at several doors of the Court , so that when the blow was given , and all men in a maze , then would he carry away the Duke , which he presumed would be easily done , the most of the Court being then absent , and for such as were present , they would be altogether unprovided for resistance . For the surprize of the Lady Elizabeth , it was held a matter of far less difficulty , She remaining at Comb Abby in Warwickshire with the Lord Harrington , and Ashbey , Catesby's house being not far from the same , whither under a pretence of hunting upon Dunsmore Heath , many Catholicks should be assembled , who knowing for what purpose they were met had the full liberty in that distracted time to provide Money , Horses , Armour and other necessaries for War , under pretence of strengthening , and guarding the heir apparent to the Crown . Then it was debated what Lords they should save from the Parliament , and it was agreed that they should keep as many as they could that were Catholicks or favourers of them : but that all others should feel the smart , and that the Treason should be charged upon the Puritans to make them more odious to the World. Next it was controverted what forreign Princes they should make privy to this Plot , seeing they could not enjoyn them to secresie , nor oblige them by Oath , and this much troubled them . For though Spain was held fittest to second their Plot , yet he was slow in his preparations , and France was too near and too dangerous to be dealt with , and how the Hollanders stood affected to England they knew very well . But while they were thus busying themselves , and tormenting their brains , the Parliament was adjourned to the fifth day of October ensuing , whereupon they brake off both discourse and work till Candlemass , and then they laid in powder , and other provisions , beginning their work again , and having in the mean time taken into their company Christopher Wright , and Robert Winter ; being first sworn , and receiving the Sacrament for secresie ; the Foundation Wall of the Parliament House being very hard , and nine Foot thick , with great difficulty they Wrought half through ; Fawkes being their Centinel to give warning when any came near , that the Noise in Digging might not be heard . The Labourers thus working into the Wall , were surprized with a great fear , and casting away their digging Tools , betook themselves to their Weapons , having sufficient shot , and powder in the house , and fully resolving rather to dye in the place than to yield or be taken . The cause of this their fear was a noise that they heard in a Room under the Parliament House , under which they meant to have Mined , which was directly under the Chair of State ; but now all on a sudden they were at a stand , and their countenances cast each upon other , as doubtful what would be the issue of this their Enterprize . Fawkes scouted out to see what he could discover abroad , and finding all safe and free from suspition , he returned and told them that the noise was only occasioned by the removal of Coals that were now upon Sale , and that the Cellar was to be let , which would be more commodious for their purpose , and also would save their labour for the Mine . Hereupon Thomas Porcy under pretence of stowage for his Winter Provision and Coals , went and hired the Cellar , which done they began a new conference , wherein Catesby found the weight of the whole work too heavy for himself alone to support : for besides the maintenance of so many persons , and the several houses for the several uses hired and paid for by him , the Gunpowder and other Provisions would rise to a very great sum , and indeed too much for one mans Purse . He desired therefore that himself , Percy , and one more might call in such persons as they thought fit to help to maintain the charge , alledging that they knew men of worth and wealth that would willingly assist , but were not willing that their names should be known to the rest . This request , as necessary , was approved , and therefore ceasing to dig any further in the Vault , knowing that the Cellar would be fitter for their purpose , they removed into it twenty Barrels of Gunpowder , which they covered with a Thousand Billets , and five hundred Faggots , so that now their Lodging Rooms were cleared of all suspicious Provision , and might be freely entered into without danger of discovery . But the Parliament being again prorogued to the Fifth of November following , these persons thought fit that for a while they should again disperse themselves ( all things being already in so good a forwardness , and that Guy Fawkes should go over to acquaint Sir William Stanley , and Master Hugh Owen with these their proceedings , ) yet so , as the Oath of Secresie should be first taken by them . For their design was to have Sir William Stanleys presence so soon as the fatal blow should be given , to be a leader to their intended Stratagems , whereof ( as they thought ) they should have great need , and that Owen should remain where he was , to hold correspondency with forreign Princes , to allay the odiousness of the fact , and to impute the Treason to the discontented Puritans . Fawkes coming into Flanders found Owen , unto whom , after the Oath , he declared the Plot , which he very well approved of ; but Sir William Stanley being now in Spain , Owen said that he would hardly be drawn into the business , having Suits at this time in the English Court : yet he promised to engage him all that he could , and to send into England with the first , so soon as their Plot had taken effect : Upon this , Fawkes to avoid further suspicion , kept still in Flanders till the beginning of September , and then returning , received the Keys of the Cellar , and laid in more Powder , Billets and Faggots , which done he retired into the Countrey , and there kept till the end of October . In the mean time Catesby and Percy , meeting at the Bath , it was there concluded that because th●ir number was but few , Catesby himself should have power to call in whom he would to assist their design , by which authority he took in Sir Everard Digby of Rutlandshire , and Francis Tresham Esquire of Northamptonshire , both of them of sufficient state and wealth : For Sir Everard offered fifteen hundred pounds to forward the Action , and Tresham two thousand . But Percy disdaining that any should out-run him in evil , promised four thousand pounds out of the Earl of Northumberlands Rents , and ten swift horses to be used when the blow was past . Against which time to provide Ammunition , Catesby also took in Ambrose Rookwood , and John Grant , two Recusant Gentlemen , and without doubt others were acquainted also with it , had these two grand Electors been aprehended alive , whose own tongues only could have given an account of it . The business being thus forwarded abroad by their complices , they at home were no less active : For Percy , Winter , and Fawkes had stored the Cellar with thirty six Barrels of Gunpowder , and instead of shot , had laid upon them barrs of Iron , logs of timber , massie stones , Iron Crowes , Pick-axes , and all their working tools : and to cover all , great store of Billets and Faggots , so that nothing was wanting against that great and terrible day . Neither were the Priests and Jesuits slack on their parts , who usually concluded their Masses with prayers for the good success of their expected hopes , about which Garnet made these Verses , Gentem aufert perfidam credentium de finibus : Vt Christo laudes debitas persolvamus alacriter . And others thus . Prosper Lord their pains that labour in thy cause day and night : Let Heresie vanish away like smoke : Let their memory perish with a crack like the ruine and fall of a broken house . Upon Thursday in the evening , ten days before the Parliament was to begin , a Letter directed to the Lord Monteagle , was delivered by an unknown person to his footman in the street , with a strait charge to give it into his Lords own hands , wh●ch accordingly he did : The Letter had neither date , nor subscription , and was somewhat unlegible , so that the Nobleman called for one of his servants to assist him in reading it ; the strange contents whereof much perplexed him , he not knowing whether it was writ as a Pasquil to scare him from attendance at the Parliament , or as a matter of consequence , and advice from some friend : Howsoever , though it were now supper-time , and the night very dark , yet to shew his loyalty to his Soveraign , he immediately repaired to White-Hall , and imparted the Letter to the Earl of Salisbury , then principal Secretary , and they both presently acquainted the Lord ●hamberlain therewith , who deemed the matter not a little to concern himself ; his Office requiring him to oversee all the places to which his Majesty was to repair : Hereupon these two Counsellors shewed the Letter to the Earls of Worcester and Northampton , and all concluded ( how slight soever the contents seemed to appear ) to acquaint the King himself with the same , which accordingly was done : and the Letwas as followeth : My Lord , OVt of the Love I bear to some of your friends , I have a care of your preservation : Therefore I would advise you as you tender your life , to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament : For God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time . And think not slightly of this Advertisement , but retire your self into your Country , where you may expect the event in safety . For though there be no appearance of any stir , yet I say they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament , and yet they shall not see who hurts them . This Counsel is not to be contemned , because it may do you good , and can do you no harm : For the danger is past so soon as you have burnt the Letter ; and I hope God will give you the grace to make a good use of it , to whose holy protection I commend you . His Majesty after reading this Letter , pausing a while , and then reading it again , delivered his judgment , that the stile of it was too quick and pithy to be a Libel , proceeding from the superfluities of an idle brain , and by these words , That they should receive a terrible blow at this Parliament , and yet not see who hurt them ; he presently apprehended , that a sudden danger by a blast of Gunpowder was intended by some base villain in a corner , though no Insurrection , Rebellion , or desperate attempt appeared : and therefore wished that the Rooms under the Parliament House should be throughly searched , before himself or Peers should sit therein : Hereupon it was concluded that the Lord Chamberlain ( according to his Office ) should view all the Rooms above and below : but yet to prevent idle rumours , and to let things ripen further , it was resolved that this search should be deferred till Munday , the day immediately before the Parliament , and that then it should be done with a seeming slight eye to avoid suspect . According to this conclusion , the Earl of Suffolk , Lord Chamberlain , upon Munday in the afternoon , accompanied with the Lord Monteagle , repaired into those under Romes , and finding the Cellar so fully stored with Wood and Coals , demanded of Fawkes , the counterfeit Johnson , who stood there attending as a servant of small repute , Who owed the place ? He answered that the Lodgings belonged to Master Thomas Percy , and the Cellar also to lay in his Winter Provision , himself being the Keeper of it , and Master : Percy 's servant : whereunto the Earl , as void of any suspicion , told him that his Master was well provided against Winter blasts : But when they were come forth , the Lord Monteagle told him that he did much suspect Percy to be the Inditer of the Letter , knowing his affection in Religion , and the friendship betwixt them professed , so that his heart gave him ( as he said ) when he heard Percy named , that his hand was in the Act. The Lord Chamberlain returning , related to the King and Council what he had seen , and the suspition that the Lord Monteagle had of Percy , and himself of Johnson his man , all which increased his Majesties jealousie , so that he insisted ( contrary to the opinion of some ) that a narrower search should be made , and the Billets and Coals turned up to the bottom : and accordingly the search was concluded to be made , but under colour of searching for certain Hangings belonging to the house , which were missing and conveyed away . Sir Thomas Knevet ) a Gentleman of His Majesties Privy Chamber ) was employed herein , who about midnight before the Parliament was to begin , went to the place with a small , but trusty number of persons : And at the door of the entrance to the Cellar , finding one ( who was Guy Fawkes ) at so unseasonable an hour cloked , and booted , he apprehended him , and ransacking the Billet , he found the Serpents nest stored with thirty six barrels of Powder , and then searching the Villain , he found about him a dark Lanthorn three Matches , and other instruments for blowing up the Powder : And being no whit daunted , he instantly confessed his guiltiness , and was so far from Repentance , as he vowed , that had he been within the house ( as indeed he was but immediately come forth from his work ) he would certainly have blown up the House with himself and them all : And being brought before the Council ; he lamented nothing so much as because the deed was not done , saying , that the Devil , and not God was the discoverer of it . As desperate were Catesby , Percy , and the rest , who seeing the Treason discover'd , posted all into Warwickshire , where Grant , and his associates had broken open the Stables belonging to Warwick Castle , and taken some gaeat horses out of the same , to forward their hoped for great day . At Dun-Church Sir Everard Digby had made a match for a great hunting , that under pretence thereof they might seize upon the Lady Elizabeth then at Comb Abby , but when by those which posted from London they were informed that they were discovered , and pursued , being struck with a great fear ; not knowing whither to sly , they desperately began an open Rebellion , pretending that they did it for the cause of Religion , all the Catholicks throats being intended to be cut , and so trooping together they wandred through Warwickshire , being pursued by Sir Richard Verney , the then High Sheriff , and from thence they went through Worcestershire into Staffordshire , their servants , and followers being about eighty men , who also stole away many of them from them . Thus ranging about , and finding no resistance , they rifled the Lord Windsors house of all the Armour , Shot , Powder , and all other Warlike Provisions : but the weather being rainy , and the Waters somewhat high , the Powder in carriage took wet , and so became unserviceable . For their last refuge they betook themselves to Holbach House in Staffordshire , belonging to Steven Littleton , whither they were pursued by the High Sheriff of Worcestershire , who not knowing of the Treason , and thinking it to be only some fray , or riot , sent his Trumpeter unto them , commanding them to render themselves to him His Majesties Minister : But their consciences witnessing what the Sheriff knew not , answered , that he had need of greater assistance than of those few that were with him , before he could be able to command or controul them : and so they prepared for resistance , and having laid two pounds of the said Powder into a Platter to dry in the chimney , one coming to mend the fire , threw in a Billet , whereby a spark flew into the Powder , whose sudden blast was so violent , that though so small a quantity , it blew up the roof of the house , scorching the bodies and faces of Catesby , Rookwood , and Grant , and some others , whose consciences now told tdem that God had puished them justly with Powder , who with Powder would have destroyed so many . Being dispirited with this accident , yet like desperate men , they resolved to die together , set open the Gates , and suffered the Sheriffs men to rush in upon them , and presently both the Wrights were shot down dead : Rookwood and Thomas Winter were very sorely wounded , Catesby and Percy desperately fighting back to back , were both shot thorow , and slain with one Musket bullet : the rest being taken , were carried prisoners to London , being all the way gazed at , reviled , and detested by the common people for their horrid , and horrible Treason : and so at last they received the just guerdon of their wickedness . Thus you have seen this work of darkness by the watchfulnes of Gods providence detected , and defeated , and the contrivers of mischief fallen into the pit that they digged for others : Now let us see also how cunningly they contrived the transferring the Odium of it upon the Puritans . There was one Mr. Pickering of Tichmarsh-Grove in Northamptonshire that was in great esteem with King James . This Mr. Pickering had a horse of special note for swiftness on which he used to hunt with the King. A little before the blow was given , Mr. Keies , on of the conspirators , and brother in Law to Mr. Pickering , borrowed this horse of him , and conveyed him to London upon a bloody design , which was thus contrived . Fawkes upon the day of the fatal blow was appointed to retire himself into St. Georges fields , where this horse was to attend him to further his escape ( as they made him believe ) so soon as the Parliament House should be blown up . It was likewise contrived , that Mr. Pickering who was noted for a Puritan , should that morning be murthered in his bed , and secretly conveyed away : As also that Fawkes so soon as he came into St. Georges fields to escape , should be there murthered , and so mangled that he could not be known : whereupon it was to be bruited abroad that the Puritans had blown up the Parliament House , and the better to make the World believe it , there was Mr. Pickering with his choice Horse ready to make an escape , but that stirred up some , who seeing the heinousness of the fact , and him ready to escape , in detestation of so horrible a deed , fell upon him , and hewed him in pieces , and to make it more clear , there was his horse , known to be of special speed , and swiftness , ready to carry him away , and upon this rumour a Massacre should havy gone through the whole Land upon the Puritans . When the contrivance of this Plot was thus discovered by some of the Conspirators , and Fawkes , who was now a Prisoner in the Tower made acquainted with it , whereas before he was made to believe by his companions that he should be bountifully rewarded for that his good service to the Catholick cause , now perceiving that on the contrary his death had been contrived by them , he thereupon freely confessed all that he knew concerning that horrid conspiracy , which before all the tortures of the rack could not force him unto . The truth of all this was attested by Mr. William Perkins , an eminent Christian and Citizen of London to Dr. Gouge , which Mr. Perkins had it from the mouth of Mr. Clement Cotton that made our English Concordance , who also had it from the Relation of Mr. Pickering himself . FINIS . A Narrative of the visible hand of God upon the Papists by the Downfall in Black-Friers London . Anno Christi , 1623. ON the Lords day , October the twenty sixth according to the English ▪ account : but November the fifth according to the Popish account ▪ a common report went far and near , that one Drurie , a Romish Priest ( a man of parts , and eminent gifts ) would preach that day in the afternoon in a fair house in Black-Friers London , whither all that would might freely come to hear him . Upon this report very many , Protestants as well as Papists , Scholars as well as others , assembled thither about three a clock in the afternoon ; That mansion house was now inhabited by the French Ambassador : and the Sermon was to be in a Garret , into which there were two passages : One out of the Ambassadorus with-drawing Room which was private , the other more common without the great Gate of the said Mansion House . Under this Garret was another large Chamber which one Redyate , another Romish Priest , had hired for himself : Unto whom Papists frequently repaired to hear Mass , and make confessions . Under this room was the aforesaid withdrawing chamber of the Ambassador : supported with strong Arches of stone being immediately over the entrance into the great House : And at the South end of the Garret and on the West side thereof , there were Bed-chambers and Closets which other Priests had hired for themselves : The Bed-chamber at the South end was severed from the Garret only by a partition of Wanscote which was taken down for the Sermon time : The length of the Garret from North to South was almost sorry foot , the breadth about sixteen foot : The two aforesaid passages met on one pair of stairs leading to the Garret which had only that one door leading into it . More came to this place then possibly it could hold , so that many for want of room returned back again ; Others went into the aforesaid Redyates Chamber , and tarried with him . The whole Garret , Rooms adjoyning , door , and top of the stairs were as full as they could hold . In the Garret were set chairs and stools for the better sort : most of the women sate on the floor , but most of the men stood thronged together : In all , about two hundred were there assembled . In the midst was a table and a chair for the Preacher . All things thus prepared , and the multitude assembled , about three of the clock the expected Preacher , having on a Surplice , girt about his middle with a linnen girdle , and a tippet of Scarlet on both his shoulders , came in , being attended by a man that brought after him his book and hour-glass . As soon as he came to the table , he kneeled down with shew of private devotion for a little while ; then rising up , and turning himself to the people , he crossed himself , took the book ( which was said to be a Rhemish Testament ) out of his mans hands , and the hour-glass being set on the table , he opened the book , read the Gospel appointed by the Remish Calendar for that day , being the twenty first Sunday after Pentecost : The Gospel was in Matthew 18 , 23 , &c. The Text being read , he sate down , put on a red cap over a white linnen one turned up about the brims : He made no audible Prayer , but having read his Text , which was the Parable of forgiving debts , he spake something of the occasion of it , and then propounded these three special points to be handled 1. The debt we owe to God. 2. The mercy of God in forgiving it . 3. Mans unmercifulness to his Brother . Having insisted some while of the misery of man by reason of the debt wherein he stands bound to God , he passed on to declare the rich mercy of God , and the means which God hath afforded to his Church , for partaking thereof : Amongst which he reckoned up the Sacaments , and especially pressed the Sacrament of Penance , as they call it . When he had discoursed on these points about half an hour , on a sudden the floor whereon the Preacher and the greatest part of his Auditory were , fell down with such violence , as therewith the floor of the Chamber under it , where Redyate and his company were , was broken down with it , so that both the floors , with the beams , girders , joyces , boords and feelings , with all the people on them , fell down together upon the third floor , which was the floor of the French Ambassadors withdrawing Chamber , supported with strong arches as aforesad . There being a partition on the South side of the middle Chamber which reached up to the floor of the Garret and supported it , that part of the Garret which was beyond the partition Southward , fell not , so as all the people thereon were safe , only they had no way to get forth : for there was but one entrance into the Garret , which was at the North-West corner . Hereupon some through amazement , would have leaped out at a window almost forty foot from the ground : but the people without , telling them of the certain danger if they leaped down , kept them from that desperate attempt : At length by breaking a wall on the West-side they discerned Chambers adjoyning thereto , and so by creeping through that hole into the Chambers , they were saved : So were all they that stood on the stair-head at the door leading into the Garret : For the stairs were without the Room , and nothing fell but the floors , neither walls nor roof . Also amongst those that fell , many escaped ; for some of the timber rested with one end on the walls , and with the other on the third floor that yielded not , and so both such as abode on those pieces , and such as were directly under them , were thereby preserved . Amongst the multidude that fell , there was a Minister who ( through Gods Providence ) fell so between two pieces of timber , as that the timber kept his upper parts from crushing , and holped him by his clasping about the timber to pull out his feet from amongst the dead corpses . Amongst others , the present preservation and future destruction of one Parker was very remarkable . This Pa●ker was a factor for the English Seminaries , and Nunnes beyond Sea , especially at Cambre ; and he had so dealt with two of his brothers here , that he had got from one of them a son , and from the other a daughter to send them to religious houses ( as they call them ) beyond Sea. This Parker at this time took his Nephew , a youth of about sixteen years old to the aforementioned fatal conventicle , where Drury preached : and both Parker and his Nephew fell with the rest : The youth there lost his life , but Parker himself escaped with a bruised body , being a corpulent man : yet so far was he from making a good use of his deliverance , that with much discontent he wished that he had dyed for his Nephew , saying , That God saw him not fit to dye amongst such Martyrs : Such are Romes Martyrs . But the preservation of the wicked , is but a reservation to future judgment : For about ten days after , as this Parker was shooting London-Bridge , with his aforesaid Neece , whom he was conveying beyond Sea , they were both cast away and drowned in the Thames . Judge by this ( O Parents ! ) whether God is well pleased with disposing your Children to Popish Education . Others there were that were pulled out alive , but so bruised , or so spent for want of breath , that some lived not many hours , others dyed not many days after . The floor of the Chamber immediately over this where the Corps lay , being fallen , there was no entrance into it but through the Ambassadours Bed-chamber , the door whereof was closed up with the Timber of the floors that fell down , and the walls of this room were of stone , only there was one window in it with extraordinary strong cross barrs of iron , so that though Smiths , and other workmen were immediately sent for , yet it was more than an hour before succour could be afforded to them that were faln down . Passage at length being made , I had access into the room ( saith Doctor Gouge the relater of this story ) and viewing the Bodies , observed some ( yet but few ) to be mortally wounded , or crushed by the timber : Others to be apparently stifled , partly with their thick lying one upon another , and partly with the dust that came from the cieling which fell down . On the Lords day at night when they fell they were numbered ninety one dead bodies ; but many of them were secretly conveyed away in the night , there being a pair of water-stairs , leading from the garden appertaining to the house , into the Thames . On the morrow the Coroner and his Inquest coming to view the bodies , found remaining but sixty three . Of those that were carried away , some were buried in a Burying place within the Spanish Ambassadours House in Holborn , amongst whom the Lady Web was one , the Lady Blackstones daughter another , and one Mistress Udal a third : Master Stoker , and Master Bartholomew Bavin were buried in St. Brides Parish . Robert Sutton , John Loccham , and Abigail Holford in St. Andrews Holborn . Captain Summers wife in the Vault under Black Friers Church , and her woman in the Church-yard . For the Corps remaining , two great pits were digged , one in the fore Court of the said French Ambassadors house , eighteen foot long , and twelve foot broad ; the other in the garden behind his house , twelve foot long , and eight foot broad . In the former pit were laid forty four Corps , whereof the bodies of the aforesaid Drury and Redyate were two : These two wound up in sheets , were first laid into the pit , with a partition of loose earth to fever them from the rest . Then were others brought , some in somewhat a decent manner wound up in sheets , but the most in a most lamentable plight , the shirts onely of the men tyed under the twists , and some linnen tyed about the middle of the women , the rest of their bodies naked , and one poor man or woman taking a Corps by the head , another by the feet tumbled them in , and so piled them up almost to the top of the pit . The rest were put into the other pit in the garden . Their manner of burial seemed almost as dismal , as the heap of them , when they lay upon the floor where they last fell . No obsequies of funeral Rites were used at their burial . Only the day after , a black Cross of wood was set upon each grave , but was soon by Authority commanded to be taken down . When they were thus interred , thorough search was made about the cause of the falling of the timber : The timber of each floor was laid together , and the measure of the Summers that brake was taken . The main Summer which crossed the Garret was ten inches square : Two girders were by tenents , and mortaises let into the middest of it , one just against another : the Summer was knotty where the mortaises were made , whereupon being over-burdened , it knapped suddenly asunder in the middest . The main Summer of the other floor that fell was much stronger , being thirteen inches square , strong and found every where , neither did the girders meet so just one against another ; yet that also failed , not in the middest as the uppermost , but within five foot of one end , and that more shiveringly , and with a longer rent in the timber then the other . For this Chamber was almost full with such persons as coming too late , went into Redyates Chamber : Besides , it did not only bear the weight which lay on the upper floor , but received it with a sudden knock , and so the massie timber shivered in two , and the people were irrecoverably before they could tear any such thing , beaten down into the third floor which was above twenty foot from the first . It 's true , we must not be rash in censuring , yet when we see judgements executed on sinners in the act of their sin , when they are impudent , and presumptuous therein , not to acknowledge such to be judged by the Lord , is to wink against clear light , Psal. 9. 16. God is known by the judgements which he executeth . Shall Nebuchadnezzar , while he is vaunting of his great Babylon , be berest of his wits ? Shall Herod , whilest he is priding himself in the flattering applanse of the people , be eaten of worms ? Shall Haman , whilest he practising to destroy all the people of God , be hanged on a Gallows fifty foot high , which he had prepared for Mordecai ? Shall the House where the Philistins met together to sport with Sampson , fall upon their heads ? Shall these and such like judgments overtake men in the very act of their sin , and yet be accounted no judgements , no evidences of Gods revenging Justice , or signes of his indignation ? Truly then we may deny all Providence , and attribute all to chance : But add hereto , that this fell out upon their fifth of November , and it will be as clear as if written with a Sun-beam , that the pit which they digged for others , they themselves fell into it . Doctor Gouge , who relates this Story in his Extent of Gods Providence , thus writeth . I do the more confidently publish this History , because I was an eye-witness of many of the things therein related , and heard from the mouths of such as were present at the Sermon , the rest . For upon the first hearing of the destruction of so many persons as by that Dowosal lost their lives , our Constables presently caused the Gates of our precinct ( it being surrounded with walls and Gates ) to be shut , and raised a strong Guard from amongst the inhabitants to keep the house where this accident fell out , and to prevent tumult about it . Thus through the favour of the Constables , and Watch , who were all my neighbours , I had the more free and quiet access to view the dead bodies , and to inform my self of all the material circumstances about that accident : which I did the rather , because the Bishop of London that then was , sent to me to inform my self throughly of all the business , and to send him a narration thereof under my hand ; whereupon I did not only view matters my self , but caused Carpenters to search the timber , to take the measures both of the timber and the rooms . I was also present with the Coroner and his Inquest at their examining of all circumstances about the business . And the Arch-Bishop of Camerbury sending to me to come to him , and to bring with me the best evidence I could , I got the foreman and others of the Jury , and four persons that were present at the Sermon , and fell down with the rest , but by Gods providence escaped death , and one that stood without the door , within hearing , but fell not , all these I got to go along with me to Lambeth , where I heard the witness which they gave to the Arch-Bishop about this matter . One that fell with the rest , and escaped death , was Master Gee a Preacher in Lancashire : two others were a son and servant to a Citizen in Pater noster Row : The rest were men of good understanding ; able to apprehend what they saw and heard , and to relate what they conceived . FINIS . 
A42971	----	A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot To the tune of Packington's Pound, the first part. A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot. Part 1. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. 1682 Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42971 Wing G99 ESTC R213335 99825753 99825753 30140 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42971) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30140) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1793:21) A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot To the tune of Packington's Pound, the first part. A true narrative of the horrid hellish popish-plot. Part 1. Gadbury, John, 1627-1704. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill., engr. s.n., [S.l. : 1682] By John Gadbury. Publication date from Wing. Verse - "Good people I pray you give hear unto me,". Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion cartoon panel Behold Two Crafty Iesuits fighting , Only to draw a Zealous Knight in , I Charge ye keep y e Peace cartoon panel Whom striving to apease their brangle , That weak Old man does basely strangle . 〈◊〉 Oa●es Berry Watching A Green cartoon panel See how they veiw him with delight , Whilst Ladys dance and Pispot spright . Was it not politickly done . B cartoon panel By watchful sentrie th' are not seen , For th' Devil thrusts his Paw between . Hem Hem. C D cartoon panel T is strange though how his joynts are bended , In Chair ; and then againe extended . Stretch out his Leggs E cartoon panel Our Towns They burn our goods they plunder , By such sly tricks , 't will make you wonder . Iesuits disguis'd Trap. Trap Cum Cruce . F Sr. W.W. Stop Theife . cartoon panel You 'l wonder more how they durst venture , For killing King ; to signe Indenture . We deliver this as o r Act & Deed. To the Use of Doctor O. This Indenture Tripartite made y e 24 day of Aprill 1678 〈…〉 R.M. cartoon panel Behold their Generall , a stout Tory. Peters's fayme was only Glory . L ●t Gen l. Bellai● Lead up y e Pilgrims L●●ut t. Gen l. Peters . We 'le give no quarter cartoon panel Powis might hope to mend his fortune , What Staffords end was , we are certain . We want our Pay. Pay M r : Gen l. Stafford . Goe to y e Treasurer my baggs are empty There 's Pardons plen ty Dispensations . Pardons . Bulls . The Popes Treasure . cartoon panel Their Chancelor nere studied Law , Their Major General Campe nere saw . Maj r Gen l. Ratcliffe . Where 's our Commissions L d Chancell r. Arunde● On Langhornes Table Bedloe saw them . G cartoon panel The pious Pilgrims inclination , Was to pervert , and damn this Nation . Spanish Pilgrims PLENARY INDULGENCE . To Cross y e Seas w'have made a Vow But none knows how . cartoon panel And Irish Tory with black Bill , Wou'd kill us all ; if we sit still . Irish Army lies Incognito . H Where were these Bills made At Bilboe & Salamanca . A True Narrative of the Horrid Hellish Popish-Plot . To the Tune of PACKINGTONS POUND , The First Part. The Contents of the FIRST PART . How Sir Godfrey is Kill'd , his Body they hide , Which brought out in Chair , a Horse-back do's ride : How Jesuits disguis'd , our Houses do Fire ; How subtly they Plot , and King's Death Conspire ; Of divers Great Lords drawn in , to their Bane ; An Army of Irish , and Pilgrims from Spain . I. GOod People I pray you give ear unto me , A Story so strange you have never been told , How the Jesuit , Devil , and POPE did agree , Our STATE to destroy , and Religion so old . To murder our KING , A most Horrible Thing ! But first of Sir Godfrey his Death I must sing ; For how e're they disguise it , we clearly can see , Who Murder'd that Knight no good Christian could be . The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . II. AT Somerset-house there is plain to be seen , A Gate which will lead you into the Back-Court , This ( 1 ) Place for the Murder most fitting did seem , For thither much People does freely resort : His Body they toss'd , From Pillar to Post , And shifted ( 2 ) so often , 't had like t' have been lost ; To watch with ( 3 ) Dark Lanthorn the Jesuits did go , But never mistrusted our Honest ( 4 ) Bedloe . The Truth of my Story , &c. III. LEast such close Contrivements at length might take Air , When as his dead Body corrupted did grow , They carried him out in ( 5 ) Invisible Chair , And set him a ( 6 ) Horseback to ride at So-Hoe . His own ( 7 ) Sword to the Hilt , To add to their Guilt , They thrust through his Body , but no Bloud was ( 8 ) spilt ; T' have it thought he was kill'd by a Thief , they did mean , So they left ( 9 ) all his Money , and made his ( 10 ) Shooes clean . The truth of my Story , &c. IV. TO shew now th' excess of Jesuitical Rage , They this Loyal City to ruine would bring , ' Cause you Citizens are so Religious and sage , And ever much noted for true to your King ; T' your Houses they go , With ( 11 ) Fire and with Tow , Then ( 12 ) pilfer your Goods , and 't is well you scape so ; Y'have seen how they once set the Town ( 13 ) all in flame ; And divers times since have attempted the same . The truth of my Story , &c. V. BY ( 14 ) Bedlo's Narration is shewn you most clear , How Jesuits disguis'd into Houses will creep ; In a Porter or Carman's ( 15 ) Frock they 'l appear , Nay they will not disdain to cry Chimney-sweep ; Or sell you Small-Cole , Then drop in some hole A Fire Ball , or thrust it up by a long Pole ; But I now must relate a more Tragical thing , How these Villains conspir'd to murder our King , The truth of my Story , &c. VI. AT the ( 16 ) White-horse in April there was a Consult , Where Jesuits a ( 17 ) Covenant wickedly frame ; The ( 18 ) Death of our Sovereign was the Result , To th' which at least ( 19 ) Forty all signed their name , They wou'd not do that , I' th' place where they sat , Trusty Oates must ( 21 ) convey it , from this man to that ; To make sure work , by ( 21 ) Poyson the Deed must be done And Stab'd with a ( 22 ) Dagger , and ( 23 ) Shot with a Gun. The truth of my Story , &c. VII . FOr fear at St. Omers , their Oates might be miss'd , Th' agreed with a Devil t' appear in his place . In a Body of Air , believe 't if you list , Which squeek'd just like Oats , and mov'd with the same grace ; 'T cou'd Lie , it cou'd Cant , Turn eyes like a Saint . And of our great Doctor no feature did want . Thus Forty might Swear they ( 24 ) saw Oates ev'ry day , But true Oates was here , and the Devil saw they . The truth of my Story , &c. VIII . FRom Father Oliva ( 26 ) Commissions did come , To raise a great Army much Treasure is spent : Th' Old Man was resolved to take Post from Rome , To ride at the Head of them was his intent ; Lord ( 27 ) Bellas ' was fit , Who can deny it , To Command in his place , When 's Gout wou'd permit ; Lord ( 28 ) Stafford was fittest to trust with their Pay , Old ( 29 ) Ratcliff to range them in Battel Array . The Truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out , IX . TH' High-Treasurer's place the Lord ( 30 ) Powis did please , Men of desp'rate Fortune oft venture too far ; Lord ( 31 ) Peters wou'd hazard Estate , and his Ease , And Life for the Pope too , in this Holy War ; Lord Ar'ndel of Old , So Warlike and bold , Made choice of a ( 32 ) Chanc●llor's Gown we are told . All these did Conspire with the Lord Castlemaine , Whose Plot was to catch his old Dutchess again . The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . X. GReat store of wild ( 33 ) Irish both civil and wise , Designed to joyn with the ( 34 ) Pilgrims of Spain , Thirty ( 35 ) Thousand being ready there all in good guise , Had vow'd a long Pilgrimage over the Main . To arm well this Host , When 't came on our Cost , ( 36 ) Black Bills forty thousand , are sent by the Post , This ( 37 ) Army lay privately on the Sea Shore ; And no man e're heard of them since nor before . The truth of my Story if any man doubt , W' have Witnesses ready to Swear it all out . My Witnesses I bring , and produced the Record , D' ye think th' are Perjur'd ? 'T is false and absur'd , Wou'd th' Godly hang Papists for Interest or Pique ? Wou'd a Doctor Swear false for Ten Pound a Week ? FINIS . Authors Quoted . ( 1 ) Hi●l● Tryal , pag. 16. ( 2 ) viz. 4 Times , p. 18.16 . ( 3 ) See the same Try. p. 18. ( 4 ) The same , pag. 31. ( 5 ) The same , pag. 69. ( 6 ) The same Tryal , p. 20. ( 7 ) The same , pag. 35. ( 8 ) Ibid. ( 9 ) Ibid. ( 10 ) See the Coroners Inquest . ( 11 ) See Dt. Oates's Narrative page 22. ( 12 ) Ibid. ( 13 ) See the Piller near London Bridge . ( 14 ) Read Bedloes Narrative . ( 15 ) See Dr. Oates's Narrat . page 68. ( 16 ) See Ireland's Tryal , page 19. ( 17 ) Ibid. ( 18 ) Ibid. ( 19 ) The same Tryal , pag. 26 ( 20 ) The same , page 20. ( 21 ) See Dr. Oates's Narrat . page 21. ( 22 ) The same , Narrat . p. 47. ( 23 ) See Pickerings Tryal , page 23. ( 24 ) See St. Omers Certificate ( 25 ) See Jesuits Tryal , p. 47. ( 26 ) See Dr. Oates's Narrative , p. 58. ( 27 ) Ibid. ( 28 ) Ibid. ( 29 ) Ibid. ( 30 ) Ibid. ( 31 ) Ibid. ( 32 ) Ibid ( 33 ) See Lords Journal and Langhorns Tryal , page 20. ( 34 ) Ibid ( 35 ) See Lords Journal , p. 54. ( 36 ) See Colemans Tryal , p. 23. ( 37 ) See Lords Journal and Langhorns Tryal , as above . Some Notes on the Picture ●● prevent Popish Cavils . A. Read Greens Tryal , page 16 and 17. B. This is the famous Spright with the Chamber-pot , which did as certainly appear to the Popish Ladies , when they danc'd about the Body , 〈◊〉 't is certain , it did afterwards appear to some True Protestant Ladies in the same place . C. Hem , was the watch-word to Perry to open the Gate . See his Tryal , page 19. D. and E. We may well suppose , the Devil help'd them when they pass'd invisible so close by the Centry : and we may be more assured , they could not without some Diabolical Art make him ( after so many days being dead ) bend his Legs to sit in the Chair , and then to stretch them out stiff again , as he was found on Primrose-Hill . F. The Jesuits most ingenious Game of Trap , which to understand you must read Bedloes Narrative of the Fires , p. 16. and 17. Read it throughout : 'T will shew you plainly , how the Papists burnt London ; or if you desire to be confirm'd in so necessary a belief by an undeniable Authority , read the new Inscription on the Monument , and that on the house in Pudding-Lane , which were purposely design'd to convince all the World of this Truth , and safely to convey it to Posterity . G. See Langhorns Memoires , and L. C. J. Answer to Bedloes Articles . H. The Dr. does not tell us , where these forty thousand Bills were made ; but our reason tells us , that 't was very necessary they should be hammered as privately as possible ( for fear of Discovery ) and therefore Bilb●● and Salamanca , may pass far more probable than London or any Town in England . 
A45763	----	Now we the lord lieutenant and Council, in pursuance of His Majesties said letters, and by virtue of the said clause in the act explaining the Act of Settlement, do by this our act of Council, give and grant general licence and leave to all and every His Majesties Roman Catholic subjects ... Ireland. Lord Lieutenant (1670-1672 : Berkeley) 1672 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45763 Wing I1004 ESTC R36983 16170912 ocm 16170912 104975 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45763) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104975) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:80) Now we the lord lieutenant and Council, in pursuance of His Majesties said letters, and by virtue of the said clause in the act explaining the Act of Settlement, do by this our act of Council, give and grant general licence and leave to all and every His Majesties Roman Catholic subjects ... Ireland. Lord Lieutenant (1670-1672 : Berkeley) Berkeley, John, Sir, d. 1678. 1 broadside. Printed by Benjamin Tooke ... and are to be sold by Joseph Wilde ..., Dublin : 1671 [1672] Title from first 5 lines of text. At head of title: To our right trusty, and well beloved counsellor,John Lord Berkeley, our lieutenant general and general governour of Ireland, and to our kingdom of Ireland, and to our chief governour or governours of that our kingdom for the time being, and, to the lords, and others of our Privy Council of that our kingdom. "Given at the Council chamber in Dublin, the eighth day of March 1671" [1672] Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Civil rights -- Ireland. Ireland -- History -- 1649-1775. Ireland -- Politics and government -- 17th century. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To our Right Trusty , and well beloved Counsellor , JOHN Lord BERKELEY , our Lieutenant General , and General Governour of our Kingdom of Ireland , and to our chief Governour or Governours of that our Kingdom for the time being , and to the Lords , and others of our Privy Council of that our Kingdom . NOw we the Lord Lieutenant and Council , in Pursuance of His Majesties said Letters , and by virtue of the said clause in the Act explaining the Act of Settlement , do by this our Act of Council , give and grant general Licence and leave to all and every His Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects , and all other His Majesties Subjects whatsoever , as well to hire and purchase from , as also to demise , alien , and grant unto each other their Heirs and Assigns , any House or Houses , Lands or Tenements , within any of the Cities or Towns Corporate of this Kingdom , and the Liberties thereof , as freely , and in as full , ample , and beneficial a manner , to all intents and purposes , as if the aforesaid clause of Restraint in the said Art had not been , and that none of His Majesties Subjects , shall from henceforth be molested , or incur any penalty , or forfeiture for any Breach , or non-observance of the said clause of Restraint , the person or persons so purchasing in the said Cities , Towns and places , taking onely the usual Oath of Allegiance , as formerly , the said Act , or any other Act , Statute , Law , or Ordinance to the contrary , in any wise notwithstanding . And we do hereby further signifie , That His Majesties Will and Pleasure is , and His Majesty in and by His said Letters , doth order and declare , That His Majesties said Irish Roman Catholick Subjects , formerly Inhabitants , Natives , or Freemen , and such as have , or shall have Right to be Freemen , in any of the said Cities , Towns and places , and all other His Majesties Subjects shall be forthwith restored unto , and enjoy their accustomed Priviledges , Freedoms , Immunities and advantages , and be allowed , and peaceably admitted to Inhabit , and Trade by Transportation , Importation , Whole-sale , Retail , or otherwise , in the said respective Cities , Towns and places , without disturbance or molestation , as freely , as they , or their Ancestors , or any other did , or hath been used at any time heretofore , in the time of His Majesties Dear Father of Blessed Memory , and as any other His Majesties Subjects do at present , without making any distinction between His Majesties Subjects of this Kingdom , or giving any interruption upon pretence of difference of Iudgment , or opinion in matters of Religion ; But that all act and deal together , as becometh dutiful and Loyal Subjects , the said former Act , or any other Act , Order , or practice to the contrary notwithstanding ; whereof His Majesties Chancellor of Ireland , His Iustices of both Benches , the Barons of the Exchequer , and His Majesties Council at Law in this Kingdom , and all Magistrates , Governors , Mayors , Sheriffs , and other Officers of the said respective Cities , Towns and Corporations , and all others whom it doth or may concern , are to take notice , & conform themselves thereunto . And it is ordered , That His Majesties Letters aforesaid , and this our Act of Council be forthwith published in all Cities , and Towns Corporate in this Kingdom , to the end all persons concerned , may take notice of the same . Given at the Council Chamber in Dublin , the Eighth day of March 1671. JA : ARMACHANUS . Mich. Dublin Canc. Clanbrazill . Heugh Glenaully . Jo. Bysse . Theo. Jones . GOD SAVE THE KING . DVBLIN , Printed by Benjamin Tooke , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAJESTY ; And are to be sold by Joseph Wilde , Book-seller in Castle-street , 1671. 
A53145	----	News from Ireland, touching the damnable design of the papists in that kingdom to forge a sham-plott upon the Presbyterians being the declaration of William Smith Gent. maintaining his late evidence against St. Lawrence, a Popish priest, who would have suborn'd him to have sworn the same. Smith, William, 17th cent. 1682 Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53145 Wing N975 ESTC R13178 12599420 ocm 12599420 64118 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53145) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64118) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 769:35) News from Ireland, touching the damnable design of the papists in that kingdom to forge a sham-plott upon the Presbyterians being the declaration of William Smith Gent. maintaining his late evidence against St. Lawrence, a Popish priest, who would have suborn'd him to have sworn the same. Smith, William, 17th cent. 1 sheet ([2] p.) Printed for Richard Janeway ..., London : 1682. Broadside. Caption title. Signed: William Smith. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Ireland. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2005-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-09 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion News from IRELAND , TOUCHING THE DAMNABLE DESIGN OF THE PAPISTS in that KINGDOM to Forge a Sham-Plott upon the PRESBYTERIANS : BEING The DECLARATION of WILLIAM SMITH Gent. Maintaining his late EVIDENCE against St. Lawrence a Popish Priest , who would have Suborn'd him to have Sworn the same . I Am so well satisfied in my Conscience , that I would not put forth these Lines to a Publick view , were it not for that others are concern'd : As for my self I value not the Aspersions that any have or can raise against me , because I know my own Innocency to be a sufficient Testimony , maugre all the false , scandalous and lying Reports that have been hatched , or that are now contriving against me ; but when I consider that my Credit ( which ought to be dearer to every man than his Life ) lyeth at Stake ; and that ill-affected Persons , who neither value what they Say or Act , are using their sole Endeavours to render me Ridiculous and a Perjured Person ; and also Vent their malicious and reproachful Aspersions on guiltless People ; I thought it convenient , in Vindication of my self , and those I shall herein after mention , to demonstrate to the whole World the Abuses done me , least by a continued Silence , I might give advantage to my Enemies to Proceed in their Villanies . And now I Declare in the Presence of God , that I have No other End in the Writing hereof , than to Justifie and Clear my self from the injurious Censures and fabulous Discourses of some Papists , who ( as I am Informed ) have Reported and given out , that whereas I Swore to an Information against one St. Lawrence a Popish Priest , which Business was Tryed at the Kings Bench Bar , on the 25th day of November last past , before Judge Jones , who at that time alone Sate Judge of the said Court : and although my Information , and what I then Swore to , was , and is a real truth , yet the Jury found him Not Guilty ; I do not alledge or say any thing against the said Jury , or any of them , for indeed those I knew of them , are worthy and Eminent Persons ; yet no doubt my want of Councel to manage the said Tryal on my behalf , made it appear otherwise than it was ; for let the whole World Judge , whether there was not great advantage on St. Lawrence's side , when he stood by , never spoke one word either pro or con , but had three or four Councellours all along to Plead for him , and I had no Assistance but that of my Self : Not to insist any longer in this nature , I hear since the said Tryal , that the abovementioned Papists have spread a rumour abroad , as if I had Recanted all my Proceedings aforesaid , and that I should Confess my self to be heartily Sorry for the same , and that I was set on by others ; nay , they presume to confirm it by Reporting that I have sent a Petition to his Grace James Duke of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant General , and General Governour of this Kingdom of Ireland , ( to the same effect ) and that I should therein Acquaint his Grace , who it was that set me on to Swear against St. Lawrence , desiring his grace to give me a Pardon for so doing : all which Sayings are false and very great untruths , for I never did Recant , nor intead any such thing ; if I had , I should be the most vile Creature upon the Face of the Earth ; in the first place to Swear to a thing , and afterwards deny what I had Sworn to : And as to a Petition sent by me to his Grace , it is easily resolved whether he did receive any such from me , or whether he did ever receive a Petition at all in my Name : 'T is true , a little before his Graces last going to Kilkenny , I did employ one to deliver him a Petition , which was not at all delivered , for I have the same still by me ; and whether or no that be the Petition discoursed of , I know not ▪ but that all People may ( If they please ) be Satisfyed with the Contents of it , I have here Inserted a true Copy of the same , and can bring Credible Witnesses to prove it : the said Petition is as followeth , viz. To his Grace James Duke of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant General , and General Governour of the Kingdom of Ireland . The Humble Petition of William Smith Prisoner for Debt in the Marshalsey of his Majesties four Courts Dublin . Humbly Sheweth , THat your Petitioner did lately give in an Information against one St. Lawrence a Popish Priest , the Contents of the said Information ( among other things therein contained ) was , that the said St. Lawrence would have Suborned your Graces Petitioner , positively to Swear to a Presbyterian Plot , which said Business was on the 25th day of November last past Tryed at the Kings-Bench-Bar , and the Jury at their return brought him in not Guilty : whether the fault was in your Petitioners want of Councel to manage the business in behalf of your Petitioner , he cannot say ; but certain it is , St. Lawrence had at the least three Counsellers to Plead for him , notwithstanding your Graces said Petitioner will take it upon his Death , that his Information against the said Priest , was , and is really true ; but since the above Tryal , some of the Priests Evidence have grossly abused your Petitioner , by calling him a Rogue , and a Perjured Rogue : Not to enlarge upon the aforesaid matter , he your Graces Petitioner humbly implores , you will be pleased to order the Marshal of the above Marshalsey , to bring him before your Grace , he having a matter of great Moment and Importance to Impart to your Grace , it being a thing which will be Satisfactory to you , ( as he humbly conceives ) desires his said Request may be Granted : And as in Duty bound he will Pray , &c. Copia Vera. Now I refer this to any rational Person , if there be any thing of a Recantation of what I have done in my Proceedings against St. Lawrence , ( included in the above recited Petition ; ) but if the Devil has been so prevalent to tempt me to a Recantation , ( as they alledge ) I would willingly know to whom in such manner I have declared my mind ; and if any Person will justifie it , or whether I gave it in Writing under my Hand ; if so , 't is an easie matter to produce it , but if it can be made appear , I will be content to Suffer the Punishment justly due to those that are guilty in the like kind : Why should I say more of it , when without dispute , had they a real Ground to talk so of me , they would quickly make it apparent , I know , ( so great is their Zeal to , and for their Ghostly Father ; ) they only speak of me as they would have it ; they are much mistaken , I 'le never Acquit the Guilty , and Accuse the Innocent : I am not for their turn , no , nor to be allured by a plenary Indulgence , nor the hopes of being Sainted by them will not do ; Neither am I in the least Related to their Jewish Witnesses , to Swear and Forswear the same again in a dayes time , or less : In fine , ( No Ego tibi Absolvo , &c. ) shall cause me to go from the truth : And here by way of digression , I very well remember some time after the happy Discovery of the Damned and Hellish Popish Plot by Dr. Titus Oats , &c. I was then held in great Estimation by several Papists in a certain place in this Kingdom , and one day one of their Priests and I being in Company together , I told him that I much admired any Roman Catholick would appear as an Evidence against those of their own Religion : who replyed , You know not the mistery of it , time will make you more sensible , and this at last will be fathered upon Shaftsbury and his Gang , meaning the Presbyterians , &c. We had other Discourses at that time , which I shall here omit , till a more apt opportunity ; and the rather , since I intend nothing more by this , but only to give a general Satisfaction , that I Swore nothing against the said St. Lawrence but what was truth , and from which I will never Recede : For I had rather Perish ( nay worse if any thing can be ) for truths sake , than by denying it obtain innumerable Riches : For what shall it profit a man to gain the whole World and lose his own Soul ? And although the Papists are pleased disingeniously , as also dishonestly to slander and reproach me , yet do I take but little notice of them , because if we do but look back into their Actions , 't is easily discovered how many Tricks and Contrivances they have both Studied and Practised , and to no other end , intent or purpose , than to disparage and make Invalid real Evidence , that so they might obscure from being made known their Notorious , Inhumane and Hellish designs : for certain it is , those that Act any thing in Defence of his Majesty , or preservation of the Protestant Religion , or to detect their black Designs , are either brought upon the Stage , and Witnesses Suborned to Swear against them , that they Conspired the Death of the King , and to introduce an Arbltrary Government , &c. Or else they are Barbarously Murder'd , as was that Worthy and late English Martyr Sir Edmondbury Godfrey , who for all the Pretensions they have made use of to blind the Eyes of the vulgar sort , by saying he was accessary to his own Death , by running a Rapier through his Body ; yet was his Life undoubtedly taken away by those bloody Miscreants : For those that are so Impious to be culpable of such Contrivances , will be so cunning as to Study some Shift or Equivocation to evade it , if their Villanies should come to be called in question , yet let them use all their Shifts , Sham-plots , Subornations , and likewise Imploy all the help and Subtilty of their Crafty and King-killing Jesuits , to put the burthen and weight of their Diabolical Confederacies upon the poor Protestants ; I say notwithstanding all those devices , the Omnipotent God is so just , that in due time he will unmask all their Proceedings , and Paint them and their Rogueries out in their own Colours : in the interim let us content our selves with this ordinary Gramatical saying , Quicquid sub Terra est in Apricum proferet Etas : 'T is strange to think what Assurances these Caterpillars of the Earth proposed to themselves for the Extirpation of the Protestant , and Reestablishment of their bloody Romish Religion : and albeit so many of their Fathers have Suffered by the hands of publick Justice , the just rewards of their Demerits ; yet how confidently do they endeavour to wipe off their too too deep dyed Guiltiness , by Proclaiming it a Presbyterian Plot , and that the Dissenters of the Church of England were dissatisfied with the Kingly Government , and their old Rebellious tricks of raising a Civil War was beginning again . To that I answer , If it were so , they Condemn the gravest Senators that ever were , and upbraid them with Injustice ; I mean the Learned and Judicious Judges &c. of England ; for had there been no Popish Plot , Coleman , Langborn , Whitebread and the rest , would not have taken their last Farewells at Tyburn for it : But some Simple Ignorant People will object , that such Learned men as they , would not have wrong'd their poor Souls just at their going out of the World , by Protesting themselves as free as the Child newly born , from those Crimes they died for , if they knew any thing to the contrary : To such Objections I say thus , that not long since my self and a worthy Gentleman who dyed very lately , being together in Company with a Popish Priest , and discoursing this point of those that dyed in England , ( which I just now mentioned ) without a general acknowledgment of the Crimes they died for , the said Priest told us , that just before their Executions , they Confess all and every thing to some Father Confessor or other , who immediately Absolves them from all their Sins whatsoever , and gives them power to deny all in publick at their said Executions : ( the Priest that told me this , was one Vicar Mackaw , and the Gentleman then in my Company Dr. Wyat ) and for so doing they are assured to be Cannonized for Saints , and Recorded as Martyrs in their black Registers at Rome . I presume Persons of Loyal and honest principles , well wishers of his Sacred Majesty and the Protestant Religion , needs not require much time to understand and dive into the mystery of their Endeavouring to throw off the whole Plot upon the Presbyterians , as is aforesaid , by reason 't is so near of Kind to the usual and Accustomed pollicies of those sort of Cattle ( I mean the infamous famous Jesuits ) who aim at nothing so much , as to breed a Dissention betwixt our Dread Soveraign and his Subjects , ( which God grant never may be ) that they may like Wolves appear in Sheeps Cloathing , and inwardly Smile at our Misfortunes , and on a sudden Strike home that blow they have so long desired , nay , endeavoured to Accomplish ; but I do not doubt , at least I hope , that the People of England are so firmly grounded in their Loyalty and Obedience to their most Gracious King , and also so sensible of the Miseries that attended them in the late unhappy and unnatural differences , that they will Sacrifice their Lives and Fortunes in the Defence and Right of his most Sacred Person , against all Rebellions and Plots whatsoever . I suppose I need not say anymore at present concerning the Inveteracy of the Papists in general against the Protestants , it being well known in these Times ; yet I thought it necessary to Insert this , that by reason of Dean Burges's coming to visit me , and confirm me in the Protestant Religion , they have been pleased since to say , that he was something too busie with me about St. Lawrence's Business , and that they believed he much Encouraged me in it : To such Reports I answer as followeth , viz. The said Dean Burges never came to me but he Discoursed much to the ensuing purpose , That if the Information given in by me against St. Lawrence were true , in the Name of God I should go on with it ; on the contrary said he , if it be a thing of your own devising , Confess it humbly before God , and ask him Forgiveness , ( perhaps he may Forgive you ; ) if it be a false thing , you will be a miserable Creature ; and oftentimes he said , As he would not Encourage me in an unjust Action , so would he not Discourage me in a Just ; however mind , you have a Soul which must once render an Account to God for all your Actions both good and bad : And how far the same Dean was from setting me on to form my Information against St. Lawrence , let the Reader judge : for I take God to Witness , he knew nothing of it , till after the said Priest was in Custody ; and if I am not much mistaken , he was at that time in the Countrey , ( where his Benefits lyes . ) Another thing of the aforesaid Dean comes afresh into my Memory , viz. He told me several times before he Administred the Blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper to me , that it was better for me to Eat and Drink so much Poyson , if I had Injured St. Lawrence , and should come to the Table with such Guilt upon my Conscience . In the next place these Papists declare , that what I did , was to get my Enlargement , and that I was hired to it by the Presbyterians , which is like the rest of their Aspersions ; for God , who knows the Secrets of all Hearts , and before whom I must one day give an Account , well knows that I neither did it in hopes of a Liberty , or any other temporal Reward , nor was I set on , advised to it , or had the least Encouragement from any Soul breathing , but that it was my free and voluntary Act , and that I had no other end in doing of it , than to discharge a good Conscience , and that I may be the better understood , I beseech God that I may never enter into the Kingdom of Heaven , nor to enjoy Everlasting Bliss , if ever I saw Mr. Harrison or Mr. Jack the Persons that St. Lawrence would have Suborned me to Swear against , from the time of my Creation to this very day , to the best of my knowledge : neither did I ever so much as receive a Letter from them , or either of them . I further hereby Certifie and Declare , that I know nothing of any Plot , Contrivance or Design against our most Gracious King , or the Government either in Church or State , but that of the Papists , whose devilish treacherous and bloody Stratagems , I humbly beseech that God in his due time will Convert to their own Destructions . Should I write ten times as much more as is contained in this Paper , it would all be tending to one and the same Effect : therefore I shall conclude ; but first humbly Pray the Almighty to send length of Dayes , Health , Wealth and Prosperity to our Soveraign Lord King Charles , &c. And in Testimony of the truth hereof , I have hereunto set my Hand this 11 th day of February , Anno Dom. 1681. William Smith . Witness , George Harrison , William Boswell , William Stuart , Nathaniel Dancer , Quintin Moore . London , Printed for Richard Janeway in Queens-Head-Alley in Pater-Noster-Row . 1682. 
A09102	----	The iudgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion VVritten to his priuate friend in England. Concerninge a late booke set forth, and entituled; Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, or, An apologie for the oath of allegiance. Against two breves of Pope Paulus V. to the Catholickes of England; & a letter of Cardinall Bellarmine to M. George Blackwell, Arch-priest. VVherein, the said oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke conscience; for so much, as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his religion. Judgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1608 Approx. 281 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09102 STC 19408 ESTC S104538 99840273 99840273 4755 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09102) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4755) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 855:16) The iudgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion VVritten to his priuate friend in England. Concerninge a late booke set forth, and entituled; Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus, or, An apologie for the oath of allegiance. Against two breves of Pope Paulus V. to the Catholickes of England; & a letter of Cardinall Bellarmine to M. George Blackwell, Arch-priest. VVherein, the said oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke conscience; for so much, as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his religion. Judgment of a Catholicke English-man, living in banishment for his religion Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. [6], 128 p. English College Press] Permissu superiorum, [Saint-Omer : Anno 1608. By Robert Parsons. Place of publication and printer from STC. Answers King James I's "Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus". Running title reads: The letter of a Catholicke touching the new oath of allegiance. Reproduction of the original in the Cambridge University Library . Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng James -- I, -- King of England, 1566-1625. -- Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Oath of allegiance, 1606 -- Early works to 1800. 2005-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE ENGLISH-MAN , LIVING IN BANISHMENT FOR HIS RELIGION : VVritten to his priuate friend in England . Concerninge A late BOOKE set forth , and entituled ; Triplici nodo , triplex cuneus , Or , An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance . Against two BREVES of Pope PAVLVS V. to the Catholickes of England ; & a Letter of Cardinall BELLARMINE to M. GEORGE BLACKWELL Arch-priest . VVherin , the said Oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke Conscience ; for so much , as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his Religion . S. Hieron . Comment . in Cap. 4. Hierem. Let an Oath haue these companions , Truth , Iudgment , and Iustice ; for if these be wanting , it shall not be an Oath , but Periury . ¶ Permissu Superiorum . ANNO 1608. THE GENERALL Contentes of this ensuing Letter , diuided into three Paragraphes . 1. THE first paragraph handleth matters concerning the substance of the Oath , which in the Apologie are spoken by way , as it were , of Preface , before the setting downe of the Popes Breues . 2. THE second , considereth the said two Breues , & impugnation therof by the Apologer ; and how sufficiently , or insufficiently , the same is performed by him . 3. THE third , discusseth the Answere made to Cardinall Bellarmynes Letter ; & diuers poyntes of moment therin conteyned , but weakly impugned by the Apologer , as the Authour of this Letter iudgeth . To the Reader . THIS Letter comming to my hands ( gentle Reader ) some dayes past , from my learned friend beyond the seas , and hauing imparted the same priuately vnto sundry of myne acquaintance , who desyred to read somewhat , concerning the Argument in hād ; they were very earnest with me to yield to the printing therof , for eschewing so great labour , tyme , and expences , as would be necessary for the copying it out , to so many , as desyred the view therof : which I intreate thee to take in good part , and vse it to thy benefit . And so to CHRIST IESVS I committ thee , with wish of all felicitie , both in this lyfe , and the next . PARTICVLER chiefe poyntes handled in this Letter . In the first Paragraph . 1. WHo is thought to be the true Authour of this Triplex cuneus , or Apology : and vpon what reasons , & arguments . Num. 2. 3. 4. &c. 2. The contentes of the Oath ; and how the lawfulnes of taking it , was consulted with learned men , both at home , and abroad . num . 14. 15. &c. 3. VVhether this Oath do conteyne matters of only meere Ciuill , and Temporall Obedience , and not any of Religion , as is p●●●●●ded . num . 20. 21. &c. 4. VVhat full and perfect Obedience , and dutifull Allegianc● , Catholicke Subiects do acknowledge themselues to owe , and offer vnto his Ma. tie in all Temporall affayres , as much as euer any English Subiects from the beginning , vntill K. Henry the eight his time ; and as any forrayne Subiect doth to any Catholicke Emperour , King , or Prince at this day . num . 25. 26. &c. 5. How contradictory it is in it self . That Catholicks must sweare to take the Oath , freely & without coaction , notwithstanding the penalty of Premunire , if they refuse it . num . 29. &c. 6. Concerning a petition to his Ma. tie for exposition of the said Oath , for auoyding of needles vexations . num . 32. 33. &c. 7. That nothing is gayned , but much lost to his Ma. tie , by ouer-much vrging the said Oath . num . 34. 35. &c. In the Second Paragraph . THe summe of the two Breues of Paulus V. and whether1 . he had reason to complayne of Catholicks sufferance , or no ? num . 1. 2. 3. &c. VVhether Q. Elizabeth did persecute Catholicks,2 . and whether she were so happie in her life , and gouernment , as some do make her . num . 5. 6. 7. &c. That it is not height of pryde in Catholicks , to desyre lyberty of3 . Conscience , as the Apologer sayth . num . 25. 26. 27. &c. That clemency is no cause of desperate attempts , as this Apologer4 . insinuateth , but rather the contrary , to wit , cruelty . num . 32. 33. &c. In what poyntes , and why this Oath is held to be vnlawfull for5 . Catholicke men to take : with the examination of Scriptures , Fathers , and Councels about the same . num . 41. 42. &c. How the Apologer wittingly mistaking the State of the Question,6 . goeth forward , impugning only his owne deuises . num . 61. 62. In the third Paragraph . CArdinall Bellarmyne is wrongfully charged to mistake1 . the State of the Controuersy , and to impugne the Oath of Supremacy , insteed of the Oath of Allegiance . num . 4. 5. &c. VVhy the Apologer changeth the old Tytle of Supreme Head2 . of the Church , established by Statute vnder K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. vnto Supreme Gouernour . num . 6. 7. &c. 3. The ancient Councels of Toledo , how vntruly they are alledged , for prescribing this forme of Oath now exacted . num . 11. 12. 13. &c. 4. Clauses of beliefe , or not beliefe proued to be in this Oath , contrary to the Apologers assertion . num . 26. 27. &c. 5. An eleuen Contradictions obiected out of Cardinall Bellarmynes workes , but no one can be verified . num . 35. 36. 37. &c. 6. The Authorityes of sundry Fathers examined , whether they make to the purpose , for which Bellarmyne doth alledge them in his Epistle . num . 58. 59. 7. Great variety of calum●●ious dealing against the Cardinall , for disgracing him . num . 74. 75. &c. 8. How Kings and Princes are truly seruants of their Subiects ; and how their Authority is mediatly , and not immediatly from God. num . 78. 79. 83. &c. THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE MAN , TO HIS FRIEND in England , Concerning the Apology , for the new Oath of Allegiance . Paragr . I. I CANNOT but yeild yow harty thankes ( my louing friend ) for the new Booke yow sent me ouer by Gun●ar , at his last passage : For albeit , I haue determyned with my selfe in this my banishment , to spend my tyme in other studyes , more profitable , then in contention about Controuersyes : yet must I needs accept kyndly of your good will , in making me partaker of your newes there . And more gladde should I haue beene , if yow had aduertised me , what your , and other mens opinion , was of the Booke in your parts , then that yow request me to write our mens Iudgement from hence . And yet , for so much , as yow requ●●●t so earnestly at my handes , and that the party is to returne presently , I shall say somewhat with the greatest breuity that I can : Albeit I do not doubt , but that the partyes , that are principally interessed therin , will answere the same much more largely . II. First then for the Authour , for so much as he setteth not downe his Name , it seemeth not so easy to gh●sse ; yet the more generall opinion in these partes is , that as , that odious Discouery of Roman Doctryne , and practises , which of late yow haue seene answered , was cast forth against the Catholickes , vnder the cyrred name of T. M. with direction ( as he said ) from Superiours , the Authour being in deed but an inferiour Minister ; so dyuers thinke it to be probable , that this other Booke also , commeth from some other T. M. of like condition , though in respect of his office , somewhat neerer to his maiesty , to whome , perhaps , he might shew the same ( ●s the other dedicated his ) and therupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regiâ , as in the first front of the Booke is set downe , somwhat different from other bookes , and cause it to be printed by Barker his Ma. ties Printer , and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes , and other like deuises , wherin our English Ministers , do grow now , to be very bold , & do hope to haue , in tyme , the hand , which Scot●ish Ministers once had . But I most certaynly do perswade my selfe , that his Ma. tie neuer read aduisedly all , that in this Booke is conteyned : For that I take him to be of such iudgement and honour , as he would neuer haue let passe sundry things , that heere are published , contrary to them both . III. As for example , his Highnes great iudgement would presently haue discouered , that the State of the Question , is twice or thrice changed in this Apologie , and that thing proued by allegations of Scriptures , Fathers and Councels , which the aduerse part denyeth not , as after in due place I shall shew . And againe he would neuer haue let passe , so manifest an ouersight , as is the charging of Card. all Bellarmine with eleuen seuerall places of contradiction to himselfe in his workes , whereas , in the true nature of a contradiction or contrariety , no one of them can be proued , or mainteyned , as euery man that vnderstandeth the Latyn tongue , and will but looke vpon Bellarmine himselfe will presently fynd . IV. Nay some of them are so palpable , as euery man of common sense , euen without Latyn , or learning , will espy the same : as namely , the very first , where it is said , That Card. all Bellarmine writeth in his fifth Booke of Iustification : That , for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnesse , and for auoyding of vayne glory , it is most sure and safe to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God. Which proposition ( sayth the Apologie ) is directly contrary to the whole discourse and currant of all his fyue bookes De Iustificatione . But euery m●n out of common reason , will 〈◊〉 , that the opposition betweene one place , and fiue bookes , is very gen●●● ▪ and vncertayne to the Reader . He should haue c●ted some one or two , or more places , out of those fyue bookes , which in true sense , and wordes had byn contrary to the former place , to the end that iudgement might haue byn made therof : and this in credit he ought to haue done , to conuince so great a man of contradiction to himselfe . V. Agayne , it is alleadged for a manifest contradiction in Bellarmine , for that in one place he saith : That , the end of the world can not be knowne : and in an other , That within 25. dayes after Antichrists death , the world shall haue an end . But what man is so simple , or sil●y , that will not presently demaund , how we shall know the certaynty , when Antichrist is to come ? For therupon dependeth the whole controuersy . VI. In like manner wheras his Ma. tie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty , and vsage of others , especially men of honour and dignity , it is to be thought , that he would neuer haue consented , if he had but seene the Booke , with any attention , that those phrases of contempt , not only against the Pope ( at least as a temporall Prince ) but neyther against the Cardinall , calling him by the name of M. Bellarmine , should haue passed ; For so much , as both the Emperour , and greatest Kings of Christendome , do name that dignity with honour . And it seemeth no lesse dissonant , to call a Cardinall , Maister , then if a man should call the chiefest dignityes of our Crowne by that name , as M. Chauncelour , M. Treasurer , M. Duke , M. Earle , M. Archbishop , M. Bancroft , which I assure my selfe , his Ma. tie would in law of honour condemne , if any externall Subiect or Prince , should vse to men of that State in our Countrey , though he were of different Religion . Wherfore I rest most assured , that this proceeded , eyther out of the Ministers lacke of modestie , or charity : and that if his Ma. tie had had the perusall of the Booke , before it came forth , he would presently haue gyuen a dash of his pen ouer it , with effectuall order to remedy such ouersightes of inciuility . VII . Furthermore that generall assertiue note gyuen against Card. all Bellarmine , that , VVhensoeuer he is pressed with any difficult argument of his Aduersary , he careth not to contradict himselfe , so he may declyne therby the present storme , I can hardly belieue that his Ma. tie would haue passed ouer with approbation . For so much , as it is so generall , as I said , and would require an induction of many particuler examples , to inferre the same ; wherof no one is heere alledged , that can be stood vnto , and proued to be a true contradiction in deed . That other iniurious and stinging conclusion also , that , There is no greater difference betweene God and Belial , light and darknes , heauen and hell , then there is betweene the doctrine of the Scriptures , and Card. all Bellarmines workes , concerrning the dignity of temporall Princes , I can not imagine that the equity , and grauity of his Ma. tie would euer allow of it , being apparantly a passionate exaggeration , and refuted euery where by Bellarmine himselfe , where he teacheth , that temporall Princes haue their Authority from God , are Gods substitutes and Vicars , in all temporall affayres of their States and Kingdomes , are for such to be obeyed , not only , out of feare to auoyd punishment , but of conscience vnder paynes of damnation : so as , wherin this great and absolute opposition of Scriptures to Bellarmins works , about the Authority and dignity of temporall Princes doth consist , I see not . And if his bookes had byn so derogatory to Princely Authority , as heere is said , it is very like , that so many other Monarches , Princes , and great States , would neuer haue permitted them to haue bene printed in their Dominions , as they haue done , and do dayly . Wherfore , neyther this also , do I suppose , that the great wisedome of his Ma. tie would haue allowed . VIII . This then remayneth most firme in my persuasion , that his Ma. tie had nothing to do with the Booke , but only , perhaps , the allowance therof in generall termes , before it was published : and this yow will easely see by the substance therof , which consisteth ( such as it is ) of three principall poynts or partes . The first , conteynng , as it were , a preamble to the Breues , concerning the nature of the Oath exacted , and circumstances therof . The second , touching the contents of the said Breues , & the Popes manner of proceeding therin . The third , the examination of Card. all Bellarmines letter to M. Blackwell the Arch-priest : of all which , I do promise yow , but a small tast , as I said ; for I haue very little tyme , and I should offer iniury to others , to whome it belongeth to make a more full answere , if I should deteyne my selfe long therin . IX . The preamble beginneth with , The monstrous , rare , nay neuer-heard of treacherous , famous , and infamous attempt , plotted within these few yeares heere in England ( of the powder-treason ) infinite in cruelty , singular from all example , crying loudly for vengeance from heauen , &c. All which Eplthetes for due detestation of so rash and heynous an attempt , Catholicks , no lesse then Protestants , do willingly admit ; though for singularity from all examples , if we respect Speciem , & non Indi●●du●m , that cannot be like to an other in all poynts , there be recounted in Historyes , many attempts of the same kynd , and some also by Protestants , in our dayes : as that of them , who in Antwerp placed a whole barke of powder in the vaulted great street of that Citty , where the Prince of Parma , with his nobility , was to passe : and that of him in H●ge ▪ that would haue blowne vp the who●e Counsell of Holland , vpon priuate reuenge : as also that of 〈◊〉 in Scotland , where the like 〈◊〉 of powder was layd for the cruell murther of his Ma. ties Father , which not succeeding , his death was achieued by an other , no lesse bloudy , and barbarous , violence . X. But why ( I pray yow ) is this wofull attempt of those vnfortunate Gentlemen , so often brought in agayne , and repeated almost in euery corner of this Booke ? Are they not executed , that were culpable therof ? And are not other Catholicks deliuered from the guylt therof , by the long , and diligent search of Iustice made thereabout ? The Minister himselfe confesseth in his very next lynes , Teh equity of his Ma. tie to be such , as he professed in his Proclamation , & Parlament-speach , that be would not vse other Catholicks the worse for that , wherof it followeth that he held them for guytlesse ; & that all those pressures both of cosciences & externall afflictiō which since that tyme they haue suffered , and do at this present , were designed before that , and begunne also to be put in execution ( as indeed they were ) and that the powder-treason was not a cause of these afflictions , but an effect rather : that is to say , that those Gentlemen forseeing or knowing the course that was designed to be taken , and partly also put in practice , resolued vpon that miserable Medium , to their owne destruction , and publike calamity . XI . But alas , is there no end of exprobration against the Innocent for the Nocent ? No compassion ? No commiseration ? If the clemency of his Ma. tie in his gratious Proclamation ( as heere is confessed ) gaue security , that , notwithstanding that headlong action of those few Catholycke Gentlemen , None of the profession should be the worse vsed for that cause ; how commeth it to passe , that so many aggrieuances haue byn heaped vpon them euer since , and are daylie , both by infamous libels published against them , as appeareth by the former T. M. his flaūderous Discouery , and others mentioned in the Answere therunto ; as also by the new Oath , deuised for the vtter ouerthrow , both in soule , if they take it against their conscience , and of body , goods , and estimation , if they refuse it ? How come so many searches of their houses , spoyle of their goodes , apprehensions of their persons , afflictions of their tennants , seruants & friends , so many citations , attachments , vexations , and molestations , that dayly do flow vpon them , as if they were the only malefactours of the Land ? XII . And now I pray yow let vs see , how this second T. M. ( if he be Authour of the Booke , as he is presumed ) doth speake of this Oath , as of a thing of no pressure & preiudice at all . For hauing spoken of the former asseueration of his Ma. tie , That none of that profession should be worse vsed for that cause , he adioyneth presently : Only ( saith he ) at the next sitting downe againe of Parliament a forme of Oath was framed to be taken by all his Ma. ties Subiects , wherby they should make cleere profession of their Resolution , faithfully to persist in his Ma. ties Obedience , according to their naturall allegiance : To the end , that heerby his Ma. tie might make a separation of his Subiects &c. by which exception of ( Only ) a man may well perceaue , that this Minister maketh litle accompt of taking , or not taking this Oath , for so much as he supposeth Catholike people to haue receaued no hard vsage therby , though they be brought into such extremityes , as either they must sweare against their owne iudgements , & conscience in diuers pointes , appertayning to their Religion , or indure his Ma. ties heauy displeasure , with losse of all , that in this ly●e is dearest vnto them : which no Catholicke man can auoyd now in England , but he that maketh no scruple to sweate or vnsweare whatsoeuer turneth him best to his commodity , or Superior Authority doth impose vpon him . XIII . But against this , you will say , that two thinges heere are alledged , and auouched in his Maiesties behalfe , by the Authour of this Pamphlet : the one , that , He intendeth no persecu●ion against Catholickes for conscience cause , but only desireth to be secured of them for Ciuill Obedience : Which if it be so , I see not , but that the matter may quickly be ended : for that I presume no Catholicke in England , will deny to sweare all cyuill obedience that he oweth to his Maiesty , or that any subiect hath euer in former Catholicke times sworne to their leige Lords or Princes , or do in other countryes at this day . The other is , That very many ( sayth he ) of his Maiesties subiects that were Popishly affected , as well Priests as Laycks haue freely taken the same Oath , wherby they both gaue his Maiestie occasion to thinke the better of their fidelity & likewise freed them selues of that heauy slaunder . So he . And then followeth immediatly that his Maiesty punisheth none for Conscience cause , so they exhibite Cyuill Obedience . And why then are men kept in prison , after they haue taken this Oath ? Why are M. Blackwell , and M. Charnocke deteyned styll by the L. of Canterbury ? Why are Recusants punished , & fyned for Recusancy , though they take the Oath of Allegiance ? Is not Recusancie a cause of Conscience ? Do you see how these things do hold togeather . XIIII . To returne then to this Booke , the writer saith , That the Dyuell could not haue deuised a more malitious tricke , for interrupting this so calme and clement a course , then by sending hither and publishing a Breue of the Pope , counter-maunding all them of his profession , to take this Oath , therby sowing new seedes of iealousy betweene his Maiesty and his Popish Subiects . &c. But what was the calme & clement course before , all men know . For first men were vexed , spoyled , & imprisoned for Recusancy ; then was the Oath deuised to afflict their Consciences : and in these afflictions what should Catholicks do ? They first consulted the case which Learned men at home ; then also abroad : And albeit at home , some were moued in respect of the compassion they had of the present perill , if it were refused , to thinke that in some sense the Oath might be taken : yet none abroad were of that mynd : For that they allowed not of any sort of Equiuocation in matters touching faith & religion . And in these , I heare say that the Iesuites were among the chiefe & most forward , as heere also is confessed : who notwithstanding before were most accused , bayted and exagitated , both in Bookes , Pulpitts , and Tribunalls , for allowing , in some points , the lawfull vse of Equiuocation . XV. About this doubt , Catholickes , according to their rule of Subordination , and spirituall Obedience in such affayres , referring the matter to the iudgment and consultation of their Supreme Pastour , whome by the principles of their Religion they belieue , that our Sauiour giueth assistance , for the direction of mens soules ; they receyued from him , after due deliberation , this answere , That the whole Oath , as it lay , could not be admitted with the integritie of the Catholicke Faith. For that albeit diuers partes therof were lawfull , to wit , all such clauses , as appertained to the promise of Ciuill and Temporall Obedience : yet other thinges , being interlaced and mixt therwith , which do detract from the spirituall Authoritie of their said highest Pastour ( at leastwise indirectly ) the whole Oath , as it lieth , was made therby vnlawfull . XVI . And this I vnderstand to be the substance of the Popes Resolution and answere , though all these particularityes be not set downe in his Breues , but onely the Oath declared to be vnlawfull in conscience to Catholicke men , as it lyeth , without distinction . And what malitious tricke of the Diuell them , this may be thought , where sheepe do make recourse to their spirituall Pastour , in so great and important occasions of their soules , as these are , I see not . Do English Catholickes any other thing in this , then that which all English Subiects , both great and small , learned and vnlearned haue done , and practised from our first Christian Kinges , vntill the time of King Henry the eight , vpon the point of a thousand yeares ? Let the Answere to Sir Edward Cookes booke of Reportes lately set forth , be examined ; whether it doth not shew , that in all those Ages , recourse was euer made to the Sea Apostolicke , in like occasions , without preiudice of Subiectes temporall dueties to their temporall Princes . XVII . No one English Christian King ( though they were many ) did euer absolutly deny recourse to Rome in spirituall things ( notwithstanding in some other Cyuill , or mixt matters , vpon different occasions , some restraintes were some tymes made ) from our first king Ethelbert to king Henry the eyght , as by the said discourse & Answere is euidently proued : & much more throughout the noble rancke of the Christian kinges of Scotland , his Ma. ties Progenitours , vntill his most renowned Progenitrix ( by whome , and from whom he hath his royall right of both Crownes ) who is knowne & reputed throughout Christendome , to haue died for defence of this Catholicke doctrine : For so much , as if she would haue abandoned that , there had byn little doubt of making her away . And the like may be said of all other great Christian and Catholicke Princes of our dayes , as the Emperour himselfe , the Potent Kings , and Monarches of Spayne , France , Polonia , and other States , Common-wealthes , and Potentates , do not thinke it any disgrace , diminution of honour , perill or iniury vnto them , that their Subiects , for matters of Conscience , do make recourse to the Sea Apostolicke , or that , which is consequent therof , the said Sea , or generall Pastour do interpose his iudgement , declaration , or decision in such affayres . XVIII . This is the Catholicke doctrine and practise : this hath bene in vse throughout Christendome from all antiquity , & no where more then in our Realmes of England and Scotland , as hath byn said . In this beliefe and practice , liued and dyed all our forfathers , that were Subiects , all our noble Kings , that were our Soueraignes , all our Bishops and Prelats , that were our Pastours , all our great Counsellours and Lawyers , that by their wisdome and learning gouerned the land , all our Nobility , Gentry , Priests and Laytie : So as if now this be holden for a malitious tricke of the diuell , dishonorable and preiudiciall to his Ma. tie , his Soueraignty , Crowne , dignity and security , as heere is insinuated , it must needs be , for that the diuell indeed hath made some change in other men , and matters , by altering of opinions and apprehensions . For the Catholicks are the same that they were wont to be , and do thinke the same , belieue the same , teach the same , and practice the same , that all their predecessors haue done before them . XIX . But to returne to the Apologie . Two mislikes are consequently set downe , after the former wordes : The first , that the Pope did mittere falcem in alienam messem , by intermedling betweene his Ma. tie and his Subiects , especially in matters that meerely and only concerne cyuill Obedience . The other , that he refuted not particulerly , what speciall wordes he quarrelled in that Oath ; which if he had done ( saith the Apologie ) it might haue byn , that his Ma. tie for the Fatherly care he hath , not to put any of his Subiects to a needles extremity , might haue byn contented , in some sort , to haue reformed , or interpreted those words with his owne Catholicks , and so had they byn therby fully eased in that busines ; or at leastwise , some appearance or shaddow of excuse , might haue byn left vnto them for refusing the same , vpon scrupulous tendernesse of Conscience , &c. Thus writeth he . Which if he do bona fide , and haue besydes any inckling or insight in his Ma. ties meaning indeed that way , for the ease or comfort of his afflicted Catholicke people ; I doubt not , but that full satisfaction may be gyuen to his Royall Highnes , in these two poyntes that heere are set downe . XX. For first , about putting the Popes hooke in another mans haruest , supposing , as we do , that wee treate of Catholicke people only , and according to Catholicke doctryne , and in matters belonging to Catholicke mens soules and consciences ; it cannot be called Messis aliena , an other mans haruest , that the Pope dealeth in England , with such kynd of people , and in such causes , as well as in Spayne , France , Flanders , Italie , Germanie , Polonia , and other States and Kingdomes ; for that they are no lesse appertayning to his flocke , care , charge , and haruest , then the rest . Neyther doth the materiall separation of our Iland , separate vs from the vnion of one body , nor of one Obedience to one & the selfe same general Head and Pastour , no more , then it doth from the vnion of one beliefe , and of one number and forme of Sacraments , of one manner of seruice , and other like poyntes , belonging to the internall and externall vnitie of Catholicke Religion . XXI . But the Apologie saith , that , His medling about this Oath , is in matters , that meerly and only concerne Cyuill Obedience : and the same he repeateth in dyuers other partes and passages of this Booke ; which if it be true , I will easely graunt that his Ma. tie hath cause of iust mislike . But if this proue not so , and that the matters refused in the Oath , are poyntes appertayning in deed to Religion , then I hope , that by answering fully this poynt , we shall satisfy also the second , why it was not needfull for the Pope to set downe any particuler confutation in his Breues , but only to say ( as he doth ) in generall , that , The integrity of Catholicke Religion permitteth them not to take such an Oath , in which , both Cyuill and Ecclesiasticall poynts are couched , and conioyned craftily togeather , with no small preiudice of the said Catholicke Religion . XXII . And how thē shall we cleare this importāt matter , VVhether there be any pointes in this Oath belonging to religion , besydes Cyuill Obedience ? Very easily : by foure seuerall , and distinct wayes . The first wherof shall be taken from the playne expresse wordes , sense , and drift of the Oath it selfe : That besydes the acknowledgment of our Soueraigne to be true King , and rightfull Lord ouer all his dominions , and that , I will be a true loyall Subiect vnto him , and other such like clauses , wherat no man sticketh or maketh difficulty ; the said Oath conteyneth further , that , I must sweare in like manner some poyntes concerning the limitation of the Popes authority , to wit , what he cannot do towards his Ma. tie or his Successours in any case whatsoeuer . Which question being brought from the particuler Hypothesis , to the generall Thesis , concerning all Kings ( for the like reason is also in others ) both in the one & the other ; it toucheth a poynt of doctryne and Catholicke beliefe , concerning the sufficiency of Pastorall authority , left by our Sauiour in his Church vnto S. Peter and his successours , for redressing of all inconueniēces that may fall out , which I ( being a Catholicke ) cannot in my Conscience for●weare , without perill of euerlasting damnation . And this is one way of cleering the question . XXIII . An other is , to looke vpon the Popes wordes in his Breues , wherby will appeare , what his meaning was of the contents of the Oath . Wee haue heard ( saith he ) how yow are compelled by most grieuous punishments set before yow , to go to the Churches of Heretickes , to frequent their Assemblyes , to be present at their Sermons , &c. Wherby we are moued by the Zeale of our Pastorall Office , and by the Paternall sollicitude which we haue for the saluatiō of your soules , to warne , & pray yow , in no sorte , to go to the said Churches , nor to heare their Sermons , nor to cōmunicate with them in any externall rytes , least yow do incurre the wrath of God therby . For that , it is not lawfull for yow to do these things without detriment of Gods seruice , and of your owne saluation : as also yow may not , without most euident , and grieuous iniury of Gods honour , bynd your selfe with the Oath , which in like manner to our great griefe , we haue heard , to be administred vnto yow , of the tenour vnder written , &c. And then after the whole forme of the Oath set downe , he writeth thus . VVhich things being so , it ought to be cleere , vnto yow , by the wordes themselues , that such an Oath can not be taken without domage to the Catholicke fayth , and health of your soules : for that it conte●eth many things against the said Catholike saith , and health of your soules . XXIV . By these wordes of the Breue , we may see playnly , that as the matter of going Church , Assemblyes , and Sermons of those o● a contrary Religion , are forbidden by him , as spirituall matters , and acts of a fa●● Religion : so is the taking of the Oath , not in regard of Temporall & Cyuil● Obedience to his Ma. tie ( which by a ●ormer Breue his predecessour had permitted , and recommended to an Catholicks soone after his Highnes entrance vnto the Crowne ; but for the admixture of other causes , appertayning to some poyntes of Religion as before hath byn●●●d . XXV . The third proofe may be taken out of the ensuing ●etter of Card. all Bellarmine , who hauing diligently considered with other learned men , of the nature of this Oath , doth therfore hold it to be vnlawfull , for that it is so compounded by artificiall ioyning togeather of Temporall and Spirituall things , Cyuill Obedience , and forswearing the Popes authority , as ( to vse his wordes ) No man can professe his Cyail● Subiection , and detest treason and conspiracy ( by this Oath : ) but he must be forced also to renounce the Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke . And therfore he compareth it to the crafty composition , and commixture of Images of the Emperour Iulian , & of the Paynim Gods , so coupled and combined togeather in his Imperiall banner , as dutifull Subiects that were Christiās , & desyred to performe their Temporall duety & Cyuill honour to their Soueraigne , could not bow downe to his Picture , as the fashion was , but must seeme also to do the same to the heathen Idols : which rather then they would do , they were content to suffer cruell death . So as in this case such as denyed to obey in that point , did it not for lacke of reuerence , and loyall affection to their Emperour , as odiously it was obiected and amplified against them : but by reason of the mixture of things vnlawfull , with those that were lawfull : And the like plainly is heere in this case , where Catholicks are wrongfully accused to deny their acknowledgment of cyuill Obedience conteyned in this Oath , for that they refuse to take the same : wheras their refusall is not for this , but for other clauses pertayning to their Religion . XXVI . Fourthly then , for a more full , and fynall cleering of this matter , I can thinke of no better , nor more forcible meane , then to make this reall offer , on the behalfe of euery English Catholicke , for better satisfaction of his Ma. tie in this poynt , so much vrged of their Cyuill & Temporall Obedience . First that he will sweare , and acknowledge most willingly , all those partes , and clauses of the Oath , that do any way appertaine to the Ciuill , and Temporall Obedience due to his Ma. tie , whome he acknowledgeth for his true and lawfull kyng and Soueraigne ouer all his Dominions , and that he will sweare vnto him , as much loyalty , as euer any Catholicke Subiect of England , did vnto their lawfull King in former tymes , and ages , before the change of king Henry the eyght : or that any forraine Subiect oweth , or ought to sweare to any Catholicke Prince whatsoeuer at this day . XXVII . Secondly that for the Pope , who , by the force of Catholicke Religion , is the Supreme Pastour of his soule , he hopeth in Gods goodnes , that he will neuer attempt any thing in preiudice of his Ma. tie , nor will he euer procure , of his part , that he do : but rather will seeke to stay , or let the same , as much as shall lye in his power ; praying hartily for them both . But for so much , as the Question of his Authority , what he might do , in certayne vrgent cases , for the preseruation of any Countrey , and for the vniuersall good of Gods Church , is a matter belonging to doctrine & Religion , he cannot with safety of his Conscience sweare vnto the Articles and branches of the Oath touching that poynt . XXVIII . Heere then wee see that all Ciuill Obedience , and humble acknowledgment of all Temporall Duety is offered to his Maiestie by his Catholicke Subiects , in most ample manner , that can be deuised , or that is offered to any Christian Catholicke Prince lyuing . And if this be not accepted , then is it euident , that more is required , then meere and only Ciuill Obedience , as heere is often auouched . XXIX . And now , for so much as it is said heere in like manner , That very many of his Ma. ties Subiects , that were Popishly affected , as well Priests as Laycks , did freely take the same Oath ( which he calleth A blessed successe frō God of this godly and wyse intent , in deuising and proposing the same : ) I shall be forced also to say somwhat of this matter , before I passe any further . And first of all , concerning the freedome , wherby it is heere said , That priests and Laycks did freely take the same ; no man , I thinke , will deny , but that the taking of this Oath is proposed by the Statute it selfe vnder paine of the losse of all goods and lands , and perpetuall imprisonment to him , that shall refuse it : which is the very same freedome , and no other that a merchant hath in a tēpest , eyther to cast out his goodes into the sea , for lightening his ship , or to be drowned himselfe . And though Aristotle in his Ethicks do seeme to hold it to be Simpliciter inuoluntarium , simply against the will of the doer , and Catholicke Deuynes , That it is Inuoluntarium secundum quid , in part inuoluntary and simply voluntary , for that , all circumstances considered , he resolueth fynally to be the best to cast out his goods and saue himselfe : yet all agree in this , that freedome is taken away by this constraint of the passion of feare : For that freedome requyreth full liberty to both extreames or obiects , that are proposed ; which is not in our case . For that the displeasure of the Prince , the losse of goods and liberty , the ruyne of his family , the terrour and perswasion of his friendes , are heauie poyses , and do mightily preponderate on the one side : and consequently the mention of this freedome , might haue beene pretermitted , for so much , as no constraint of humane will can be greater , then this . And yet is it said in the Oath , that he must do it , both willingly and hartily , and as he belieueth in Conscience . Let the discreete Reader consider what coherence there is in their tale . XXX . Secondly , as for that multitude of Priests , & Laycks , which he sayeth , Haue freely taken this Oath ; as their freedome was that , which now I haue mentioned , and a principall motiue ( as may be presumed ) the desyre they had , to giue his Ma. tie satisfaction , and deliuer themselues , and others so much as lay in them , from that inference of disloyall meaning , which vpon the denyall therof , some do vse to make : so I cannot , but in charity assure my self , that they being Catholicks tooke the said Oath ( for so much as concerneth the Popes authority in dealing with temporall Princes ) in some such lawfull sense , and interpretation , as ( being by them expressed , and accepted by the Magistrate ) may stand with the integrity , and sincerity of true Catholicke doctrine , and faith : To witt , that the Pope hath not Authority without iust cause , to proceed against them : Quia illud possumus , quod iure possumus , saith the law : Our authority is limited by Iustice. Directly also the Pope may be denyed to haue such authority against Princes , but indirectly only , in ordine ad spiritualia , and when certayne great , importāt , & vrgent cases , concerning Christian religion fall out , which we hope will neuer be , betweene our Soueraigne , and the Sea Apostolicke ; for so much as they haue past already , many yeares ( though in different Religions ) in peace , and quietnes euen since his Ma. tie began first to raigne . XXXI . But concerning the generall Question , to deny simply and absolutely , That the Pope is supreme Pastour of the Catholicke Church , hath any authoritie left him by Christ , eyther directly or indirectly , with cause , or without cause , in neuer so great a necessity , or for neuer so great and publicke an vtility of the Christian Religion , to proceed against any Prince whatsoeuer temporally , for his restraint or amendment , or to permitt other Princes to doe the same : this , I suppose , was neuer their meaning that tooke the Oath ; for that they should therby contradict the generall consent of all Catholicke Deuines , and confesse , that Gods prouidence , for the conseruation , and preseruation of his Church , and Kingdome vpon earth , had bene defectuous , for that he should haue left no lawful remedy , for so great and excessiue an euill , as that way might fail out . XXXII . Wherefore , for so much as some such moderate meaning , must nedes be presumed , to haue bene in those that tooke the Oath , for safeguard of their Consciences ; if it might please his Maiesty to like well , and allow of this moderation , and fauourable interpretation , as all ●orreyne Catholicke Kings and Monarchs doe , without any prejudice at all of their safety , dignity , or Imperiall preheminence : I doubt not but he should fynd most ready conformity in all his said English Catholicke Subiects , to take the said Oath , who now haue great scruple & repugnance o● Conscience therin : both for that the chiefest learned men of their Church , doe hold the same for vtterly vnlawfull , being mixed and compounded , as it is , and the voyce o● their chiefe Pastour , to whome by the rules of their Religion , they thinke themselues bound to harken in like c●ses , hath vtterly condemned the same : and the very tenour of the Oath it self , and last lines therof are , That euery one shall sweare without any Equiuocation , or mentall reseruation at all , that is to say , hartily , willingly , & truely vpon the true faith of a Christian. Which being so , they see not how they may take the said Oath in truth of Cōsciēce : for so much , as they find no such willingnes in their harts , nor can they induce themselues in a matter so neerly concerning the Confession of their faith , to Equiuocate or sweare in any other sense , then from his Maiesty is proposed : and therefore doe thinke it lesse hurt to deny plainly , and sincerely to sweare , then by swearing , neither to giue satisfaction to God , nor to his Maiesty , nor to themselues , nor to their neighbours . And so much of this point . XXXIII . There followeth an other , which is the third , about this matter , where this Apology saieth , That God did blesse this godly deuise and intent ( of making and vrging this Oath ) by the admittance thereof by so many Priests & La●cks : &c. Which blessing ( if it be a blessing ) must concerne eyther the takers , or the exhibitours , or both . But for the takers , what inward blessing of comfort in conscience they may haue receaued thereby , I know not ; But for outward blessing , I see small , for they remaine , either in prisons , or vnder pressures still , as hath bene said . But for others of the same Religion that cannot frame their Consciences to take the said Oath , and yet would gladly giue his Royall Maiesty contentment & satisfaction , so farre as they might , without offending God ; I can assure yow , that it is the greatest affliction of mynd , among other pressures , that euer fell vnto them . For that no violence , is like to that , which is laied vpon mens Consciences ; for so much , as it lyeth in a mās owne will & resolutiō , to beare all other oppressions whatsoeuer , whether it be losse of goods , honours , dignityes , yea● of life it self : but the oppression of the Conscience , no man may beare patiently , though he would neuer so faine . For if he yield therein , he offendeth God , and leeseth his soule : neyther doth Metus cadens in constantem virum , feare that may terrify euen a constant man , excuse in this behalfe , as appeareth by the example of the auncient Martyrs , who were forced , vnder paine of damnation , to stand out to death against all humaine power , vexations , torments , and highest violence , rather then to doe , say , or sweare any thing against their Conscience . To all these men then , which are thowsands in our Countrey , that neuer thought otherwise then to be good Subiects to his Maiesty , the deuising of this new Oath , was no blessing , but an vnspeakeable affliction , and angariation of mynd . XXXIV . To the exhibitours also , I see not what blessing it could be , or can be , so extremely to vex other men without any profit , or emolument to themselues , or to his Maiestyes seruice , which herin they would pretend to aduaunce . For if there be any cause of doubt , of loyall good will in them , that are forced to sweare against their consciences : much more cause and reason may there be of like doubt , after they haue so sworne , then before . For that the griefe of their new wound of conscience remayning full within them , and stirring them to more auersion of hart , for the iniury receaued , must needes worke contrary effects to that which is pretended . And whosoeuer will not sticke to sweare against his conscience for feare , fauour , or some other like passion , may be presumed , that he will as easily breake his Oath , after he hath sworne , vpon like motiues , if occasions doe mooue him . And among all other passions , none is more strong , then that of reuenge for oppressions receaued : So as we read of the whole Monarchy of Spaine ouerthrowne , and giuen to the Mores , for one passion of Count Iulian , wherby he desired to be reuenged of his King ●oderiquez . Nothing then is gotten in this behalfe of loyall good will , by such extreame pressures , but much rather lost . XXXV . But besides all this , is the grieuous sinne which they commit , who force , & presse other men to sweare against their consciences , then which , almost nothing can be imagined more heinous : for it is to thrust men headlong ( especially such as are fearfull ) into the very precipitation and downfall of hell it selfe . For it is the highest degree of scandall actiue , so much condemned and detested in Scriptures , and so dredfully threatned by our Sauiour , to be seuerely punished in the life to come : for that scandalizing properly , is nothing else , but laying a stumbling-block for other men to fall , and breake their necks . And such a one is this formall Oath , which conteyneth diuers things lawfull for a Catholicke to sweare and other things vnlawfull : and he is forced by terrour to passe ouer , and swallow downe the one with the other , without distinction , with mani●est repugnance of his Conscience ; which repugnance to him , is alwaies a synne , & damnable in such a publicke and weighty action , though the matter were lawfull in it self , and consequently also vnto them , that force him to the same , eyther knowing or suspecting his said repugnance of Conscience . For he that should force a Iew , or Turke to sweare , that there were a blessed Trinity , eyther knowing or suspecting that they would doe it against their Conscience , should synne grieuously , by forcing them to committ that synne . This is Catholicke doctrine , which I also thinke the learned Protestants themselues will not deny . XXXVI . Here if any man obiect , that among vs also men are vrged to take Oathes , and to abiure their opinions in the tribunalls of Inquisitions , and the like ; and consequently in this Oath they may be forced vnder punishment to abiure the Popes Temporall Authority in dealing with Kings : I answere first , that if any Hereticke , or other should be forced to abiure his opinions , with repugnance of conscience , it should be a synne to the inforcers , if they knew it , or suspected it . Neyther is it practised or permitted ●n any Catholicke Court , that euer I knew . But yow will reply , that if he doe it not , he shall be punished by death , or otherwise , as the crime requireth , and Canons appoint , and consequently the like may be vsed towards Catholickes , that will not renounce their old opinions of the Popes Authoritye : but heere is a great difference ; for that the Catholicke Church hath Ius acquisitum , auncient right ouer Hereticks , as her due Subiects , for that by their Baptisme , they were made her Subiects , and left her afterward , and went out of her ; and she vseth but her auncient manner of proceeding against them , as against all other of their kynd and quality from the beginning . But the Protestant Church of England hath Nullum Ius acquisitum vpon Catholicks , that were in possession before them , for many hundred yeares , as is euident . Neyther was there euer any such Oath exacted at their hands , by any of their Kings , in former Catholicke tymes : Neyther is there , by any Catholicke forreyne Monarch , now liuing vpon earth , and consequently , by no reason or right at all , can English Catholicke men , be eyther forced or pressed to this Oath against their Conscience , or be punished , beaten , or destroyed , if for their Conscience they refuse to take the same : humbly offering notwithstanding to their Soueraigne , to giue him all other dutifull satisfaction , for their Temporall Obedience and Allegiance , which of loyall Catholicke Subiectes may be exacted . And this shall suffice for this first point , concerning the contents and nature of the Oath . Now shall We passe to say somewhat of the Breues , and answere made thereunto . CONCERNING THE POPES TVVO BREVES , AGAINST The receauing of the Oath . Paragr . II. THE summe of the Popes two Breues the first of the 21. of September , Anno 1606. the second of the 21. of August the next yeare following , is this : That wheras he had heard , that the Catholicks of England , were very sorely pressed with a new deuised Oath , against their Consciēces , concerning certayne poyntes , appertayning to the Authority of the Sea Apostolicke , in some cases ; he wrote the first Breue , to admonish , comfort , and direct them ; signifying his harty sorie for their long continued afflictions , and exhorting them to patience , and constancy in defence of the integrity of Catholike faith , and the purity of their owne consciences . And after this setting downe verbatim the whole Oath , as it lyeth in the Statute , he condemneth the taking therof , as vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke man , in regard of diuers clauses therin conteyned , contrary to the said integrity of Catholicke faith , and health of soules ; though in particuler , he descendeth not to dispute , or discusse the reasons , or poynts , therof , as became not a Iudge : especially seeing ( as he saith ) the matters themselues be euident by the wordes of the Breue . And wheras this first Breue was soone after called into question by some , as not proceeding from the Popes owne motion , and intention : his second Breue was set forth to approue , ratify , and confirme the former ; assuring all Catholicks , that both the one , and the other came from him directly , sincerely , & vpon due deliberation , and consequently ▪ that they were to be acknowledged , and obeyed by all true Catholicke people . This is the summe of what the Pope wrote : now lett vs see , what aduantage is taken by the Apologer against the same . II. First of all he felleth at the Popes sorrow for Catholicks afflictions , making them to be none at all : and wheras the late Q. Elizabeth is not so much as named in eyther of these Breues , this man will needes bring her in perforce , and iustifie her actions against Catholicke people , therby the more to animate his Ma. tie to follow her example , setting downe this notorious fa●se position concerning her , and her doings , That according to his owne knowledge , her Ma. tie never punished any Papist for Religion . Which how he can iustify , or by what Equiuocation mantayne , I know not . But being not content with this , he passeth further , and rageth exceedingly against those innocent Priests , Students , and others , that only for the profession of their Religion , gaue vp their lyues vnder her , as by their inditements , and arraignements in publike record doth appeare , and concludeth finally both of her , and them , thus : This Gracious Princesse was as free from persecution , as these hellish Instruments from the honour of Martyrdome . And yet further , very profanely : Hauing now sacrificed , as I may say ( quoth he ) to the Manes of my defunct Soueraigne , as well for the discharge of my particuler duty , as loue of verity ; I must next performe my duty also to his Ma. tie present , &c. III. Wherunto a man might answere , that if he performe it with no more verity to his present Soueraigne , then he hath done to his defunct Soueraigne past ; he will gayne little grace ( I suppose ) with his Ma. tie whom I hold to be of that noble nature , and magnanimity , as that he taketh such grosse-lying-flattery , father for iniury , then obsequie . But as for his heathen , prophane sacrificing to the Manes or Hob-gob-lins of his late Lady ; I confesse , that it is an office fitter for a Protestant-Minister , that thinketh it vnlawfull to pray for her soule , to deale with her Manes or Infernal spirits , then with Celestiall , by praying for her to Saints . But would God these Manes might now haue licence to appeare , and talke with him , and relate what passeth with her after all this ioylity , and ruffe in this world ; I doubt not but they would coole his excessiue veyne of flattering vanity . For if all the old platforme of Saints lyues , prescribed in Scriptures and practised by seruants of God , were not erroneous & vayne , as much fasting , continuall prayer , dayly mortification , frequent recollection , diligent chasticement of their bodyes , humble and feruent deuotion , labouring and working saluation in feare and trembling , aboundant almes-deedes , haire-cloth and ashes , contrition , sorrow and sobbing for synnes : If these things ( I say ) were the ancient wayes to lyfe , and to euerlasting saluation : then must the pathes of Q. Elizabeth , which are knowne by most men , to haue byn , eyther wholy different , or most opposite to these , lead to an other opposite end , Quia vnusquisque recipiet , secundum opera sua . IV. But not to enter into these melancholicke matters of her Manes , or of the other world , to make any certayne iudgement therof , before we arryue thither : I will only speake a word or two of the world present , and this with protestation , that it is wholy against my will , and against the generall inclination ( as I take it ) of all Catholicke people , who would in charity be content , that the memory of her actions , & iniuryes against them , being neuer so many , & iniurious , were buried with her body ; as may well appeare by their long silence therin since her death . But the continuall egging of the aduersary is such , as forceth vs to say somwhat , for our owne defence , and for cleering the cause , and men , by her so eagerly and iniuriously pursued . V. This Minister then , as in part you haue heard , maketh her , The most myld , dol●e , patient , and clement Princesse in the world , euen vnto Catholicks , whose bloud she shed so aboundantly , both at home , & abroad , during all the time of her raigne : nay , That her Ma. tie neuer punished any Papist for religion : And , That she was most free from all persecution : That she neuer medled with hard punishment of any Catholicke , nor made any rigorous lawes against them before the excommunication of Pope Pius Quintus , that was in the eleuenth yeare of her raigne : And yet is it knowne , and cannot be denyed , but that the most grieuous law , & Oath of Supremacie , & rigorous penall Statute against saying , or hearing Masse , were made long before that tyme : And that all the Bishops , Prelates , Religious , & chiefe Ecclesiasticall men were depryued , spoyled , imprisoned , or forced into banishment : and this before the Pope vsed any Censure against her at all : so exact , & punctuall is the truth of this Ministers narration . And not content with this , he doth prosecute odious comparisons , betweene the Pope , & her , laying all the origen of hurts and wickednes to him , and merit of vertue , and innocency to her , which is the very same , that is mentioned by the Prophet , to call euill good , & good euill . VI. Nor is he alone in this deuise , but that all Ministers commonly , and Ministers mates of later dayes haue taken vp this Common place , to celebrate her high prayses , for disgrace of Catholicks . And one among the rest , that for his place , should haue more equity and discretiō , hath declaymed vpon this matter in publicke Audience more then once , especially vpon the occasion of certayn words in Pope Clements Breue , where she is named Misera Foemina , a miserable woman ( in respect no doubt of the myseries of her soule , little respected by her : ) vpon which words the Orator triumpheth thus , VVhat miserable ? It is said , That , Miseria constat ex duobus contrariis , copia & inopia , copia tribulationis , & inopla consolationis , Misery consisteth of two contraries , of aboundance , and penury , aboundance of tribulation , & penury of consola●ion . And then he sheweth in what aboundance of consolations Q. Elizabeth lyued in all her life , & without want of all tribulations : which if it were true ; yet is it but the argument which the worldlings vsed in the Psalme , to proue their felicity , that their cellars are full , their sheepe fertile , theyr kyne fatt , they suffer no losse : and then , Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt ; Happy did they call the people that had these things . But the Holy Ghost scorneth them , and so may all men do our Orator , that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument , in so high a matter . VII . And as for his definition of Miserie , by Copia and Inopia , store and want , it is a miserable one indeed , and neuer heard of before , I thinke , to come from any mans mouth , but his owne : it being ridiculous in Philosophy , and fitt to be applyed to any thing that hath either store or want : As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him , that hath store of witt , and want of folly ; and a foole to be him , that hath store of follie , and want of witt ; and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches and want of beggary , and a poore man is he , that hath store of beggary , and penury of riches . And are not these goodly definitions ( thinke you ) for so great and graue a man to produce ? VIII . But to returne to the matter it selfe of Q. Elizabeth her store of consolations , and penury of desolations in this life , VVho ( saith this our Orator ) was so myraculously protected by God , so strengthened and fortified , as she did beate her most potent enemy , did sett vp a King in his kingdome , de●ended nations , harboured distressed people , and the like . Supposing all this were true , that she had such temporall felicity in this lyfe , and were so miraculously protected , strengthened , and fortifyed by God as heere is said : yea and that it were euident , that God had chosen her for his elected seruant ( which yet doth not appeare ) and gyuen her that tytle and power , to afflict the Catholicks : yet had that byn no more , then we read in the Scriptures to haue byn gyuen to dyuers Pagan Princes , and namely to Nabuchodonosor , of whom Ieremy the prophet testifyeth in sundry places of his Prophesy , That God chose him , called him his seruant , and gaue him speciall power , fauour , & protection to afflict his people . Ego dedi omnes terras istas in manu Nabuchodonosor Regis Babylonis serui mei , saith God : I haue gyuen all these Countryes into the hands of Nabuchodonosor King of Babylon my seruant , and all nations shall serue him , & yield obedience to him , and to his Sonne , and Sonnes some : And what soeuer nation shall not serue him , & bow his necke vnder his yoke , I will visite that nation with the sword , with famyne , and with plague , till I haue consumed them by his hand . And agayne in an other place : I will choose vnto me my seruāt Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon , & will bring him vpon this Land , and vpon all the inhabitants therof , and vpon all nations round about &c. And yet further God said vnto Ieremy : Thus saith the Lord of Hostes , I shall take vnto me my seruant Nabuchodonosor , and shall place his throne vpon these stones &c. IX . By all which is euident that Syr Edward Cookes argument is worth nothing : that for so much as God so miraculously protected Q. Elizabeth , ( if it were myraculous , ) so strengthened , and fortifyed her , as she did beate her most potent enemy , & did set vp an other King in his Kingdome ( 〈◊〉 any such thing were : ) yet this did not make her happie . As neyther it did Nabuchodonosor , of whome God said in the same place , that when he had serued his turne of him , and wrought his will by his hand , and people , for the purging or his owne elect ; he would visit vpon him also , and his Countrey , and that in a ●arre more grieuous sort : Ponam i●am in solitudines sempiternas , & reddam eis secundum opera eorum , & secundum facta manuum suarum : I shall make that Countrey , all euer a●●ng w●●de●nes , and shall res●ore to them ( that afflicted my peop●e ) according to their workes , and to the deeds of their owne handes against my people . This then was his ●e●icity to be a scourge to others , and fynally also to himselfe most of all . X. And the like . I doubt not , may be said of Q. Elizabeths ●licity agains● Catholicks , it we knew all , that in the last day or iudgment will appeare , and wherof her lamētable end may gyue great presage to them that are wise . For that for a woman of so long and large a lyfe , as hors was , to passe hence to eternity with so small sense or 〈◊〉 of God , as neuer so much , as to name him , nor to suffer * others to bring in any speach therof , as they attempted to do , is so pitti●ull an end , as can lightly said to a Christian soule : The story or which vpshot o●hers , I haue read written by a person of much credit that was present at all her last sicknes , combats , and death , and relateth all that passed as an eye witnesse , which I passe ouer for breuity and modestyes sake ; but it will remayne to posterity , as a dreadfull patterne of a miserable end , after a lyfe of so much ioylitie . XI . And thus much for spirituall infelicityes , reaching to the next world , and lyfe or death to come . But if we would rest our selues only vpon vayne & brickle felicityes of this world , they were not ( alas ) so great in Queene Elizabeth , but that they were mingled and interlaced with many , and great infelicityes in like manner , and these such , as did euen in the eyes of worldly men , ouerpoise the other , especially with them that repute honour and dishonour among humane felicityes , & infelicityes . For what more dishonorable infelicity can there be , then that which standeth in Capito Libri of Q. Elizabeths lyfe ? To witt , the publike solemne Statute , and Act of Parliament , made within few dayes after she was borne , vpon the 28. yeare of King Henryes raigne , and yet extant in Print , wherin it is declared , not only by the iudgment of the King , and of a●l that Parliament , but by the iudiciall sentence also of Archbishop Cranmer , she was pronounced , to be vnlawfully borne , and that her mother was neuer King Henryes lawfull wyfe : wherupō the said statute vseth these wordes : That it was against all honour , equity , and good conscience , that the said Elizabeth should succeed in the Imperiall Crowne of England . And could there be any greater worldly infelicity thēthis . XII . I let passe many other infelicities , which happened by her occasion to sundry , as well vnder the raigne of King Edward , as the ruyne of the Seymers vpon the Admiralls falling in loue with her , and making away his former wife Queene Catherine Parre to enioy her ; as also vnder Queene Marie , when so many rebellions of VViat , Courtney , Carewes , Stafford , & others , were made for her . But her owne raigne had most infelicities for her , if they were well considered : and I could touch many , but modestie forbiddeth . And least I should seeme to speak out of reuenge , let this one consideration serue for all ; That after all her afflicting Catholicks , and by that exercise , vpon the egging of others , more then of her owne propension , she was drawne into continuall suspitions , ●eares , and frights of her mynd and spirit , euen in the midst or all these sensuall delights , & contentments ( admired so much by her Attorney ) which draue her to a point , wherunto by nature she was not thought much inclyned , and by profession and protestations , she most condemned in others , to wit , Cruelty , which in effect was such , out of the fore said feares , towards Catholicke Religion , as neuer perhaps ( yea without perhaps ) were so many seuerall lawes , & punishments deuised by any one persecutour , nor many putt togeather , as are extant of hers in Print , against the pro●essours of that Religion , wherof herselfe had byn one , and in secret or priuate speaches also would not deny , to be in sundry poyntes , euen to her dying day . And was not this a great in felicity ? When strāgers do read & behold her Edicts & Statutes , wherin not only the whole vse of Catholicke Religion is condemned , and vnder greiuous punishment prohibited : but men are forced also , by rigorous penall lawes to go to the Churches of a contrary Religion , to communicate with them , to do acts , and sweare against their owne Religion , faith and Consciences : that there are seuere punishments , of losse of goods and lands , for receyuing an Agnus Dei , or a Medall , or Crucifix : greiuous punishments , for keeping of a Catholicke seruant , or Schoolemaister to teach and bring vp their children , or to send them ouer seas to Catholicke Schooles : yea , that it is the payne of death it selfe to be reconciled , by confessing his synnes to the Roman Church , or to the vnion of ●aith , with the Head therof , or to perswade another to be a Catholicke , or do the same : When they read these things ( I say ) and many others , which for breuity I pretermitt , and that all this notwithstanding , she would not haue it said , That she persecuted any for Religion ( which in manner this Apologer sticketh not to auouch ) nor put any Priest to death for that cause in deed , wheras notwithstāding she shed the bloud of aboue one hūdred and thirty , that might haue had their lyues euen at the last cast , if in this one point of Religion they would haue yielded neuer so little . All this ( I say ) being read and considered , seemeth vnto forreiners a strange infelicity both of body and soule . XIII Especially when it is considered to what perpetuall iealosy at length she was brought vnto , of all sorts of people , Puritans , Papists , yea of her owne dearest , as the death of the Earle of Essex , and his followers , doth easily declare . Neyther was there any weeke lightly , but that she had some new feares , of some Priest or Iesuite , or Catholicke soldiours sent from Flanders , France , or Italy to kill her by violence , others from Spayne , and other Countryes to poyson her , or at at least , her * Chaire . And vponsuch fancyes , men must be made away for greater terrour ; yea Iewes must be brought in also in this kynd of pretended poysoning , as the case of Doctor Lopez well declareth . Nay further this gryping passion of feare and iealosy did so vexe & consume her inwardly , as she was neuer well , vntill she had made away , against all law of Nature and Nations , the nearest vnto her in Royall bloud , that lyued vpon earth , and coequall with her in dignity , if in sundry respects not Superiour , I meane his Ma. ties noble renowned Mother , Queene of France & Scotland , that by force of the former Statute , which declared this other for illegitimate and incapable of the Crowne ( as now yow haue heard ) should haue enioyed the Crowne of England presently after the death of Q. Marie , & consequently his Ma. tie had enioyed the same 38. yeares at least , before he came vnto it after her death , who of all other lyuing Creatures , is knowne most hartily to haue hated that yssue & succession . And as she went about to disinable the same in the very roote & foūtayne it selfe , by seeking the disgrace of the ofspring , by dishonour of the origen : so neuer ceased she afterward to continue practises against them both , vntill she had wracked the one , and brought the other also to great probability therof , if she might haue lyued to her will , or haue dyed with such vse of senses and iudgment , as might haue made way to her bad affections in that behalfe . XIV . Well then , all this I haue beene inforced to speake vpon this occasion : first to represse somwhat therby the insultation of our foresaid Orator , in calling her , The happy Queene , the blessed Queene , whose vnmatched wisedome , and vnconquered prowesse ( to vse his words ) crowned her the peerlesse wonder of her sexe . All which tendeth to the exprobration of Catholicks , for hauing had so happy & peerles a persecutour ; and to the insultation also ouer the Pope , for calling her in his Breue , as he saith , Miseram Foeminam , a miserable woman : which how true or false it is , I leaue to the prudent Reader out of the former discourse , about her byrth , youth , age and end , to censure . XV. Secondly I do heerin but imitate the first ancient Fathers , that wrote for defence of those holy Martyrs , that dyed for Christian Religion in the Primitiue Church , as namely , Iustinus Martyr , Irenaeus , Tertullian , and others , who to comfort the afflicted , and to honour more their cause , did put them in mynd what manner of people their first persecutours were ; as namely Nero and Domitian , what lyfe they led , what end they made , and the like ; And that indeed they were fit instruments , to be the first , in such a worke . And the like we may say to Catholicks of Q. Elizabeth , that she being the strangest woman that euer was borne for diuers circumstances , now partly touched , and the first absolutly of that sexe , eyther Christian or created , that tooke vpon her Supreme power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters ; it must needes be some comfort to Catholicke people , that God chose such an instrument to be their first scourge , out of all woman kynd . XVI . And lastly , for that this Apologer will needs take vpon him , to sacrifice to her Manes : I thought my selfe obliged to offer some incense in like māner to the same , for mitigating the euill sent , which that notorious vntrue assertion must needs import , to the senses of all vnderstanding Readers : That , Queene Elizabeth neuer punished any Papist for Religion , Nor made any rigorous law against them , before Pius Quintus his Excommunication , nor since that tyme , but vpon priuate plots , machinations , &c. For cleare confutation wherof , I remit those of the elder sort that lyue in England , to their owne eyes , eares , and other externall senses , and those of yonger age , to the books of Statutes , of Q. Elizabeths tyme , Iohn Stowes Chronicle , and other such publicke Records . And so much of this poynt . XVII . Next after these exaggerations of the clemency and indulgence of Q. Elizabeth towards Catholicks , this Apologer passeth on to bestow some of his adulation , and oleum peccatoris , vpon his Ma. tie in like manner that now raigneth , telling vs , That his kyndnes and benefits bestowed vpon that sort of people , haue bene farre greater then those of Q. Elizabeth ; which may easily be , as , by that , which hath bene touched , may appeare . Yet do we verily perswade our selues , that if his Highnes had byn left to himselfe , and to his owne Royall nature , and noble disposition in this poynt ( as * Q. Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion ) we had tasted , indeed , much of this his great humanity , and so we began , for some tyme : but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile workings of this , and other such Ministers , as desyred to draw bloud , and to incite his Maiestie against vs , we hauing no place to speake for our selues , no admittance to be heard , no effectuall intercessour to interpose his mediation for vs ; no maruaile though wee were cast of , and do indure the smart . XVIII . And I do name this Minister ( T. M. the yonger ) in the first place among the rest , for that it is commonly said , that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession , be they strangers , or domesticall : and that among other deuises , he hath this ; That euery tyme his Ma. tie is to take his repast , he is ready , eyther with some tale , iest , scoffe , or other bitter lance to wound vs absent , and that he hath euer lightly , some booke and page therof , ready to read to his Highnes , somewhat framed by his art to incense or auert his Ma. tie more , eyther in iudgement , or affection , or both ; and therby to draw from him some hard speaches , which being published afterward by himselfe , and others , do serue to no other end , but to ga●l and alienate myndes , and to afflict them , that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues . And that is the seruice he doth his Ma. tie in this exercise . XIX . And as for the places themselues , which he vseth to bring forth with his wet finger , as is said , we are to imagine , that they are no better , nor more fitly applyed , then such as he hath sett forth against vs in this booke , & perhaps somewhat worse , for that he might probably thinke , that this booke would be examined , comming forth with so great pretence of authority , as it doth : And therfore if heere yow fynd him to vse calumniation , & most impertinent citation of Authours , and Authorityes , eyther wholy making against himselfe , or nothing for his purpose , or against vs : then may yow thinke what liberty he will take to himselfe there in speach , where no man is like to contradict him , but all applause is expected from the standers by . XX. Let vs heare , if yow please , one exaggeration of his , concerning his Ma. ties myldnes vnto vs , and our ingratitude in abusing the same to pryde . His Ma. ties gouernment ( saith he ) ouer them hath so far exceeded that of Q. Elizabeth , in mercy and clemency , as the Papists themselues grew to that height of pryde , in confidence to his myldnes , as they did directly expect , and assuredly promise to themselues liberty of Conscience , and equality with vs in all things , that are his best , and faithfull Subiects &c. Do you see what a height of pride this was ? And what an abuse of his Maiesties mercie and clemencie , to expect libertie of Conscience ? Why had he not obiected in like manner , that they expected the libertie of breathing , and vsing the common ayre , as well as Protestants ? For that neither breathing , nor the vse of cōmon ayre , is more due vnto them , or common to all , then ought to be libertie of Conscience to Christian men , wherby ech one liueth to God , and to himselfe , and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continuall lingring death . XXI . And surely , I cannot but wonder , that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride , which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble : yea the more humble , and vnderlings they are , the more earnest are they both in bookes , speaches , and preachings , to proue that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law , and that wresting , or forcing of Consciences , is the highest Tyranny , that can be exercised vpon man. And this we may see first , in all M. Fox his History , especially during the time of the three King Henries , 4. 5. and 6. and afterward , when those that were called Lollards , and VVickcliffians , who as M. Fox saith , were indeed good Protestants , being pressed somewhat about their Religion , did continually beate vpon this argumēt of libertie of Conscience , and when they obteyned it not , they set vp publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London , and made those famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5. and all his family , which are recounted by VValsingham , Stow , Fox , and other English Historiographers . XXII . In this our age also , the first oppositiō of Protestant Princes in Germanie , against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald , Austburgh , and other meetings ; as afterwards also the fierce and perillous warrs by the Duke of Saxony , Marques of Brandeburge , and other Protestant Princes , and their people , against the same Emperour , begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed . Were they not all for lyberty of Conscience ? so pretended , so printed , so published , so diuulged to the world ? The first Supplications , Memorialls , and declarations in like manner , which the Protestants of France set forth in print : as also they of Holland , & Zeland in tyme of the gouernments , as well of the Duchesse of Parma , Duke of Alua , Commendador Mayor , and other Gouernours : did they not all expresly professe , that their principall griefes were , about liberty of Conscience restrayned . And did not they cyte many places of Scriptures , to proue the equity & necessity therof ? And do not all Protestants the like at this day , in all places , where they are , both in Polonia , Austria , Hungaria , Bohemia , Styria , and els where ? And how thē is Iordanis conuersus retrorsum , with this Minister ? How is his voyce contrary to the voyce & sense of all the rest ? How , & with what reason , may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks , to haue but hope therof , which is so ordinary a doctrine & practice of all his brethren in forraine nations , to witt , for vs to expect liberty of Conscience , at the first entrance of our new King , of so noble , and royall a mynd before that tyme , as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty , or persecutiō in his former raigne ? The Sonne of such a Mother , as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks ? And himselfe in his litle Golden * Booke to his Sonne the Prince , had confessed that he had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him , and therupon had done sundry fauours to diuers of them , and gyuen no small hope of greater vnto others ? XXIII . From this King ( I say ) whom they so much loued , and honoured , receyued so gladly , and with vniuersall ioy , meant to serue faithfully ; & trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obedience by his Succession : so would he by his liberality , vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects , in bearing a sweete and equall hand towards them all : From such a King ( I sa● ) or vs to expect liberty of Consciēce , and equality with other Subiects ( in this poynt at least of freedome of soule ) what height of pryde may it be called ? May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister , & his ●ellowes , that hauing byn● o●d enemyes , and alwayes borne a hard , & hate u●●hand , and tongue against his Ma. tie both in their Sermons , Bookes , Speaches , all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne ; now vpon the suddayne sine vllis meri is praecede●●ious , will needs be so priuiledged , & assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Ma. ties speciall fauour , as to suffer no man to stand by them , but to hold it for height of pryde in vs , to hope ●or any freedome and liberty o● our Conscience at al● ? What is height of pryde and so●l● , i● this be not ? XXIV . But his Ma. tie is wise , & will , as we hope , according to his prudence , in tyme , looke into this sort o●men , and manner of proceeding . And to returne to the Apologer , he reckoneth vp ( therby to exaggerate the more our ingratitude ) the particuler fauours his Ma. tie did vnto vs , at his first entrance , as , That he did honour diuers Catholicks with Knighthood , being open Recusants : That , he gaue audiece indifferently to both sydes : bestowed equally fauours and honours vpon both professions : gaue free con●inuall accesse to all rankes , and degrees of Papists in his Court and company : freeing Recusantes from their ordinarie payments : gaue order to his Iudges with his owne mouth , to spare execution of all Priests , though they were conuicted : gaue libertie by his gracious Proclamation to all Priests not taken , to go out of the Countrey by such a day , and all Priestes that were taken , were sent ouer , and sett at liberty : and many other gracious fauours & benefittes : VVhich ( saith he ) tyme and paper would fayle me if I would make enumeration of them all : in recounting wherof euery scrape of my pen ( so vse his words ) would serue but for a blott of the Popes ingratitude , and iniustice in meating his Ma. tie with so hard a measure for the same . So as I thinke ( quoth he ) I haue sufficiently wiped of the teares from the Popes eyes , for complayning vpon such persecution &c. XXV . Thus writeth this man , who , in naming the Popes ingratitude , must much more include ours , that are Catholicks ; for that these benefitts , such as they were , appertayned nothing to the Pope , but only in Christian charity , as a common spirituall Father and Pastour , he being otherwise a stranger vnto vs in bloud , and for other worldly respects . And as for Catholicks , they accept gratefully , whatsoeuer least fauour hath byn , or is done vnto them : and do not doubt , but that if his Ma. tie had not bene preuented by sinister information , & persuasion of others , they had tasted of much greater , as due vnto them , in that they are naturall borne Subiects of the Realme , most loyall in hart & affection , & neuer meaning otherwise , but to liue in most orderly and dutifull Subiection and Obedience to his Highnes , as to their liege Lord and Soueraigne . XXVI . And wheras this man , for proofe of the contrary , nameth the powder-treason of a few , therby to discredite the whole , though this calumniation haue beene answered before : yet now I ad further , as one said , Distingue tempora , & scripturam concordabis , If there had bene no persecution before that treason , this might haue beene assigned for some probable cause of the subsequent tribulations : but all England knoweth , that this is not so , but that his Ma. ties sweete & myld aspect towards Catholicks at his first entrance , was soone , by art of their enemyes , auerted long before the conspiracy fell out . For that , not only all the most cruell Statutes and penall Lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this , with addition of others , tending to no lesse rigour & acerbitie : but also the exaction of the same was put in practice with great seueritie ; & namely the paymēt of the twenty poundes a moneth , or two partes of their goods and landes for Recusants ( once remitted by his Ma. tie as heere is confessed ) were not only recalled againe : but the arrearages therof in like manner exacted ; and for leuying wherof , throughout sundry shyres of the Realme ( especially in the North ) there was such ransacking of mens houses , such dryuing away of their Cattell frō their groundes , such strayning of their Rents , such vexing of their tennants ( not knowne perhaps to his Ma. tie ) as if the whole Countrey had byn gyuen ouer to spoyle & desolation . XXVII . Nor were mens goods and persons only afflicted , but the lyues also of sundry taken away for cause of their Religion before this powder-treason fell out : which desperate treason , to ascribe as an effect and fruite of too much clemency in his Ma. tie ( as this Minister doth ) is a strange assertion , no doubt : for so much , as such effects do not proceed , but of exasperated myndes ; which clemency worketh not , eyther in men or beasts . Neyther did euer any learned Philosopher , that wrote of the good institution of any Common wealth , or of the security of any Prince in his Gouernment , put such effects for fruits of clemency , but rather of the contrary manner of proceeding . And if all the disasterous ends of the most vnfortunate Princes , that euer haue byn destroyed , should be layd togeather , and the causes therof exactly inquired , it would be found so : and consequently that this Minister is no good Counsellour to his Ma. tie in this so great & weighty affayre . And we hope that Almighty God , by the mercy of his dearest Sonne our Sauiour , and through the prayers of his Ma. ties good Mother , and other holy Princes of his Royall bloud now in heauen , will neuer suffer him , at the egging of such exasperating people , to follow so violent , troublesome , and dangerous a course , and so contrary to theirs , whiles they lyued vpon earth , and so alienate from his owne sweete nature and Princely disposition . XXVIII . But to proceed a litle further in the narration of some poyntes of heauy persecutiō , that insued soone after his Ma. ties being in England , much before the powder-treason was attempted : Who doth not know what afflictions were layd vpon Catholicks , euen in the very first yeare of his Ma. ties raigne , especially towards the end therof , & much more throughout all the second yeare , before the said powder-treason fell out . For then not only in the Shires and Prouinces abroad : but euen in London it sel●e , and in the eyes of the Court , the violence , and insolency of continuall searches grew to be such , as was intollerable ; no night passing commonly , but that Souldiours , & Catch-poles brake into quiet mens houses , when they were asleepe , and not only carryed away their persons vnto prisons at their pleasure , except they would brybe them excessiuely , but whatsoeuer liked them best besydes in the house , eyther of Bookes , Cuppes , Chalices , or other furniture , that might any wayes seeme , or be pretended to belong to Religion , was taken for a prey , and seazed on . And among others , I remember , that one frend of myne , had a drinking Cuppe of syluer taken from him , for that it had the name of IESVS engrauen vpon it , though otherwise the forme therof did well shew , that it was but a Cuppe , & no Chalice . And these searches were made with such violence , and insolency , as diuers gētlewomē were drawne or forced out of their beds , to see whether they had any sacred thing , or matter belonging to the vse of Catholick Religion , either about them , or vnder their bedds . XXIX . What shall I speake of the casting into prisons , & condemnation to death of many Catholicks for the same cause , in euery corner lightly of the Countrey , as namely in London of M. Hill the Priest , and this only for his function , and for comming into England against the Statutes of Queene Elizabeth to the contrary ? Of M. Sugar also an other Priest in VVarwicke , that was not only condemned , but * executed withall rigour in that Cittie for the same cause , and a lay man with him named Robert Grysold , for receyuing him into his house ? At Oxford also foure Priests being taken at that tyme whose names were M. Greene , Tichborne , Smith , and Brisco , all had sentence of death passed vpon them ; though after many afflictions suffered in the pryson there , which made them desyre much the speedy execution of the sentence gyuen against them , they had insteed of this one death , many deathes layd vpon them , by sending them prisoners to the Castle of VVisbich , where they receyued such cruell vsage both in their diet , lodging & other treatie , as made euen dyuers Protestants to take compassion of them . And why was all this , but for their Religion ? XXX . I let passe the condemnation to death of a poore man in Oxford named Shitell , for that the Priest M. Greene had fledde into his house , when he was pursued by the searchers , through which condemnation , & perpetuall imprisonment therupon ensuing , were brought to extreme misery & calamity , his poore wyfe and children , most lamentable to behold , or heare recounted . And vpon like occasion was apprehended , imprisoned , condemned , & executed in Yorke , about the same tyme , an other Lay-man named Thomas VVylborne , only for that he had vsed some words of perswasion to a certayne woman to be a Catholicke , notwithstanding the prohibition of her husband , who followed so hoatly the matter against him , as he caused him to be put to death . I pretermit M. ris Shelley a Gentlewoman of good Worshipp , cast into the common Iayle at VVorcester for that the Priest M. Hassells , was found in her house . The apprehension in like manner , & condemning to death of M. Edward Tempest Priest and Gentlemā in London at the same tyme. I passe ouer the cruell sentence of cutting of the ears , of so ancient & venerable a Gentlemam , as is M. Tho. Pound , that had lyued aboue thirty yeares in sundry prisons only for being a Catholicke , and now last in his old age , had that honour from God , as to be sentenced to leese his eares and stand on the Pillorie in dyuers markets , for complayning of hard measure , & iniust execution , vsed against Catholicks , contrary ( as he presumed ) to his Ma. ties intention . XXXI . And fynally I passe ouer what was practised in Herefordshire , Lancashire , & other places in this kynd of persecution , and particulerly concerning the new angariation and pressure , then first brought vp , that men should be boūd to pay for their wyues , that were Recusāts , a thing neuer before exacted in the former Queenes tyme. I pretermit also to mētion , how his M. tie before this , had reiected the cōmon , & humble supplication of Catholicks , exhibited in writing for some toleratiō , & mitigation of the calamityes : the which supplication was answered with contēpt & insultatiō by a Minister , and put in print . His Ma. tie in like manner had gyuen publike audience both to Protestants & Puritanes for three dayes togeather , concerning the differences of their Religion : but to Catholicks he neuer yealded to gyue any at all . And how then can this Apologer talke so much of equality vsed in all fauours ? How can he say , that there was no persecution before the powder-treason ? XXXII . But let vs go forward yet somewhat further : his Maiestie had before this tyme vpon other mens importunity , confirmed , and ratified by his Letters Patents , all that heape of Constitutions , and Canons , ( being in number aboue an hundred & fourty ) which the BB. of London & Canterbury , had deuised , & set forth against Catholicks , for their greater vexation , & affliction . Out of which hath flowed since a huge sea of molestations and exagitations , by searchings , spoyles citations , apprehensions , excommunications , and other violences , vpon innocent and quiet people , by the rauenous hungry Purseuants of those Prelats , and other their Catch-poles , without respect , either of Iustice , or hope of remedy , for iniuryes by them offered . There had passed also before this , the speach of the L. Chancelour in the Star-Chamber , and the Sermon of the B. of London at Paules-Crosse , both of them tending to take all hope from Catholicks of any least fauour , that might be expected , and the former expresly charging the Iudges in his Ma. ties name , to vse all seuerity in seeking out and punishing them . Which things being seene , and ●arre worse feared , yea designed also and threatned , as those Gentlemen apprehended it , ( especially at the next Parlament ) cast them into that wofull impatience , and precipitation , which the euent declared . XXXIII . All this then which the Apologer heere telleth vs , of Catholicks ingratitude for so many benefits receyued , during his Ma. ties raigne , and , That it is a mayne vntruth ( to vse his words ) and can neuer be proued , that any persecution hath beene in his said Ma. ties gouernment , or that any were , or are put to death or punished for cause of Conscience , is such a kynd of speach , as if it were told in the Indies , many thousand myles of , where nothing is knowne of our Countryes affayres , might perhaps fynd some hearers that would belieue it : but in England to auouch such a thing in Print , where all mens outward senses , eyes & eares are witnesses of the cōtrary , is a strange boldnes . For as for persecution in goods and lands , as also of mens bodyes by imprisonment , and other vexations , who can deny the same , that will not shut his said eyes , or eares , from seing and hearing that which daylie passeth within the Realme . And when nothing els were : Yet those two seuerall and most memorable Statutes , to witt , the 4. and 5. made in the third yeare of this Kings raigne , conteyning more seuerall heads of affliction , and angariation against Catholicke-Recusants for their meere Conscience , then euer , perhaps , in the world were seene extant , against any one sorte of wicked men , or malefactors before ; do easely conuince the vntruth of this asseueration about freedome from persecution . And as for death , which is lesse greiuous to many then those other persecutions , the late example of M. Robert Drury , and now againe these last monethes past , of M. Matthew Flathers , & M. Geruis Priestes ( to omit others ) that dyed expresly for refusing this late deuised Oath , since the powder-treason , cannot , I thinke , be answered , except he will say , that this Oath hath no matter of Conscience in it for a Catholicke man to receaue : the contrary wherof we haue euidently shewed before , by many demonstrations . XXXIV . Wherfore , that which he addeth immediatly , insinuating , and expresly threatning , that as there hath beene no persecution , or putting to death before ( which is not true as I haue shewed : ) so now forsomuch as the Pope hath interposed his Authority , and forbidden the Oath as vnlawfull , there may chance be greater persecution , and more aboundant shedding of bloud , which ( as he saith ) must light vpon the Popes head , for this his prohibition : All this ( I say ) is so spoken as ech man may see , whither it tendeth : to witt , to incyte his Ma. tie by such deuises , to ingulfe himselfe into the effusion of Catholickes bloud , casting on the pretence , and veile of the Popes intermedling , as cause therof : which is an ancient Art of deceipt , to giue Non causam , pro causa : for that no iniury is euer offered vnder the name of iniury , but of iustice or merit . And our Sauiour was crucified as a deceyuer of the people , & disloyall to Caesar : and S. Paul pursued as a disturber of the Weal-publicke and peace . And no suffering is so honourable , as that which commeth with a dishonourable title : so as English Catholickes must not be dismaied when they suffer for the false imputation of Ciuill Disloyaltie to their Temporall Prince , being witting to themselues , that it is indeed for their Religion , and loyalty to God , their eternall Prince , and supreme King. And this only shall suffice for this matter . For if Catholickes further affliction be determined by their Aduersaries , and permitted by God , pretences will not want how to do it . The prouerbe is already knowne , Facile inuenies baculum , vt canem caedas , as also the fable of Aesope , that the lambe must be slayne , for that drinking farre beneath the well , he was pretended not withstanding , to haue troubled the fountaine . Catholicks must be beaten , for that the Pope hath resolued a case of Conscience , that men may not sweare against their owne Religion . All be to the glory of God , and then fynally will they leese nothing therby , which is the only comfort in such manner of sufferings . The second Part of this Paragraph . ONE other poynt only is handled by the Apologer in this Paragraph , which is a large insultation against the Pope , for that he sayth in his Breue , as heere is alledged , That the Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholicke faith , and of their soules health ; since it conteyneth many things , that are playnly , & directly contrary to their faith and saluation . And albeit the word ( directly ) be conueyed in heere , which is not in the Popes Breue , & is of no small momēt , as all Deuines know in this matter , and therfore ought not to haue byn thrust in , as the Popes word , in a different distinct letter : yet not to stand vpon that , but vpon more grosser poyntes , and more iniurious , he presently vseth the speach , which is reported to haue byn of Auerroes the Mahometan Philosopher against Moyses Law-giuer of the Iewes , Multa dicit , sed pauca probat , he saith much but proueth little , and presently passeth to this insultation , How the naturall allegiance of Subiects to their Prince , can be directly opposite ( marke how he serueth himselfe of his owne word shifted into the text ) to the faith and saluation of soules , is farre beyond my simple reading in Deuinity , as I must it a strange and new assertion to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended generall Pastour of Christian soules . XXXVI . Heere now what abuse is offered to the words and meaning of the Breue , euery simple Reader will see , without any explication from me : for that the Pope doth not prohibite naturall Obedience in things lawfull ; nor doth say , that such naturall , or cyuill Obedience is opposite to faith or saluation of soules ; nor that the Oath is vnlawfull , for exhibiting such naturall , or cyuill Obedience : but for that , besydes this exaction of naturall Obedience , which is lawfull , it conteyneth diuers other poyntes also , concerning matters of Catholicke Religion : which poyntes being so conioyned , and couched with the other , as the one cānot be sworne without those other , do make the whole Oath vnlawfull , as it lyeth , without distinction , as before hath byn declared . So as this charge is now proued , to be but a meere cauill , and calumniation , & voluntary mistaking of the question and controuersy in hand . XXXVII . And yet doth he so insist in it , and so dilateth himselfe vpon this false surmised principle ( that Cyuill Obedience is denyed ) as though all his Discourse and Treatise depended only of this ( as indeed it doth , ) and therfore he entreth into the confutation therof with a great florish of Scriptures , Fathers , and Councells ( wherin he and his do abound , when they say the same that we do , but otherwise are altogether barren ) as though in earnest we did deny it : which thing neuer so much as passed through our cogitations , but do hold and teach that Subiects are bound to obey their Temporall Princes in all things lawfull , and those not only good Princes , but bad also : and not only out of feare or flattery , but out of Conscience , as the Apostle teacheth propter Conscientiam , for Conscience sake , but not contra Conscientiam , against Conscience . Which being so ; all is meerly impertinent , that is alledged heere by the Apologer , out of Scriptures , Fathers , and Councels , to proue , that which we grant without proofe , & neuer denyed : which is , that temporal Princes are duely to be obeyed for Conscience sake , so long as they command nothing against Conscience . But let them shew but one only Authority , sentence , example or testimony out of any of these three kind of witnesses , Scriptures , Fathers , or Councells , that we must obey Princes against our Conscience , or Religion , and I will grant he sayth somewhat to the purpose , otherwise he doth but leese tyme , and abuse his Reader in making him belieue , that he saith somwhat when he saith nothing . Let vs examyne therfore some of his examples if yow please . XXXVIII . He alledgeth for examples out of the Scriptures , That the children of Israel obeyed the King of Babylon , as also they exhibited temporall Obedience vnto King Pharao of Egypt ; as in like manner to Cyrus King of Persia : All which examples we grant to be true , and could ad many more , both of the Iewes , and Christians that lyued peaceably vnder Infidell Princes in those dayes . But lett one example ( as I said ) be brought forth , wherin they obeyed them in poynts contrarie to their Conscience or Religion , and it shall be sufficient . We read in the Prophesie of Daniel , that those three famous Iewes , Sidrach , Misach , and Abdenago , were most trustie vnto King Nabuchodonosor in temporall affayres , and so much esteemed by him , as he made them his vniuersall Gouernors ouer all the workes of the Region of Babylon , saith the Scripture : and yet when it came to the poynt , that he would haue them for his honour and pleasure , and vpon his commandement , adore the golden Statua , which he had set vp ; they forsooke him flatly , and said to him in the presence o all his Nobility assembled togeather , that they were not so much as to answere him in that Commandement , nor would they do , as he had appoynted them . XXXIX . The like in effect did the ancienter Iewes do with King Pharao of Egypt ; for that albeit in temporall affayres they obeyed him , euen in that tyme when he oppressed , and persecuted them most : yet in that he would haue had them stay and sacrifice in Egypt , and not follow Moyses their Spirituall Superiour into the desert ( notwithstanding that the King had some cause perhaps to suspect their temporall Allegiance , also by that departure , they being a potent multitude of people : ) yet would they not obey him , nor do as he would haue them , when they persuaded themselues that God would haue the contrary . XL. I lett passe how Daniel and his fellowes would not eate the meates of the King of Babylon , nor Tobie those of the Asyrians , & much lesse would he leaue of to bury the dead , though it were forbidden by Proclamation vnder payne of death , The Machabees in like manner obeyed King Antiochus so long , as he commanded nothing against their Law and Conscience : but when he went about to force them to sacrifice , and to eate swynes-flesh , and other things against their Law and Conscience , they refused openly to performe that Obedience . So as these places of Scriptures alledged by the Apologer , do proue nothing for him at all , but are rather flatt against him , and for vs , as yow haue seene . XLI . And much more do make against him , his Authorityes alledged out of the ancient Fathers , for that they go about to proue the very same poynt that we heere hold , that in temporall & cyuill affayres we must obey dutifully our temporall Princes , though Infidels or Pagans : but not in matters concerning God , our Religion , or Conscience . And his very first example out of S. Augustine is such , as I maruaile much , that he would cyte the same , but that somwhat for shew must be alleadged : For it maketh so clearly & directly against him , as if it had beene written purposely to confute him in this our case . But let vs heare what it is . Agreable to the Scriptures ( saith he ) did the Fathers teach . Augustine speaking of Iulian , saith thus : Iulian was an vnbelieuing Emperour , was he not an Apostata ? an oppressor , and an Idolatour ? Christiā souldiours serued that vnbelieuing Emperour : when they came to the cause of Christ , they would acknowledge no Lord , but him that is in heauen : when he would haue them worship Idolls & sacrifice , they preferred God before him : but when he said , go forth to fight , inuade such a nation , they presently obeyed : they distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall , and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall Lord , for his sake , that was their eternall Lord and Maister . Thus he . XLII . And can any thing be spoken more cleerly for vs , and for our cause , then this ? For euen thus do we offer to our King & Soueraigne : we will serue him : we will obey him : we will go to warre with him : we will fight for him : and we will do all other offices belonging to temporall duty : but when the cause of Christ commeth in hand , who is Lord of our Consciences , or any matter concerning the same , or our Religion ; there we do , as S. Augustine heere appoynteth vs , preferre our eternall King , before our Temporall . XLIII . And like to these are all the other places of Fathers cyted by him , who distinguish expresly betweene the Temporall honour and Allegiance due to the Emperour , and the other of our Religion , & Conscience , belonging only to God. And to that playne sense are Tertullians words cyted by the Apologer : VVe honour the Emperour in such sorte as is lawfull for vs , and expedient for him ▪ as a man second after God , and as hauing receyued from God , whatsoeuer he is , and only lesse then God. And will not the Catholicks of England vse this speach also vnto their King ? Or will the Apologer himselfe deny that Tertullian heere meant nothing els , but in temporall affayres , for much as the Emperour at that tyme were Heathen & Gentils , and consequently were not to be obeyed in any poynt against Christian faith or Religion ? XLIV . The like playne doctrine haue the words of Iustinus Martyr to the Emperour himselfe , cyted heere in the third place , to witt : VVe only adore God , and in all other things wee cheerfully performe seruice to yow , professing yow to be Emperours , and Princes of men . And do not all English Catholiks say the same at this day , that in all other things , that concerne not God & his Obedience , by rule of Catholicke Religion , they offer cheerfully to serue his Ma. tie , acknowledging him to be their liege Lord and King , & inferiour only to god in his Temporall Gouernment ? And how then are these , and such other places brought in for witnesse , as though they had somwhat to say against vs ? XLV . The other two sentēces , in like manner cyted out of Optatus , and S. Ambrose , the first saying : That ouer the Emperour there is none , but only God , that made the Emperour . And the other , That teares were his weapons against the armes , & souldiours of the Emperours : That he neyther ought , or could resist : Neyther of them do make any thing against vs , or for the Apologer , euen as they are heere nakedly cyted , without declaration of the circumstances : for that in temporall affayres the King or Emperour is Supreme , next vnder God. And when the Emperour will vse secular ●orces against the Priests of his dominion , they , being no souldiours , must fall to prayers , and teares , which are Priestly weapons . But what ? Did S. Ambrose by this acknowledge that the Emperour had higher Authority , then he , in Church-matters ? Or that if he had offered him an Oath , repugnant to his Religion , or Conscience , in those matters he would haue obeyed , or acknowledged his Superiority ? No truly . For in three seuerall occasions that fell out , he flatly denyed the same , which this Apologer craftily dissembleth , and saith not a word therof . XLVI . The first was , when he was cited by Dalmatius the Iribune , bringing with him a publicke Notarie to testifie the same , in the name of the Emperour Valentinian the yonger , to come and conferre , or dispute with the hereticall Bishop Auxentius , in the presence of his Ma. tie and other of his Nobility and Counsell , which poynt S. Ambrose refused vtterly to do , tellyng the Emperour playnly by a letter , written vnto him ; That in matters of faith and Religion Bishops must iudge of Emperours , and not Emperours of Bishops . And dyuers other doctrines , by this occasion , he taught him to that effect , as is to be seene in the same Epistle . XLVII . The second occasion fell out the very next yeare after in Milane , when the said Emperour , by suite of the Arrians , and fauour of Iustina the Empresse on their behalfe , made a Decree that a certayne Church of that Citty should be deliuered to the said Arrians : which Decree S. Ambrose the Bishop refused to obey . And when the Emperours Officers comming with armes , vrged greatly to giue possession of the Church , he fled to his former weapons of weeping and praying : Ego Missam facere caepi &c. I began to say Masse , and when the tēporall Magistrate vrged still , that the Emperour vsed but his owne right , in appoynting that Church to be deliuered , S. Ambrose answered , Quae diuina sunt , Imperatoriae Potestati non esse subiecta : That such things as belonge to God , are not subiect to the Imperiall power . And thus answered S. Ambrose about the gyuing vp of a materiall Church . What would he haue said in greater matters . XLVIII . The third occasion was , when the Emperour sent his Tribunes , and other Officers to require certayne Vessells belonging to the Church to be deliuered , which S. Ambrose constantly denyed to do , saying : That in this , he could not obey : And further adding , That if the Emperour did loue him selfe , he should abstayne from offering such iniury vnto Christ. And in another place , handling the same more at large , he saith : That he gaue to Cesar that which was Cesars , and to God that which belonged to God : but that the Temple of God could not be the right of Cesar , which we speake ( saith he ) to the Emperours honour . For what is more honourable vnto him , then that he being an Emperour , be called a Child of the Church , for that a good Emperour is within the Church , but not aboue the Church . So S. Ambrose . What would he haue done , or said , if he had bene pressed with an Oath against his Conscience , or any least poynt of his Religion ? IL. Neyther doth the last place cyted out of S. Gregorie the Great to the Emperour Mauritius make any thing more for our Apologers purpose of taking Oathes against Conscience . For albeit the same Father do greatly complayne in dyuers places of the oppression of the Church by the Kingly power of Mauritius , whome ( though otherwise a Catholicke Emperour ) he compareth in that poynt to Nero and Dioclesian , saying : Quid Nero ? quid Dioclesianus ? quid denique iste , quihoc tēpore Ecclesiam persequitur ? Nunquid non omnes portae Inferi ? What was Nero ? what was Dioclesian ? what is he who at this tyme , doth persecute the Church ? Are they not all gates of Hell ? Yet in this place alledged by the Apologer , he yealded to publish & send abroad into diuers Countryes and Prouinces , a certayne vniust law of the said Emperours , that prohibited Souldiours , and such as had byn imployed in matters of publike accōpts of the Commō Wealth , to make themselues Monkes : which law , though S. Gregorie did greatly mislike , and wrote sharply against it , to the Emperour himselfe : yet to shew his due respect in temporall things vnto him , and for that indeed the law was not absolutly so euill , but that in some good sense , it might be tolerated , to witt , that Soldiours sworne to the Emperors warres , might not ( during the said Oath & obligatiō ) be receaued into Monasteryes , but with the Princes licence : yet for that it tended to the abridgment of Ecclesiasticall freedome , in taking that course or state of lyfe , which ech man chooset● for the good of his soule ; S. Gregorie misliked the same , and dealt earnestly with the Emperour to relinquish it , or to suffer it to be so moderated , as it might stand without preiudice of Christian liberty : wherunto the Emperour at length yealded , and so S. Gregorie sent the same abroad vnto diuers Primates and Archbishoppes of sundry Kingdomes mencioned by him , but corrected first and reduced by himself , as supreme Pastour , to a reasonable lawfulnes , and temperate moderation : to witt , That those who had borne offices of charge in the Common wealth , and after desyred to be admitted to Religious life in Monasteryes , should not be receyued , vntill they had gyuen vp their full accompts , & had obteyned publicke discharge for the same . And that soldiours which demanded the like admittance , should be exactly tryed , and not admitted vnto Monassicall habite , but after they had lyued three yeares in their lay apparell , vnder probation . L. This determineth S. Gregorie in his Epistle , beginning , Greg●ri●s 〈◊〉 Thessalo●consi , Vrbicio Dirachitano , &c. adding further in the same Epistle , as hath byn said , De qua re , Seren●inus & Christanissimus Imperator omnimdo pl●ca●●r : About which matter our most Clement and Christian Emperour is wholy pleased and content . So as in this S. Gregorie shewed his pastorall care and power , in limiting and moderating the Emperours law , according to the law of God , though in temporall respectes he shewed him the Obedience , that was due vnto him . But what is this vnto our Oath ? May we thinke that S. Gregory , that would not passe a temporall law of the Emperour , without reprehension of the vnlawfulnes therof to the Emperour himselfe , and correction thero● in the publication , for that indirectly it did intringe the liberty of Religious life , when men were called therunto , that he would not haue much more resisted the admission of an Oath , about such affayres , if it had beene proposed ? No man , I thinke , in reason can imagine the contrary . LI. The last thing thē that is cited without purpose by this Apologer , are certayne Councels , which are said to haue submitted thems●lues to Emperours , as that of Arles in France vnto Charles the Great their King for that in the last wordes of the said Councell , the Bishopps there gathered togeather presenting the same to the same Charles write thus : Hae sub breuitate , quae emendatione digna perspeximus , &c. These things briefly which we haue seene worthy of reformation , wee haue noted & deemed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour , beseeching his Clemency if any thing be wanting to supply it by his wysedome ; and if any thing be otherwise done then reason requireth , it be amended by his iudgement ; and if any thing be reasonably censured , it may be perfected by his helpe , and by the Clemency of Almighty God. So the Councell . And heerof would the Apologer inferre that this Councell of Bishops submitted it selfe to the Emperour . LII . But I would aske him wherin ? To take any Oath that the Emperour Charles should propose vnto them ? Wee see no Oath offered , nor mentioned , and so nothing heere to our purpose . Wherin then , or why are they said to haue submitted themselues ? For that , perhaps , it is said in the Preface of the Councell , that they were gathered togeather by order , and commandement of the said Emperour . Surely it was hard , that so many Bishops , & Archbishops should be assembled togeather without his liking , and Order . But that the consent , direction , and chiefe Commission for the same , came from the Bishop of Rome , may easily be gathered : for that in the first Councell that he caused to be celebrated in his Dominions , which was that of VVormes in the yeare of Christ 770. it was left registred in these wordes : Auctoritas Ecclesiastica , atque Canonica docet , non debere , absque sententia Romani Pontificis , Concilia celebrari . Ecclesiasticall and Canonicall Authority teacheth , that Councels may not be held , without the allowance of the Bishop of Rome . LIII . And wherin thē ? Or why is this submission made ? For approbation of matters cōcerning faith ? No , for that yow haue heard before out of S. Ambrose , that therin Emperours are not iudges of Bishops , but Bishops of Emperours . Wherin then , or why is this submission , or rather remission to the Emperour , and his iudgmēt ? It was , for that this Councell was made onely for reformation of manners and matters , at the religious instāce of the good Emperour , the effectuating wherof did depend principally of his good will and assistance , and so after the first Canon , where briefly is set downe the Confession of the Christian faith , all the other 25. Canons ( for there are only 26. in all ) are about reformation of matters amisse : as for more diligence in daylie prayer for the Emperours person , and his children , to wit , that a Masses and Litanies be said daylie for them , by all Bishops , Abbots , Monks , and Priests . b That Bishops and Priests study more diligently , and teach the people , both by lessons and preachings : c That lay men may not put out Priests of their benefices , without the sentence of the Bishop , nor that they take money of them for collation of the said benefices : d That none be admitted to enter into the Monasteryes of Virgins , eyther to say Mass● , or otherwise , but such as be o● approued vertue : e How peace is to be held betweene Bishops , Earles , and other Great men , especially in execution of Iustice : f That weightes and measures be iust and equall , and that none worke vpon holy dayes : g That all Tythes be payd , all ancient possessions mantayned to the Churches : That no secular courtes be held in Churches , or Church porches : That no Earles , or other Great men do ●raudulently buy poore mens goodes , &c. LIV. These then were the pointes of Reformation , decreed in that Councell of Arles , at the instance of Charles the Great , who was so zealous a Prince in this behalfe , as he caused fiue seuerall Councells to be celebrated in diuers Partes of his Dominions , within one yeare , to wit , this of Arles , an other at Towers , a third at Chalons , a fourth at Mentz , the fifth at Rhemes , and another the yeare before ( which was the fixt ) Ad Theodonis Villam , which is a towne in Luxemburge . All which Prouinciall Synodes are extant in the third Tome of Coūcells , togeather , with the Canons and Decrees , which are such as could not be put in execution , but by the temporall fauour , authoritie , and approbation of the Emperour in such matters , as concerned his temporall Kingdome and iurisdiction . Wherfore if for these respects , the Councell did present vnto the Emperour these Canons to be cōsidered of by his wisedome , whether any thing were to be added , altered , or taken away , for the publicke good of the Common Wealth ( no Controuersy of faith being treated therin ) what is this to proue , eyther , that the Emperour in spirituall matters was superiour to the said Bishops , or that if he had proposed vnto them any such Oath , as this is , wherin by professing their temporall Allegiance , they must also haue impugned some poynt of their faith , that they would haue obeyed him ? And so much of this Councell . LV. And for that , all the other Authorityes of other Councels heere cyted , do tend only to this end of prouing Temporall Obedience , which we deny not , but do offer the same most willingly : we shall not stand to answere or examine any more of them , but shall ●nd this Paragraph , with laying downe the insultation of this Apologer against the Pope , vpō his owne voluntary mistaking the Question . I read ( sayth he ) in the Scriptures , that Christ said , His Kingdome was not of this world , bidding vs to giue to Cesar that which was Cesars , and to God that which was Gods : and I euer held it for an infallible Maxime in Deuinity , That temporall Obedience to a temporall Magistrate , did nothing repugne to matters o● faith o● saluation of soules . But that euer Temporall Obedience was against faith and saluation of sou●es , as in this Breue is alledged , was neuer before heard or read of in the Christian Church ; and therfore , I would haue wished the Pope , be●ore he had set downe this Commandement to all Papists heere , That since in him is the Power , by the infallibility of his spirit , to make new Articles of faith , when euer it shall please him ; That he had first set it downe for an Article of faith , before he had commanded all Catholicks to belieue , and obey it . So he . LVI . And I maruaile , that a man professing learning , would euer so tryfle , or rather wrangle , and wrongfully charge his Aduersary : for that I fynde no such thing in the Breue at all , as that Temporall Obedience is against faith and saluation of soules : nor doth the Breue forbid it : nor doth any learned Catholicke affirme , that the Pope hath power to make new Articles of Faith : nay rather it is the full consent of all Catholicke Deuines , that the Pope , and all the Church togeather , cannot make any one new Article of beliefe , that was not truth before , though they may explane what points are to be held for matters of faith , & what not , vpon any new heresies or doubts arising : Which articles so declared , though they be more particulerly , and perspicuously knowne now for points of faith , and so to be belieued , after the declaration of the Church then before : yet had they before the self same truth in themselues , that now they haue . Nor hath the said Church added any thing to them , but this declaration only . As for example , when Salomon declared the true Mother of the child that was in doubt , he made her not the true mother thereby , nor added any thing to the truth of her being the mother : but only the declaration . Wherefore this also of ascribing power to the Pope of making new Articles of faith , is a meere calumniation amongst the rest . LVII . There followeth his conclusion : I will then conclude ( saith he ) my answere to this point in a Dilemma : Eyther it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things or not . If it be lawfull , as I neuer heard or read it doubted of : then why is the Pope so vniust and cruell towards his owne Catholicks , as to commaund them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull commandement ? If it be vnlawfull , why hath he not expressed any one cause or reason therof ? But this Dilemma is easily dissolued , or rather falleth of it self , both his pillers being but broken reeds , framed out of false suppositions : For that the Pope neyther denyeth it , to be lawfull , to obey the Soueraigne in Cyuill and Temporall things nor doth he command Catholicks to disobey their Prince his lawfull commādements : but only where they be vnlawful to be performed , as he supposeth them to be in the taking of this Oath . Wherof he expresseth sundry causes , and reasons , I meane , so many as the Oath it self cōteyneth points cōcerning Religion : to which end , he setteth downe the whole Oath , as it lyeth , with intimation , that those points cannot be sworne with integrity of Catholicke Religion , & good conscience : which is sufficient for a Iudge , who disputeth not , but determineth . So as , hereupon to make illation of the Popes vniust , and cruell dealing towards Catholicks , by this his decision , as though he sorbad Ciuill Obedience ; is to buyld vpon a voluntary false ground , supposing , or rather imposing the Pope to say , that which he doth not , and then to refute him , as though he had said it indeed . And is this good dealing ? LVIII . But yet he goeth forward vpon the same false ground to buyld more accusations against the Pope , saying : That if the foundation of his exhorting Catholicks to beare patiently their tribulations , be false ( as this Apologer auoucheth it to be ) then it can worke no other effect , then to make him guylty of the bloud of so many of his sheep , whome he doth thus willfully cast away , not only to the needles losse of their liues , and ruyne of their famylies : but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists . As it no zealous Papist could be a true Subiect to his Prince : and that Religion , and the Temporall Obedience to the Cyuill Magistrate , were two things incompatible and repugnant in themselues . Thus he . LIX . But who doth not see that these be all iniurious inferences , inforced vpon the former false suppositions , to witt , That Catholicks suffer nothing for their Conscience , That there is no persecution at all in England , That there is nothing exacted by this last oath , but only and meerly Cyuill Obedience , and that in this , the Pope exhorteth them to disobey the Temporall Prince in Temporall dutyes , and thereby giueth iust occasion to the Prince to vse his sword against them , and consequently that he is cause of the effusion of their bloud , and of the infamy of Catholicke Religion : as though no Catholicke by his Religion could be a true Subiect to his Temporall Prince . All which suppositions being vtterly mistaken , and not true , the more often they are repeated , the more exorbitant seemeth the ouersight of the wryter . And in my opinion , the very same might haue bene obiected vnto S. Cyprian and other Fathers of the Primitiue Church , that they were guylty of so many Martyrs bloud , willfully cast away , and of the ruyne of their familyes , and other inconueniences , by exhorting them not to doe against their Consciences , nor to yield to their Temporall Princes Commandements against God and their Religion : no not for any torments that might be layd vpon them , nor for any losses that might fall vnto them , of goods , life , honour , same , friendes , wife , children , or the like , which were ordinary exhortations in those daies of persecution , as by their Bookes yet extant doth appeare . LX. Neyther is it sufficient to say , that those tymes and ours are different , for that the things then demaunded were apparantly vnlawfull , but these not : for that , to vs that are Catholicks , these things are as vnlawfull now , as those other were then to them , for that they are no lesse against our Consciences in matters of Religion . For why should it be more damnable then , and indispensable to deliuer vp a Byble , or new Testament , for examples sake , when the Emperour commaunded it , then now to sweare an Oath against our Conscience and Religion , when our Temporall Prince exacteth it ? For that this , perhaps , is called the Oath of Allegiance ? Who knoweth not , that the fayrest tytle is put vpon the fowlest matter , when it is to be persuaded or exacted ? And he that shall read the Historyes of that tyme , and of those auncient afflictions , shall see that Act also to haue beene required , as of Obedience and Allegiance , and not of Religion , being only the deliuery vp of materiall bookes : and yet did the whole Church of God condemne them for it , that deliuered the same , and held for true Martyrs , all those that dyed for denying thereof , for that they would not doe an Act against their Consciences . LXI . Well then , to draw to an end of this second paragraph about the two Breues of Paulus Quintus , two things more writeth this Apologer , whereunto I must in like manner say somewhat . The first is , That Pope Clemens Octauus sent into England , two Breues immediatly before the late Queenes death , for debarring of his Maiestie , our now Soueraigne , of the Crowne , or any other , that eyther would professe , or any way tolerate the professours of our Religion , contrary ( saieth he ) to his manifold vowes , and protestations , simul & eodem tempore , and , as it were , deliuered , vno & eodem Spiritu , to diuers of his Maiestyes Ministers abroade , professing all kyndenes , and shewing all forwardnes to aduance him to this Crowne , &c. Wherein still I fynde the same veyne of exaggeration , and calumniation continued by the Apologer . For hauing procured some knowledge of those two Breues , I fynde them not sent into England togeather , nor immediatly before the late Queenes death , but the one diuers yeares before shee dyed , and the other after her death , and this to different effects . For in the first , the Pope being consulted , what Catholicks were bound to doe in conscience , for admitting a new Prince after the Queene should be dead , for so much as some of different Religions , were , or might be , pretenders ; he determined that a Catholicke was to be preferred , not thinking ( as may be presumed ) to preiudice therein his Maiesty that now is , of whome , vpon the relations , and earnest asseuerations of those his Maiestyes Ministers abroad , who heere are mentioned , he had conceaued firme hope , that his Highnes was not farre from being a Catholicke , or at least wise not altogeather so alienate from that Religion , or professours therof , as reasonable hope might not be conceaued of his conuersion : though in regard of not preiudicing his Tytle in England , the said Ministers auouched , that it was not thought expedient at that tyme to make declaration therof . LXII . This was auerred then , how truly or falsly I know not . But many letters and testifications are extant hereof , which were the cause of those demonstrations of Clemens Octauus , to fauour his M. ties Tytle , which he did so hartily and effectually , as when he , after the Queenes death , vnderstood that he was called for into England , he wrote presently the second Breue , exhorting all Catholicks to receaue and obey him willingly , hoping that at leastwise they should be permitted to liue peaceably vnder him . And this is the very truth of those two Breues : nor was there in the former any one word against his Maiesty then of Scotland ; and much lesse that he was therin called the Scottish Hereticke , as Syr Edward Cooke hath deuised since , and falsely vttered in print without shame or conscience . Nor was there any such wordes , as heere are alleadged , against any that would but tolerate the Professours of Protestants Religion : nor was there any such double dealing or dissimulation in Pope Clement his speaches , or doings , concerning his Ma. ty as heere are set downe . But the truth is , that he loued his person most hartily , and alwaies spake honourably of him , treated kindely all those of his nation , that said they came from him , or any wayes belonged vnto him : and often tymes vsed more liberality that way , vpon diuers occasions , then is conuenient , perhaps , for me to vtter heere : caused speciall prayer to be made for his Maiesty , wherof , I suppose , his Highnes cannot altogeather be ignorant , and much lesse can so noble a nature be ingrate for the same , which assureth me , that those things vtterd by this Apologer , so farre from the truth , could not be conferred with his Maiesty , but vttered by the Authour therof , vpon his owne splene , against the Pope , and such as are of his Religion . LXIII . The second and last point affirmed by the Apologer in this Paragraph , is , that the first of these two Breues of Paulus Quintus was iudged to be farre against Deuinity , Policy , and naturall sense , by sundry Catholicks , not of the simpler sort , but of the best account both for learning and experience among them , wherof the Archpriest was one , and consequently , that it was held but for a counterfaite libell , deuised in hatred of the Pope . &c. All this ( I say ) hath much calumniation in it , and litle truth . For albeit some might doubt , perhaps , whether it came immediatly from the Pope , Ex motu proprio , or only from the Congregation of the Inquisition , vpon defectuous information of the State of the question in England ( of which doubt , notwithstanding , if any were , there could be little ground : ) yet no Catholicke of iudgement or piety , would euer passe so farre , as to iudge it contrary to Deuinity , Policy , or naturall sense , and much lesse , to be a libell deuised in hatred of the Pope . These are but deuises of the Minister-Apologer : and he offereth much iniury to so Reuerend a man as the Archpriest is , to name him in so odious a matter , but that his end therin is well knowne . And if there were any such doubt , or might be before , of the lawfulnes of the first Breue , now is the matter cleered by the second ; and so all men see thereby , what is the sentence of the Sea Apostolicke therein , which is sufficient for Catholicke men , that haue learned to obey , and to submitt their iudgements to those , whome God hath appointed for the declaration , and decision of such doubts . And thus much about those two Breues . Now let vs see what is said to Cardinall Bellarmyne , for writing to M. Blackwell in this affaire . ABOVT CARDINALL BELLARMINES LETTER TO M. r BLACKVVELL : And answere giuen thereunto , by the Apologer . Paragr . III. THE last Part of this Apology concerneth a letter written by Cardinall Bellarmine in Rome , vnto George Blackwell Arch-priest in England : which letter , as appeareth by the argument therof , was written out of this occasion : That wheras vpon the comming forth of the forenamed new Oath , intituled , Of Allegiance , there were found diuers poynts combined togeather , some appertayning manifestly to Ciuill Allegiance , wherat no man made scruple , some other seeming to include other matters , contrary to some part of the Catholicke faith , at least in the common sense as they ly ; there arose a doubt whether the said Oath might be taken simply and wholy , by a Catholicke man , as it is there proposed without any further distinction , or explication thereof . Wherupon some learned men at home being different in opinions , the case was consulted abroad , where all agreed ( as before hath byn shewed ) that it could not be taken wholy with safety of conscience , and so also the Pope declared the case by two seuerall Breues . II. In the meane space it happened , that M. Blackwell being taken , was committed to prison , and soone after , as he had byn of opinion before , that the said Oath might be taken as it lay in a certayne sense ; so it being offred vnto him , he tooke it himselfe . Which thing being noysed abroad , and the fact generally misliked by all sortes of Catholicke people in other Realmes , as offensiue , and scandalous in regard of his place , and person , so much respected by them : Cardinall Bellarmine , as hauing had some old acquaintance with him in former yeares , as it may seeme , resolued out of his particuler loue , & zeale to the Common cause of Religion , and speciall affection to his person , to write a letter vnto him , therby to let him know what reportes , and iudgment there was made of his fact , throughout those partes of Christendome where he remayned , togeather with his owne opinion also , which consisted in two poynts , the one that the Oath , as it stood , compounded of different clauses , some lawfull , & some vnlawfull , could not be taken with safety of Conscience : the other , that he being in the dignity he was of Prelacy , and Pastorall Charge , ought to stand firme and constant for example of others , & rather to suffer any kynd of danger or domage , then to yield to any vnlawfull thing , such as the Cardinall held this Oath to be . III. This Letter was written vpon the 28. day of September 1607. and it was subscribed thus in Latyn ; Admodum R. dae Dom. is Vae . Frater & seruus in Christo. Robertus Card. Bellarminus . Which our Apologer translateth , Your very Reuerēd Brother : wheras the word very Reuerend in the letter , is gyuen to the Arch-priest , and not to Card. Bellarmine , which the interpreter knew well inough , but that wanting other matter , would take occasion of cauilling by a wilfull mistaking of his owne , as often he doth throughout this Answere to Bellarmine , as in part will appeare by the few notes which heere I am to set downe , leauing the morefull Answere to the Cardinall himselfe , or some other by his appoyntment , which I doubt not , but will yield very ample satisfaction in that behalfe . For that , in truth , I fynd , that great aduantage is gyuen vnto him , for the defence of his said Epistle , and that the exceptions taken there against it , be very weake and light , and as easy to be dissolued by him , and his penne , as a thin mist by the beames of the sunne . IIII. As for example , the first exception is ( which no doubt were great , if it were true in such a man as Cardinall Bellarmine is ) that he hath mistaken the whole State of the Questiō , in his writing to M. Blackwell , going about to impugne only the old Oath of Supremacy , in steed of this new Oath , entituled , Of Allegiance : but this is most cleerly refuted by the very first lynes almost of the letter it self . For that telling M. Blackwell , how sory he was vpon the report , that he had taken illicitum Iuramentum , an vnlafull Oath , he expoundeth presently , what Oath he meaneth , saying : Not therfore ( deare Brother ) is that Oath lawfull , for that it is offered somwhat tempered & modifyed , &c. Which is euidently meant of the new Oath of Allegiance , not only tempered with diuers lawfull clauses of Ciuill Obedience , as hath byn shewed , but interlaced also with other members , that reach to Religion : wheras the old Oath of Supremacie , hath no such mixture , but is playnly , and simply set downe , for absolute excluding the Popes Supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall , and for making the King supreme Head of the Church in the same causes : all which is most euident by the Statutes made about the same , from the 25 yeare of King Henry the 8. vnto the end of the raigne of King Edward the sixt . V. Only I do heere note by the way , that the Apologer in setting downe the forme of the Oath of Supremacie saith : I A. B. do vtterly testifie , and declare in my Conscience , that the Kings Highnes is the only Supreme Gouernour , as well in all causes spirituall as temporall , wheras in the Statute of 26. of K. Henry the 8. where the tytle of Supremacy is enacted , the wordes are these : Be it enacted by this present Parlament , that the King our Soueraigne , his heirs and successors , shal be taken , accepted , and reputed the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church of England , called Ecclesia Anglicana , and shall haue , & inioy , annexed , and vnited to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme , as well the tytle and style therof , as all honours , digni●yes , authorityes , annuityes , profitis , and commodityes to the said Dignity of Supreme Head of the said Church , belonging &c. VI. And further , wheras two yeares after , an Oath was deuised for confirmation heerof in Parlament , the wordes of the Oath are sett downe : That he shall sweare to renounce vtterly , and relinquish the Bishop of Rome , and his Authority , power , and iurisdiction &c. And that from hence forth , he shall accept , repute , and take the Kings M. tie to be the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church of England &c. And that the refusers of this Oath , shall be reputed traytors and suffer the paynes of death &c. And in other Statutes it is decreed , that it shall be treason to deny this title of headship to the King. And by like Decree of Parlament , it is declared vnder King Edward , what this Authority of headshipp is , when they say : For so much as all Authority of Iurisdiction spirituall , and temporall is deryued , & deduced from the Kings M. tie as Supreme Head of these Churches , & Realmes of England and Ireland &c. VII . This was wont to be the doctryne of Supremacy in the tymes of King Henry , and King Edward , and it was death to deny this tytle , or not to sweare the same : now our Apologer thinketh it not good to giue it any longer to his Ma. tie that now is , but calleth him only Supreme Gouernour , which is a new deuise taken from Iohn Reynolds , & other his fellowes , who aboue twenty yeares gone , being pressed by his Aduersary M. Hart , about calling Q. Elizabeth , Head of the Church , he denyeth flatly , that they called her so , but only Supreme Gouernesse , which I had thought they had done in regard of her sex , that is not permitted to speake in the Church . But now I perceaue they haue passed the same also ouer to his M. tie not permitting him to inherite the tytles , eyther of King Edward , or King Henry ; which misliketh not vs at all , for that so farre they may passe heerin , as we may come to agree . For if they will vnderstand by supreme Gouernour , the temporall Princes Supreme Authority ouer all persons of his dominions , both Ecclesiasticall , and Temporall , in temporall matters , excepting only Spirituall ( wherin as yow haue heard a litle before S. Ambrose told the Christian Emperours of his tyme , that being Lay-men , they could not rightly meddle : ) I see no great difficulty , which in this affayre would remayne betweene vs. VIII . To returne then to the Charge of ouersight , and grosse mistaking ( to vse the Apologers words ) layd by him to Cardinal Bellarmine , for impugning the ancienter Oath of Supremacy , insteed of this later called , Of Allegiance , & Of giuing the child a wrong name ( as he saith , ) I see not by what least colour , or shew of reason , it may stād against him . For besydes that which we haue said before , of the tēperament , & modification mentioned by him to be craftily couched in this later Oath , which by his letter he refuteth ( I meane of lawfull , and vnlawfull clauses ) which must needes be vnderstood of the second Oath ; he adioyneth presently the cōfutation of those modifications , saying : For yow know that those kind of modifications , are nothing els , but sleightes & subtilityes of Sathā , that the Catholicke faith , touching the Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke , might eyther secretly , or openly be shott at . Lo heere he mentioneth both the Oathes , the one which shooteth secretly at the Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke ( which is the later Of Allegiance ) & the other that impugneth it openly , which is the first of the Supremacy . And as he nameth the secōd in the first place , so doth he principally prosecute the same , & proueth the vnlawfulnes therof , mentioning the other but only as by the way , for that it is as Totū ad Partē to the former , as a man can hardly speake of particuler mēbers of a body , without naming also the said body ( as whē S. Iames inuegheth against the tōgue , he saith , That it inflameth the whole body : ) so Card. all Bellarmine could hardly reproue the particuler branches of the Oath of Allegiance , tending against sundry parts of the Popes Primacie , without mentioning the generall Oath of Supremacy , though it were not his purpose chiefly to impugne that , but the other . Which later Oath , albeit the Apologer sticketh not to say , that it toucheth not any part of the Popes Spirituall Supremacy : yet in the very next period , he contradicteth & ouerthroweth himselfe therin . For so much , as deuiding the said Oath of Allegiance into 14. seuerall partes or parcels , twelue of them , at least , do touch the said Supremacy one way or other , as by examination yow will fynd , and we shall haue occasion after to declare more at large . IX . As for example , he writeth thus : And that the Iniustice ( saith he ) as well as the error of Bellarmine his grosse mistaking in this poynt , may yet be more cleerly discouered ; I haue thought good to insert heere immediatly the contrary conclusions to all the poynts and Articles , wherof this other late Oath doth consist , wherby it may appeare , what vnreasonable and rebellious poynts he would dryue his Ma. ties Subiects vnto , by refusing the whole body of that Oath , as it is conceaued . For he that shall refuse to take this Oath , must of necessity hold these propositions following : First that our Soueraign● Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome , and of all other his Ma. ties Dominions . Secondly that the Pope by his owne authority may depose , &c. But who doth not see what a simple fallacy this is , which the Logicians do call A composito ad diuisa , from denying of a compound , to inferre the denyall of all the parcels therin conteyned . As if some would say , that Plato was a man borne in Greece , of an excellent wit , skilfull in the Greeke language , most excellent of all other Philosophers , and would require this to be confirmed by an Oath , some Platonist , perhaps , would be cōtēt to sweare it : but if some Stoicke , or Peripateticke , or Professour of some other Sect in Philosophy , should refuse the said Oath , in respect of the last clause , might a man inferre against him in all the other clauses also , Ergò he denyeth Plato to be a Man ? He denyeth him to be borne in Greece , he denyeth him to be of an excellēt wit , he denyeth him to be skilfull in the Greeke tongue , &c. Were not this a bad kynd of arguing ? X. So in like manner , if an Arrian , or Pelagian Prince , should exact an Oath at his Subiects hands , concerning diuers articles of Religion , that were belieued by them both , and in the end , or middle therof , should insert some clauses , sounding to the fauour of their owne sect , for which the Subiect should refuse the whole body of that Oath , as it was conceyued ; could the other in iustice accuse him , for denying all the seuerall articles of his owne Religion also , which therin are mencyoned ? Who seeth not the iniustice of this manner of dealing ? And yet this is that which our Apologer vseth heere with Catholicks , affirming in good earnest , that he which refuseth the whole body of this Oath , as it is conceyued ( in respect of some clauses therof that stand against his Conscience , about matters of Religion ) refuseth consequently euery poynt and parcell therof , and must of necessity hold ( in the first place ) that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome , and of all other his Ma. ties Dominions . The contrary wherof all Catholicks do both confesse , and professe : & consequently it is a meere calumniation that they deny this . But let vs see , how he goeth , forward in prouing this whole Oath to be lawfull to a Catholicke mans Conscience . XI . And that the world ( saith he ) may yet further see , his Ma. ties and whole States setting downe of this Oath , did not proceed from any new inuention of theirs , but as it is warranted by the word of God : So doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance , decreed a thousand yeares agone , which a famons Councell then , togeather with diuers other Councels , were so farre from condemning ( as the Pope now hath done this Oath ) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes heere in that purpose ; wherby it may appeare , that his Ma. tie craueth nothing now of his Subiects in this Oath , which was not expresly , and carefully commanded them by the Councels to be obeyed , without exception of persons . Nay not in the very particuler poynt of Equiuocation , which his Ma. tie in this Oath is so carefull to haue eschewed : but yow shall heere see the said Councels in their Decrees , as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same ; so as , almost euery poynt of that Action , and this if ours , shall be found to haue relation , and agreeance one with the other , saue only in this ; that those old Councels were carefull , and straite in commanding the taking of the same ; wheras by the contrary , he , that now vaunteth himselfe to be Head of all Councells , is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men , from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance . So he . XII . And I haue alledged his discourse at large , to the end yow may better see his fraudulent manner of proceeding . He saith , That the example of this Oath is taken from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares agone in the Councels of Toledo , but especially the fourth , which prouided also for the particuler poynt of Equiuocation : But let any man read those Councels , which are 13. in number , and if he fynd eyther any forme of an Oath prescribed , or any mention of Equiuocation , but only of flat lying and perfidious dealing ; let him discredit all the rest that I do write . And if he fynd none at all , as most certainly he shall not ; then let him consider of the bad cause of this Apologer , that dryueth him to such manner of dealing , as to auouch , Euery point of that Action to haue agreeance with the offering of this Oath . XIII . True it is that those Councels of Toledo , vpon certayne occasions , which presently we shall declare , do recommend much to the subiects of Spayne , both Gothes and Spaniards ; that they do obserue their Oath of fidelity made vnto their Kings , especially vnto Sisenandus , for whose cause principally this matter was first treated in the fourth Councel of Toledo , but no speciall forme is prescribed by the said Councell : nor is Equiuocation so much as named therin , but only ( as hath bene said ) Iurare mendaciter ▪ to sweare falsely , as the wordes of the Councel are . Which how far it is from the true nature of Equiuocation hath bene lately and largly demonstrated as yow know . XIV . The cause of the treatie of this matter in the 4. Councell of Toledo , was , for that one Sisenandus a Noble man of the bloud of the Gothes , and a great Captaine , taking opportunitie of the euill life of his King S●intila , whome he had serued , did by some violence ( as most of the * Spanish Historiographers write , though confirmed afterward by the Common-wealth , and proued a very good King ) and , as Paulus Aemilius in his French Historie recordeth , by helpe of Dagobert King of France , put out the said Suintila : and fearing lest the same people that had made defection to him , might by the same meanes fall from him againe , he procured in the third yeare of his raigne , this fourth Councell of Toledo , to be celebrated of 70. Prelates , as some say , and as others , of 68. hoping by their meanes , that his safety in the Crowne should be confirmed . Wherupon it is set downe , in the Preface of the said Councell , that comming into the same , accompanyed with many noble and honorable persons of his trayne ; Coram sacerdotivus Dei humi prostratus , cum lachrymis , & gemitibus pro se interueniedum postulauit : He prostrate on the ground before the Priests of God , with teares and sobbes , besought them to make intercession vnto God for him . And after that , religiously exhorted the Synod to be myndfull of the Fathers Decrees , for confirmation of Ecclesiasticall rytes &c. Wherupon after seauenty and three Decrees made , about Ecclesiasticall matters , which whosoeuer will read , shall fynd them wholy against the Protestants , as setting downe , & describing the whole vse of the Catholicke Church then in Spayne ( which concurred with our first Primitiue Church of England conforme to that which now also is seene there ) they in the last Canon , which was the 74. turned themselues to treat in like manner of matters of the Common wealth , appoynting the order how their Kings for the tyme to come , should be established : Defuncto in pace Principe , Primates Gen. is cum Sacerdotibus , successorem Regni , consilio communi , constituant . The Prince being dead in peace , let the Nobility of the Nation , togeather with the Priests , by common counsell , appoynt a successour in the kingdome &c. XV. And then next to this , they do excommunicate all those , that shall attempt the destruction of the present King , or shall breake their Oath of Fidelity made vnto him : Aut si quis praesumptione Tyrannica Regni ●as●i ium vsurpauerit : or if any shall , by Tyrann . cal presumption , vsurpe the dignity of the Crowne , aut Sacramentum fidei suae , quod pro Patriae , Gentisque Gothorum sta●u , vel conseruatione Regiae salutis pollicitus est , violauerit , aut Regem neci attrectauerit : If any man shall violate the Oath of his fidelitie , which he hath promised for the state , or conseruation of his Countrey , and Gothish Nation , and of the Kings safety , or shall attempt the Kings death &c. Lett him be accursed ( say they ) in the sight of God the Father , and of his Angels , and cast out from the Catholicke Church , which by his periury he hath profaned ; and let him be separated from all Society of Christians , togeather with all his associates in such attēptes . And this curse they do renew and repeat diuers tymes in that Canon ; Vt haec tremenda , & toties iterata sententia , nullum ex nobis praesenti atque aeterno condemnet iudicio ; that this dreadfull and often iterated sentence of excommunication , do not condemne any of vs with iudgement present , and euerlasting also , if we incurre the same . XVI . This then was the great care which those ancient Fathers ( wherof the holy and learned man S. Isidorus , Archbishop of Siuill was the first that subscribed ) had of the dutifull obedience , & fidelity of subiects towards their Princes , vnto whome they had once sworne the same . But as for any particuler forme of Oath there prescribed , wherby this new Oath now required of Allegiāce may be framed , that hath so many clauses therin of scruple of cōscience to the receauer , I fynd none at all . And no doubt , but if this King Sisenandus should haue exacted of any of these Bishops , or other his subiects , such an Oath of Allegiance , as should haue beene mixed with any clauses preiudiciall to any of those points of Ecclesiasticall affaires , which are handled and decreed by them , in the said 73. precedent Canons of this Coūcell , or others contrary to their Conscience or iudgment in Religion : they would haue beene so farre of from yielding therunto , as they would rather haue giuen their liues , then their consents to such an Oath . XVII . But to go forward , and speake a word or two more of this Councell of Toledo . After those 70. Fathers had taken this order for the temporall safetie of their Prince , and Gothish Nation ( for that was a principall point that none should be admitted to the Crowne , but of that race ) they turne their speach to the present King Sisenandus , and to his successours , making this exhortation vnto him . Te quoquè praesentem Regem , ac ●uturos aetatum sequentium Principes , humilitate , qua debemus , deposcimus , vt moderati & mites erga subiec●os existentes &c. We with due humility , do require at your hāds also that are our present King , and at the hands of those that shall ensue in future tymes , that yow be moderate and myld towards your subiects , and do rule your people committed vnto yow by God , in iustice and piety ; and do yield to Christ , the giuer of all your power , good correspondence by raigning ouer them , in humility of harte , and indeauour of good workes &c. And we do promulgate here against all Kings to come this sentence ; Vt si quis ex eis , contra reuerentiam legum , superba dominatione , & fastu Regio in flagitiis crudelissimam potestatem in populis exercuerit , Anathematis sententia à Christo Domino condemnetur . &c. That if any of them shall against the reuerence of the lawes , by proud domination , and Kingly haughtines , exercise wickednes , and cruell power vpon the people committed to their charge , let him be condemned of Christ , by the sentence of curse ; and let him haue his separation , and iudgment from God himselfe . XVIII . After this , for better establishment of the said present King Sisenandus , they do confirme the deposition and expulsion , from the Crowne , of the foresaid King Suintila , ( which by error of the print , is called in the Booke of Councells , Semithilana ) pronouncing both him his wife , and their brother , to be iustly expulsed for their wickednes : though the foresaid S. Isidorus , then liuing , and writing the History of Spayne , dedicated to this King Sisenandus , doth speake much good of the * former parte of the other King his life and raigne . And fynally some fyue yeares after this agayne in the sixt Councell of Toledo , being gathered togeather in the same Church of S. Leocadia , the said Bishops , togeather with the Nobility , did make this law , and prescribed this forme of Oath to all Kings of that nation , Vt quisquis succedentium , temporum Regni sortitus suerit apicem , non anteà conscendat Regiam Sedem , quàm inter reliquas conditiones , Sacramento pollicitus fuerit , hanc se Catholicam non permissurum eos violare fidem . That whatsoeuer future King , shall obtayne the height of this Kingdome , he shall not be permitted to ascend to the Royall seate therof , vntill he haue sworne , among other conditions , that , he will neuer suffer his subiects to violate this Catholicke faith , Marke that he saith ( this ) which was the Catholicke faith then held in Spayne , and explicated in those Councels of Toledo ; the particulers wherof do easely shew , that they were as opposite to the Protestant faith , as we are now . XIX . So as , all this is against the Apologer : for that in these Councells no particuler forme of any Oath was set downe , or exhibited at all to Subiects , that we can read of , but only in generall , it is commanded , That all do keepe their Oath of Allegiance sworne to their Princes , at their first entrance , or afterward . Which thing , no Pope did euer forbid , and all English Catholicks at this day do offer willingly to performe the same to this Ma. tie ; and consequently , all that ostentation made by the Minister before , That this Oath is no new inuention : That it doth take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares gone , by a famous Councell : That the Councel prouided in particuler for the poynts of Equiuocation : That almost euery poynt of that action hath agreeance with this of ours , sauing only in this , that the Councell was carefull , & straite in commanding the taking of the same , and Pope Paulus carefull and strayt in the prohibition &c. XX. All this , I say , falleth by it selfe to the ground : for so much , as neyther that Councell commanded the taking of any Oath , nor prescribed any forme to Subiects , nor Pope Paulus prohibiteth this , so farre as it concerneth Temporall , and Ciuill Obedience , as hath byn declared . And whatsoeuer the Apologer cyteth more out of these Councels , the meanest Reader , by looking vpon it , will easely espy , that it maketh nothing at all for him , or against vs , and consequently the entring into the narration of this mater , with so great ostentation , as , That the world may see , that it proceeded not of any new inuention , but is warranted by the word of God , authorized by so auncient a Councell , and the like : All this ( I say ) was needles ; for so much , as nothing is found in this Councell that agreeth with our case , but only the naming and recommending of an Oath of fidelity , wherin we also fully agree and consent with our Aduersary . The second Part of this Paragraph . NOw then to come to the particuler Answere of our Apologer to the Card. lls Letter , he doth for diuers leaues togeather , as it were , dally with him , picking quarrells here and there , vntill he come to the mayne charge of contradiction of himself , to himself , not only in this Letter , but throughout all his workes . And albeit I doubt not , but that the Card. ll or some other by his appointment , will discusse all these matters largly and sufficiently : yet for so much , as I haue promised to giue you my iudgment of all , I shall briefly in like māner lay forth what I haue obserued about these pointe● . XXII . Page 57. of his Apology he writeth thus : That some of such Priests , and Iesuits , as were the greatest traytors , and fomentors of the greatest conspiracyes , against her late Maiesty , gaue vp F. Robert Bellarmyne , for one of their greatest authorities , and Oracles . And for proofe he citeth in the margent Campian and Hart : See the Conference in the Tower. By which I discouer a greater abuse then I could haue imagined , would euer haue come from a man carefull of his credit : for I haue seene and perused the Conference of M. r D. Iohn Reynolds with M. Iohn Hart in the Tower , vpon the yeare 1583. two yeares after the death of F. Campian , and there it appeareth indeed that the said M. Hart alleadgeth diuers tymes the opinions and proofes of F. Robert Bellarmyne , then publick Reader of Controuersies in Rome , but alwayes about matters of Deuinity and Controuersies , and neuer about Treasons or Conspiracyes . And as for F. Campian , he is neuer read to mention him , eyther in the one or the other . Consider then the deceitfull equiuocation here vsed , that for so much , as M. Hart alleadged F. Robert Bellarmine sometymes in matters of Controuersie in that conference , therefore both he & F. Campian alleadged him for an Author and Oracle of Conspiracy against the Queene . And how can these things be defended with any shew or probability of truth ? XXIII . Page 60. he frameth a great reprehension against the Card. ll for that in his letter he saith , that this Oath is not therfore lawfull , for that it is offered as tempered and modified . Whereupon the Apologer plyeth , and insulteth , as though the Card. ll had reprehended the tēperate speech therin vsed , adding , That in Luther and others of the Protestant writers , we mislike their bold & free speaking , as comming from the diuells instinct . And now if we speake ( saith he ) moderately , and temperately , it must be tearmed the diuells craft , and therfore we may iustly complaine with Christ , That when we mourne , they will not lament , and when we pype they will not dance . And neyther Iohn Baptist his seuerity , nor Christ his meeknes can please them , who buyld but to their owne Monarchy , vpon the ground of their owne Traditions , and not to Christ , &c. Thus he , and much more exprobration to this effect , that we mislike the temperate style and speach vsed in this Oath of Allegiance . But all is quite mistaken , and the Apologer hath iust cause to blush at this error , if it were error and not wilfull mistaking . For that Bellarmyne doth not say , that this Oath is temperate in wordes , but tempered in matter , aliquo modo temperatum & modificatum : in a certayne sort tempered and modified by the offerers , in setting downe some clauses lawfull , touching Cyuill Obedience , and adioyning others vnlawfull , that concerne Conscience , and Religion . Which meaning of Bellarmyne is euident by the example , which he alleadgeth , of the Ensignes of the Emperour Iulian , out of S. Gregory Nazianzen , to wit ; That the images of Pagan Gods were mingled , and combined togeather with the Emperours picture , & therby so tempered , and modified , as a man could not adore the one , without the other . Which being so , let the indifferent Reader consider what abuse is offered to Card. all Bellarmyne , in charging him to mislike temperate speach in the forme of this Oath , which of likely hood he neuer thought on , and yet theron to found so great an inference , as to accuse him to buyld therby to a Monarchy , and not to Christ. Is this a token of want of better matter , or no ? XXIV . Page 62. the Apologer hauing said with great vehemency of asseueration , That heauen and earth are no further asunder , then the profession of a Temporall Obedience , to a Temporall King , is different from any thing belonging to the Catholicke faith , or Supremacy of S. Peter ( which we graunt also , if it be meere Temporall Obedience without mixture of other clauses : ) he proposeth presently two questions for application of this to his purpose . First this : As for the Catholicke Religion ( saith he ) can there be one word found in all this Oath , tending to matter of Religion ? The second thus : Doth he that taketh it , promise to belieue , or not to belieue any article of Religion ? Wherunto I answere first to the first , and then to the second . To the first , that if it be graunted , that power , and authority of the Pope , and Sea Apostolicke left by Christ , for gouerning his Church in all occasions & necessityes , be any point belonging to Religion among Catholicks , thē is there not only some one word , but many sentences , yea ten or twelue articles , or branches therin , tending and sounding that way as before hath bene shewed . XXV . To the second question may make answere euery clause in effect of the Oath it self . As for example the very first : I A. B. doe truly , and sincerely acknowledge , professe , testify , & declare in my Conscience , that the Pope neither of himself , nor by any authority of the Sea or Church of Rome , hath any power & authority to &c. doth not this include eyther beliefe , or vnbeliefe ? Againe : I doe further su eare , that I doe frō my hart abhorre , detest , & abiure , as imp●ous , & here icall , that damnable doctrine , & position , That Princes which be excommunicated , and depriued by the Pope , may be deposed &c. Doth not heere the swearer promise , not to belieue that doctrine which he so much detesteth ? How thē doth the Apologer so grosly forget , and contradict himself , euen then , when he goeth about to proue contradictions in his Aduersary ? XXVI . It followeth consequently in the Oath : And I doe belieue , and in Conscience am resolued , That neyther the Pope , nor any person whatsoeuer , hath power to absolue me from this Oath , or any part therof . These wordes are plaine as yow see . And what will the Apologer say heere ? Is nothing promised in those wordes to be belieued , or not to be belieued ? XXVII . But now we come to the contradictions of Cardinall Bellarmyne , wherof the Apologer taketh occasion to treate , for that the Cardinall affirmeth in one part of his letter , That neyther his Maiesty of England , nor any Prince else , hath cause to feare violence from the Pope ; for that it was neuer heard of , from the Churches infancy , vntill this day , that any Pope did commaund , That any Prince , though an Hereticke , though an Ethnicke , though a Persecutour , should be murthered , or did allow the murther , when it was done by an other . Which assertion , the Apologer to improue , bringeth in examples first of doctrine , that Bellarmyne himself doth hold , That Princes vpon iust causes may be deposed by Popes : and then of facts , That diuers Emperours haue bene deposed , and great warres raised against them , by Popes , as Bellarmyne in his workes doth confesse , and cannot deny , and consequently doth contradict himself . But surely this seemeth to me a very simple opposition or contradiction . For who doth not see , that these things may well stand togeather , are not opposite , and may be both true ; That Popes vpon iust causes , haue waged warres against diuers Princes , and Potentates ; and yet neuer caused any to be vnlawfully made away , murthered , or allowed of their murthers committed by others . For , may not we say iustly , that warlike Princes are no murtherers , though in the Acts of warres thēselues , many haue bene slaine , by their authority and commandement ? Or may not we deliuer our Iudges of England , from the cryme of murther , though many mens deathes haue proceeded from them , by way of Iustice ? No man ( I thinke ) will deny it . XXVIII . And so if some Popes haue had iust warres with some Princes , Kinges or Emperours , or haue persuaded themselues , that they were iust , in respect of some supposed disorders of the said Princes ( as here is mentioned the warre , and other hostile proceedings of Pope Gregory the seauenth against the Emperour Henry the fourth ) this is not contrary to the saying of Cardinall Bellarmyne , That no Pope euer commaunded any Prince to be murthered , or allowed therof , after it was done by an other . For as for that which heere is affirmed by the Apologer , That the Pope was inraged at the Emperour Henry the 5. for giuing buriall to his Fathers dead corps , after the Pope had stirred him vp against his Father , and procured his ruyne , neyther proueth the matter , nor is altogeather true , as heere it is alleadged . Not the first : for this proueth not , that the Pope eyther commaunded or procured this death , which Bellarmyne denyed . Not the second : for that the two Authours by him cyted in his margent , to wit , Platina and Cuspinian , doe not auerre the same . For in Platina I finde no such thing at all ; and Cuspinian his wordes are plaine to the contrary : That when Henry the Father was dead , and buried in a Monastery at Liege , his Sonne would not make peace with the Bishop of that place , called * Otbert , except the dead body were pulled out of the graue againe , as it was , and so remayned for fiue yeares . XXIX . And againe Cuspinian writeth , That the report was , that Gregory the 7. did before his death absolue the Emperour ; but that his Sonne Henry the 5. and his followers neuer left to sollicite the succeeding Popes vntill he was excōmunicated againe , & thereupon had afterward this Christian buriall denyed him . And how then , is all this ascribed to the Pope , which proceeded from the Some against his Father ? Our Apologer saith , That he was sett on by the Pope to rebell against him , but this his witnesses affirme not . For Cuspinian saith that it was , Suasu Marchionis Theobaldi , Berengarij Comitis Noricorum , & Ottonis sibi ex materna s●irpe cognati . And in this commonly agree all other Authors , as a Vrspergensis , who then liued , b Crantzius , c Sigonius , d Nauclerus , and others . And why then is this so vniustly layed vpon the Pope ? What Author can he bring for it , that auoucheth the same ? Why is it couertly cast in , as though this matter apperteyned to Gregory the seauenth , who in his life had warres with Henry the fourth , but yet dyed before him ? Heere then nothing is so apparent , as the desire to say much against Popes , with neuer so litle occasion , and lesse proofe . But let vs go forward . XXX . In the second place he produceth the approbation of the slaughter of the late King of France by Pope Sixtus in his speech in the Consistory : But no record of credit , eyther in Rome or elswhere , can be found to testify , that any such speech euer was had by Pope Sixtus . And I vnderstand that diuers Cardinalls are yet liuing , who were then present in the first Consistory , after that newes arriued , who deny that Sixtus euer vttered any such words , as of the allowance of that horrible fact , though he might , and did highly admire the strange prouidence of God , in chastising by so vnexpected a way , so foule and impious a murther , as that King had committed vpon a Prince , Bishop , and Cardinall ( and those neerest of bloud vnto his Maiesty of England ) without any forme of iudgment at all . And that a spectacle heerby of Gods Iustice was proposed vnto Princes , to be moderate in their power , and passions : for that in the midst of his great and Royall army , and corporall guardes , he was strangely slaine by a simple vnarmed man , when nothing was lesse expected , or feared . Nor can any thing be more improbable or ridiculous to be imagined , then that which is heere affirmed by our Apologer ( and yet , he saith , he is sure therof ) That this friar , which killed the King , should haue bene canonized for the fact , if some Cardinalls , out of their wisedome , had not resisted the same . No such thing being euer so much as imagined , or consulted of , as many doe testify who were then in Rome . So as nothing is more common here , then bold assertions without wittnesses . XXXI . And the like may be said to his third example of the late Queene of England , against whose life ( he saith ) that so many practises , and attempts were made , and directly i●ioyned to those traytors , by their Confessours , and playnly authorized by the Popes allowance . So he saith . But if a man would aske him , how he can proue , that those things were so directly inioyned , and plainly authorized , what answere will he make ? Yow shall heare it in his owne wordes , for he hath but one : For verification ( saith he ) there needeth no more proofe , then that neuer Pope , eyther then or since , called any Church-man in question , formedling in those treasonable conspiracyes . And needeth no more ( Syr ) but this , to condemne both Confessours and Popes of conspiring the last Queenes death , That no Pope hath called in question , or punished any Cleargy-man for such like attempts ? What i● he neuer knew of any such attempt ? What if he neuer heard of any Clergy-man to be accused therof , except such as were put to death by the Queene her self , either culpable or not culpable ? What if he saw some such ridiculous false deuises , made against some Priests to make their whole company and cause odious , as iustly discredited with him all their other clamours and calumnious accusations in that behalfe ? As that of Squier , induced ( as was sayed ) by Fa. VValpole in Spaine to poyson the Queenes chayre , or the Earle of Essex his sadd●e , which was so monstrous a fiction , and so plainly proued for such in forrayne Countryes ( and so confessed by the miserable fellow at his death ) as tooke all credit from like deuises in these attemptes , of holding the Queene in perpetuall frightes , to the end , she should neuer attend to the true way of remedy . XXXII . And with what little care of sincerity . or of punctuall truth , all these things are here , and elswhere , cast out at randome , to make a sound and noise in the Readers eares , appeareth sufficiently in the very next sequent wordes , wherein speaking of Doctor Sanders he saieth : That whosoeuer will looke vpon his Bookes , will fynde them filled with no other Doctrine then this . And will any man thinke it probable or possible that so many bookes as Doctor Sanders hath written , both in Latyn and English , and of so different arguments concerning Religion , haue no other Doctrine in them , but this of killing , and murthering of Princes ? And that other assertion also , that ensueth within very few lines after , against Cardinall Bellarmynes whole Workes , That all his large and great Volumes are filled with contradictions , wherof we are to treat more presently . Now only I doe note the facility , and custome of ouerlashing in this Apologer . XXXIII . To conclude then about Queene Elizabeth . Albeit Pius Quintus , and some other Popes did excommunicate her , and cut her of from the body of the Catholicke Church by Ecclesiasticall Censures , in regard of her persecuting Catholicke Religion : yet did I neuer know it hitherto proued , that any Pope procured or consented to any priuate violence against her person : albeit , if the forealledged Statute of the 28. yeare of King Henry the 8. be true , wherin it is determined both by the King himself , his Counsell , and whole Parlament , as by the Archbishop Cranmer , with his Doctors , in his Iudiciall Seat of the Arches , that Lady Elizabeth was not legitimate , nor that her mother was euer King Henryes true wife ( which once being true , could neuer afterward by any humane power be made vntrue , or amended to the preiudice of a third , rightly by due succession interessed therin : ) & if , as the whole Parlament testifyed , it should be Against all honour , equity , reason , and good conscience , that the said La. Elizabeth , should at any tyme possesse the said Crowne , then the said Popes , respecting in their said sentence ( as it is certayne they did ) the actuall right of the Queene of France and Scotland , and of her noble issue his Ma. tie that now is , they might proceed , as they did , against the other , for her remouall ( whome they held for an vsurper ) in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her , not only by spirituall , but temporall armes also , as against a publicke Malefactor and intruder contrary to right and conscience . And I cannot see , how this fawning Apologer , can eyther without open vntruth , or manifest iniury to his Maiesty , auerre the contrary . Which being true , doth greatly iustify the endeauours and desires of all good Catholicke people , both at home and abroad against her , their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue bene the deliuerance , & preferment of the true Heire , most wrongfully kept out , & iniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake . XXXIIII . This then being so , and nothing proued at all against Popes for their murthering attempts against Princes , which Cardinall Bellarmyne denyed : yet this Apologer , as if he had proued much against him , in this point of contradicting himself , he writeth thus : But who can wonder at this contradiction of himself in this point , when his owne great Volumes are so filled with contradictions , which when either he , or any other shall euer be able to reconcile , I will then belieue that he may easily reconcile this impudent strong denyall of his , in his letter , of any Popes medling against Kings . Wherin is to be noted first , that wheras Card. ll Bellarmine doth deny any Popes murthering of Princes , this man calleth it , An impudent strong deniall of any Popes medling against Kings , as though medling , and murthering were all one . Is not this good dealing ? Truely if the Card. ll had denyed , that euer any Pope had dealt , or medled against any King , or Prince , vpon any occasion whatsoeuer , it had beene a strong denyall indeed : but for so much , as he saith no such thing , I maruaile of the Apologers proceeding in this behalfe , for with the word impudent I will not meddle . But let vs heare him yet further . XXXV . And that I may not seeme ( saith he ) to imitate him , in affirming boldly that , which I no waies can proue , I will therefore send the Reader , to looke for wittnesses of his contradictions in such places here mentioned in his owne booke . Thus he , very confidently , as you see , And verily I cannot but maruaile , that he knowing how many men of learning would looke vpon the places themselues , ( for I vnderstand now also that the book is out in latyn ) would not be ashamed in him self , to suffer their iudgement of him and his doings in this behalfe : albeit he had not respected the Cardinals answere , which must nedes be with exceeding aduantage against him , such as , in truth , I am ashamed for Countrey sake , that strangers should laugh vs to scorne for such manner of writing . For if I doe vnderstand any thing , and that myne owne eyes , and iudgement doe not deceaue me , this Apologer will remayne vnder , in all & euery one of these oppositions , no one of them being defensible in the nature of a true contradiction , and consequently Cardinall Bellarmynes great volumes of Controuersies , will not only , not be proued full of Contradictions by this tast here giuen , as is pretended : but will rather be infinitly iustifyed ; that in so many great Volumes , this Author hath not bene able to picke out any better contradictions then these . Wherof againe , I must say and auouch , that no one seemeth to me any contradiction at all , if they be well examined . XXXVI . And though I meane not to discusse them all in this place , nor the greater part of them , they being eleuen in number , as hath bene said , both for breuityes sake , and not to peruent the Cardinalls owne Answere , and satisfaction therin ( which I doubt not but will be very sufficient , and learned : ) yet three or foure I shall touch only , for examples sake , thereby to giue the Reader matter to make coniecture of the rest . This then he beginneth his list of eleuen contradictions against the said Cardinall . XXXVII . First in his bookes of Iustification ( saith he ) Bellarmyne affirmeth , that for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnes , and for auoyding of vayne glory , it is most sure and safe , to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God : which proposition of his , is directly contrary to the discourse , & current of all his fiue bookes De Iustificatione , wherin the same is conteyned &c. Of this 〈◊〉 contradiction we haue said somewhat before , to wit , That it is strange , that fiue whole bookes should be brought in , as contradictory to one proposition . For how shall the Reader try the truth of this obiection ? Shall he be bound to read all Bellarmynes fiue bookes , to see whether it be true or no ? Had it not bene more plaine dealing to haue alleadged some one sentence , or conclusion contradictory to the other ? But now shall we shew , that there can be no such contradiction betwixt the sentence of one part of his said Booke of Iustification , & the whole discourse or current of the rest : for that Bellarmyne doth make all the matter cleere , by soyling three seuerall Questions in one Chapter , which is the seauenth of the fifth Booke here cyted . XXXVIII . The three Questions are these , about Fiducia , quae in meritis collocari possit , what hope and confidence , may be placed , by a Christian man , in his good workes , and merites . The first Question is , whether good workes , in a Christian man , doe increase hope and confidence by their own nature , and the promise of reward made vnto them ? And Bellarmyne answereth that they doe : and proueth it by many places of Scriptures , as that of Toby the 4. where it is saied : That almes-deeds shall giue great confidence , and hope to the doers therof in the sight of God. And Iob sayeth : That he which liueth iustly , shall haue great confidence , and hope , and shall sleep securely . And S. Paul to Timothy saith : That whosoeuer shall minister well , shall haue great confidence , &c. And I omit diuers other plaine places of Scriptures , and Fathers there alleadged by him , which the Reader may there peruse to his comfort , shewing euidently , that the conscience of a vertuous life , and good workes , doth giue great confidence to a Christian man , both while he liueth , and especially when he commeth to dye . XXXIX . The second Question is , whether this being so , a man may place any confidence wittingly in his owne merits , or vertuous life . And it is answered , That he may ; so it be with due circumstances of humility , for auoyding pride , and presumption . For that a man feeling the effect of Gods grace in himself , wherby he hath bene directed to liue well , may also hope , that God will crowne his gifts in him , as S. Augustines wordes are . And many examples of Scriptures are alleadged there by Card. ll Bellarmyne of sundry holy Saints , Prophets and Apostles , that vpon iust occasion mentioned their owne merits , as g●●ts from God that gaue them hope and confidence of his mercifull reward : and namely that saying of S. Paul : I haue fought a good fight , I haue consummated my course , I haue kept my faith , &c. and then addeth , that in regard hereof , Reposita est mihi Corona Iustitiae , A crowne of Iustice is laid vp for me , which God the iust Iudge shall restore vnto me . XL. The third Question is ( supposing the sore said determinations ) what counsaile were to be giuen : Whether it be good to put confidence in a mans owne merits or no ? whereunto Card. ll Bellarmyne answereth , in the words set downe by the Apologer , That for the vncertainty of our owne proper Iustice , and for auoyding the perill of vaine glory , the surest way is to repose all our confidence in the only mercy and benignity of God ; from whome and from whose grace our merits proceed . So as albeit Card. ll Bellarmyne doth confesse , that good life , and vertuous acts doe giue hope , and confidence of themselues , and that it is lawfull also by the example of auncient Saints , for good men to comfort themselues with that hope and confidence : yet the surest way is to repose all in the benignity and mercy of almighty God , who giueth all , and is the Authour , as well of the grace , as of the merits , and fruites of good workes that eusue therof . And thus hath Cardinall Bellarmyne fully explicated his mynd in this one Chapter , about Confidence in good workes , by soluing the foresaid three different Questions , wherof the one is not contrary to the other , but may all three stand togeather . And how then is it likely , that the foresaid proposition , of reposing our Confidence in the mercy of God , should be contradictory , as this man saith , to the whole discourse and current of all his fiue Bookes of Iustification ? Let one only sentence be brought forth , out of all these fiue Bookes that is truly contradictory , and I shall say he hath reason in all the rest of his ouerlashing . XLI . His second obiected contradiction is as good as this , which he setteth downe in these wordes . a God ( saieth Bellarmine ) doth not incline a man to euill , eyther naturally or morally : and presently after he affirmeth the contrary , saying : b That God doth not incline to euill naturally but morally . But this is a plaine fallacy of the Apologer , for that the word morally is taken heere in two different senses , which himself could not but see . For first Card. ll Bellarmyne hauing set downe the former proposition , That God doth not incline a man to euill , eyther Physicè vel Moraliter , naturally or morally , he expoundeth what is vnderstood by ech of these termes , to witt , That Naturall or Phisicall concurrence is , when God concurreth to the substance of the action , as mouing or impelling a mans will : but Morall concurrence is , when he doth commaund or ordayne any synne to be done . As for example , If a great man should concurre to the murther of another , he may doe it in two manners , eyther Naturally or Phisically , concurring to the action it self of poysoning , strangling , or the like : or Morally , by counselling or commaunding the same to be done , which is properly called Morall concurrence . And by none of these two wayes , God doth concurre to the committing of a synne . XLII . But there is a third way of concurring , tearmed Occasionalicer , occasionally , or by giuing occasion , which improperly also may be called Morall : and this is , When God seeing an euill man euill-disposed , to doe this or that synne , though he doe not concurre therunto by any of the foresaid two wayes , of assisting or commaunding the action to be done : yet doth he , by his diuine prouidence , and goodnes , make occasions so to fall our , as this synne , and not that , is committed ; and consequently it may be said , That almighty God , without any fault of his , or concurrence in any o● the forsaid two wayes , hath bene the Occasionall cause of this synne . As for example , we read in Genesis , That when the brethren of Ioseph were obstinately bent to kill him , God , by the pulling by of certayne I smaelites , Merchants of Galaad , gaue occasion of his selling into Egypt ; so as he was herby some Occasionall , or Morall cause of this lesser synne , for eschewing the greater , but not in the former sense of Morall concurrence , which includeth also commandement . XLIII . This Occasionall concurrence then , though in some large sense , it may be called also Morall : yet is it much different from the former , and consequently , the one may be affirmed , and the other denyed , without any contradiction at all . And so this second obseruation against Cardinall Bellarmyne , is wholy impertinent : for that Contradictio must be in eodem , respectu eiusdem , which heere is not verifyed . For that when the Cardinall saith in the first place , That God doth not cōcurre Morally to synne , he meaneth by cōmaūding or counselling the same : & whē in the later place , he graūteth , That God doth cōcurre somtymes Morally , he meaneth by giuing occasiō only for this synne to be cōmitted , rather then that , which is a plaine different thing . XLIIII . And of the same quality is the third Contradiction , set downe by the Apologer in these wordes : All the Fathers teach constantly ( saith Bellarmyne ) that Bishops doe succeed the Apostles , and Priests the seauenty disciples . And then in another part of his workes , he affirmeth the contrary : That Bishops doe not properly succeed the Apostles . But whosoeuer shall looke vpon the places here quoted , shall fynde this to be spoken in diuers senses , to witt , that they succeed them in power of Episcopall Order , and not in power of Iurisdiction , and other extraordinary priuiledges : so as both those doe well stand togeather . And the like I say of the 4. contradiction obiected , which is , That Iudas did not belieue : & yet in an other place , That Iudas was iust , and certaynly good : which is no contradiction at all , if we respect the two seuerall tymes , wherof Cardinall Bellarmyne doth speake , prouing first , out of S. Iohns Ghospell , by the interpretation of S. Hierome , that Iudas at the beginning was good , and did belieue ; and then by other words of Christ in the same Euangelist , vttered a good while after the Apostles vocation , That he was a dyuell . and belieued not . And who but our Apologer , would found a cōtradictiō against so learned a man as Bellarmyne is , vpon a manifest Equiuocation of tymes , wherby he may no lesse argue with Bellarmyne for calling S. Paul an Apostle and persecutour , and Nicolaus an elect of the holy Ghost , and yet an Heretick , for that the one was a Persecutour first , and then an Apostle , and the other first a chosen Deacon by the holy Ghost , and afterward an Hereticke , possessed by the diuell , as most do hould . XLV . But I should doe iniury ( as before I said ) both vnto Cardinall Bellarmyne and my self , if I should goe about to answere these supposed contradictions at length . To the Cardinall , in preuenting him , that will doe it much better . Vnto my self , in spending tyme in a needles labour , for so much as euery one of meane iudgemēt , that will but looke vpon the bookes , and places themselues heere cyted , will discouer the weaknes of these obiections , and that they haue more will , then ability to disgrace Cardinall Bellarmyne . XLVI . After the obiecting then of these deuised contradictions , our Apologer returneth againe to exagitate yet further the foresaid saying of Bellarmyne , That neither his Maiesty , nor other King hath need to feare any daunger to his Royall Person , by acknowledging the Popes spirituall authority in his Kingdome , more then other Christians , and Monarches haue done heretofore , or doe now in other Kingdomes round about him , who admitt the same Authority and haue done euen from the beginning of their Christianity , without any such dangers of murther incurred therby . Wherupon this Apologer maketh a large new excursion , numbering vp a great Catalogue of contentions , that haue fallen out , betweene some Popes and Emperours , & the said Emperours receaued hurtes , domages , and dangers therby , and consequently had cause to feare , contrary to that which Bellarmyne writeth . XLVII . And in this enumeration the Apologer bringeth in the example of the Emperour Henry the 4. brought to doe pennance at the Castle of Canusium , by Pope Gregory the seauenth ; as also of the Emperour Fredericke the first , forced by Pope Alexander the third to lie agroofe ( as his word is ) on his belly , and suffer the other to tread on his necke : Of the Emperour Philip , that is said to haue bene slaine by Otho at the Popes motion ; and that in respect therof , the said Otho going to Rome , was made Emperour , though afterward the Pope deposed him also : Of the Emperour Fredericke the second , excommunicated , and depriued by Pope Innocentius the fourth , who in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poyson , and this not taking effect , hyred one Manfredus to poyson him , wherof he dyed : That Pope Alexander the third wrote to the Soldane to murther the Emperour , & sent him his picture to that effect : That Pope Alexander the sixth , caused the brother of Baiazetes the Turkish Emperour , named Gemen , to be poysoned at his brothers request , and had two hundred thowsand crownes for the same : That our King Henry the second , besides his going barefooted in pilgrimage , was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-howse , like a schoole-boy , and glad to escape so too : That the Father of the moderne King of France , was depriued by the Pope of the Kingdome of Nauarre , and himself ( I meane this King of France ) forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his excommunication , as he was content to suffer his Embassadour to be whipped at Rome for pennance . XLVIII . All these examples are heaped togeather to make a muster of witnesses , for proofe of the dangers wherin Princes persons are , or may be , by acknowledging the Popes Supreme Authority . But first in perusing of these , I fynde such a heape indeed of exaggerations , additions , wrestings , and other vnsyncere dealings , as would require a particuler Booke to refute them at large . And the very last here mētioned of the present King of France , may shew what credit is to be giuen to all the rest , to witt , That he suffered his Embassadour to be whipped at Rome , & the latin Interpreter turneth it , Vt Legatum suum Romae virgis caesum passus sit : as though he had bene scourged with rodds vpon the bare flesh , or whipped vp and downe Rome ; wheras so many hundreds being yet aliue that saw that Ceremony ( which was no more , but the laying on , or touching of the said Embassadours shoulder with a long white wand vpon his apparell , in token of submitting himself to Ecclesiasticall discipline ) it maketh them both to wonder , and laugh at such monstrous assertions , comming out in print : and with the same estimation of punctuall fidelity doe they measure other things here auouched . IXL. As for exāple , that our King Henry the second was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house , & glad that he could escape so too , for which he cyteth Houeden , and this he insinuateth to be , by order of the Pope : in respect wherof ( he saith ) the King had iust cause to be afraid . But the Author doth plainly shew the contrary , first setting downe the Charter of the Kings absolution , where no such pennāce is appointed : & secondly after that againe in relating the voluntary pennances which the King did at the Sepulcher of S. Thomas , for being some occasiō of his death , doth refute therby this narration , as fraudulent , and vnsyncere , that the King was whipped like a school-boy by order of the Pope , as though it had not come frō his owne free choice , and deuotion . L. That other instance of the Emperour , that lay agroofe on his belly ( which I suppose he meaneth of Fredericke the first ) and suffered Pope Alexander the third to tread on his necke , is a great exaggeratiō , and refuted , as fabulous , by many reasons , and authorityes of Baronius , to whome I remit me . The other in like māner of Celestinus the Pope , that should with his foote beate of the Crown from the head of Henry the sixt Emperour , being only mentioned first of all others by Houeden an English Authour , and from him taken by Ranulph of Chester , no other writer of other nations , eyther present at his Coronation as Godesridus Viterbiensis his Secretary , or others afterward as a Platina , b Nauclerus , c Sabellicus , d Blondus , e Sigonius , f Crantzius , so much as mentioning the same , though yet they write of his Coronation , maketh it improbable , and no lesse incredible then the former . LI. That also of the Emperour Philip , affirmed to be slaine by Otho his opposite Emperour , at the incitation of Pope Innocentius the third , is a meere slaūder . For that , according to all histories , not Otho the Emperour , but an other Otho named of VVitilispack ▪ a priuate man & one of his owne Court , vpon a priuate grudge , did slay him . And albeit Vrspergensis , that followed the faction of the Emperours against the Popes , doe write , that he had heard related by some the speech here sett downe , that Innocentius should lay , That he would take the Crowne from Philip , or Philip should take the Myter from him : yet he saith expresly , Quod non erat credendum , that it was not to be belieued . And yet is it cyted here , by our Apologer , as an vndoubted truth , vpon the onely authority of Vrspergensis in the margent . LII . The like may be said of the tale of Frederick the second , attempted to haue bene poysoned , first in Apulia by Pope Innocentius the 4. and afterward effectuated by one Mansredus , as hyred by the Pope : which is a very tale in deede , and a malicious tale . For that he which shall read all the Authors that write of his life , or death , as 1 Platina ( whome the Protestants hold for free in speaking euill of diuers Popes ) 2 Blondus , 3 Sabellicus , 4 Nauclerus , 5 Crantzius , 6 Sigonius , & others , shall fynd , that as they write very wicked thinges committed by him in his life : so talking of his first danger in Apulia by greuous sicknes , they make for the most part no mention of poyson at all , and much lesse as procured by the Pope Innocentius , praysed * for a very holy man , and to haue proceded iustly against Fredericke . And secondly for his death , they agree all , that it was not by poyson , but by stopping his breath and stifelyng him in his bed with a pillow , by Mansredus his owne bastard Sonne , to whome he had giuen the Princedome of Tarentum , for feare least he should take it from him againe , and bestow it vpon Conradus his other soone . But that the Pope was priuy to this , or hyred him to doe the fact , as our Apologer affirmeth ; there is no one word or sillable in these Authors therof . LIII . But you will say , that he cyteth one Petrus de Vineis in his margent , and Cuspinian in the life of Fredericke , both which are but one Authour ; for that Cuspinian professeth to take what he saith , out of Petrus de Vineis , which Petrus was a seruant to Fredericke , and a professed enemy to the Pope , and wrote so partially of this contention , as Pope Innocentius himself wrote Libros Apologeticos ( as Blondus recordeth ) Apologeticall Bookes to coniute the lyes of this Petrus de Vineis in his life tyme : And yet yow must note , that he auoucheth not all that our Apologer doth , nor with so much stomacke , or affirmatiue assertion . For thus relateth Cuspinian the matter , out of Petrus de Vineis : Non potuit cauere , &c. The Emperour could not auoyd , but when he returned into Apulia he perished with poyson , the 37. yeare of his raigne , and 57. of his age , on the very same day that he was made Emperour . For wheras at the towne of Florenzola in Apulia , hauing receaued poyson he was dangerously sicke , and at length , by diligence of Phisitions , had ouercome the same , he was stifeled by Mansredus his bastard sonne , begotten of a noble woman his Concubine , with a pillow thrust into his mouth , whether it were , that Mansredus did it , as corrupted by his enemyes , or by the Pope , or for that he did aspire to the Kingdome of Sicilia . So he . LIV. And albeit , as yow see , he saith more herin against the Pope , then any of the other Authours before mentioned , for that he desired to cast some suspitions vpon him : yet doth he it not with that bold asseueration , that our Apologer doth , saying : That both his first sicknes was by poyson , of the Popes procurement , and his murthering afterward by hyring of Manfredus to poyson him againe : whereas the other ascribeth not the first poysoning to the Pope ( if he were poysoned ) neyther doth so much as mention the second poyson , but onely the stifeling , and finally leaueth it doubtfull , whether the same proceeded from the Emperours enemyes , or from the Pope , or from his Sonnes owne ambition , and emulation against his brother . LV. To the other obiection , or rather calumniation out of Paulus Iouius , that Alexander the third did write to the Soldane , That if he would liue quietly , he should procure the murther of the Emperour , sending him his picture to that end : It is answered , that no such thing is found in that second booke of Iouius , by him here cyted , nor elswhere in that History , so far as by some diligence vsed I can fynde : and it is not likely , it should be found in him , for so much as he beginneth his History with matters only of our tyme , some hundreds of yeares after Alexander the third his death . LVI . So as the only chiefe accusation , that may seeme to haue some ground against any Pope , in this catalogue , for procuring the death of any Prince , is that which he alleadgeth out of Cuspinian , that Alexander the sixth tooke two hundred thowsand Crownes of Baiazetes Emperour of the Turkes , to cause his brother Gemen to be put to death , whome he held captiue at Rome , which he performed ( saith our Apologer ) by poyson , and had his pay ; this I say , hath most apparence : for that some other Authors also besides doe relate the same , affirming , That albeit Prince Gemen the Turke , when he dyed , eyther at Caieta , or Naples , or Capua , ( for in this they differ ) was not the Popes prisoner , but in the hands of Charles the 8. King of France , who tooke him from Rome with him , when he passed that way with his army : yet that the common fame or rumour was , that Pope Alexander the sixth , had part therin , or , as Cuspinias words are , Pontifice non ignorante , the Pope not vnwitting therof . The reason of which report Guicciardine alleadgeth to be this , to wit , That the euill nature and condition of Pope Alexander , which was hatefull to all men , made any iniquity to be belieued of him . a Onuphrius Panuinus writeth that he dyed in Capua of a bloudy flux without any mention of poyson . And b Sabellicus before him againe , relateth the matter doubtfully saying ; Fuerunt qui crederent , eum veneno sublatum , &c. There were some that belieued , that he was made away by poyson , and that Alexander the Pope was not ignorant therof ; for that he was so alienate in mynde from the French-men , that he was loath they should take any good by him : Thus we see , that the matter is but doubtfully and suspiciously related only , and the French-men being angry for his death , by whome they hoped great matters , might easily brute abroad a false rumour , for their owne defence in that behalfe . LVII . But as for the two hundred thowsand crownes , though Iouius doe say , that they were offered by Baiazet , as also Vestis inconsutilis Christi , The garment of our Sauiour without seame : yet doth he not say , that they were receaued , eyther the one , or the other . So as whatsoeuer euill is mentioned of any Pope , our Apologer maketh it certayne : and when it is but little , he will inlarge it to make it more : and when it is spoken doubtfully , he will affirme it for a certaynty : wherin he discouereth his owne humour against Popes , and therby limiteth the Readers faith in belieuing him ; though we do not take vpon vs to defend the liues and facts of all particuler Popes , but their faith and authority ; being forewarned by our Sauiour , that vpon the Chayre of Moyses shall fit Scribes and Pharisyes , whome we must obey , in that they teach , and not follow or imitate , in that they doe . And this shall serue for this point : Card. ll Bellarmyne , I doubt not , will be more large . If a man would go about to discredit Kingly authority , by all the misdeeds of particuler Kings that haue byn registred by Historiographers , since the tyme that Popes began , he should fynde , no doubt , aboundant matter , and such , as could not be defended by any probability . And yet doth this preiudicate nothing to Princely power or dignity , and much lesse in our case , where the facts themselues obiected , are eyther exaggerated , increased , wrested , or altogeather falsifyed . The third Part of this Paragraph . THERE remayneth the last part of this impugnation of the Cardinalls letter , which consisteth in the examining all the Authorityes and Sentences of ancient Fathers , alledged by him in the same . As first of all , the comparison of the art , and deceipt vsed by Iulian the Emperour , surnamed Apostata , and recounted by S. Gregory Nazianzen , in placing , and inserting the images of his false Gods , into the pictures of the Emperour , in his Imperiall banner : so , as no man could bow downe , or reuerence the Emperours picture , ( as then was the custome ) but that he must adore also the images of the false Gods. Which art of temperament , the Cardinall doth compare vnto this mixture & combination of clauses lawfull , and vnlawfull , Cyuill , and Ecclesiasticall in the Oath proposed ; so as a man can not sweare the one , but he must sweare also the other . Which similitude , although it do expresse most fitly the matter in hand ; yet the Apologer being sorely pressed therwith seeketh many euasions to euacuate the same , by searching out dissimilitudes , and saying ; That albeit a similitude may be admitted claudicare vno pede , to limp , or halt on one foote : yet this ( saith he ) is lame , both of feete & hands , and euery member of the body : And then he taketh vpon him to set downe at length the diuersityes that may be picked out . As first , that Iulian was an Apostata , but our Soueraigne is a Christian : he changed the Religion which he once professed , but our King not : he became an Ethnicke , or an Atheist , our King is not ashamed of his profession : Iulian dealt against Christians , but his Ma. tie dealeth only to make a distinction betweene true subiects , and false-harted traytours . And so he goeth forward to weary his Reader with many more like diuersityes , which must needs be loathsome to euery man of meane iudgment , who know that a similitude requireth not parity in all poynts ( for then it should be idem , and not simile ) but only in the poynt wherin the comparison is made , as heere in the compounding and couching togeather of lawfull and vnlawfull things in the Oath , as the other did in his banner . LIX . For if a man would tryfle , as our Apologer doth , and seeke out differences betweene things , that are compared togeather , as like in some certayne poynts , but vnlike in other ; we should ouerthrow all similitudes whatsoeuer , and consequently we should eneruate many most heauenly speaches of our Sauiour in the Ghospell , that stand vpon similitudes . As for example : Be yow wise as Serpents , and simple as Doues . What enemy of Christian Religion might not cauill , and calumniate this ? seeking out diuersityes betwixt a serpent and a man , and betweene the malicious craft of that malignant creature , and the wisedome that ought to be in a prudent man. But it is sufficient that the similitude do hold in that particuler poynt , wherin Christ made the comparison . And so agayne , When our Sauiour maketh the comparison betweene the Kingdome of heauen , and the litle grayne of mustard-seed ; who cannot fynd out infinite differences betweene the one and the other , making the similitude to halt and limp in many more parts , then it can go vpright . But it is sufficient , that it stand , and halt not in that one poynt , wherin the comparison is made . LX. I passe ouer many other like similitudes , as that the Kingdome of heauen , is like to a man that soweth good seed in his field : As also it is like to leauen , which a woman tooke and hid in three measures of meale , vntil the whole was leauened : It is like also to a treasure hid in the ground ; and to a Marchant man , that seeketh good margarites , and precious stones : And vnto a net cast into the sea , and gathering togeather of all kynd of fishes . Who cannot ( I say ) fynd out differences and diuersityes , if he would study for them in all these similitudes vsed by our Sauiour . For as for the last of the net , that gathereth togeather perforce , good and bad fish in the sea , seemeth hard to be applyed to the Kingdome of heauen , whether we vnderstand it , eyther of Gods Kingdome in the next world , or of the Church in this ; for that in the next world good & bad are not admitted ; and in this world , the Church of Christ gathereth none perforce , as the net doth . But yet in the poynt it selfe , wherin Christ our Sauiour made the comparison , the similitude doth hold ; and that is sufficient to shew the impertinent indeauour of this Apologer heere , to seeke out diuersityes , that appertayne not to the poynt wherin the comparison is made . LXI . The next example which our Apologer seeketh to auoyd or euacuate in the Cardinalls letter , is that of old Eleazar in the booke of Machabees , who rather then he would do a thing vnlawfull , and against his owne conscience , or that might be scandalous to others , he refused not to suffer all kynd of torments ; which the Cardinall applyeth to the taking of this vnlawfull Oath , by such as are Catholicks , but especially by the Arch-priest , head of the Clergie in England , whose case he presumeth to be more like to that of Eleazar , for his age , estimation , and authority aboue the rest . To which example the Apologer answereth thus : That if the Arch-priests ground of refusing this Oath were as good as Eleazars was , for refusing to eate of the swynes-flesh that was proposed , and vrged vnto him , it might not vnfitly be applyed to his purpose : But the ground fayling , ( saith he ) the building cannot stand . But this is an escape much like the former , that runneth quite from the matter : for that the Cardinall supposeth a Catholicke conscience in him to whome he writeth , to which conscience it is as repugnant to sweare any thing , sounding against any poynt of Catholicke Religion or Doctrine , as it was to Eleazar to eate swynes-flesh , against the law of Moyses . Which supposition being made , and that in the Cardinalls iudgment , this Oath conteyneth diuers clauses preiudiciall to some poynts of the said Catholice beliefe and doctrine concerning the authority of the Sea Apostolicke , and that the taking therof would not only be hurtfull to the taker , but offensiue also , and scandalous to many other of that Religion , both at home and abroad ; the application of this example of Eleazar was most fit and effectuall . Let vs see what ensueth of the rest of the Authorityes . LXII . The third example is of S. Basill surnamed for his rare learning and holinesse , The great , who being most earnestly exhorted ( as Theodoret recounteth the story ) by Modestus the deputy of Valens the Arrian Emperour , sent of purpose to that effect , that he should accōmodate himself to the said Emperours will , & present tyme , and not suffer so many great Churches to be abandoned ( for that all such bishops , as would not accommodate themselues were sent into banishment ) for a little needles subtility of doctrines , not so much to be esteemed : offering him also , the friendship of the Emperour , and many other great benefits to ensue , both to him and others , if he would in this poynt shew himselfe conformable . But this holy and prudent man ( saith the Cardinall ) answered , That it was not to be indured , that any one syllable of * dyuine doctrynes , should be corrupted , or neglected ; but rather , that for the defence therof , all kynd of torment was to be imbraced . Out of which example the Cardinall doth gather , how strict and wary a good man must be , in yealding to any thing neuer so litle , that is preiudicall to the integrity of Catholicke doctryne : and it seemeth very fit to the purpose , and the cases somwhat like . LXIII . Yet doth our Apologer by all meanes possible seeke to wype of , or weaken all that can be inferred out of this example . And first of all , he beginneth with a meere calumniation thus : First I must obserue ( saith he ) that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinary tricke of his , in all citations , which is , to take what makes for him , and leaue out what makes against him , & would cyte the Authors sense , as well as the sentence ; we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he alledgeth . And to instance it in this very place , if he had continued his allegation but one lyne further ; he should haue found this place of Theodoret , of more force , to haue moued Blackwell to take the Oath , then to haue dissuaded him from it . For in the very next words it followeth ( in S. Basils speach : ) I do esteeme greatly the Emperours friendship , if it be ioyned with piety , but without it , I hold it for pernicious . So he . LXIV . And do these words last adioyned make any thing at all for our Apologer ? Or rather agree they not fitly to the purpose of the Cardinals exhortation , though for breuityes sake he left them out ? How then is their omission brought in for a profe of A common & ordinarie tricke of the Cardinals , in all his citations , to take only that which is for him , & leaue out what makes against him ? How is this against him ? Or how doth this shew any such ordinary tricke of falshood in the Cardinal , not in one or two , but in all his citations ? Doth this man care what he saith ? This then is one shift , to answere this Ancient , or rather Anticke , as heere he is made . Let vs see an other . LXV . His second is by taking aduantage of translation out of the Greeke , in which Theodoret wrote his story , or rather by peruerting the same in some pointes to his purpose . For which cause he repeateth againe the substance of the history in these wordes : But that it may appeare ( saith he ) whether of vs hath greater right to this place ( of Theodoret about S. Basil ) I will in few wordes shew the Authous drift . The Emperour Valens being an Arrian , at the perswasion of his wife , whē he had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours , came to Caesarea , where S. * Basil was then Bishop ; who , as the story reporteth , was the light of the world . Before he came , he sent his Deputy to worke it , that S. Basil should hold fellowship with Eudoxius ( which Eudoxius was Bishop of Constantinople and the principall of the Arrian faction ) or if he would not , that he should put him to banishment . Now when the Emperours Deputy came to Caesarea , he sent for Basil , intreated him honorably , spake pleasingly vnto him , desired he would giue way to the tyme , neyther that he would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis , promised him the Emperours fauour , and himselfe to be Mediatour for his good . But S. Basil answered , These intising speaches were fit to be vsed to children , that vse to gape after such things . But for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word , they could neuer suffer any syllable therof to be corrupted . Nay , if need required , they would for the maintenance therof , refuse no kind of death . In deed the loue of the Emperour ought to be greatly esteemed with Piety ; but Piety taken away , it was pernicious . LXVI . This is the truth of the storie ( saith he : ) & I haue layd downe at length his declaration , to the end that his sleightes may the better appeare in eluding the force of this Answere of S. Basil , as though he had said only , that no syllable of Gods word was to be suffered to be corrupted , wheras his meaning was , not only of Gods word , or of Scriptures alone , but , Ne vnam quidem syllabam diuinorum dogmatum , not any one syllable of dyuine doctrine , taught by the Catholicke Church , and so much import his wordes in greeke , which are guylfully heere translated : for that insteed of the forealleadged sentence , wherein consisteth the substance of the said answere , to witt : That for them that are throughly instructed in Gods word , they can neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted , he should haue said : That they that haue beene brought vp & nourished in sacred learning , cannot suffer any one syllable of dyuine doctrynes ( of the Church ) to be violated , which is cōforme also to S. Basils purpose in hand . For that the controuersy , which he and other Catholicke Bishops had with the Arrian Doctors in those dayes , was not only , nor immediatly about the Scriptures out of which the Arrians alleadged more aboundantly then their aduersaries , but about certayne doctrynes determined by the Church , especially by the Councell of Nice , as namely about the vse of the wordes and doctrines of hom●sion , or consubstantiality , hypostasis , substance , person , trinitie , and other the like ; and whether they should say Gloria Patriet Filio , or Gloria Patri cum Filio ; or in Filio , & such other differences , which vnto the Deputy Modestus , seemed but small matters and subtilityes of doctrine , but to S. Basil matters of great moment : for so much as they were now determined by the Church , and thereby made Diuina dogmata , Diuyne doctrines , though they were not all expresly found in Scriptures . So as this sleight in trāslating S. Basils answer , That such as were throughly instructed in Gods worde could neuer suffer any syllable therof to be corrupted ( as though he had meant only of Scripturs ) is not sincere , neyther agreable eyther vnto the letter of the Greeke text , or meaning of S. Basill . LXVII . Let vs see then his third shift , to put of this matter , which is the same that before we haue mentioned in the first example of Iulian , to witt , by seeking out differences , & disparityes , betweene the clauses or members that are compared togeather , saying : That albeit Basil and the Arch-priest may haue some comparison ; yet not our Orthodoxe King with an Arrian Emperour . Basil was sollicited to become an Arrian : but the Arch-priest , not once touched for any article of faith . And so he goeth forward with many contrapositions . But I haue spoken sufficiently before of the weaknes of this manner of argument . And if we remoue the mentions of some persons , that may be offensiue , the matters themselues will easily discouer their conformity . For if yow had demaunded Modestus the Deputy then , in fauour of what religion would he haue S. Basil to conforme himselfe & subscribe ; he would haue said the Orthodoxe , no lesse then the Iudges of England do now , that require this Oath : And yet did not S. Basil thinke so . And if any man should haue called that Emperour an Arrian , it would haue bene no lesse offensiue , then to call a Protestant-Prince at his day , a Caluinist or Lutheran ; notwithstanding that the reason of difference betweene the Catholicks and Arrians at that day , be the same , that is betweene Catholicks and Protestants at this day : to witt , the following , or impugning of the vniuersall knowne Church , descending from Christes tyme , vnto Saint Basils , and from Saint Basils to ours . LXVIII . There remayne yet 3. or 4. other exāples mentioned by the Cardinall in his Epistle to the Archpriest , wherof the first two are of S. Peter , and Marcellinus the Pope , whose fortitude and diligence in rysing agayne , he desyreth him to imitate , if perhaps he followed their infirmity in falling . The other two , are of S. Gregorie , and S. Leo , two holy and learned Popes , and for that cause both of them surnamed the Great , who do set downe in dyuers places , the obligation that all Catholicke Christian men haue , to hold vnion and subordination with the Sea Apostolicke . Vnto the first two examples , as there is litle said , but disparityes only sought out , betweene Peter and Marcellinus , and the story also of Marcellinus called in question ; so I leaue the same to the Cardinall himselfe to treate more at large : for so much , as in his former books , & workes , he hath handled the same sufficiently ; as also the third obiection , made against S. Gregorie , about refusing the name of Vniuersall Bishop . And the same I must say of the 4. also , S. Leo , whome the Apologer confesseth to be truly alledged against him , for exalting the Authority of S. Peter , and firmitie of his faith , which he putteth of with this scoffe borrowed from D. Iohn Reynolds his booke of Conference in the Tower , That as Tully said to Hortensius the Orator , when he praised immoderatly eloquence , That he would lift her vp to heauē , that himselfe might go vp with her : so would S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with prayses to the sky , that he being his heire , might go vp also , and be exalted with him . LXIX . And after this scorne , he picketh out diuers sentences of S. Leo his works , which seeme somewhat odious , & to contayne ouermuch praise , & exaltation of S. Peter , & his Authority ; all takē out of the said Reynolds Booke , as Reynoldes himselfe had takē the greatest part of thē out of M. Iewell , to whome the same was very sufficiently answered before by D. Harding , and the most of them shewed to be meere calumniations . The first and chiefe wherof is this , That our Lord did take S. Peter into the fellowship of indiuisible vnity ; which S. Leo his aduersaries going about to wrest to an absurd sense , to wit , that this indiuisible vnity must eyther be in person , or nature with Christ , D. Harding sheweth playnly by S. Leo his owne words , sense , and drift , that he meant it only of the indiuisible vnity or fellowship of the high name of Rocke of the Church , which Christ our Sauiour the chiefe and fundamentall Rocke imparted to none , but to S. Peter , and consequently that vnity of name of Rocke was indiuisible betwene them : which if eyther M. Iewell , or M. Reynolds , or our Apologer would haue equally considered , they needed not to go about to disgrace so ancient a Father with so meere a cauill : or at leastwise it being once answered , they ought not to haue so oftē repeated it againe , without some new matter , or reason for the same , or impugnation of the former answere . LXX . But I will not trouble yow with any more at this tyme , albeit there ensue in the Apology diuers other poynts that might be stood vpon , not for that they conteyne any great substance of matter , but for that they seeme to proceed out of no small auersion of mynd , acerbity , and gall in the writer , against all sortes of Catholicke people : which CHRIST IESVS amend and mollify , and giue him light from heauen to see the truth , that he so bitterly impugneth . LXXI . And as he dealeth with S. Leo , so doth he much more in the same kynd with D. or Sanders , and Cardinall Bellarmine , cyting out of their workes , dyuers sentences culled and layd togeather , that seeme lesse respectiue to the Authority of temporall Kings and Princes , and all this to incite more his Ma. tie against them , and those of their Religion : and fynally , against the Cardinall , he concludeth in these wordes : That God is no more contrary to Belial , light to darknes , and heauen to hell , then Bellarmines estimation of Kings is to Gods. Which is a very passionate Conclusion , if yow consider it well , for that setting asyde the preheminēce for iudging in matters of Religion , which in his Controuersyes he proueth both by Scripture , and testimony of all antiquity , to appertayne to Bishops and not to Princes ( & so was practised for 300. yeares after Christ , when few , or no Kings , or Emperours were yet Christians ; ) in all other poyntes he speaketh so reuerently of them , and defendeth their Supreme Authority with as great respect as any Authour ( perhaps ) hath euer done before him . And to pretermit other places , let the Reader but looke ouer the first 16. Chapters of his Booke de Laicis , and he shall fynd not only the Authority of Princes proued to be from God , by many Scriptures , Fathers , Councels , Reasons , and other Authorityes of Saints , against Anabaptists , Atheists , and other miscreants of our tyme ; but the quality also , and excellent power of the said Princely Authority so exalted both for making of lawes , iudging , condemning , waging warre , and like actions of supreme power ; as will easily refute this cauillation . LXXII . And among other propositions tending to that effect , he hath this in the beginning of his eleuenth Chapter , which he proueth largely , and of purpose throughout the same ; not only , That Temporall Princes are to be obeyed out of Conscience , or for Conscience sake ; but also , Quod lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in Conscientia , quàm lex Diuina : That the Cyuil law of the Temporall Prince doth no lesse bynd the Subiect in Conscience , thē the law that commeth immediatly from God himself . And how then is Cardinall Bellarmyne said heere to be no lesse contrary to God , concerning Kings Authority , then light to darknes , and heauen to hell ? But especially if yow consider further , that when Cardinall Bellarmyne in that booke , commeth to treat of the Authority of Temporall Princes in matter of Religion , though he set downe this Conclusion , That , Non pertinet ad eos Iudicium de Religione , The authority of iudging of Religion ( which is true or false ) belongeth not vnto them , but vnto Bishops : yet , Pertinet ad eos defensio Religionis , the defence and protection of Religion appertayneth vnto them : as also the cyuill gouernmēt in cyuill matters ouer all persons , as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall , which is so much as a Catholicke man can giue to Caesar , reseruing to God that which is Gods. LXXIII . And albeit this might be sufficiēt to shew the tooth that is held against Cardinall Bellarmine , and the ardent appetite these Ministers haue to disgrace him in somewhat : yet am I inforced to lay forth some few examples more , wherby , as in a cleere glasse , the indifferent Reader will see , behold , and wonder also , at the manner of dealing vsed against him to that end . LXXIV . And now we haue already seene , what general Conclusions haue bene gathered against him : That he vseth to contradict himselfe wittingly , so often as euer he is pressed with any hard argument by his Aduersary : That his common tricke is to tell the sentence of his Authour without his sense : That he seeketh euery-where to debase Kingly authority , and the like . Which generalityes , as , in truth and reason , they may not be inferred , but vpon proofe , and induction of many particularyties : so when it commeth to tryall , yow haue seene not so much , as any one particuler sufficiently proued . Now shall yow heare some more examples of calumnious dealing with him . LXXV . Pag. 92. the Apologer speaking of S. Gregorie the Great , and going about to interpret those wordes of his , alleadged by the Cardinall , where he calleth ▪ the Sea Apostolicke Caput fidei , the Head of faith , in regard of the direction in matters of Faith , that is to be taken from thence , as from the Head ; the Apologer would haue it vnderstood , that for so much as in that place he speaketh to the Bishop of Palermo about the vse of the Pall , accustomed to be gyuen by the sea Apostolicke to Archbishops , S. Gregories meaning is , that the Sea Apostolicke of Rome is head only in matters of Cerimonyes , and then he inferreth thus : VVhich sense ( saith he ) if yow will not admit , giue me leaue to say that once of one ( Gregorie ) which Bellarmyne himselfe saith often of many of the Fathers , Minùs cautè locutus est : Gregorie spake not so aduisedly : And the latin translation hath , Quod ille de multis , & saepe dicit , ex omni numero Patrū , That Bellarmyne saith it often , & of many , and of all sortes of Fathers ; to wit , that they spake inconsideratly : and yet when I went to examyne the two places of Bellarmynes workes , cyted by our Apologer in the margent , I found a strange abuse , to wit , no such thing at all spoken of the Fathers , but only of one Nicolaus de Lyra , made a Christian of a Iew , not much aboue two hundred yeares past , who seeming by some words of his , to hold a certayne extrauagāt opiniō , that S. Peter , & S. Paul were not put to death at Rome , but at Hierusalem , against the generall consent of all antiquity , Cardinal Bellarmyne expoundeth first , what his true meaning was , to witt , nothing in deed differing from the Fathers expositions , and namely of S. Hierome , and then addeth , Quanquam minùs cautè locutus est &c : Albeit Lyranus in his manner of speach , was not so wary , as he might haue byn , in giuing suspicion of so absurd an opinion , and so contrary to all the ancient Fathers . Heere then yow see , how matters are strayned . That which Cardinall Bellarmyne speaketh only of Nicolaus Lyranus vpon so iust occasion , as this was , is extended by our Apologer , to often , many , and all sortes of Fathers . Is this good dealing ? How can the Apologer defend himself in this place , from willfull exaggeration , and voluntary mistaking ? In the other place cyted by him lib. 2. de Christo cap. 2. there is no such matter at all . But let vs see some other like examples . LXXVI . Pag ▪ 108. he setteth downe this generall odious proposition-out of Bellarmyne : That Kings are rather slaues , then Lordes . And may a man thinke this to be true or likely , that so rude a proposition should come from Bellarmine ? Looke vpon the place by him cyted lib. 3. de Laicis cap. 7. & yow will maruaile extremly at this manner of proceeding . For that in this very place , yow shall fynd that the Cardinall doth most exalt , and confirme by Scriptures , Fathers , and other arguments , the dignity and authority of the cyuill Magistrate among Christians . And in the next precedent Chapter before this cyted , he hath this begining . The fourth reason , saith he ( to proue the lawfulnes and dignity of the Cyuill Magistrate against the Anabaptists ) is from the efficiēt cause , to witt , God the Authour therof , from whom it is certayne , that Cyuill power proceedeth , as S. Augustine proueth throughout his whole fourth , and fifth bookes De Ciuitate Dei , and it is euident by the Scriptures , for that God saith : By me Kings do raigne &c. LXXVII . So Bellarmine : and then passing to the next Chapter heere cyted , which is the seuenth , he proueth the same by another argument , which is . That in the state of Innocency , if Adam had not synned , wee should haue had Cyuil subiection and gouernment ; and consequently it cānot be thought to be euill , or brought in by sinne , or for the punnishment of synne , as the Anabaptistes affirmed , but must needs be of God , & from God. True it is ( saith he ) that seruile , or slauish subiection , was brought in after the fall of Adam , and should not haue byn in the state of Innocency , but cyuill subiection should . And then he sheweth the differences betweene these two sortes of gouernment , and subiections , to witt , that the one , which is the seruile , tendeth wholy to the vtility and emolument of him that gouerneth , and nothing to them that are gouerned . But the other which is cyuill and politick , tendeth principally to the profit of them that are gouerned therby . So as if there be any seruitude , saith Bellarmine ( but he meaneth not slauish ) in this Ciuill principality , it falleth rather vpon him , that gouerneth the people to their owne vtility , then vpon the subiectes that receaue the said vtility therby . And so are Bishops called the seruantes of their flockes , and the Pope himselfe , The Seruant of seruants : and S. Augustine vpon those wordes of our Sauiour in S. Matthews Ghospell ( He that will be made first ( or chiefe ) among you , must be the seruant of all the rest ) doth proue at large , that , In Ciuili Principatu , magis s●ruus est , qui praeest , quàm qui subest : In a Ciuill Principality , he is more a seruant that gouerneth to other mens profit , then he that obeyeth , to his owne . LXXVIII . This is all that Cardinall Bellarmyne hath about this matter : wherin he doth scarce name a King , as yow see , but Bishops , and Popes to be seruants in the gouermēts of those , whome they gouerne ; though he include good Kings in like manner , putting this difference betwene a good King , & a Tyrant , out of Aristotle ; That a good king gouerneth to the profit of his Subiects , wherin he is their seruant in effect ( though not their slaue , as this man odiously vrgeth ) and a Tyrant , that turneth all to his owne vtility without respect of those , whome he gouerneth . And is this so absurd doctrine ? Or doth this iustify the Apologers outragious proposition , That Bellarmyne affirmeth Kings to be rather slaues then Lordes ? Who would not be ashamed of this intemperate accusation ? LXXIX . And now there remayne eleuen places more of like quality , alleadged by the Apologer out of Cardinall Bellarmynes workes , which being examined by the Authors wordes , meaning , and sense , haue the same want of sincerity which the precedent had . The second is , That Kings are not only Subiects to Popes , to Bishops , to Priests , but euen to Deacons . This is a playne cauill : for the fault , if any be , falleth vpon S. Chrysostome , and not vpon the Cardinall , whose wordes are these : S. Chrysostome in his eyghtie and three Homilie vpon S. Matthewes . ghospell , doth subiect Kings and Princes ( in Ecclesiasticall matters ) not only to Bishops , but also to Deacons . For thus he speaketh to his Deacon : Si Dux quispiam , si Consul , si is qui Diademate ornatur &c. If a Duke , if a Consul , if one that weareth a Crowne , commeth to the Sacramēt vnworthily , restrayne him , and forbid him , for that thou hast greater power then he . What fault hath Cardinall Bellarmine heere in alledging the words , and iudgement of S. Chrysostome ? LXXX . The third place is , That an Emperour must content himself to drinke , not only after a Bishop , but after a Bishops Chaplin . But these wordes are not found in Bellarmine , but are odiously framed by the Apologer out of a fact of S. Martyn Bishop of Tewers in France , related by auncient Sulpitius in his life , that he sitting one day at dynner with the Emperour Maximus , and the Emperours officer bringing a cup of wine to his Lord , he would not drinke therof first , but gaue it to the Bishop to beginne , who accepting therof , and drinking , deliuered the said cup to his Priest to drinke next after him , thinking no lay-man to be preferred before a Priest , saith Sulpitius . But what doth this touch Bellarmine , that doth but relate the Story . May he , in truth , be said to ●rouch , that an Emperor must be cōtēt to drinke after a Bishops Chaplin ? Who seeth not this violēt inforcemēt ? LXXXI . His fourth place is this , That Kinges haue not their Authority , nor office from God , nor his law ; but from the law of Nations . Good God! what desyre is here descried of calumniation ? Let any man read the two places here quoted , and he will blesse himselfe , I thinke , to see such dealing . For in the first place his wordes are these : Principatus saecularis . &c. Secular Princedome is instituted by mā , & is of the law of Nations ; but Ecclesiasticall Princedome is only from God , and by dyuine law , which he meaneth expresly of the first institution of those Principalyties , or Gouernmentes : for that at the beginning God did not immediatly appoynt these particuler and different formes of Temporall gouernment , which now the world hath , some of Kinges , some of Dukes , some of Common-wealthes , but appoynted only , that there should be Gouernment , leauing to ech nation to take or choose what they would . But the Ecclesiasticall Gouernment by Bishops was ordayned immediatly by Christ himselfe , for which cause Bellarmine saith in the second place heere alledged : That Kingdomes are not immediatly instituted from God , but mediatly only by meanes of the people ; which people therfore may change their formes of gouernment , as in many Countryes we see that they haue : but yet when any forme of Gouernment is established , and Gouernours placed therin , their authority and power is from God , and to be obeyed out of Conscience , vnder payne of damnation , as before I haue shewed out of Bellarmyne . And he that will read but from his third Chapter de Laicis vnto the 13. shall fynd store of assertions & proofes to that effect , to omitt many other places throughout his workes . So as the former proposition , That Kings haue not their Authority nor office from God nor his law , is very fraudulently sett downe . For if he vnderstand , that their forme of Principality and Office therin , is not immediatly from Gods institution , but by meanes of humane lawes , of succession , election , or the like ; it is true . But if he meane , that their Authority is not from God , eyther mediate , or immediate , or induceth not obligation of Conscience in obeying them , as it seemeth he would haue his Reader to thinke ; it is most false . And the Apologer ought not to haue walked in these obscurityes , if he had meant vprightly . LXXXII . I am weary to wade any further in these obiections , and yet will I not let passe to note three more , though most briefly , and almost in three words , leauing the rest to be examined by the Reader himselfe . The first is , That Church-men are as farre aboue Kings , as the soule is aboue the body . The other : That Obedience due to the Pope , is for Conscience sake . The third : That Obedience due to Kings , is only for certayne respects of order and policy ; The first and last being meere calumniations and the other not denyed by vs. For as for the first , though the words heere mentioned be not in Bellarmyne : yet the comparison it self of Ecclesiasticall and Temporall powers in the Church , vnto the soule , and body , is the comparison of S. Gregorie Nazianzen related only by Bellarmyne , and consequently it must needs follow , as the same Father also inferreth , that so much more eminent , as the soule is aboue the body , so much more excellent is the power Ecclesiasticall aboue Temporall , which S. Chrisostome in like manner proueth at large in his books de Sacerdotio : So as this is not Bellarmynes comparison , but of the said two auncient Fathers , and consequently Bellarmyne is not here reprehended , but they . LXXXIII . The other two places , if they be two , and not one , but made two for multiplying of odious matter against vs , haue byn so fully answered by vs before , as we shall need to say no more heere therof . For as Obediēce is due out of Conscience vnto the Pope , & other Bishops , & Spirituall Gouernours , in spirituall Gouernments , by the Apostles precept , Obedi●e Praepositis vestris , &c. Obey your Prelates , & be subiect vnto them ; for they watch , as being to render accompt for your soules : So the same Apostle hath commanded also , due Obedience to Temporall Magistrates , in temporall affayres , by the same obligation of Conscience , as Cardinall Bellarmyne doth shew at large , in the places by me alledged . And I maruaile with what Conscience the Apologer heere can deny it , cyting a place for the same in his margent , which hath no such matter , as he would inferre , That not for Conscience , but only for certayne respects &c. For that treating of the obligation of Obedience to temporall lawes , in temporall affayres , his second proposition is ; Non sunt exempti Clerici ab obedientia legum Ciuilium : Clergie-men are not exempted from the obedience of temporall lawes . And in another place before cyted ; Lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in conscientia quàm lex diuina : The Temporall law byndeth no lesse in conscience , then the Diuine . So as all those odious matters are but frandulently layd togeather to make Catholicks , & their cause hatefull , especially vnto him , whom vnto they desyre most of all men vnder God , to yield most satisfaction for their temporall dutyes , and would hope also to effectuate it , if these make-bate Ministers did not by their continuall incitations , clamours , and false suggestions disturbe the same , and renew daylie iealosyes and distrustes in his Ma. ties mynd against vs. The Conclusion . WHERFORE to draw to an end of this distastfull argument , it cannot but grieue , & afflict much the hartes of all that loue eyther Prince or Countrey , & looke into the naturall sequels of like proceedings , to see matters runne dayly vnto such extremityes as they do , & that by such instigators , as are both both lesse carefull to foresee the hurts both priuate & publick that may ensue , & lesse able to remedy thē when they fall out . The principall of whom ( being the first & chiefe motors ) besydes the generall hatred wherin they are with both extremes of opposite in Religion , are so interessed in like māner by the spoyles , & rapines which their rauenous Purseuants daylie bring home , out of their continuall searches , and ransacks of innocent mens houses , goodes and persons , as litle moderation may be expected from them . LXXXV . Would God it might please his dyuine Ma. tie so to inlighten and illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of our Prince and Soueraigne , as he may see the many & great inconueniēces , that do & must follow vpon so violēt courses as these men for their owne vtilitie do suggest , & prosecute . Nothing can be more pittifull , then to see a Noble House diuided in itselfe , & the one to beate , hunt , & pursue the other , & this to be their continuall exercise , especially of Children , vnder the sight of their owne Father , louing them all , and desyring to be beloued . Ah! what sollicitude must there needs be in that Fathers hart ! And were it not a great synne to increase the same , by casting in oyle to augmēt the flame ? LXXXVI . Would God his Ma. ties eares , and those of his wise Counsell could reach into these partes beyond the seas , and to all forrayne nations of Christendome besydes , to heare what is said , what is writtē , what is discoursed by men of best iudgment in this behalfe , not only in regard of iustice and piety , but in reason also of State and Policie ; no man being of so simple vnderstanding , but that he must see , that so notorious differēces , of Subiects for Religiō , pursued with such hostility among thēselues , must weaken greatly their forces , and make them lesse esteemed both of friends and aduersaryes . So as , besydes internall dangers , which are euer consequent vpon such inward diuisions , if forrayne occasions should be offred vs agayne ( as in former tymes they haue beene ) by forrayne warres ; we should not know how to trust the one the other . LXXXVII . The cryes & cōplayntes of these afflictions running throughout Christendome , do giue strange admiration vnto men , and do worke strong effectes both in iudgments and affections : Admiration , for that no such thing was euer expected vnder his Maiesties gouernment , for many causes : strong effectes , for that they worke great alterations both in the one , and the other : In iudgment , for that wise men fynd not any reason , eyther of Religion or State , why such extremityes should be pursued , with such rigour at the instigation of partyes interessed , to the euident danger of so great and honorable Kingdomes , who if in wills they were vinted , as they are in one Prince and Gouernour ; their forces were both admirable and dreadfull : In affections , for that the compassion which naturally doth accompany our brethrens afflictions , especially for a cause that we most esteeme and loue , to wit , our Religion ; must needes worke the contrary effect of inward auersion , both in Princes & people abroad , notwithstāding they hold externall amity , and friendship for the tyme. LXXXVIII . I let passe the generall obloquies , and murmurations that are to be heard euery where , almost in Christendome , vpon this manner of proceeding , and much more the publicke and priuate complaints , outcryes , and praiers that are made and offered daylie to heauen , throughout all Catholicke Kingdomes lightly , in all particuler Congregations , Oratoryes , Chappels , & meetings of zealous men , that pray instantly to Almighty God for some remedy of these oppressions , and persecutions of English Catholicks , sufficiently ( as they thinke ) declared vnto thē & to the whole world by the very printed Catalogues of English Statutes extant in Print against them , for profession of their Religion : for that by the view of those Statutes , they do easily conceaue , what enormous effectes , do , and must follow in the execution therof ; albeit they did not both heare & see daily so many lamētable presidēts & spectacles therin . LXXXIX . As for example , there haue not passed many moneths , since there were seene some threescore Priests more or lesse ( to omit others ) cast into banishmēt about one tyme , & wandring vp and downe , throughout Christēdome , according as euery man had occasion , or necessity for their mayntenance , gaue a lamentable spectacle to all nations , to see mē of so good partes , amiable aspects , sweet behauiour , naturall borne subiects of the Lād , the most of them of very worshipfull parētage , all of learned education , cleere and deuoyd of any suspition of crymes that could be obiected vnto them ( for otherwise they should not haue bene dismissed ) in the flower of their age , to be cast out of their natiue soyle , for professing that Religion only , wherby their said Countrey was first made Christian , & so continued vnder all their noble Princes , Kings , Queenes , and Soueraignes , Nobility , and Communatly , from the beginning of their Conuersion , vnto this our age . XC . This spectacle ( I say ) presented to the eyes of most Nations of Europe , moued men not a litle , especially hearing them protest their duetifull affections to his Ma. tie and Realme in all Cyuill & Temporall respects , without seeking of any preferments , dignityes , riches , or other emoluments by staying at home ; but only the rest & vse of their owne Consciences in matters of Religion , which Protestāts in many other Catholicke Countryes are suffered to inioy , though with farre lesser reason , in regard of the ancient right & possession , which ech part pretendeth for the vse of their said Religion . XCI . And since this tyme agayne there hath beene seene very lately another spectacle , not much vnlike to the former ( though much more markable ) to wit , a like number of Noble and Gentlemen , with their followers and trayne , passing in very good sort through sundry Countryes , being lately retyred out of his Ma. ties Kingdome of Irelād , for the selfe same cause of their Consciēce , and Religion ; which when men do behold , and heare them otherwise to speake honourably of his Ma. tie & the State , ascribing rather their afflictiōs to some vnder Magistrates in Ireland , and Ministers that set them on ; it moueth more compassion , and maketh men thinke and muse , what may be the end of all this , and whereunto fynally it may grow ? Whether the like may not be expected in tyme or doubted , out of other partes also of his Ma. ties dominions , vpon like angariatiō of Consciēces : which points seeme to be of no small consideration , and consequence to wise men ; though those that be the immediate causes therof , will and must make light of all : but the naturall yssue of such euentes , are not vnknowne . And if the occasioners therof were guylty of no greater fault , but only to cast his Ma. tie & the State into perpetuall cares about the same ( his Royall nature being inclined otherwise to sweetnes , peace , and tranquillity ) it were a great synne in them , and scarce sufferable . XCII . Nor is the remedy heere attēpted by our Minister-Apologer ( of denying all , and saying that there is no persecution , nor hard dealing with any , for matters of Religion , no not in the late Queenes dayes , when so many were so rackt and rented for the same ) any remedy at all ; but rather a doubling of the iniury to the afflicted , with encrease of exasperation & auersion of myndes ; as also a leesing of all credit with others that heare it , eyther at home or abroad : for that facts contrary to wordes , do preponderate with all sober men , and preuaile against the same . XCIII . And truely , I cannot but wonder , why this late Apology hath beene so greedily published by the Apologer , both in English and Latyn to the world , for that the Popes Breues , being but written priuatly to the Catholicks of England , for informing their Consciences in a matter of necessary doctrine about the lawfulnes , or vnlawfulnes of taking the Oath , and the Letter of Cardinall Bellarmyne being directed only to a priuate friend ; both of them might haue remayned also priuate , if this attempt had not byn made of publishing the same . But now being drawne by the Apologer into the Vniuersall Theatre of the world , besydes , that diuers will hold themselues obliged , or at leastwyse prouoked to answere the same ; it will follow also , that the vnlawfulnes of the said Oath to Catholicke Consciences will more be seene , disputed , & condemned by all Vniuersityes , Schooles , Bookes & Treatises of particuler learned men , throughout all Countryes of Christendome that professe Catholicke Religiō . Whervpon also the vniust violence , inforcing men to sweare the same Oath , vnder so rigorous paynes , as are the losse both of goods & libertie , and therwithall to sweare in like manner , that they do it willingly , freely , and without coaction : will be censured ( no doubt ) for one of the greatest contradictions in it selfe , and the most iniurious manner of proceeding with Christian men , that euer , perhaps was heard of in the Christian world . XCIII . And this now occurred to me ( deare Syr ) to write to you cōcerning my iudgmēt vpō this matter . What more may be said to this Apologie , when it shall come into the handes of learned men ; you will easily ghesse by these few notes , that I haue heere laid togeather , which conteyne but little in respect of that which may be written of the matters heere handled . God of his endles mercy inclyne the hart of his Maiesty , to take the best way in this his course of Royall Gouernment : & for so much , as he hath byn pleased to ioyne so many Great Kingdomes vnder his only Scepter , and permitted them to haue so great differences of iudgements in matters of Religion , that their vnion of wills , at least , in dutifull affections , may be so combined and conserued by sweet and temperate proceeding towards all , as despayre , the mother of headlong precipitation , enter not . The Prouerbe is knowne , Qui nimium emungit , elicit sanguinē : & patientia laesa vertitur in furorem . I neuer heard or read , that too much violēce towards free Subiects euer ended well , especially for supposed faultes that are not acknowledged for such , by the punished : & cōsequently no hope of amendment by way of compulsion . Some may dissemble for feare , but they are more lost in their affections then the other . Some reasonable toleration , and friendly treatie would bynd vp woundes from bleeding on all sydes : Exulceration maketh them fester more greiuously , and dangerously . To Gods holy Prouidence the whole is to be committed , who will dispose of all to his greater glorie , siuè in vitam , siuè in mortem . And to him also I committ yow , with my hartiest Commendations , &c. This 10. of Iune . 1608. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09102-e950 About the Authour of the Apologie . Tho. Morton . Tho. Montag●e . What his Maiesties great iudgmēt would haue discouered , if he had read the Apology . Cap. 7. What his Maiesty in honour woulde haue misliked . Vide lib. de Laicis , maximè ca. 10. 11. &c. Three partes of the Apology . Pag. 1. & 2. The odious and often repetition of the powder treason . The powder treason not so much a cause , as an effect of Catholiks tribulatiō . In the treatise of Mitigation in the preface Apologia pag. 2. lin . vlt. Pag. 3. The agrieuance of this Oath . Pag. 4. The Oath consulted , both at home and abroad . See the Breue 10. Kal. Octo. 1606. See Answer cap. 6. Recourse to Rome euer vsual from our first Christianity . Q. Mary of Scotland . Catholiks do hould & practice what all their Ancestours haue done . Apol. pa. 6. Ibid. pag. 7. English Catholiks not Messis aliena to the Sea Apostolike . Ibid. pag. 6. That the Oath conteyneth poyntes against Catholicke Religion . The Popes wordes in his Breue . Cardinall Bellarmines iudgement of the contents of the Oath . A loyall offer of ciuill Obedience , made by Catholiks to his Maiesty . Apol. pag. 4. Whether the taking of this Oath by Catholicks be a blessing from God. Statu● . 3. 〈◊〉 . obi Reg. cap. 4. 2. Ethic. c. 2. D. Thom. 1. 2. q. 6. art . 6. & Va●etia , Vasquez , &c. met●m locum . How freely the Oath is taken . The sense & meaning of Catholicks , that tooke the Oath . An hūble petition to his Maiesty for exposition of the Oath . The vrging of the Oath , how heauy a pressure to Catholicks of tender consciēces . Nothing gayned at all by enforcing the Oath , but much lost . R●der . To let●m . lib. 3 〈…〉 cap. 18. 1. Cor. 8. Rom. 14. Matth. 18. How grieuous a synne it is to force men to sweare against their consciēces . Obiections answered . Notes for div A09102-e4160 The summe of the two Breues . Ap●●g . pag. 16. See Stowes Chronicle in the death of M. Mayne anno 1577. of M. M●●son anno 1578. Of M. Sh●rwood anno 1578. of M. 〈◊〉 1581. &c. Apol. Pag. 18. Q. Elizabeth her Manes . Apol. pag. 16. See Sāders lib. 7. de Ecclesiastica Monarchia : who setteth down the particuler persons . Isa. 5. Lo. Cooke in the booke of the late Arraignements fol. 63. Psalm . 143. Cooke ib. pag. 64. Hier. 27. 6. Hier. 25. 9. How Nabuchodonosor was the seruant of God. Hier. 25. 11. * Archb. of Can●erb . Queene Elizabeth her felicityes mingled with infelicities . Q. Eli. her dishonourable birth an . 28. Stat. Cap. 7. The infelicity of Cruelty . Q Elizab. her cruell per●ecutiōs * The fiction of Sq●ier an . 1598. Q. Eliz. her dealing towards her cosen of Scotland . Lo. Cooke in his Charge at Norwich . 4. August . 1606. What māner of Persecutour Q. Elizabeth was . * See Answer . to Syr Edward Cooke ca. 15. His Maiesties myld disposition diuerted . The exercise of the Minister Th. Mont. Apol. pag. 18. Liberty of Consciēce . In vita Hēri●i quinti. Anno 1546 Liberty of conscience demaūded by all Protestants . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Height of pride , and in whome it may be said to be . Apol. pag. 19. Exprobration of his Maiestyes benefits towards Catholiks . Catholiks dutifull demeanour to his Maiesty . Anno 1. Iacobi Regis . Apol. pag. 19. Clemency no cause of desperate attempts . The cruelty of searches . * Anno 1604. mense August . Diuers examples of seuere persecution . The B. of Londons Sermon 5. August . 1605. Apol. pag. 21. Increace of persecution since the powden-treason . Statut. 4. & 5. Anno 3. Iacobi Reg. Lond. 26. Febr. 1607. York . 21. Mar. 1608. Lond. 11. Apr. 1608. Pag. 21. Luc. 23. & Matth. vlt. Act. 24. Apol. pag. 21. Vixit An. 1150. Pag. 22. The Oath why it is vnlawfull . Rom. 13. Apol. pag. 22. Hier. 27. 12. Exod. 5. 1. Esdr. 1. 3. Dan. 3. 12. No obedience against God & a mans Consciēce . Dan. 1. Tob. 1. 1. Macha . 1. Authorityes of aūcient Fathers . Apol. pag. 23. August . in Psal. 124. How farre we are bound to our tēporall Prince . Apol. pag. 23. Tertull. ad Scap. Iust. Apol. 2. ad Anto. Imperat. Optat. cōtra Parmen . li. 3. Ambros. Orat. cōtra Auxent . de Basilicis nō trad . lib. s. Epist. Three occasions in which S. Ambrose resisted the Emperour his temporall Soueraigne . Libellus . Ambros. epist. 32. Amb. l. 1. epist. 33. Amb. Ibid. Ambros. Concion . de Basililcis nō tradendis haer . to . 5. Apol. pag. 24. How S. Gregory agreed to the publishing of the law of the Emperour Mauritius . Greg. lib. 2. Epistol . 65. Indict . 11. Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 11. Indict . 1. Con● . Arel . sub Carol. Can. 26. Vide in Capitularibus Pranc . li. 6. c. 285. de Con●ilio VVormac . Wherein the Councell of Arles did submit it selfe to the Emperour . a Can. 2. b Can. 3. c Can. 4. d Can. 7. & 8. e Can. 13. f Can. 15. & 16. g Can. 20. 22. 23. The zeale of Charles the Great to haue manners reformed by the authority of Bishops . Ioan. 18. 36. Mat. 22. 21. Apol. pag. 26. & 27. Neither the Pope or Church can make any new Articles of Faith. 3. Reg. 3. Wilfull mistaking of the controuersy . See S. Cyprian Exhort . ad Martyr . See Euseb. lib. 8. ca. 4. & Aug. de Bap. lib. 7. cap. 2. & lib. 7. cōtra Cresc . cap. 27. & Arnob . cōtra Gentes lib 4. in fine . Touching the two Breues of Clemens octauus . Anno Domini 1600. & 1603. In his Charge at Norwich 4. August . anno 1606. To the last poynt . Notes for div A09102-e10090 Apolog. pag. 36. 37. &c. The State of the controuersie with Card. Bellarmine Ca. Pellar . his opinion of taking the Oath . Pag. 44. A Cauill . Pag. 46. Whether Bellar. mistaketh the state of the Question . The tytle of Supremacy . Stat. 26. Henr. 8. c. 1. Stat. 28. H. 8. cap. 10. Stat. 1. Edo . 6. cap. 2. Conferēce in the Tower . cap. 1. diuis . 1. pa. 90. Apolog. pag. 37. Iac. 3. The Oath deuided into 14. partes . Apolog. pag. 49. Bad kinde of arguing . Apol. pag. 52. The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authoritie of Councels . The difference betweene the ancient Councels , and the Popes Counselling of the Catholiks . Conc. Tole . 4. can . 74. The occasion of gathering the 4. Coūcell of Toledo . * See Rode. Tolet. lib. 2. dereb . His. c. 19. Sātius par . 2. hist. Hisp. c. 27. loan . Vasaus in Chron. His. num . 631. Conc. Tole . 4. in Praefat . Anno Domini 633. The care of the Councell for Ciuill Fidelity to be obserued to the King. Can. 74. No forme of Oath prescribed by the Councell . What the Councell demaūded at K. Sisenandus his handes towards his people . The deposition of K Suintila confirmed by the Councell . * Se Chro. Vasaei nu . 631. Conc. Tol. 6. ca. 3 : An Oath prescribed by the Councell to Kings . Contradictions obiected to the Cardinall . Card. Bellar . Wrōgfully charged with conspiracyes . A voluntary mistaking of tēperate for tempered . Two questions proposed and solued . Clauses of beliefe or not beliefe in the Oath . Pag. 12. Apolog. 38. & 64. Bell. lib. s. de Pon. c. 8. & lib. 3. cap. 16. Touching Henry the 4. Pag. 65. 66. Platin. & Cusp . in vita Henrici 4. Cusp . in Henrico quarto . * See Naucler . part . 2. gen . 37. in anno 1106. & Crantz . lib. 5. Saxo. cap. 24. Cuspin . in Henrico 4. a Vrspergēsis in anno 1106. b Crantz . in Saxo. lib. 5. cap. 17. c Sigon . de regno Italiae lib. 9. in anno 1105. d Nauclerus part . 2. gen . 37. in anno 1105. & alij . Apolog. pag. 66. The exāple of K. Henry the 3. of France his death . Apolog. pag. 67. Priestes put to death for fayned cōspiracies . An. 1598. Facility & custome of ouerlashing . Statut. an . 28. H. 8. c. 7 Q. Elizab. against cōsciēce held the Crown from his Maiestyes Mother 44. yeares . Vniust dealing against the Cardinall . Ibid. Card. Bellarmynes Volumes much iustified by these obiected contradictiōs . The first supposed contradiction . Bellar. de Iustifie . lib. 5. cap. 7. Apol. 68. Three Questions about Cōfidence in merits answered by Bellarmine . Tob. 4. Iob. 11. 1. Tim. 3. 2. Tim. 4. The sūme of Cardinall Bellarmynes discourse and Answere . The secōd supposed contradictiō about Moraliter . a Bellar. de amiss . grat . & stat . peccat . l. 2. c. 13. b Ibid. paul● post . Occasionall cōcurrence to a sinne what it is . Gen. 37. The third supposed contradictiō , about Bishops succeeding of the Apostles . Bellarm. de Cler. lib. 1. cap. 14. Lib. 4. de Pōtif . c. 25. The 4. cōtradiction about Iudas . Lib. 1. de Pontif. c. 12. Lib. 3. de Iustif . cap. 14. Io. in . 6. The Apologer returneth to calumniate Popes . Examples obiected of Princes molested by Popes . Apolog. pag. 72. 73. Touching K. Henry the secōd . Houed . pa. 303. Ibi. pa. 308. See Baron . in an . 1177. subfinem . a In vita Celestini b part . 2. gen . 40. in anno 1190. c Tom. 2. Ennead . li. 5 d in anno 1190. e Lib. 15. in Henrico 6. f Lib. 7. Saxon . cap. 3. & alij . Vrspergensis pag. 310. Sigonius li. 15. in fine c. 13. Crantzius in sua Saxonia li. 7. cap. 28. Nauclerus . part . 2. gen . 41. in An. 1208. idem Cuspinianus , Crusius & alij . 1 In vita Innoc●̄tij 4 2 Li. 2. Decad . lib. 7. 3 Tomo 2. Enne . 9. l. 6. non longè ante finem . 4 Parte 2. gen . 41. an . 1247. 5 Lib. 8. ca. 18. si●e Saxoniae . 6 In fine lib. 18. * Blond . vbi supra . Petrus de Vineis lib. 2. epist. 2. & Cusp . in vita Frederici 2. Blondus Ibid. Inforcing of matters against the Pope . Apolog. pag. 73. About the death of Gemen or Sizimus brother to the great Turke . Lib. 2. hist ▪ a In vita Alexand. sexti . b Ennead . 10. lib. 9. Apolog. pag. 78. Nazian . orat . 1. in Iulian. The example of Iulians bāner examined . Similitudes hold not in all . Matth. 10. Matth. 13. Mar. 4. Luc. 13. Ibid. 2. Mach. 6. About the example of Eleazar . Apol. pag. 81. Apol. pag. 84. Theodoret lib. 4. c. 19. The tentation of S. Basil by the Deputy Modestus . * Diuinorū dogmatum . Pag. 84. A cauill against Bellarmyne . Another shift against S. Basils testimony . Aplo . Pag. 84. & 85. * Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 19. graecè . latinè cap. 17. Compare this to our tymes . Crafty conueiāce in translating . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The third shift . Wherein the comparison of S. Basil and Modestus may be like in our dayes . Three or 4. exāples togeather . Apol. pag. 94. Reynoldes Cōference . ca. 1. diuis . 2. Cicero in Horten. The Apologers impugnation of S. Leo. Leo Serm. 3. suae assumpt . & epistola 89. ad Episcopū Viēnens . Great iniury offered to Car. Bell. about Kingly authority . Aplo . Pag. 110. Lib. de Laicis cap. 11. Card. Bellarm . exalteth much Princely authority . Calūnious dealing against Car. Bellar. Greg. li. 11. epist. 42. Bellar. 2. de Ro. Pontif. cap. 10. & li. 2. de Christo cap. 2. Lyr. com . in 24. Matth. Prouer. 8. Aug. li. 19. de ciuitate Dei cap. 14. Matth. 20. How good Kings and Princes are truly seruants . Arist. li. 8. moral . c. 10. Apol. pag. 108. Libr. 1. de Pontif. c. 7. Libr. 1. de Pont. c. 7. Sulpitius in vita D. Martini . Ibid. & de Cleri● . c. 28. How Princes authority is mediatly or imediatly from God. Nazian . orat . ad Ciues timor● pereulsos & Imperat. irasc . Hebr. 13. Libr. de Cleric . c. 28. Libr. de Laicis c. 11. 
A40452	----	[The bleeding Iphigenia or An excellent preface of a work unfinished, published by the authors frind, [sic] with the reasons of publishing it.] French, Nicholas, 1604-1678. 1675 Approx. 108 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A40452 Wing F2177 ESTC R215791 99827560 99827560 31982 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40452) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31982) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1847:23) [The bleeding Iphigenia or An excellent preface of a work unfinished, published by the authors frind, [sic] with the reasons of publishing it.] French, Nicholas, 1604-1678. [106] p. s.n., [London : 1675] Leaf [cross]6 verso signed: N.N. = Nicholas French. Cf. DNB entry on French. Title from leaf [cross]1; this work consists entirely of prefaces, without title page, in all copies known. Imprint from Wing. Signatures: [cross]⁶ [chi]¹ *² 3*-7* 8*⁴. Iphigenia = Ireland. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sall, Andrew, 1612-1682 -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE BLEEDING IPHIGENIA OR An excellent Preface of a Work unfinished , published by the Authors frind , with the Reasons of publishing it . THe picture of Iphigenia ( one of the rarest peeces of antiquity ) goeing to be sacrifised for appeasing the anger of Diana offended with her Father King Agamemnon for killing a stagg consecrated to that Goddess , made Timanthes the Author therof very famous . Hee placed in lively cullors , round about this faire Princes , her Kinsmen , Frinds , Allyes , and suite in great Consternation , all drown'd in lamentations and teares ; but the gallant Lady ( nothing in nature appear'd more comly ) smiled , bearing in her countenance a Majesty , and contempt of death : soe charming was the art of this picture , that few could view it without teares . Courteous Reader , the Author of this Preface hath drawne another Iphigenia of the body of a noble , ancient Catholick Nation cla'd all in redd Robes , not to bee now offered up as victime ; but already sacrific'd , not to a profane Deity , but to the living God for holy Religion : look but on this our bleeding Iphigenia , and I dare say you will lament her Tragedy . 1. In the first place the Author sets downe his owne feare and care about long Eternity ( which should be the chiefest care of a Christian ) confessing with griefe and compunction of hart , that hee had walk'd in daunger , even to the age of 71. years , and at length found himselfe touch't with that dreadfull theme : Aut paenitendum aut ardendum . That is : Either wee must doe pennance , or burne . This drove him to a resolution of laying aside all wordly intanglements , and conversations , for obtaining the Kingdome of heaven and taking order with the house of his Soule , for that hee was sure to dye , and could not live longe . 2. Hee expresses a Godly anger against his frind Sall an Apostata . Sanctè Irascitur qui pro Deo Irascitur . hat is : THee is justly Angry , that is angry for Gods Cause . 3. Hee delivers in sencible Language the slavery ▪ ruine , and distruction of his deare Country . 4. Hee presents to the view of our gratious King Charles the second a Catholick People , his faithfull subjects wounded by theeves , and left halfe dead , like the miserable man , that went from Hierusalem to Ierico ; desiring his Majesty with prayres , and teares to com neare and binde up rhe wounds of the afflicted , powring in Oyle and Wine , as did de Godly Semaritane . His Language to the King is with submissive duty , and yet with a Priestly freedome Iudging with Saint Ambrose . Neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi denegare , neque Sacerdotale , quod sentiat , non dicere . That is : It is neyther Kingly to deny the freedome of speaking , nor Priestly , not to speake what hee thinks . 5. Hee names in particulare certaine Capitall , Implacable , blooddy Enemyes of his Country , and gives them the Caracters , they deserve : and to justify this , says with Tertuliane , In hostem Patriae , omnis homo miles est . That is : Every man is a Souldier against the enemy of his Country . The subject of his writing was to reprove Sall a Iesuit of the Fourth Vow , for abjuring the Catholick Faith , and leauing his holy Order : In the work hee proceeded to 8. or 9. Chapters , and went noe further ; but I hope some zealous Israelite will build upon the foundation hee hath laid , a handsome structure . You will perhaps inquire who hee is that began , and did not finish a good work ; hee is a learned worthy Priest , of whome , all that know him , will say , ( his modesty may not be offended with the trueth's I utter ) hee hath beene all his life tyme , sincere in all his writings , ways , and conversation ; ( Hee is truly one of those can say with Seneca : Quod sentimus loquimur , & quod loquimur sentimus . That is : I thinke what I speake , and speake what I thinke . ) Ever Loyall to his Prince , faithfull to his Country , and true to his frind ; and soe harty a lover of peace , with all kinde of men ; that hee neuer ingag'd in any contention , but what was pious for defending Religion , and the Jurisdection of the holy Sea : in quarrells of this nature hee was still fervent , and feared noe man , and used to say with great Ambrose in such incounters . Nemini facio injuriam , si omnibus Deum praefero . That is : I injure noe man by praeferring God before all . Having considered with attention this sound Preface , and finding the contents sollid , well ordered , and such as may be usefull to my poore Country , I thought it my duty to make all publick to the World ; hoping that pious Christians beholding the grievous wounds wee have received for God , and Religion , from the Enemys of both , will open the bowells of mercy to us soe sorely oppressed . I conclude with a word or two to my deare Countrymen , recommending seriously to them all , at home and a broad , to humble themselves under the Iudgments of God , and powre forth theire harts like Water upon the Earth , in contrition , teares , and prayrs ; which is the only way left for asswaging the anger of God , come upon us , for our owne sinns , and those of our Forefathers ; Initium salutis ( saith holy Hierome ) est nostra intelligere , & flere peccata . That is : To understand and deplore our sinnes is the beginning of Salvation ; and because a disease deeply rooted ( as ours ) needs a strong and long cure , it is fitting wee calle to minde that saying of Saint Ambrose . Grandi plagae , alta , & problixa est opus medicina ; and apply the same . I beseech you , gentle Reader , pray to God for my afflicted Country , and for the Catholick Religion therin persecuted , that it be not wholy extinguished , and soe commending you to the tuition of the Almighty , I remaine Your humble servant in Christ Iesus N. N. AMICUS ANONIMUS ad AUTHOREM ANONIMUM . QVam bene Magnates stringis : tibi dicere verum Innatum est : aliis dissimurare placet . Fallacias Mundi , Scriptor venerande , nec artes ; Tu curas , ut Mundum falsa docere probes . ERRATA .   Faults . Corrected . Pag. 5. discere dicere ▪   scilentio silentio Pag. 7. Syrus Cyrus Pag. 27. indigint indigent Pag. 40. repelere repellere Pag. 46. defensiones defensionis Pag. 52. contumiles contumelies Pag. 55. tili tell Pag. 60. extorpated extirpated Pag. 70. place peace Pag. 76. weddower widdow 's Pag. 79. erat erant Pag. 83. furoro furore Pag. 85. dissoluite dissolute . The Censurs of a venerable and learned Prelate , and three Professors of Divinity given of the Bleeding Iphigenia , in theire Letters written to the publisher therof . The first . AS for the Bleeding Iphigenia I perus'd it sencibly , and according to my sentiment , it is the best I perus'd yet upon that subject , and I am sure the fittest for the gaine of the Nation , and therfore the more welcome that ever since theire Misery I have seen . I would all our writers had contained themselves Intra istos limites for the greater Satisfaction of poore Soules , Qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam . If I had the tree of life in my Custody , I would give of the fruite to the Author , Vt deponeret senectam , aeternumque Patriae viveret . I have noe more to say , but remaine your owne for ever . Tertio Februarii , 1675. The second . Gratias humillimè ago pro Iphigenia mihi nuper transmissa , quae verè Sanguinolentam Hiberniae faciem vivis coloribus adumbrat : opus est peridoneum , ut afflictis Catholicis non parum suppeditet solatii , atque animorum , ut laeto vultu tristes casus , & erecta fronte iniqua persequentium tela excipiant . Scenam quoque sat apertam adversantium oculis proponit , in qua sua delicta sine fuco agnoscant , agnita plangant , ac laesam aequitatem resarciant , nisi velint supremi Tribunalis feralem catastrophen experiri ; quando scilicet in scenam prodibit laesa Metanaea , ac mucronem Iphigeniae cervicibus incumbentem ipsa arripiet , ad sumendam de iniquis ultionem . Gratulor ego hujus operis Authori , in quo agnosco singularem eruditionem , cum sincero Patriae a more decertantem , utraque apud aequum Lectorem palmam feret . Utinam in aliis tantum valeat Religio & aequitas , quantum in Authore scientia & charitas . 27 Februarii , 1675. The third . I have exacttly perused the Preface or Bleeding Iphigenia , and read it twise over , it is full of sollid truths , excellently well expressed . For my owne part I never took it into my hands , but I found my selfe mou'd to a tender compassion upon the account of those distressed fuffering Catholicks in Ireland . Our good God the Father of mercy , be to them a mercifull comforter , I think morouer that those , who shall read this Preface and feel not themselves moved to pitty the affliction of those distressed , and now violently oppressed servants of Almighty God , have harts harder then stones , and that God will show his Iust Iudgment upon them , even in this world . Much more I could say in commendation of this little book , but am loath togive you the trouble of soe long a letter . The prefiged Title pleases mee extreamly . And shall not the Bleeding Iphigenia make the most obdurate to relent ? I am sure the whole learned , and well pondered discourse will draw teares from Innumerable . My cordiall wish is that it draw compassion from those that have Massacred Iphigenia , and should before all others shed teares with repentance . 13'th Februarii 1675. The Bleeding Iphigenia deserves a Virgil or Homer to commend it . No such Poets now living , be pleased to receive my judgment of that discourse in the ensuing Vers. I am ever your owne . 23'th Ian. 1675. Iphigenia Sanguinans . SAnguinat ante aras hoc Iphigenia libello , Quis nisi praedurus temperet a lacrimis ? Magnates , duros magnetes innuit esse , Quos non confringit , non movet iste cruor . Transit levites plangens ; quid Samaritanus ? Durus percussam morte perire sinit : Sic gentem superis fidam , & te semper amantem Rex das mactandam ? Regis an iste amor est ? Insontem perimunt amente furore Rebelles ; Te Regem ostende , & ne patiare mori : Lex naturalis , lex hoc divina reposcit , Sunt jura haec Regi non violanda pio . Parcito subjectis , & debellato superbos ; In te ne justi saeviat ira Dei. Tandem Levites Vinumque Oleumque puellae Infundit plagis , & ducit in stabulum . Est medicus Levita pius ; nec dicere verum Principibus trepidat ; totus amat Patriam . Vive diu Levita precor , quo fcribere possis , Omnes ô mecum dicite , vive diu . THE PREFACE TO THE STUDIOUS READER . AFter a toylsome peregrination for the space of full seaventy years in this Babilon of confusion and miseryes , ( wherin men are soe strangely tormoyl'd , that the pleasures they enjoy , often become theire greatest torments . ) I began at length with a sencible care to consider of Long Eternity , purposing , to lay aside all false contentment , deceiving Illusions , and prophaine conversations , heavy Chains I haue carry'd to long with small pleasure , and great feare ▪ and although I found great danger in carrying them , yet I had not courage enough to shake them of for good and all . Vere trahebam catenam meam ( to use S. Augustins Language ) solui timens . My declining age forewarning mee the downfall of my decaying body would be soon , and perhaps suddaine , bid mee prepare for a surer , and a more durable habitation ; and it seemed to mee my Guardian Angell whispered to my disquieted soule even the same words the Prophet Isaie uttered to King Ezechias when dangerously sick . Thus saith our Lord : take order with thy house , for thou shalt dye , and shalt not live . This inevitable alarme of dying raysing a high storme within mee , I concluded without further fluctuation to spend the short remnant of tyme I haue to live , in pennance , Holy contemplation , prayers , and Mortification for schanselling with tears ( if God would be soe pleased ) the sinns and vanitys of my former life . I had hardly begun to settle my minde in this devine meditation , when behold a printed paper from London came to hand , of a publick abjuration of the Roman Catholick faith made by Andrew Sall a Iesuit of the fourth Vow . This paper indeed gave mee a great heaviness of hart , for I loved the man dearly for his amiable nature , and excellent parts , and esteemed him both a pious person and Learned , and soe did all that knew him , but I see wee were all deceiu'd in him . However this suddaine change of him made mee say with a sad attention those words of Saint Paul. Hee that thinketh himselfe to stand , let him take heed least hee fall . For God knowes I noe way feared this man would have falen into herisy . As I was Reading with great attention Sall's Abjuration I call'd to minde that great read Dragon , whose tayle drew the third part of the starrs of heauen , and cast them to the earth . And then said to my selfe , the tayle of an infernall beast had cast this Sall to the Earth out of a little heaven : ( The state of Religion ) wherin for a tyme , hee shined like a small starr in vertue , and learning . After deserting the Socitey of Iesus and running away with infamy and shame , out of the whole House of God I could not Endure him , and therfore resolued to give him a sharp reprehension : at which if hee shall repine , and fall into Choller for my indevouring to doe him good , I shall hould that for an ill Symptome of his disease qui corripientem Eum contemnit ( saith Salomon ) non sequetur Eum Sanitas . Some sick men there are , that now and then think themselves sound and well , when they are most sick , all those can not abide the sight of a Doctor , which is a Kinde of madness : if Sall be one of those , his cure will be the harder ; however for Charity-sake , and for the ancient amity wee had , I will Imploy all paynes , and dilligence for healing him , but the cure must come from aboue , Ab illo medico in caelis , qui spargit medicamentae in terris . Farre it is ( God knowes ) from my minde to add affliction to his afflictions , sufficiat Diei malitia sua : nec unquam fuit mea consuetudo lacerato animo discere vitia amicorum , talem zelum ( ut cum S. Augustino Loquar ) semper fensui magis impetum punientis , quam caritatem corrigentis . The same Saint tells mee how to handle Sall. Dilige , ( saith hee ) & dic quod voles . But what shall I doe to a man , that hath stained his soule with the spott of herisy ? with what waters shall I wash him for wyping away the staine , with those of Siloe , quae fluunt cum scilentio , or those of Rasin quae transeunt cum tumultu ? The last seem the more naturall for purifying him ▪ though my inclination is more for the soft running waters of Siloe . Had Sall's sinn beene noe more then a slipp of Ignorance , or frailty , wee could have covered him with a Mantle of Charity ; but the abominable abjuration of faith being a sinn of a high nature , and full of Impiety against God , against Christ and his unspotted spouse , against Charity and the Holy Ghost , I can not be silent , but must openly rebuke his wickedness , and maintaine truth against him before all the world : can I see aman deare to mee , vaunting and soe desperatly defying the Hostes of the living God , and say nothing ? that cannot be : Silence here were a great sinne being the true tyme of taking up Davids Sling and stone and throwing at this Gyant dominering and vaporing against the camp of Israell . I am not to powre oyle upon the head of such a sinner , flattery will not cure him , I must then in charity chide him and Exprobrat his deserting the Catholick faith ; and if hee is wise and penitent , hee will say with repenting David . The Just shall rebuke mee in mercy , and shall reprehend mee : but let not the oyle of a sinner fatte my head . After lamenting Sall's woefull perversion , I begin to think of my deare Contry's affliction , and with feare , and amazement to inquire the ground and cause of persecution there and in Enland . Nothing was less feared ( I am confident ) by the Catholicks of both Kingdoms then a tempest of this nature to come upon them , lying safe ( as they conceived ) under the wings of soe great and mercyfull a Monarck , as Charles the second , a King of pardons . How then say men came this about ? how could soe clement a King be induced to afflict soe loyall a people , as the Catholicks of England , and Ireland ? I see noe Mistery in this business , all is cleare : theire affliction , and cause therof is well knowne over all Europ , and is ( as I may say ) even the same with that of innocent Daniell , whose Loyall fidelity to Syrus King of Babylon , was soe cleare , as his malignant Enemys said expressly of him , wee shall not finde against this Daniell any occasion unless perhaps in the Law of his God ; the Crime then against Daniell and all the Jews was theire Religion : upon this ground the Counsellers and great men of the Kingdome gott the King to sett forth an Edict against the Jewes for professing theire Religion , and by this means Daniell was cast into the lake of the Lyons by a King that lou'd him . The King lou'd Daniell but hee feared the great men , who pressed the Law to be executed against Daniell , and this feare more strong in the King then love , made poore Daniell Companion to the Lyons . Your Religion noble Contry-men , your Religion is the sole Cryme , for which you suffer : ( Blessed for ever be the name of God for this ) your Religion hath stirred up this tempest , which ought not to terrifye you over much , seeing the Apostles our first Captains and Leaders in this holy cause , those darlings of God , endured hard things for Religion : Prisons , whippings , contumilies , and all sorts of vexations were to them delights , and consolations : they after being scurged went from the sight of the Councell rejoycing , because they were accounted worthy to suffer reproach for the name of Jesus . Doe not therfore feare all that men can doe against you , while with tears and patience you march under the purple Standart of Crucify'd Jesus , for in the end , the day , and victory will be yours : feare not the power of men in this glorious tryall , there be more with you , then against you , ( Legions of Angells though you see them not ) those heavenly hostes are pitching theire tents round about you . Hee that Led the Children of Israell out of Egypt in wonders through the redd Sea , neuer wants power to deliver you : waite for his good tyme , for hee will come . A Table of sage Counsells , that hung by the bed of Ptolomeus Arsacides King of Egypt , ( by him Religiously obserued all the tyme of his raigne , ) was delivered by a Priest of the Idols to the wise Emperour Marcus Aurelius , whoe dying gave it to his sonn with this short speech . My sonn leaving you Emperour of many Kingdoms , I presume you will with that great power be feared of all , and if you wil faithfully Keep the Godly Counsells in this Table , you shall be infalibly beloved of all . The Table of Counsells . 1. I Neuer deny'd ( said the vertuous King Ptolomeus ) justice to a poore man , for being poore ; nor pardoned a rich man for being rich . 2. I neuer loved a rich wicked man ; nor hated a poore just man. 3. I neuer granted favours to men for affection ; nor distroy'd men to satisfy my passion . 4. I neuer deny'd Justice to any demanding Iustice ; nor mercy to the afflicted and miserable . 5. I neuer passed by Evill without punishing it ; nor good withovt rewarding it . 6. I neuer did Evill to any man out of Malice ; nor villany for avarice , 7. I was neuer without feare in prosperity ; nor without courage in adversity . 8. My dore was neuer open to a flatterer ; nor my eare to a murmuring detractor . 9. I indeavoured still to make my selfe beloved of the good ; and feared of the Evill . 10. I ever favoured the poore that were able to doe little for themselves ; and I was evermore favoured by the Gods , that were able to doe much for all . Those rare Counsells should be exposed in the houses of Kings and all puplick places to the view of men , to be knowne of all in theire respective dignitys and callings : and it would be a pious and noble action , if our gratious souveraigne would be pleased to consider seriously with himselfe , how farre these just and Laudable Counsells haue been regarded during the tyme of his raigne , especially in conferring of estates and lands from one part of his subjects , to another part of them contrary to all due course of Law , and without hearing of the partys oppressed , which hath been procured to be done by the undue information , and perswation of certaine of his Councellers , and Ministers of State , and chiefly of the Chancellor the Earl of Clarindon . If his Majesty shall doe this grace , and justice to his Catholick subjects of Ireland , thousands of Widow's and Orphans will be eased and relieved , who now sitt downe in great poverty , Lamenting extreamly their Lands , Houses and all they had wrongfully taken from them , and this day possessed and injoy'd by those invaders . God bindes all Kings , and Iudges by this commandement : Thou shalt not doe that which is uniust nor Iudg uniustly . Consider not the person of a poore man , neither honour thou the countenance of him that is mighty . Judg justly to thy Neighbour . God alsoe forbids to give away one subjects bread to another ; reason , vertue , and the lawes of God , Nature and Nations are the rules that ought to guid all Princes and Magistrats in the goverment of the people under them . Did not God himselfe complaine of Evell Iudges in this Kinde . How is the faithfull Cittie , full of Iudgment , becom an harlott ? Iustice hath dwelled in it , but now man-killers . The Princes are unfaithfull , Companions of thieves ▪ al love guifts , follow rewards . They Iudge not for the pupil : and the widowes cause goeth not in to them . And againe our Lord saith . They are made grosse and fatt : and haue tranegressed my words most wickedly . The cause of the widow they have not Iudged ; the cause of the pupil they have not directed , and the Iudgment of the Poore they have not Iudged . Shall I not vissite upon these things , saith our Lord ? or upon such a Nation shall not my soule take revenge ? Certainly it is against Gods just Iudgment to omitt such things , and crimes unpunished . There are thousands of distressed Catholick Pupils , and wedowes ( his Majesty cannot chuse but know it ) that have not gott Iustice ; whose cause and complaint had noe Entrance into his Courtes ; they cry'd out for Iustice , and were not heard , they Cry'd for mercy , and found it not ; and such as live of those oppressed soules are still crying to heaven , and the King for remedy ; Poore desolate and dejected , they are waiting at the doore of the Kings pallace and noe regard is had of theire tears , prayres , and petitions . Wee are indeed becom the reproach of all Nations round about us , by the craft and iniquity of States men , that have poysoned the Fountaine of Iustice , It is said of some of those that theire vices have farre exceeded theire vertues , and that in all theire proccedings against our Nation , there was found in them noe truth , noe integrity , noe Religion , noe shame ; but an insatiable covetousness , and a flameing ambition of making themselves great and powerfull : and are not such men say you able to poysen the Fountaine of Iustice ( and mercy toe ) in a Kingdome . This sore oppression , and our necessitys every day growing greater , forceth us to implore Iustice and mercy , and to minde the King of what the Apostle saith to a King. Non enim sine causa gladium portat . If the Law of God will alow of soe many thousands of innocents to be destroy'd , is a maxim , that toucheth much his Royall Wisdome , and to be distroy'd and sacrificed to augment the estates of men , that were great and rich enough before : can Iustice suffer this ? can the mercifull brest of a Clement King endure to see soe many sad spectacles of woes , and miserys without all relief ? will not God at long running look downe , and examin these cruell proceedings ? It hath been a principall care , and study of some statesmen neare the King , to oppress and overthrow the Catholicks of Ireland , and at the same tyme to perswade his Majesty , that wee ought to be destroy'd by Iustice and Law. Theire Malice they have evidenced in theire language , and viperous writings . Of this stuff you have enough in the Earle of Orerys answer to Peter Welsh his letter to the then Marquis , now Duke of Ormond desiring ajust and mercifull regard of the Reman Catholicks of Ireland : what could be more rationall then such a demaund ? yet Orery must quarrell with the contents of said letter , and beleh out poyson against the whole ▪ Nation and theire Religion . To this answer P. W. replyed and solidly confuted Orery : lett the indifferent Reader after deliberation Iudge of which side truth , sollid reason , and learning is in the writings of both . It vexed Orery above all measure that P. W. advanced these two propositions . 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were no Regicids , 2. That the Irish Papists fought against such men , when England , Scotland , and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royall cause . To the first Orery makes this pittifull answer . That the Irish Papists are no Regicids ; let it be considered , that the Doctrin of Regicids is common in Romish Schools , and the practice in theire courts . This is a false Calamny , tell us Orery in what Romish University or School is this Doctrin Common ? in what Catholick Court is this practice ? you can not tell us , and therfore you are convinced of Calumniating Catholick Schools , and Courts , which is no creditt for you . In the meane tyme wee demaund Orery in what School was the Doctrin had , by which Crumwell and the rabble of blooddy Rebells murthered the good King Charles the first , in the School of Geneve or Rome ? Speak freely your minde , and tell us on what side were you when the King was murthered , of Crumwells party or the Kings ? of Crumwells party you were then , and had you been then in London likely ( this is the opinion of many ) you had been a high man in that blooddy jury ; and after that Kings death noe man desired more ( as was generally spoken of you ) to King Crumwell , and unKing our present soveraigne then you . To P. W. his second proposition you answer thus . That to touch the annoynting , is virtually to touch the annoynted , take away the regalia , and in effect you take away the King. Orery all this is true , but what Illation make you of this ? who I pray are those that touched the annoyntings , and the annoynted , the Catholicks of Ireland ; or Cromwells party ? ( whose faithfull Ianniser you haue been . ) The annoyntings you haue touch'd formally , all the Regalia , the Kings Cittys , Townes , Forts , Militia , and for addition to your treason you made open warre against the Crowne and King , ( it was Crumwell and you all touched then the annoynted virtually ) and here you stayd not , but touch'd the annoynted formally , when you put him to death by an unheard and most blooddy solemnity , and as it were by Iustice or course of law , an asacinate , that hath contaminated the glory of the English Nation , though the best and most of the Peers and good people of England abhorr'd it . Your answer to this second proposition you conclude thus . Had the Devill had leave to touch Jobs person , hee would not haue spar'd him , when hee touch'd all that was his . You say right Orery ; but what say you to this ; that you and your Companions after touching all that was the Kings , have touched his sacred person , and Barbarously kill'd him . See and recken among your selves , what Kinde of Divells you were then , and if you haue not gon a stepp farther against your owne King , then the Divell did against Job . Orery you might take us for men of short memory , if wee should forgett , how you by a way of rallery said of 54. Catholick Gentlemen Nominees , that were to be restored , ( and made account they should be soe ) to theire chief houses , and 2000. Akers of ground , that it was intended by the act , they should be only Nominees , Nomine restorable , but not re . You have play'd the Prophett Orery ( though you spake in a leering way ) for as yet none of them have been restored , ( as wee are informed ) nor likely shall ; yett at that tyme you abused the Kings goodness and credulity , assuring his Majesty , there was a sufficient stock of reprisalls to satisfy all . After taking some paines , in reading over the hott ( papering ) contention between the Earl of Orery , and Father Peter Welsh Frier Minor Lector of Divinity , I found Orery's answer to P. W. his letter to the then Marquis now Duke of Ormond , to be an Eloquent , Pollished , Elaborated piece , but full of Cavills , artifice , fallacies , untruths , and sophistry ; all his study and paynes tend to render the Catholicks of Ireland odious , and infamous , and theire peace of 1648. voyd : ( Rem non bonam facis Orere , ultra vires tuas est negotium ) hee showes in his writings a bitter soule , and a great pride and presumption , ( I owe not soe much to his degree as to spare telling him truth , nor want I confidence to defend truth , and my Country , against a person of higher quality then hee is . ) Neuer came in my way an Author , that writes of a whole Nation , and theire Religion , less Christianly , less nobly , and less truly ; and for his paynes hee is worthy of the praise S. Angustin gives to such aman , as this : Ingenium in malo venenum in auro . Upon a Bull of Vrbanus 8. to the confederate Catholicks of Ireland Anno 1643. he makes a mocking malicious coment . This Bull imports noe more then an exhortation to the Catholicks to free themselves from the oppressions , and grivous Injuries , theire fellow subjects the Protestants did them , who had designed to pull them up roote and bransh , ( as was evidently made appeare ) hee alsoe praised the Catholicks for indevouring to defend themselves , and theire Religion , and gave them Indulgences in soe just and good a quarrell ; his Holliness speaks not a word in all against the King , nor obedience due to the King ; Richard Belings esquire Agent to that Pope from the confederate Catholicks hath atested , that his Holliness commaunded him to tell his Children the Catholick Confederats , that hee would have them in defending themselves , and Religion , to continue constantly obedient to theire King , and after his Holliness sent an excellent and pious letter to the suprem Councell of the confederate Catholicks , of which I shall speak more hierafter . Will not the world rather believe his Holliness owne Letters , and the Messenger wee sent him , in declaring his sence in the aforsaid Bull , then Orery the Popes enemy ? What I pray is contained in that Bull , that an honest man can reprehend ? would Orery have the Pope be soe madd , as to forbid his Children to defend themselves and Religion against him , and his Companions ? Good God how this man doth abuse this Popes pious and good meaning expressed in foresaid Bull , which Orery tells the world was a Cherishing of the Catholicks in Rebellion , as if our taking up armes for our necessary defence of lives , and Religion against the Protestants our fellow subjects could haue been a rebellion , as hee would faine perswade his reader , and that the Popes aforsaid Bull was a Cherishing of the Catholicks in a Rebellion : to which purpose hee speaks thus . If the Popes power over the Irish be soe great , theire obedience to the King must be little : as if the Religion of the Catholicks had an inconsistency with theire duty and obedience to the King , which is most false . The Popes power over the people is in spiritualibus ; the Kings power in temporalibus ; and those powers doe wel agree ( as is evidently knowne over all the world ) in the power of Catholick Princes over theire subjects , and in the Popes power over the same people ; those powers , and Juridictions in Catholick tymes in England did not Clash , nor doe they now in theire nature , the Catholick people paying theire duty to both ; it is true the Luminare Majus ( the Pope ) Catholicks venerate more , then Luminare minus ( the King ) because Luminare Majus hath the greater light and influence ; yet they doe not therfore omitt to pay due veneration to the King. Orery brings noe proofe , or sound argument , to prove what hee assumed , ( that the Pope's Bull was sent for Cherishing a Rebellion , ) but his owne authority , which with us hath little creditt , and will soe with any , that shall know his ways and dealings . I pray Orery to make this reflection , whether there have ever been in the world more execrable and blooddy Rebells then himselfe and Companions ▪ who had noe dependence upon the Pope , but quite contemned his authority , and his person hated . Hee will not ( I hope ) say the Pope Cheris'd theire Rebellion . The man hath much strained his brains in impugning the mentioned Bull ; and as if hee had done a great bussiness , says thus of the Irish Catholicks . If they succeed , heaven and Ireland is theirs ; if they succeed not , heaven is theirs . Orery by the quarrell , wee intended to hold what of Ireland was ours , against invaders ; who can blame us for this ? and fighting for Religion , wee had a good claime to heaven ; and though wee succeeded not in fighting , our claime to heaven is still good by our faith and good works ; this claime all our Enemys , with the Protestant Parlaments of England , and Ireland are not able to take from us . Orery and all of his band , and Combination hath dealt with us as the Divill did with Iob ; the Divill touch't all that was Job's , except his life ; Orery and his people have touched all that was ours except our soules , which wee hope in his Devine mercy God will preserve for his owne Worship and glory , soe as wee have still title to say , heaven is ours : but hee and his cannot say for themselves , heaven is ours , untill they shall change , theire Religion into a true faith , doe good worcks , and restore what they haue uniustly taken from us . I will here sett downe a few of Orerys propossitions , let the reader after perusing them , Iudge of them . In his auswere to P. W. his Letter to the Marquis of Ormond hee calls the Irish Nation a beast , the Country a very pest-house , and the Religion of the Catholicks somthing that pinns them upon the sleeve of the Pope . Was ever such a diffinition given of Religion ? S. Paul defines faith thus . Est fides sperendarum substantia rerum , argumentum non apparentium . The Apostle speaks nothing here of pinning , or of the Popes sleeve . Orery this kind of scoffing rallery in holy things is ignoble , and better becoming Comedians then Counsellors . Wee owe the Pope and his sacred Dignity due obedience , which wee will with Gods blessing Religiously pay all our lives , fremant , frendeant , rumpantur invidia Oreri & mille impij nugatores ; and this obedience did neuer take away , obedience due to our King , nor ever will. Who but a beast would call a noble and ancient Nation a beaest ? sum will tell him he kicks against the whole Nation , because hee is a beast , highly pampered , and fed with honours , lands , and Riches . Did ever any call the faire Country of Ireland a Pest-house but this man ? why came soe many poore indigint men out of England this age into this Pesthouse to make theire fortunes ? why came his Father thither ( likely hee hath herd , in what state , and plight his Father then was ) hee found himselfe very well for many yeares in this Pest-house . In his answer to P. W. hee speaks these Godly words . Let it not seem strange or hard , at least to P. W. and his Country-men , if a continued Series of Covenant-breaches , rapines , Murthers , Massacres , Crueltys , perfidies , treasons , and Rebellions , exercised against the Crowne , and Protestant Religion , raise jealousies in the harts of all Iudicious Protestants . Is not this a pious gloss of a Geneua Presbiterian upon a wicked theme ? doth not hee show the spleen , and rancor of a cankered hart , in this high tone , and storme of Language against a whole Catholick Nation ? Orery it is a great Callumnie , that the body of the confederat Catholicks exercised , Rapins , Murthers and those other abominations , or acted any thing against King and Crowne . To the contrary in theire oath of association you will finde an express branch of defending the Crowne , King , and Royall Family . Wee are not accountable for what Murthers , some of the common people at the first rising in the North , committed against poore Protestants , with the taking away of theire cattel and goods ; which wee pittied with all our harts : the body of the Catholicks were not , as yet com into the quarrell ( but awhile after were forced to take Arms to avoyd theire owne Destruction which could not be otherwise avoyded ) and since taking Arms they have done all a long what the lawes of a just warr allow'd . But when you have your selfe commaunded a part of the Parlaments Rebellious Army have you contained your common soldiers from Murthering , and Robbing the innocent common people ? wee found the contrary by experience . Orery Pagina 28. of his answer to P. W. plays the Hypocrite with a great show of holiness . However ( saith hee ) the once seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves , and give glory to God in confessing their guilt such , ( though not by causing , yet by complying wtth the late usurpation , though to a good end ) that they redily acknowledg , they owe theire lives and estates to his Majesty's grace and Indulgence . This is humble and dutifull language , and such as should be spoken to a King , but all is spoken to a King coming home with tryumph , and entring , into Ierusalem with Osanna in excelsis , Benedictus qui venit in Nomine Domine : But to this Kings Father , a King and the Fountaine of Iustice , as well as the Royall Sonne , sorely afflicted , what were the Salutations , and cry's of Orerys Companions ? Tolle , tolle , Crucifige : some men have witt to change theire dialect of speaking according to the change of tymes , and fortune , Orery is said to be one of these . I pray you heare the scurrill impudency of this people in tyme of theire Rebellion , sending in a derisory manner Huae and cry after his Majesty , when they could not light on his Royall person . If any man can bring any tale , or tydings of a wilfull King , who had gon a stray these foure years from his Parlament , with a guilty Conscience , bloody hands , a hart full of brooken vowes , and protestations : if these marcks be not sufficient , there is another in the * Mouth , for bid him speak and you will soone know him : then give notice to Britanicus , and you shall be well payd for your paines . God saue the Parlament . Who may not doubt but these kinde of men are those crept in unawarrs , who ( as the Apostle Jude tells us ) despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities : did not the same Apostle foretell , that there should be such mockers in the last tyme , whoe should walke after theire owne ungodly Lustes . I hope Orery will not say the great Rebells , the Irish Catholicks ( such hee would haue them be ) did ever revile afflicted Majesty in such a scoffing way : truly they did not , but at all tymes , and upon all occations in theire Pulpitts , theire congregrations , and publick assemblyes they spake of the King with all veneration , and Compassion . Now his Majesty coming home in prosperity , those mockers of his Father are all becom purify'd Musaellmans and speake nothing but Magnalia of the King. For all this , there are thousands of good true Protestants , Royallists in England that still feare , those new penitents , for abusing Royall Autority ( or at least faigne themselves soe to be ) would be glad to heare once more that millitary word as you were , and if this shall com about , the King will not have soe dutifull language from them . That Orery says hee and other Protestants complyed with the usurpation to a good end , is a strange expression , hee needs explaine himselfe . They invaded all the regalia , that is , they took away the Kings Navy , Forts , Townes , Militia , and in the end they Murther'd the King himselfe . Does Orery call this a good end of complying with the usurpation . The truth is , Orery and his Companions in Ireland came home , when they could noe longer stand of ; the King may thank Generall Muncks ingenious stratagem for theire coming in , theire intention and ways were well knowne . Now the Kings worke being don by Munck with all wished success ( soe as those in Ireland had noe power to hinder it ) then Orery and the rest thought fitt to cry out let the King live ; and as hee and his trusty comrades syding with the usurpation , had goverment and places of trust and profitt ( they then all danced to Crumwells pype ) soe now they court the King returning home , and show themselves great penitents , taking shame to themselves of theire guilt , and giving Glory to God. Is not this a great glory to God , to confess a rebellion , they could noe more deny , then wee can deny its day when the Sonne is shining and scorching the earth . That which much troubles Orery , is , that the Irish Catholicks doe not acknowledg themselves guilty of a rebellion with him , and give glory to God that way , but they being , not guilty of such rebellion and treason against the Crowne answer with S. Augustine , Praestat magis innocentem esse quam poenitentem . Orery ingag'd ( as aboue was said ) in a horrid rebellion , if hee could make the Catholicks confess themselves to have been Rebells , if this hee could compass , hee would indeed triumph , and say in a leering way : behold the Irish Catholicks Confess they have been rebells as well as wee ; but wee have obtain'd pardon , which was denyed them , and have gott theire estates and lands to boot ; let them now walk through out the world like poor and naked rebells . But of our side some will say , that at the tyme Orery and his people had pardon , and the Catholicks not : Non erat Rex Iupiter omnibus idem . And that his Majesty's censure in the case between us was that the Poet speaks of . Dat veniam coruis , vexai censura columbas . Certainly his Majesty , in our , and your case , Orery , hath not walk't according to Plato his excellent rule : Non infaelix , sed malus semper castigandus est , ut fiat melior . Not the unlucky , but the wicked man , is allways to be Chastysed , that hee may be amended . The Royall Iudgment went quite another way , for the unfortunate Irish Catholicks were severly punished , and the wicked Crumwelian people have bin pardoned , and rewarded with the estates of the Irish Catholicks . Kingdoms a broad can hardly believe matters were soe carryed . Likely these people are now contented , having theire harts desire in this world , soe as they may say without feare Ireland is ours . But theire memory will perish , and themselves , or theire posterity will be distroyd by as wicked men as themselves that distroy'd us . Salomon sayd well : The memory of the just is with praises : and the name of the Impious shall rott . I will give Orery and his frinds a good counsell out of the wise man ▪ Stuppa collecta Synagoga potententium , & consumatio illorum flamma ignis . The Sinagog of sinners is as tow gathered together , and theire consummation a flame of fire . This man for wounding Catholicks makes arrows of all wood , and frequently brings out this expression of the King against them . Wee doe extreamly detest the odious Rebellion , which the recusants of Ireland have without ground or cullour , raised against us , our Crowne , and Dignity . Hee further says : These words of the King were not spoken in a corner but under the great seal , and were worthy to be written with a beame of the sonne . All this is but an exaggeration to render us more odious . But will Orery tell us , with what Beame would hee have the blooddy Rebellion of Crumwell , of himselfe and the rest written ? if there be any brighter then that of the sonne wee are to seek out for it . Orery knows well there is noe fouler staine , ( except Heresy which is a spirituall Rebellion ) then that of Rebellion , and therfore leaves noe stone unmou'd to make our warre such : the name is execrable and ignominious , and the marks of reproach inflicted upon Rebells , are full of disgrace . The Civilians speak much of them , as thus . Rebellis , incurrit , ipso jure paenam mortis . Rebellis , perdit ipso jure dominium bonorum Rebellis , potest a quolibet impuné occidi . Rebelli , nec jus reddi debet . Rebelles , subditi , tanquam piratae & latrones tractari solebant . Rebellium domus solo aequari debent & sale spargi . Rebellium legati possunt occidi . Rebelles perdunt privilegia , & pro mortuis habentur , non habent Civitatum beneficia , non jus azili , neque servanda est eijs fides . Rebelles non debent in Iudicium citari , sed celeri vindicta puniri ; & Rebellionis factum fufficit absque sententia declaratoria . Seing Rebells are soe odious and execrable persons , Orery is to make in this place a dubble reflection ; the first , how infamous and wicked men they have been , whose guilt was a confessed Rebellion ; secondly they are for ever to praise the Kings Clemency , who pardoned soe wicked a crime . The Iudgment of Civilians , of Rebells being as above specifyed noe greater injury can be done to the Irish Catholicks , who have beene still Loyall to the King , then to tell the world , theire just warre was a Rebellion . However it imports not much , that our enemys call us soe , for an Enemys testimony against another Enemy , is of small force : my possitive denyall of what hee affirmes is a Iustification good enough ; if hee brings not against mee , Tabulas , testes and great Evidences , hee does nothing . My present subject of writing is not to Iustify the Irish warre of 1641. which , I heare , is already don by a learned penn ; yet somthing I will say for confuting Orery's ill affected Iudgment of us and our quarrell . That a defenfive warre can be raised without the consent and Authority of any Prince is a Common Doctrin of Divines , Canonistes , and Civilians , and that it may somtymes extend it selfe in effect to the nature of an offensive warre . This Doctrin is warranted by the Law of Nature , ( a more binding law then are the possitive law 's of men , ( which if repugne to that of nature are noe law ' s ; ) for by this law , aman can defend himselfe against violence with out recurring to the Prince . The Law of God is alsoe for the like defence . Si effringens vir domum sive effodiens fuerit inventus , & accepto vulnere mortutus fuerit , percussor non erit reus sanguinis . If the tbiefe be found breaking up the house or undermining , and receiuing a wound dye , the stricker shall not be guilty of blood . By this divine precept , as alsoe by the Law of Nature , it is cleare and evident a private man may kill another in defence of his houshold goods . Sed multo magis ( says S. Thomas ) Licitum est defendere propriam vitam , quam propriam domum . That is to say ' it is much more lawfull for aman to defend his life then his house . Ergo if aman kills another in defence of his owne life , hee shall not be guilty of Murther : which case is to be understood , that hee intends not to kill t'other man but in defence of his owne life ; and though some hould ; the man defending himselfe may not intend the killing of that other man , but only the preservation of his owne life , yet the more Common opinion is , hee can , and any other thing else that tends , to the preservation of his life . The sacred Canons alsoe subscribe to this Doctrin in this Dialect . Sine principis authoritate per aliquod particulare bellum Licitum est alicui injuriam repelere . That is : It is lawfull without the authority of the Prince , for any man by a particular warre to repell injuries . If you question by what Authority is such a warre legitimated , answer is given out of the Cannons . Authoritate Iuris : which warranteth all men to prosecute theire right , and defend themselves ; see the Divines . By the Lawes of the Kingdom of Ireland , if a private man kills another se defendendo , hee is quitt , because the action is judged lawfull , and yet to Legitemat such an act the Princes Authority interuenes not , the reason is evident , because : Id licitum est jure naturali , Divino , & Civili , & Canonico : by the Law of Nature , Devine , Civill , and Cannon , it is lawfull by force , to repell force . Azor. It is here to be obserued that this inculpable defence hath soe large an extent , that it reacheth to the defence not only of every privat mans life , but alsoe of his goods , Chastity , honour , if such things can not be otherways preserued . Soe S. Thomas . Now if such defense is lawfull for privat men , how much more for a Common wealth or Nation ? Bonum enim commune excellentius , universalius ac subendé Divinius est . Bannez . For that a Common good is more exellent , more universal , and somtymes more Devine then a private good . And if it be lawfull to wage warre upon such inferiour motives , as is the preservation , or recovery of temporall goods , honour and the like , how much more lawfull is it to manage warre upon that supreme motive of defending , and preseruing , the Catholick faith , without which there is noe Salvation . This was the Iudgment the pious and valiant Machabees made of the warre they undertook , and nobly persued for theire Religion and Laws , which they preferd before theire wives and Children , and all temporall things most deare unto them . The Machabees being exhorted with the words of Iudas exceeding good , &c. they resolued to fight and to encounter manfully : because the holy Citty , and the Temple were in-danger . For there was less care for theire wives , and Children , and alsoe for theire Bretheren , and Kindsmen : but the greatest and principall feare was for the Holiness of the Temple . How farre a defensive warre may extend , the Schoolmen tell us , and say that by accident , it may be somtyms lawfull for the Common wealth to doe , and offer all such damages and Evill , as may be done and offered in a just offensive warre . Aliqnando ( saith Bannez ) contingere potest , ut liceat illis , inferre hostibus omnia illa mala , que possunt in bello justo aggresivo . It may happen somtymes , to bee lawfull for those ingaded in a defensive warr , to doe all Evills and Damages which can be offered or don in a just offensive warr . Which happeneth when the agressors are publick Enemys , and when there is noe recourse to the Prince , and that those defending themselves can noe otherwise avoyd the violence offered by the Assailants . This was truly the case of the confederate Catholicks as will clearly appeare to such as will be pleasd to examin it . Moreover the case then stood soe with his Majesty that hee was not able to redress the injuries don us , nor did our Enemys then obay his commaunds , ( I mean a little after the warr begunn ) but the Parlament , that fell from the King. For the better and clearer understanding the nature of a defenfive warr , those therin ingaged hould not themselves passively , but actively , soe doe the words repell or beat back signify : if the end it be lawfull , then are the necessary means to compasse that end alsoe lawfull : if the defence of on 's selfe be lawfull , then is the killing of the invader ( without which the life of the invaded cannot be preserued ) Lawfull , soe as to kill is involued in the act of defence , and the lawfullness of the one inferrs the lawfullness of the other . Si vis ( saith the civill Law ) fiat personae , tunc licitum est se defend●re , & defendendo percutere , imo etiam occidere , si aliter non potest quis evadere manus ejus . If violence is don to a person , it is then lawfnll for him to defend himselfe , and defending himselfe to strick , and alsoe to kill , if hee cannot otherwise escape the hands , of his Enemys . Thus stood the case with the Irish Catholicks , that they must have kill'd , or have beene killed . Yea soe great is the Iustice of a defensive warr , that devines teach , it is lawfull for the Sonne to defend himselfe against his Father , the wife against her husband , the servant against his Master , the subjest against his Superiour , and the vassall against his Prince or King. Soe Azor : Nempe , Licitum esse Filio contra Patrem , uxori contra Maritum , subdito contra Superiorem , vassallo contra Principem sive Regem se desendere . If it be lawfull for the Subject or vassall in a just cause to defend himselfe against the Prince , it must be lawfull to defend himselfe against his fellow subject , Here I meet with an objection in which our adversarys put great force . The Irish Catholicks ( say they ) were the first aggressors . The objection is easily answered , as thus . It is a Common Doctrin of the Devines , that it is lawfull to prevent an Evill that can not be otherways avoyded then by preventing it , E. G. I see you take your pistoll in your hand cocking it to shoote at mee , in that case it is lawfull for mee to discharge my pistoll and kill you , otherwise I should be kill'd by you : will any law punish mee for killing you soe , would the Law of God or nature have mee stay my hand untill I am kill'd by you . Tannerus a good Devine teacheth soe . Licitum est etiam praevinire injustum aggressorem , si alia via commodae defensiones non supetat , & is jam aliqualiter est in culpae , sive in proposito aggressionis injustae versetur . It is lawfull to prevent an uniust invader , if there is noe other way of defence , and that astually the invavader is in fault or in a purpose of an uniust invation . Becanus doth declare ( examining this question ) an aliquando liceat invasorem praevenire & illum occidere antequam nos actu invadat ? hee answers . Licere in his casibus , primo , si accedat ad invadendum , nec evadere possum , nisi illum preveniam : Secuudo , si nondum accedat , tamen instructus sit ad invadendum , nec possum effugere nisi priveniam . Whether somtyms it is lawfull for us to prevent the invader , and kill him , afore he actually invad's us ? hee answers that it is , in these cases : first if hee coms to invade mee , and that I cannot escape but by preventing ; secondly if hee does not as yet invade mee , but is ready and prepared for that invation , and that I cannot avoyd him but by preventing : in this case if I kill him I doe it me defendendo , and consequently ( though I struck first ) I am the defender , and hee the aggressor . Sotus Navar Corduba Covar : and many houlds this Doctrin , and Navar gives this example , of a Married man who has a dagger under his pillow , to kill his wife withall , which shee discovering and knowing may prevent by killing her husband , if there is noe other remedy ; the reason is , though actually hee has not done the execution , however hee is in a radiness to perform it , for which end hee kept her soe boulted up , and inuironed , as shee cannot otherwise escape . This was truly the case of the confederate Catholicks at the beginning of the warr , they were boulted up in an Iland , as that woeman in the Chamber ; there was noe doore open for them , then by preventing the Presbiterians blooddy designe ; if this they had not done , there had beene an end of them all . Richard Bealings Esquire to Vrbanus 8s ; from the body of the Irish Catholicks , and the Lord Bishop of Fernes , and Sir Nicholas Pluncket sent to Innocentius X. did not tell those Popes they came from a body of Rebells , but from a people Catholick the King of England's Subjects , and for such they were respected , and vissited by the greatest Princes , and Cardinalls in the Citty : and foure of the gravest Cardinaells were deputed by Pope Innocentius to heare the two last , as Caponi , Spada , Carassa , and Pansirolli Cardinall Secretari , and the afforsaid Bishop and noble Gentlemen , were esteemed over all the Citty for good Catholicks , good Subjects , and able men ; and with other instructions received commaunds from theire Holliness to the people of Ireland , to continue constant in the Catholick Religion , and Loyalty to theire King. Thus much I thought fitt to say by way of digression for Iustifying our warr that it was noe Rebellion , and that this Argument of Orery , the King call'd the warr of the Irish Catholicks a Rebellion , ergo it is a Rebellion doth not hould ; It is true , it is a received maxim , that the King can wrong noe man. The reason is , because the King is the Fountain of Iustice , and must be supposed not to have a will to wrong or offend any of his people . But there is noe maxim that the King may not be informed by Evill men or Counsells , to the Distruction of his People , which hath been often done by statesmen , and Counsellors , who seek after theire owne interest more then the preservation of the people , which is and ought to be the Kings principal care : in this kinde the Lord Iustices in Ireland , Persons and Burlase with a malignant part of the Kings Counsellors in the yeare 1641. informed his Majesty that the Catholicks of Ireland without discrimination had entred into a Rebellion , when only some discontented men began a Revolution in the North , and those ( as was generally spoken ) men of small estates , and broken fortunes , the Lords and Gentlemen of the other three Provinces , and all the Catholick townes , and Corporations having not taken arms , untill forced thereunto for the necessary defence of theire estates , and Religion , ( as aboue hath been said . ) I doe not heere accuse , or excuse the first rysing in the North , but I confidently affirme , the nobles , and Catholick Gentlemen in the other three Provinces ( and some of those in the North to , that did not joyn with the first Rysing in that Province ) and all the Catholick Townes , and Corporations , lived in soe happy a state and soe opulent and rich , that they would neuer abett a Revolution for gaining other mens estates ; it is alsoe well knowne , that all those have bin still faithfull to the Crowne , and theire Fathers before them , as was well try'd in the warrs of Desmon , Tyron , and other smaller Revolutions . Thus it happend , that his Majesty grounded his opinion upon the information of foresaid Parsons Bnrlays , and a mallignant part of the Counsell , corrupt men , ( who after fell from the King and adhered to the Kings Enemys , the Rebellious Parlament . ) Those represented the body of the Irish Catholick Rebells ; and the King deceived , and deluded by this information , call'd us Rebells , and our just warr a Rebellion , and to this day wee were not heard to speak for our selves , and being unheard ▪ ought to be reputed innocent . It is to be obserued , that the first flame of the rising in the Noth , had beene soon quenched , had Parsons and those of the Councell given a Commission to the Marquis Of Ormond now Duke , to raise five thousand men , as hee demanded for that effect , with him had gon alonge , the Catholick Nobility and Gentlemen , and soe they had made a speedy work of it : But the plott of those Crooked Ministers of state was to involue all the Catholicks in the Bussiness , and there by to finde a Cullor of confiscating theire estates . Orery stays not here , but puffed up with his great Fortune and a gall in Pupe tells the world in a supersilious manner . That the birds of the ayre ; noe , nor the flyes contributed less to his Majestys restauration , then the Roman Catholicks in Ireland . Orery this is to much , this great contempt of the Catholicks , coms from a great pride in you , and what you say is very false , for the harty prayres of the Catholicks ( though with steel they could contribute nothing , being then unarmed , and closed up in prisons by you and your Companions , ) have more contributed to the Kings restauration then birds and fly's that want reason could . Are wee bound to suffer this and other great contumiles from a man soe lowly discended , as to tell us , the whole Nation is a beast , our Country a Pest-house , and our Religion somthing that pinns us upon the Popes sleeve ? Shall wee indure all this from a man that hath bin esteemed one of Crumwells spyes , ( to be a spy , is an infamous office . ) Orery if you are an Englishman ( as you would have your selfe to be , and likwise the Duke of Ormond , ) it is true the Duke was born in England , and of an English Lady ( som say , had hee bin born in Ireland , hee had been kinder to the Nation and favoured them more then hee did upon the last settlement ) but his Forefathers have all of them beene borne in Ireland about four hundred and sixty years , and the house had the Creation of Earle in King Edward the third's tyme anno Domini 1332. Orery you cannot say soe much for your selfe in the ranck of Nobility but be what you will , English or Irish , I will tell you what an English Gentlemen writes of you , ( I have my selfe seen the man ) disguised under the name of William Allen , in a most excellent piece , stiled killing is noe Murther , speaking therin of the quality's of a tyrant applying all to Crumwell , of the fift quality hee speaks thus . In all places they have theire spyes , and delators , that is , they haue Fleetwoods ; theire Broughalls , theire S. Iohns , ( besides innumerable small spyes ) to appeare discontented , and not to side with them ; that under that guise , they may gett trust , and make discoverys , Orery in Crumwells tyme was Lord Broughalls . This noble man hath used still against us , his sword and penn ; but the latter hath made the deeper wound , if men creditt his writings : cannot hee live contented with a good patrimony , his Father provided for him , and agreat lump of Catholicks lands the King conferr'd upon him , at once with the place of Lord President of the faire and goodly Province of Munster ( a dignity his Fathers Child did little think to obtaine , and a reward his perfidy against the Crowne did not meritt ) cannot all these great Honours , Estates , and Riches satisfy the man , unless hee see 's innocent Maerdochaeus hang'd on a high gibbet ? The goodness of God ( wee hope ) will not allow , what hee desires , the exterpation of a Nation . Noble mindes ordinarily esteem the place where they , or theire parents have gain'd agreat Fortune and Settlement : Orery's Father ( it is well knowne ) from a lowstate came to one of the greatest Estates in the three Kingdoms , hee was neither Sword-man , nor Gown-man , nor favoritt in Court , and yet purchased a prodigious estate , came to the Dignity of an Earl , High treasurer , of the Kingdom of Ireland , marcht two of his Daughters , one to great Geraldin Earl of Killdare ( first Earl of Ireland , ) another to the Lord Barry Viscount of Barremore ; hee used for his Motto in this his great prosperity . Gods providence is my in heritance , a Christian , and modest one , which for all that signifyed hee had nothing left him by his parents . These things I utter not by way of reproach , for wee are all the Children of Adam , but to minde Orery a little of the low and small nest , in which his Father was hatched , that hee should not soe farr forgett himselfe , as to contemne and trample under foote a whole Nation , wherin are soe many antient and noble Familyes : and let him give mee leave to till him , it is agreat and an unwary Impertinency for guilty and contaminated men to reproach the Innocent . Hee that says much , or displeaseth others , must heare somthing will displease himselfe , as alsoe hee that goes armed against many , expects many armed against him . In tyme of usurpation those that commaunded were very insolent ; it was then indeed men could say of England , what was said of Athens : that there only small theeves were hang'd , but the great ones were free , and condemn'd the rest ; wee hope it is not now soe in England : however Orery for one man hath had the good Fortune to escape in all tymes , and on all sides , and to have a good post and place in Every goverment . It is commonly said , that against a mischief , badd parents doe to theire Children , there is noe other cure then patience , but Orery being noe Parent , but an Enemy to our Nation , is not to be borne with , and it is more reasonable his owne confusion should be his cure , then our patience . The Catholicks of Ireland , look upon him as a great beast makeing a prey of all that 's weaker , and realy hee hath soe dealt with us , wherfore wee may deal with him in the same way according to our strength , and if hee is soe strong and in court soe much favoured as wee may not have him cited to make answer , the court will give us leave to expose his vertues or vices as wee finde them written by others . In what I have writt , I have but done my duty , in strycking him that stryck's my Country , for as Tertulean says . In hostem Patriae omnis homo miles est . I will here take my leave of Count Orery , minding him of what P. W. in his little book stiled the Irish Cullours foulded , printed at London Anno Domini 1662. in pag. 20. therof hee speaks of Orery to the Duke of Ormond as followeth . For indeed my Lord hee appears to mee all a long his writings , of the number of those , who see heaven , and all the hopes of the other life , as Mathematitians make us behold in a darke Chamber , what soever passeth a broad , through a little Crany , in such a manner , that all things wee see , appeare like shaddows and landsckips turned topsceturvy , Verily , I take this Gentleman to be abused soe by himselfe . And that after hee hath stopped up all the windows and accesses to heavenly Ray's , hee hath made a little hole for the Moone , and all the blessings of the other life have seemed very slender to his distrustfull spiritt : and that hee hath put on a Resolution to make a Fortune at what price soever , and to build on earth like Caine , after hee hath allmost renounced the hopes of heaven . If Orery be such a man as P. W. discribes him ; if hee hath not a trembling in the head , as old Cain the Murtherer had , hee cannot Chuse but have a trembling and great heavenisse at the hart . After ending with Orery I sinde a nother Kinde of snake in the grass latet anguis in herba full of poyson , this man conceals his name , wherfore I know not ( for hee needed not feare to write any thing against the Catholicks , when all things runn against them . ) Likely his fancy was to throw the stone , and hide his hand . Hee writt at London Anno 1664. a Book full of vennime with this title , Horae Subcesiva . In pag. 83. hee affirmeth that Charles the second is not obliged in the least by any Law of God or man , of warr or Nations to keep any one particle of the Irish Articles made or granted by King Charles his Father in the yeare 1648. to this purpose hee setts downe formally these words in pag. 81. King Charles the second , May Iure Belli & gentium , & lege talionis , without breatch of faith or Articles ( not excepting those of 1648. soe much insisted on , and soe mightily pleaded for by P. W. by that just Law ( soe often used , and prescribed by God himselfe ) take the lives , and fortunes of all bloodd-thirsty Popish Rebells , and theire confederats , and assotiats . M This Godly man doth not cite in what Code or Book this Law often used and prescribed by God himselfe is to be had , nor can hee , nor doth hee give any other reason or proofe for his assertion then his owne Authority ; which can be of noe vallue with any pious man. I appeal to all the noble-men and the worthy Protestant People of England if this is not rather the proposition of a Murtherer then of a Christian Gentleman , This mans Book ( Hor● Subcesivae ) P. W. did learnedly confute in an Appendix hee added to his reply to Orerys answer , and soe confounded him , that hee neuer writt word after in his owne defence . I remitt the Reader to what hee shall finde in said Appendix of this Matter , and after reading all let him Iudge as hee shall finde fitting and reasonable . Can wee forgit to list in the number of our Enemys the Earle of Clarendon Chancellor of England , ( hee deserves to head the first ranck of them ) a man of Ruine and Distruction , a Pest to Catholicks , and Ireland . Was not this Clarendon , this blooddy and covetous Statesmaen heard oft to say with a fierce countenanc and passionat tone , the Irish deserve to be exterpated , and then hee would after his usuall manner com out with a great oath , and swear they shall be extirpated . Good God what a heathnish Expression is this in the Mouth of a Christian Statesman , a Chancellor of Engelland . ( Is not a Christian King well Counselled in having neare him for chiefe Minister of State such a blooddy man voyd of all Iustice and mercy . ) But did this Athist ( soe great an Enemy to Godliness can not be a Christian ) think that God , that hath appoynted an Angell for the Guard of Every indivtduall person , would take noe care to preserve the body of an intyre Nation , but let them all be destroy'd to satisfy the minde and anger of a blooddy man. Clarendon was in this Bussiness like that Astronomer , or Philosopher , who look't upon the starrs , and fell into a well before his feet : hee had then designed in his owne minde the ruine of the Catholicks of Ireland , and very soon after , hee stole out of England , with a Guilty Conscience and Baggs of Gold in great feare , and left behind him his stately buildings , places of pleasure , great Riches , and the veneration of many that adored this man like an Idoll , ( the glory of the man is gon away like smooke and his name rotten , and hated in England ) and flying into France , walked over some Provinces of that Kingdome in trembling , like another Cain before any Settlement of himselfe . Iustum O Domine est Iudicium tuum . And wee are poore soules as yet living as wee can , and hopeing for Gods mercy . I am here to advertise my Reader of an abominable ingagment agree'd upon in the tyme of usurpation against the Royall Family ; the contents will teach you how good frinds they were to the King that conceived this ingagement . P. W. hath this oath page 74. of his reply to Orery's answer , and aptly tearms it one of the oathes taken by the Saints themselves the fautors of Crumwells Tyranny , and the wellwishers of his Kings-ship . Which ruuneth thus . I. A. B. doe hereby declare that I renounce the pretended title of Charles Stuart , and the whole line of late King Iames , and of every other person pretending to the Goverment of the Nations of England , Scotland , and Ireland , and the Dominions , and Territorys therunto belonging , and that Iwill by the grace and assistance of the Allmighty , be true and faithfull to this Common Wealth against any King , single Person , and House of Peers , and Every of them , and here unto I subscribe my name . Can any oath be more horrid , or can any written wickedness ascend higher ? and consequently can any mercy be greater then the pardon his Majesty hath granted to the men that hartily took this oath ? This Ingagment was forced upon the Irish Catholicks in soe high a Nature , that those who would not take it , were debarred not only from the benefitt of law , but alsoe expos'd to an inevitable danger of death , the Soldiers of Crumwells Army , being commanded by publick Proclamation , to kill any man they met on the high-way , who carryed not a Certificate about him of having taken that ingagment : Commaunds which were Cruelly executed on silly Pesants , who out of Ignorance , or want of care , having left theire ticketts at home , were Barbarously Murthered by the mercyless Souldiers . Make now a serious reflextion upon said ingagment out of the same Author . It is very remarkable , ( saith hee ) that they who devised this ingagment , who hartily subscribed , and forced others to take it , shall not be questioned , or held Criminall , and that those , who neuer saw it , before it was administrated to them , who abbor'd it in theire harts , and were forc't to signe it to avoyd a blooddy , and violent death , shall be declared nocents and an irecoverable Sentence of Loosing theire estates given against them , and theire estates soe forfeted , to be confirm'd on those very persons , who compell'd the proprietors to that forfeitur . Obstupescite Caeli super hoc & portae ejus desolamini vehementer . I defy all the Annalls , and the Histories , of Tartars , Turcks , Scithians , or of what People soever to produce soe horrible an injustice as this , or a more wicked , and Barbarous pranck of knavery , then those our Enemys have contrived . King Charles our Soveraigne your Royall Authority in England maintains the Peer in his splendor and Dignity , the Commoner in his birth right and liberty , you protect the weak from the oppression of the mighty , secure the Nobility from the insolence of the people , and by this Equall , and impartiall Iustice is indifferrently distributed to all the inhabitants of that great and flourishing Realme : And at the same tyme use is made of the same Royall Authority in your Kingdom of Ireland , to condemne innocents , before they are heard ; to destroy soe many hundred Widdow's and Orphans ; to confirme soe many unlawfull usurped possessions ; to violate the publick faith , to punish vertue , to countenance vice , to hold loyalty a Crime , and treason worthy of reward . These are verities not to be doubted of in our days , wee feel them by sore tryall : but after-ages will hardly admitt them , and it must be avery difficult matter to perswade those now , that have not been eye-wittnesses , that the fact ever happened . Now things being carryed in this nature , let your Majesty seriously consider , of whome shall God take account of our Distruction ; of those wicked states-men who abused your Authority ; or of your Royall Person , for not bringing those men ( after our humble and publick prayres and petitions to your Majesty for redress ) to the test and tryall of Iustice for having opprest us . Consider great King the prayer of King David to God. O God give the Iudgment to the King : And the Iustice to the Sonne of the King. Why soe King David ? To Iudge ( saith David ) thy people in Iustice , and thy poore in Iudgment . The Royall Prophet here gives the reason , wherfore the power of Iudging , and Sword of Justice is given to a King : to witt , that hee Judge the people in Justice , and the Poor in Iudgment . Which was not done ; soe complains , the Widdow's and Orphans in Ireland perishing in poverty and famin , and the world abroad is in amazement , that this was not done , Wonders ( they say ) were done after his Majestys restauration , Rebells made honest men , and honest men made Rebells by the Kings Royall pleasure , and all this brought about , by the cunning and wickedness of certaine Statsmen , wherby the King was cheated , and betrayd , the innocent People ruin'd and impious Statsmen enricht and magnify'd . soe that thee . Poore Catholcck People have nothing left them , but to cry to thee O Lord. Tibi deretictus est pauper Orphano tu eris adjutor . Contere Brachium peccatoris & maligni . To thee is the poor left , to the Orphan thou wilt bee a helper . Break the arme of the sinner and malignant . Our Eyes and harts O God are turn'd upon thee , seing men have abandon'd us ; O Lord when will the day come of our Happiness ? when shall wee with thankfullness say to all the world . Our Lord hath heard the desire of the Poore , and Iudged for the People , and the humble . Kings are more oblig'd to commiserat the calamity's of the afflicted rhen privat men , because they are the Fathers of the People : Iob a holy Prince in the land of Hus ( some hold hee was an absolute King ) did this . Heare him speak King Charls . I was an eye to the blinde , and a foot to the lame . I was the Father of the Poore ; I brake the Iawes of the wicked man , and out of his teeth I took away the prey . This is it the poore Catholicks most need to have done for them , that the Royall hand will break the jawes of wicked men , and take the prey out of theire teeth . Iob says further . The eare hearing counted mee blessed , for that I had delivered the poore man crying out , and the people that had noe helpe . The blessing sf him that was ready to perrish came upon mee , and I comforted the hart of the Widdow . There are thousands of these wedows and people crying out , comfort theire harts for they are perrishing , and let it be done ( as God would have it to be done ) by your Majesty , that the blessings of the poore may fale upon you as they did upon Iob , and all the blessings of heaven . But why great King ( give mee pardon for speaking to you ) why have wee , your Catholick subjects of Ireland been neglected , even to ruine and Distruction ? what did your Majesty see in us , that could render us in capable of the pardon granted to the Rebells in generall ? if our rising in arms ( which was against our fellow-subjects , for our owne defence , and not against the Crowne ) hath bin Iudged a Rebellion by your Royall Father and your selfe , I hope you hould us farre smaller Rebbels then those that made open warre against the Crowne and your Majest'ys , and in fine Murther'd your Father ; why then are they pardon'd , and wee not ? but incase our Revolution hath bin Iudg'd a Rebellion ( and in case it had bine truly soe ) upon the place made and concluded Anno 1648. ( The Marquis of Ormond hauing bin your Royall Fathers Commissioner to that Effest . ) Wee had an act of Oblivion from your Father of blessed Memory for all that had passed , and after confirmed by your Majesty : this Act of Oblivion hath wyp't away the Rebellion , ergo it can not rise , againe in Iudgment against us , nor can wee be punished for a Crime already forgiven : this being soe , why are wee cast of ? why left under a staine of Rebellion , the true Rebells being forgiven ? why being Innocent doe wee suffer this contumely ? why are wee strucken downe as dead men by your Royall Hand , Lands , Houses , Estates , and all wee had , being conferr'd on men , which have noe right to them , our Enemy's , and one tyme your owne : they pretend noe claime to our estates and livings , noe pack't , stipulation or convieance : by your Majesty's pleasure only ( that 's theire sole tytle ) they hold all , and wee have lost all . By what Law are wee thus treated , and destroy'd , by that of God , or Nature , or Nations ? all done against us , is against all those Lawes , and against the Law of Englaend , to , a good Law , by which noe man is to be deprived of his lands and goods , but by a due course of Law , the benefitt of this Law was denied us . Wither then shall wee turne , what are wee able to doe for our selves : the Father is not able to helpe the Child , nor the Child the Father , Mothers are weeping over theire little ones languishing in want and hunger . If wee are Innocent , ( the Act of Oblivion hath made us soe , though wee had bin guilty before ) why are wee cast out of our Houses , despoyl'd of our Lands , and Estates , that our Forefathers have possessed soe many ages ? If wee have committed any Crime or treason against the Crowne , your Royall Father , or your selfe , ( that was not remitted ) it were a greater mercy , to hasten us into the other world , by a short and violent death , then to condemne us to a lingering one , to be consumed , in coldness , hungar , and nakedness , and a shamefull slavery at home and in all the Regions of Europ . Your Majesty hath been pleased to tell publickly the Peers , and People of England . That wee abroad have followed your Majesty from Kingdom , to Kingdome , and that with all cheerfullness and obedience ; that wee received and submitted to your Royall Orders , and betook our selves to what fervice your Majesty directed , at that tyme most convenient , and behooffull to your Majesty , though attended with inconveniences enough to our felves , and your Majesty Iudged this our demeaniour very worthy of Protection , Iustice , and favour . Your Kingly Language the 27. Iuly 1660. to the House of Peers touching the Act of indemnity , was this . I hope I need say nothing of Irelande and that they alone shall not want the benefitt of my mercy : they have shew'd much affection to mee a broad , and you will have a care of my honour , and what I have promised to them . These veritys uttered by your Majesty are owned by our greatest Enemys ; for such , and that wee sacrifised our selves and all wee had faithfully , and hartily in your Majestys service . Let mee demaund here , where then have been Braghall , Coot , Cloathworthy , and others of that band , those Grandees your Majesty hath been pleased to honour with great titles ; the two first were made Earls of Orery , and Montrath and the last ( Cloathworthy , that knowne plunderer of the Queens Chappell , and summersett House an infamous man ) created viscount Massaren ? where I say againe , have these men been in the dark day of your Callamitys , and adversitys ? what were they then doeing ? They were then stiffly struggling against your Crowne and person , and Laying about them with maine indeavours , that the Royall Family of the Stuarts should neuer returne to theire owne Dominions ; ( to which purpose they contrived the forementioned horrid ingagement . ) In those days they stiled your Majesty only Charles Stuart , to call you King was a treason among them . And what is don in the end ? After all theire villanys , contempt of Royall Family , open Rebellion and warr against the Crowne , and after putting the good King to death : after our fidelity , obedience , and harty affection to your Majesty , and after your owne Kingly Testimonys , and expressions of the same : the matter hath been strangly carryed . How ? The knowne Rebells had your Majestys pardon , they were magnify'd , had places of trust and profitt in the cammon wealth , and to boot they carryed away our Houses , Lands , and Estates , by your Majestys Graunt under the great Seal . O tempora ! O mores ! O Laceratam Iustitiam ! And what is our lott , and share of this Tragicall play , after your Royall promisees of all favour and Protection ? wee are left naked and desolate , crying to God as those of Jerusalem did distroyed by theire Enemys . Remember O Lord what is fallne unto us , behold and regard our reproath : Our inheritance is turned to Aliens , and our Houses to strangers . Wee are Pupills without Fathers , the joy of our hart hath failed , our quire is turned to mourning . This is our deplorable state : what your Majesty will doe with us , or for us , is only knowne to God aud your selfe , and wee are to pray that God will be pleased to incline your hart to such a resolution , as may bring us some comfort , which wee much need ; Cor Regis in manu Domini , quocunque voluerit , inclinubit illud . Give freedom great King to a poore Priest , to speak truth to your Majesty , it is noe new thing that good Priests speak to Kings , and God himselfe saith , hee will curse the blessings of those Priestes , that will not speak truth , and give glory to his holy Name ; And the Prophet Malachias tells your Majesty , that regard is to be had of what the Priest says . For the lipps of the Priest ( saith that Prophet ) shall keep knowledg , and the Law they shall require out of his Mouth : because hee is the Angell of the Lord of hostes . The truth I presume to speak to you my King with all submission and sincerity is this . That your Majesty hath great cause to feare the heavy Iudgments God for soe many thousands of Wedow's and Orphans perrishing for want in the view of the world , by that fatall sentence called the Bill of Settlement . Iob tells us God hath , and doth somtyme punnish Kings . Balteum Regum dissoluit , & cinget fune renes eorum . Hee Looseth the Belt of Kings , and girdeth theire reynes with a cord . Hee Loosed the Belt from your Fathers side , and girded his Reynes with a cord of sore affliction : and yet hee was esteemed a sober , just , chast King. God , is a God of Iustice holding an Iron Rod in his hand stretched over the heads of all Kings , Emperours , and Popes , and tells them . Potentes , Potenter tormenta patientur ▪ Ezechias , the holy King , when the Prophet told him hee should dy , turning his face to the Temple said . Quis est qui sic humiliat sublimes reges terrae ? Examen my Soveraigne , and ponderwell the words of that good King , and how hee was frighted , hearing from the Prophet that hee should dy . Dy you must great King , when that shall be God alone knowes , Et post mortem sequiter Iuditium . Those men that abused your Authority on Earth will make noe answer for you ; your selfe must before that Tribunall , receive ( as the meanest of your subjects ) according to what you have done in this life . Many men use to speak to Kings . Omnia placentia . But those will be found in the end flatterers , and false Prophets ; I speake to your Majesty as a Priest of God should speak , ) naked truth , & sic liberavi animam meam . Your Majesty will doe well to sitt downe , and deeply Meditate upon this weighty poynt , and theme , of eternall Damnation , or salvation . Having exposed to my Soveraigne our calamity's , ruine and miserys , and offered humble prayers , for ease and mercy . I now turne my speech to you my most deare and honourable Countrimen , for your sake I have spoken noe way minding redress , for what I my selve have lost , which was somthing . If Iustice shall be don you , and cause of joy come from the Kings good pleasure and determination , prays God and the King for that Happiness , and pray to God for his long and prosperous Raigne . But if this shall not be done ( God permitting things to goe on as they doe , either for punnishing ours , and our Fathers sinns , or for trying our patience in this world . ) Let his holy Name be ever blessed : beare patiently your poverty , and you shall finde poverty a great blessing , S. Iohn Chrisostome compares it with Martyrdome . Egestas ( saith the Saint ) bene tollerata facit Martirium . I doe not think there can hardly be any found in the world , that have come to a greater distress , and poverty , then that you endure , suffer all willingly for God's sake and you are sure of a Crowne : minde often that excellent sentence of S. Augustin . Saeculi homines , infaeliciter faelices sunt , Martyres autem faeliciter infaelices erat . The men of this world , are unhappily happy , but the Martyrs have been happily unhappy . This is your case , or very like it , soe as in your nakedness , your are happier , then those that have all that was yours , living in pleasurs , and plenty , Let this alsoe be some comfort to you , that you have but lost , those things you could not long hould , nor shall the present possessors long enjoy them . Though they think theire fortuns in that Land surely settled , they are but Pilgrims in the way as you are , and must part as you shall ( and with more greef , and feare , for having more then you have ) and then they shall know and feel Gods Iudgment for what they have done to you . In all your afflictions , I shall pray and conjure you , to demean your selves like good Christians , paying faithfully to God his due , and to the King his ; to the King Fidelity and Obedience in Civilibus , and that for Conscience sake ; to God Veneration and highest Worship , which can not be performed without professing a true Rcligion , the same you are of : wherfore let noe wordly preferments , or comodity's , that men can conferr on you ; nor punishments they can inflict , shake your Religion , but hould the same constantly in all tempests and stormes , for of it depends eternall salvation . And to speak at the present tyme of your great afflictions , imitate I pray you , the three Isralites cast into the furnase of Babilon , and you shall finde , as they did , an Angell to comfort you . They in the fyre blessed the name of God , when Azarias standing in the flame said . Blessed art thou O Lord , the God of our Fathers , and laudable and glorious is thy Name for ever , because thou art just in all things which thou hast don to us , and all thy works are true and thy ways righteous , and thy Iudgments true , for wee have sinned , and done unjustly , revolting from thee , and and now wee follow in all our harts ; and feare thee , and seek thy face , confound us not , but doe with us according thy meekness , and according to the multitude of thy mercy deliver us in thy mervells , and give glory to thy name O Lord. None of you have suffered soe much as innocent Iob , set him before your Eyes , invironed with the messingers of all his disasters . One of them said to him . The Sabean● tooke away the Oxes and Asses , and kill'd thy servants . A nother said , a fyre from heaven struck thy sheep , and thy servants , and consum'd them all . The third ; The Chaldeans made three troups and invaded the Cammels . The last told him . A vehement winde came from the Country of the desert , and shook the foure Corners of the House , wherin thy Children were feasting , and falling oppressed them , and they are all dead . Iob hearing all this sad newes , blamed not the Sabeans , Chaldeans , fire from heaven , or winde coming from the Country of the Desert , nor did soe much as mention them . But hee rose up , and faling on the ground adored , and said . Naked I came out of my Mothers Wombe , and naked shall I returne thither , our Lord gave , our Lord hath taken away , as it pleased our Lord , soe it is done , the name of our Lord he blessed . Bless you likewise the the name of our Lord for all that hath befalen you , offering all up purely to his holy will. One thing my honoured deare Country-men I seriously commend to your pious Considerations , the ensuing weighty golden sentence of S. Cyprian . Deus unus est , ( saith hee ) Christus unus est , & una Ecclesia , & Cathedra una , supra Petrum Domini voce fundata : aliud Altare constitui , aut sacerdotium novum fieri prater unum Altare , & unum Sacerdotium , non potest . Qnisquis alibi collegerit , spargit . Adulterum est , impium est , sacrilegum est , quodcunque humano fur●ro Institutitur , ut dispositio Divina violetur . Let the words of this most holy Bishop and Martyre goe to the hart of every one of you . This one God hath created you . This one Christ hath redeemed you . This one Church hath baptized you , and imbued you with the Elements of faith , and Christian Rules of living well : This one and holy Chaire ( of Peter ) hath governed you , and all the Christian world in verity , and sanctity all a long from the Apostles tyme. There is but one Altar , and one Priesthood ( and this only in the Roman Catholick Church : ) hee that gathereth out of this congregation , disperseth . This Church only hath the keyes of heaven , and true Commission to save soules ; any power on Earth , that seeks to pull downe this Altar , to Abolish this Priesthood , to distroy this Church , is Impious , Adulterous , Prophane , and Sacrilegious . The holy Doctour gives another Devine Counsell to his people . Nemo vos fratres errare a Domini viis faciat ; Nemo filios Ecciesiae de Ecclesia tollat ; pereant sibi soli qui perire voluerint . That is to say , let noe man bring you into error from the pathes of our Lord ; let none take out of the Church , Children of the Church ; those that have a minde to perrish and be lost , let them be lost alone . Let Egan ( a lost dissolaite Fryer that latly fell ) and this Sall , and all such prophane men , that will not remaine In Gods House , let them perrish alone , seeing they will haue it soe : doe not you follow theire evill example , Impiety and maddness , but wisely stay within the Ribbs of the Ark , the holy Roman Catholick Church ( Ad quam ( teste Cypriano ) perfidia non habet accessum , And out of which great Augustin assures us there is noe hopes of salvation : ) And be constantly , and Religiously obedient to the Apostolick Sea , and to the man , that stands upon the Rock Clement the X. conspicuous for his Zeal and Piety , on earth the prime Lord of the House of God , with full power to guide and governe all soules in the way of salvation . Praying God of his infinit goodness to graunt you in your great afflictions fortitude ; patience , and comfort ; to his holy Protection I commend hartely you and my selfe , this 23th . December , 1674. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40452-e1940 Isa . Cap. 38 , 1. Cor. Cap. 10. Apoc. Cap. 12. Dictum S. Ambrosy . Isa . Cap. 8. Psal . 140. Act. Apl. cap. 5. Levit. cap. 19. Isa . Cap. ● . Ierem. Cap. 6. Ad Rom Cap. 13. Ad Hebr. cap. 11. In Merc. Britanicus . * Bos in Lingua . Iudae Epist . Plato legum 2. lib. Prov. cap. 10. Eccles . cap. 21. Exod. cap. 22. S. To. 2a . 2ae . q. 6. A. 7. De grafys ex cap. significasti , desce : 36. M. 35 , In 2a . 2ae . q. 40. & q. 64. and the interpriters of holy writt in Rom. 13. 3a . part . lib. 2. cap , 1. In 2a . 2ae . q. 64. a 7. In 2a . 2ae . q. 40. a 1. dub : 2. con . 1. Mac. l. 2. cap. 15. 2a . 2ae . q. 40. a. 1. d. 10 , con . 1. §§ . ad L Aquill : L scientiam §§ . qui cum aliter . Instit : Moral : P. 3. l. 3. q. 6. q. 6. n. 7. de Iustitia & Iure . Out of the Narrative of the Earl of Clarindons Settlement and Sale of Ireland Out of Clarendons Settleement and Sale of Ireland pag. 8. Psal . 71. Psal . non●●… . Iob. cap. 29. Ierem. Thren● cap. 5. Malac. cap. 2. Iob. cap. 12. Dan. cap. 3. Iob. cap. 1. S. Cyprianus Epist . 40. 
A53467	----	The Irish colours displayed in a reply of an English Protestant to a late letter of an Irish Roman Catholique : both address'd to His Grace the Duke of Ormond ... Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, 1621-1679. 1662 Approx. 32 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53467 Wing O485 ESTC R22100 12362905 ocm 12362905 60294 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53467) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60294) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 218:8) The Irish colours displayed in a reply of an English Protestant to a late letter of an Irish Roman Catholique : both address'd to His Grace the Duke of Ormond ... Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, 1621-1679. [3], 17 p. [s.n.], London : 1662. Attributed to Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery. Cf. NUC pre-1956; Wing. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Ireland. Ireland -- History -- 17th century. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-05 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Irish Colours DISPLAYED , In A REPLY of an English Protestant To a late LETTER of an Irish Roman Catholique . Both Address'd to his Grace THE DUKE of ORMOND Lord Lieutenant of His Majesties KINGDOME OF IRELAND . Similis in prole resurgo . London , Printed in the Year , 1662. The IRISH COLOURS DISPLAYED , In a REPLY of an English Protestant to a late LETTER of an Irish Roman Catholique . Both address'd to his Grace The DUKE of ORMOND Lord Lieutenant of His Majesties Kingdome of IRELAND . Similis in prole resurgo . MY LORD , IT was yesterday my chance to meet a Letter newly printed , though pretended by the Title to have been given your Grace about the end of October 1660. [ desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholiques of Ireland ] wherein though I confesse much is spoken and little said , yet because the Author of it seems to have been both a bold man in setting your Graces name to it , and a wise man in not setting his own , I thought it fit to be taken notice of , and shall follow his example in both , though ( I fear ) neither that nor his precepts in any thing else . The contention lying ( as it ever has done , and I fear ever will , ) between His Majesties British Protestant Subjects , and His Irish Roman Catholique in the Kingdome of Ireland , I imagin'd it would become us ill , who never refus'd to fight them in the Field upon the extremest disadvantage , if we should now avoid to do it in the Presse upon the greatest advantages , that the justice of our Case , the mercy of our King , your Graces patronage , and the favour of Heaven express'd in all these circumstances can allow us ; and therefore since they have drawn so much of our blood , I shall never grudge them a little of our ink , being I confess well enough pleas'd to see us both now at length putting on the same colour , whereas for so long together the Black has been ours , and the Crimson theirs . The matter of this Pamplet is indeed so difficult to find , and so easie to answer , that I am a little loath to begin the search , being much of the same nature with that of a Brass penny in a heap of Rubbish , that before you find it almost puts out your eyes , and after you have it , 't is hardly felt in your hand ; and therefore before I quest after that little game it affords me , I shall give your Grace some account of a word or a fear , which just now fell from me , that the contention between the two Parties in Ireland will never have an end , which may both startle your Grace with the difficulty of your Charge , whose chief end and task is to disprove this opinion ; and shock many others as an uncharitable thought , who are apt to believe the quiet of that Countrey ; may be wrought out by tempering of Interests , extinguishing Feuds , by inducing a general Oblivion of the past and security of future Times ; and in a word , that a Golden Age may arise in that Kingdome , out of one of Iron that has lasted some hundreds of years , just as a fair and gentle morning does sometimes at Sea after a long furious storm , without any reason for one or for t'other , but onely , that a general composure of minds happens at times like a calm sett of weather ; and no man the wiser though all men the happier for it . My Lord , I wish I could be of this Belief , I confess I am not , though I may justly say my temper and fortune both dispose me to it , the one giving me fear of losing a little , and the other despair of gaining the least by tumults and wars . I have long accounted the Peace of my Countrey to be like the Health of my Body ; without which all that men call pleasures turn sowre , or lose all their rellish at least . I will not say to make good my opinion , that Saturn , Mars , and Mercury are the onely Planets that influence that Climate , though the sullen and angry genius , as well as the cunning , busie , chaffering vein of the inhabitants might help me out , nor that the kindly rays of Venus and Iupiter are too gentle to pierce a thick air that is accus'd so often to obscure the Sun , and fully the Moon among them ; but I must needs say , when I consider the rise of these two parties in that Kingdome , which was the descent of our victorious Ancestors among them , who at first held their Lands from their Swords , though our Kings title to the whole was afterwards strengthned by Alliances , by submissions as well as ( if they please to take notice of it ) by an absolute grant of that whole Island from Pope Adrian the fourth to Henry the second . When I consider that upon this original quarrel the Natives of the Countrey have ever since lock'd upon the English name , as that of Usurpers and Intruders upon their lands and inheritance , and the English planted there , upon the Irish ; as enemies , for so they were styl'd in all publique Acts for a long course of time . When I consider that these two parties have for above foure hundred years , been bred up , as I may say in mutual slaughters , and rapines , and wars , every age , begun by the Irish , upon pretences of recovering their Liberty and Countrey , and return'd by the English , in defence of their King , their Kindred , and the Lands they had purchas'd by their Ancestors blood , or by their own Treasure . When I consider that these bloody animosities were constant and hereditary to them , so long before any division between them in matters of Religion , and withal how much they have been sharpned by that accident , which has been so powerful as most unhappily to engrafft such numbers of old English families into the Irish stock and interest upon this last Rebellion ( for to that we must needs attribute it rather than to their long habitudes among them . ) When I consider how much of the Irish lands have been given in a lump into the hands of British Planters upon forfeitures in King Iames his time , what quantities must now be disposed of , though the greatest tendernesse imaginable should be us'd in the adjudging their new forfeitures now in question , besides how perpetuall a memory the Irish retain of these esteemed injurys , as I could give instances to amazement , and as severall of their Articles in forty eight in some measure discover by their returning so far back and resolutions even in cold blood to unravel the settlements of ages past . When I consider that similitude of customes and manners is the common sodder of all Friendships and good Intelligences among men , and withall how strange a difference in both these as well as habit and language is between these two Nations , unlesse it be where by long abode of few among many , either the civility of the English has corrected theirs , or the barbarousnesse of the Irish has infected ours . When I consider among many others of the kind , that one old custome of theirs , in celebrating their funeralls after their savage manner , where the praises of the dead use to be rais'd and rehearsed , from no other vertue or prowess then the number of English slain or murtherd by him or his Ancestors , either as Souldiers in War , or as Woodkernes or Tories in Peace , which is elegantly described by Spencer in his short discourse of Ireland , and I have been assur'd is still us'd in many of the wilder parts in the North , where upon such occasions they have no witnesses but themselves . When I consider the common conversation of the Vulgar of both parties upon all the least occasions breaking out into terms of malice , suspition , revenge , and contempt , besides the strange ignorance of the common Irish that subjects the whole conduct of their lives to the guidance of their Priests and Friers , which makes them all Spanish Papists , as the common tearm goes , and as I think indeed all Roman Catholiques living in Protestant Dominions throughout Europe are in great degree ; and to this onely I can attribute that senselesse opinion among the Vulgar Irish , that the Kingdome of Ireland lawfully belongs to the Crown of Spain , and that his Majesties Title to it is like that of the English to their Lands by usurpation and force . When I consider that , upon this present conjuncture , though his Majesty has been pleased to exempt many of the Roman Catholique Nobles and Gentlemen from the stain and punishment of their common original guilt in the last bloody Rebellion , by restoring them fully to their honours and estates , upon the amends they seem to have made by their personall services to his Majestie abroad , yet not a man of them is content to save his own stake to break from the herd , or leave stickling in the patronage and defence of the common party , as if they valu'd not their estates without their dependances , and had something more in aime then what they pretend to in their ordinary clamors and complaints ; This I confesse is the onely thing which lessens many of them in my value , whom otherwise I should esteem very much as persons of good breeding , good meene , good wits , and good humour , and fit for the eye and for the service of their Prince . And lastly , when I consider that all this cannot be attributed to the force of any constellation above , or conjunction here below , but rather to the common course of humane nature , and the passions incident thereunto , and that this implacable enmity of the Irish to the English , springs from the same root with that of all other subjected people to their Conquerors , till by time and prevailing number , wearinesse of mutuall fears , policy of Laws and Governours both come at length to be blended into one Masse . That consequently the late unparallel'd Massacres , though far greater in number then any upon record of Story , yet had no newer cause or occasion then that of the Roman Citizens in the lesser Asia , that of the French in Scicily , that of the Danes in England , and the frequent ones of Europaean Colonies in the Indies ; till time and experience taught them to provide for their safety and so they have done , My Lord , all wiser Nations to secure their conquests , though it has ever yet been the reproach of the English Government , that in so long a tract of time they have never been able to free themselves from a vast expence of Blood and Treasure upon an Island which seems by nature to have been intended so much for the greatness of His Majesties Imperiall Crown , by the mighty accesse of those two great strengths , Money and able bodies of men , arising from the incredible fertility of the soil in all rich native Comodities , aswel as the increase of people ; When all these thoughts I say run thorough my head , I cannot hope to live so long as to hear [ Iam cuncti gens una sumus ] plaid by the Irish Harp , though I know it was sung by some English in their discourses about the beginning of the late Kings Reign , but never I think by any Irish , and with how sad Notes it then ended in the Close some men I hope may still have leave to remember . Now My Lord , if all this be but vision and false imagery , rais'd up only by my own spleen or passions , I may possibly passe for a Fanatique , or some malicious envious person , none of which I thank God I have yet ever done nor I hope ever shall upon any other score . For I have often deplor'd that my birth or my fotunes should cast me into an Age or a Countrey , where men cannot live together more like the Sons of one Father , the Subjects of one Prince , the Servants of one God , then I see we are like to do . But if it be a true representation of the Quarrel in that Kingdome , of the disposition of the parties , and complexion of the Climate ; then I think it will concern his Majesty to secure his Crown and his Subjects peace in that Kingdome , by the same arts of Government that have been us'd in the same cases , with respect to such differences as circumstances may make , and whatever become of lands never trust our lives again in the power of a generation whose game and prey they have been , and whose design they must ever be unlesse my Almanack fails , T is but a carelesse and will be but an unfortunate Shepherd that quits his guard and suspicion , and neglects his flock because the old wolf has broke his teeth , though he can never lose his nature nor yet break the Law of [ Similis in prole resurgo . ] What those arts of Government are , I shall not in the least presume to discourse of , all Stories and all Times are full of them , and the Observations upon them very instructing , and no person able to make better use of them , and to improve them more than your Grace under His Majesties favourable influence , and in concurrence with so great , so wise , and so renowned a Councellor to his Majesty and friend to your Grace as My Lord High Chancellour of England , whose justice and favour to us we must ever own , and shall endevour to acknowledge , with that devotion becomes us as true servants both of his virtues and fortunes . Besides , my opinions in this point I confesse may be a little out of the common way , and I am so too in not being the least fond of giving them light without a direct occasion , and therefore shall make no inquiry here into the usuall wayes of securing acquisitions either by out numbring the Natives , by introducing conformity of Lawes , Language , Habit , Custome , Religion , by interchangeable removall of their seats , as in Charlemain's time , of Saxons into Flanders , and of Flemish into Saxony , by assuming their lands and giving them a new dependancy , by entertaining feuds between themselves , by Forts and standing Armies according to the modern policy , or by distinct Colony's according to that of the old Graecian and Roman States , I should only beg if my prayers were of any regard , that his Majesty might but esteem this a matter worthy His care and thought , and then I should no way doubt of the successe ; and that you may judge it so the more , I shall onely be your remembrancer that as the onely good effect of such infinite slaughters and Murthers as have hitherto infam'd that Kingdome , and discouraged the plantation , has been the producing of this conjuncture wherein His Majesty hath gain'd an occasion of setling it upon lasting foundations which has been so much desired by his Ancestors , but the like never attain'd either in respect of power , justice , or honour . So whatever mischeifs or miscarriages shall ever happen in that Kingdome in times to come , will by posterity be laid to the charge of this generation , but how to be answer'd I believe the next must tell . Now My Lord , how great a part of this care and conduct must needs fall to your Graces share , I shall not need put you in mind , finding one among your Titles that sufficiently does it , but in case you fall into the same opinion I professe to be of , that the peace and safety of that Kingdome cannot be provided for by balancing interests between English and Irish , but by boying up one or other of them out of danger of sinking again , I shall then offer to your thoughts , whether as Duke of Ormond as well as His Majesties Lieutenant of Ireland , both your duty and your interest does not evidently lead you to the support , protection , and encouragement of the English who in that Kingdom will come under your charge . And here I must begin to take notice of our Secretary and his Letter , the Scribling of which gave me the occasion of mine , the greatest design of the whole draught seems by cogging and clawing , by professions of kindnesse and confidence , by terms of relation and good intelligence , to endear their cause and persons to your Grace , and to work upon your affections where they despair to do it upon your judgement . He sayes they have been [ your constant beleivers , your passionate Sticklers , their hopes of delivery have been by you , begs a demonstration of that justice and favour you intended them in forty eight , threatens your failing will lessen your esteem and dependencies among them , and at last compares you to Joseph , and calls you the Saviour of your brethren ] on purpose sure to put you in mind how your brethren sold and betray'd you , for how the Irish came to be your brethren upon any other kindred I cannot imagine . On the other side , My Lord , we are bold to claim and challenge you for ours , and upon many good tokens , by the birth of your Ancestors and your own , by their and your unshaken loyalty to the Crown of England , by your constancy to the old Protestant Religion , by your personal commands against the Irish , and glorious victories over them the first two years of the Rebellion , and which no question had continued had not your Royall Masters affairs at that time received a change there , by the fatall necessity of his others in England , and forc't you to a conjunction , where you had ever before been at defiance . If I may descend to lighter circumstances , we challenge you for ours by your breeding , by your person by your speech , by your disposition , by your Lady and your Children , in the mid'st of all which who ever should see you , let him be never so much a stranger to all our disputes , I durst trust him to judge whether you are English or Irish , and dur'st dye for it , if one man in a hundred that was not stark blind would ever give you from us . As for our affections to you , our confidence in you , our dependence upon you in this occasion and upon all to come , we cannot give place to our adversaries , as knowing our own hearts , and that 't is well if any else knows theirs . If our hopes or our trusts have ever been estranged from your Grace , it has been owing to those unhappy revolutions that have forc't you to a seeming good aspect upon them , but now that the occasion and necessity of that is all blown over , we return and throw our selves into your armes , with the same kindnesse and confidence that Lovers would do into those of a Mistress whose forced or feigned smiles to a rival , had for a while entertained them in sullen aking jealousies , which serve to make way for a kinder reconcilement , And now My Lord , deceive us if you can , no , we know you are too wise , too loyal , and too generous . Besides as to your personall interest , ( for as for that of your Masters it 's too evident which way it must incline you ) you are arriv'd in command , in dependence , in estate to the heighth of what you can aim at in Ireland without being too much envied and something fear'd , so that all the game that lies before you ought in prudence to be pursued in England , by preserving His Majesties favour , gaining his Subjects affections , preferring your Children and increasing your fortunes , in a place where they may lye for a record of your honour and merit , and be both a testimony and a pawn of your Families Loyalty , if in ages to come your posterity should grow too great , or meet with a more suspicious Master then now you have the happinesse to serve . And My Lord , I need not tell you how much your countenance to the English in Ireland would endear you to the Nation here , nor how much that might be estranged from you , by your favour to the Irish. For beleive me , My Lord , we have here in England bled and paid too deep , and too often upon their occasion to be presently friends , and the horridnesse of this last Rebellion , has too far reach't Heaven with it's cry , and stain'd the earth with it's colour to be suddenly either forgiven in Heaven or forgotten upon Earth . The next thing I can observe in the letter I begun with , is a comparison it insists upon , between the Roman Catholique Irish , and His Majesties Protestant Subjects in the three Kingdomes , [ many thousand of whom were he sayes far more hainously criminall , who have as little contributed or intended towards His Majesties Restauration as they . ] If any comparisons are odious they are those of mens vices and guilt , rather then of their vertues and innocency , which makes me unwilling to pursue this any further , yet I cannot but observe the offences of the Irish sprung from a more generall quarrell , which was without comparison more generally infus'd through the hearts of the people , pursu'd by far more bloody courses , and which is remarkable began where other quarrells use to end , that is with slaughter and fury , whereas all others swell first in expostulations and manifestoes , ripen in threats , warning , and preparations , break at length in fair and open arms . But this Irish Rebellion clasht out like a sudden storm of lightning and thunder , defacing houses and fields , wasting Countries , destroying man and beast , and giving an essay of what it meant in the end by the cold and treacherous murthers of so many thousand innocent souls in the first two moneths , before men were enough themselves to know almost from whence their danger came ; which number encreasing to that of above Two hundred Thousand in the first two years , makes the Massacre unparallel'd , and excuses all cruelties may have been return'd by the English in the heat of the War. Whoever imagins a Troop of Souldiers , among whom is hardly a man , but has lately lost a Wife , a Brother , a Parent or a Child by the butcherly hands of inveterate enemies , will not wonder to see them fierce in their assaults or furious in their executions . For the horrid Murther of his late Majesty of blessed memory , which this Writer would throw into the ballance as a crime diffused thorough many Thousands of the Protestant Subjects in the three Kingdomes , I look upon it as a bold slander , and which is no more to be imputed to the Protestants here , then the assassin of Henry the fourth of France , to the Roman Catholiques there , this having been contriv'd by Ravilliack , and perhaps half a dozen Jesuites his complices , and that by Cromwell , Ireton , and perhaps half a dozen more , whose power , and name , and artifices , had at that time stun'd the Nation into a sufferance of that impious fact , and inchanted the Army into an outward complyance with what I am confident not one man in Ten Thousand throughout the three Kingdomes but abhorr'd in his Soule . For what he sayes of [ their having as little contributed or intended towards the Kings restoration as the Irish did ] because 't is modestly spoken he shall e'en go away with it , though no man I am sure , no not the Birds nor the Flies contributed lesse to it then the Roman Catholique Irish , whereas there seem'd an universal conspiration towards it in the Protestants of the three Kingdomes , which past for some amends of their faults , and earnest of their pardons so graciously allowed them . And for their bare intentions they may best judge themselves , for by their former actions we should be apt to judge ill , and besides I have heard an unlucky Proverb , that hell is full of good intentions . But we plead not our innocence neither here nor in Ireland , we stand not upon Articles , we claim His Majesties Grace held forth in the Act of Indempnity , and question not but the same reasons which then induc'd His Majesty both to grant it us and deny it them , continue still , and will do so to both our Posterities , unless we lose our memories , and change our Religions , we grow to own dependence upon the Pope , and they upon the King in all Ecclesiastical matters , which , say what men will , draw Civil after them . The next thing pleaded in this Letter is that [ they fought for His Majesty till over-power'd by Multitudes , through Gods unsearchable judgements , desertion by friends abroad , and home divisions , they lost both themselves and their Country . ] That they fought so long for the King , or were overpower'd by Multitudes , I cannot allow , for the Quarrel persu'd by the Long-Parliament , and by the following Tyrannous power , against the Irish , was not for their Show of adherence to the King , which was known to be the next Covert they shrunk under for shelter , but it was for being Murtherers and Rebels against the English Nation and Government , and what advantages accrued to the Rebellious Arms in England , from the pretence of this National War and revenge upon the Rebells of Ireland , I need not enlarge ; I may safely say , that as the miseries of these Nations began to break out with violence and blood , first in that Kingdome , so they were fomented and heightned all along by the ill effects and ill colours of that Irish Rebellion . Those who indeed so long and so bravely fought for His Majesty in Ireland , and were so violently pursued by the Usurpers and their powers , we know well were those gallant and Loyal Troops of English , assembled under your Graces command , and made up either of the first English Army , or such constant Subjects to his Majesties interest in England , who after the Ruine of their hopes here , went over into Ireland , preferring the hazard of their lives once more before the Servitude of their Country : These are commonly comprehended under the name of such as serv'd His Majesty in the War of Ireland , before 49. and are a noble vital part of that body , I mean by the English interest in Ireland ; and how well these were assisted and treated by the Roman Irish Catholicks , I may safely leave to your Graces Remembrance . [ The over-powering them with Multitudes , ] I before never heard , nor can any believe , who knows their numbers in proportion to ours much to the contrary ; I have heard and could tell , but that I love not to reproch men who have lost their Arms , though cruelty and valour have been ever esteem'd , and are indeed by nature so little a kinne , that whoever knows much of the one cannot believe much of the other . For the rest of that Paragraph it is so ingenuous , I must needs joyn with him in the acknowledgement [ that through the unsearchable Wisdome of God , desertion by friends abroad , and home divisions , they have lost both themselves and their Country . ] For matter of their Articles in forty Eight , which the Writer of this Letter presses to be observ'd that of Trasplantation , Corporations , and the disposal of the Irish Lands according to His Majesties declared Will , and the present pursuit of His English Protestant Subjects , they are particulars I shall not meddle with , as having heard that they all have , or will fall in debate before His Majesty at Council , where your Lordship must needs be acquainted with all that can be argued upon those Subjects , though in case I find need of more publick Satisfaction , I shall not refuse to come once more into the Presse upon that occasion , and question not to satisfie all unbias'd persons , concerning His Majesties Resolutions of setling the Kingdome of Ireland , upon the foundation of a Protestant Strength and Interest , and make it evident he has taken them up upon grounds of Piety , Justice , Prudence , and Honour , not out of any [ fear from the power of the English Army there as this Letter would insinuate . ] Whereas I am confident never any Prince was better serv'd and obey'd then His Majesty will be by His Protestant Subjects in Ireland , whom I look upon all as one body . Another shred of this Work I am taking in pieces , consists of some well couch'd threatnings , [ how much the hearts of the Roman Catholiques in Ireland , will be estrang'd both from His Majesty and your Grace ] if they are defeated of their hopes . I must agree with him again and acknowledge he tells you a great truth , and that he might have told you another in saying they are so already , past all means of firm reconciling , since they who aim at the whole , will never be contented with a part . I shall only desire your Grace to take the warning they give you ; to trust and favour those who take themselves to be oblig'd by you , never those who think themselves offended . Nor for ought I know will any man blame them so much for seeking their revenge , as us for not providing our defence , since in all like cases the same nature uses to imprint both the one and the other . All the rest of this Pamphlet consists in quotations of Scripture , from which its Author [ exhorts to imitation of God in not destroying the righteous with the just , and denounces judgements against Breakers of Articles , from the Example of Saul and the Gib●onites . ] I shall not pursue the Parallel in those cases between the Sins of Sodome and those of the Irish , nor between the Scarcity of the Innocent in the one , and the other of these Nations ; nor shall I observe that the judgements of God were not sent down upon Israel , for making the Gibeonites Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water , but as the Text runs for Saul and his bloody House , because he slew the Gibeonites ; in which case we desire no Paralell , but should as earnestly intercede for the lives of the Irish , though yet in that Case unpardon'd , as we must always sollicite for the safety of our own , in such a Settlement as we hope to see atchiev'd by His Majesties Gracious care , and your Lordships diligence in the execution of it . For the rest I will not go about to answer him at this weapon ( though it might easily be done ) as having I confesse an aversion from the late custome of our Age , for every private hand as it serves its one occasion , to draw all Stories and expressions of Scripture into consequence , for the conduct of our lives and the framing our opinions ; I have observ'd this use to be of mischievous effect , and destructive in a great measure to the respect and obedience we owe Civil Authority . I revere the Scriptures , but esteem them given us for other use then to fortifie disputes concerning State Affairs out of every part of them , I know how apt we are to be deceiv'd with the likenesse of Examples or Precepts , in the unlikenesse of times and persons , and Lawes and Mannors , and Constitutions and other Circumstances , therefore I shall here leave him to his devotions , and betake my self to mine , a part of which are my hearty wishes and prayers , that all His Majesties Councells may be guided with that Wisdome which will end in his own Glory , and the Prosperity as well as Peace of all His Kingdomes , and that your Graces conduct in this great Employment , may be as eminent as the rest of your fortunes , and enlightned with a clear Sight of what is the true interest both of His Majesty at present , the Crown of England in all Ages , and your own too in the present Settlement and future Government of that unhappy Kingdome ; and because I both am , and desire to appear in Charity with all men , I shall end my discourse as the Roman Catholique does his , with hearty wishes that you may be in your Station [ the Saviour of your Brethren and your Country . ] For my self , what I am as to my temper and opinions , must be referr'd to this Paper , who I am is no matter , if that speaks either sense or truth , or successefully to the ends I intend it , which I am sure are fair and honest , as well as the Professions sincere of my being Your Graces most humble Servant . 
A56169	----	The good old cause rightly stated, and the false un-cased Prynne, William, 1600-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56169 of text R219597 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P3970). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 28 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56169 Wing P3970 ESTC R219597 99831058 99831058 35520 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56169) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 35520) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2038:28) The good old cause rightly stated, and the false un-cased Prynne, William, 1600-1669. 6, [2] p. s.n., [London : 1659] By William Prynne. Caption title. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A56169 R219597 (Wing P3970). civilwar no The good old cause rightly stated, and the false un-cased. Prynne, William 1659 4810 29 0 0 0 0 0 60 D The rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Good Old Cause rightly stated , and the False un-cased . By William Prynne Esq a Bencher of Lincolns-Inne . WHen the a wilely Gibeonites attempted to circumvent Iosuah and the Israelites , and draw them into a League with them , against b Gods express inhibition , they accomplished their design with this Stratageme , c by carrying along with them , old Sacks , old rent Wine-bottles , old Shoes and Garments , and old dry mouldy bread and provisions to the Israelites Camp at Gilgal ; which they alleged were all new on the day they came forth from their Country , but were all becom old by reason of their very far journy , which they believing , without examination , were insnared by them . This policy hath for many years past been pursued by Iesuites and other Gibeonites of Rome , to circumvent over credulous Protestants to enter into a holy League with them to the shipwrack of their Faith and Souls , by crying up their d new Superstitions , Relique , Errors , for the only old Religion , and decrying the antient Protestant Religion as a late Novelty first broached by Luther and Calvin . Whether this be not the present stratageme of some of their Instruments , or Fraternity , to engage the Souldiers to joyn in a new confederacy with them , to bring our old Religion , Government , Parliaments , Laws , Liberties , to speedy desolation , & irrecoverable destruction , under the disguise of maintaining the good * old Cause , is not unworthy their strictest inquisition , & most serious consideration , which will be evidently demonstrated to them by discovering the only true original Good Old Cause , Grounds , Ends , drawing the Houses of Parliament to raise and continue the Armies under their successive Generals ; most clearly , fully , and truly expressed in their own Votes , Orders , Ordinances , Declarations year after year , printed at large in two distinct Volums for Edward Husbands 1643. and 1646. by order of the Commons assembled in Parliament ; which being almost quite forgotten , it will be both seasonable , and necessary to refresh the memories , and awaken the stupid , if not seared Consciences of the Nation , with a recital of the chiefest of them , to countermine the new plots of all seducing Gibeonites . The first Original of the unhappy breach between the late King and our long Parliament , was (e) his comming personally into the Commons House to demand the five Members , 4 Ianuary 1641. whom the day before he had impeached of High Treason , and sent a Sergeant at Arms to apprehend : This breach of Privilege induced the Houses to require the power of the Militia to be at their disposal , for the safeguard of their Persons and Privileges : which being denyed by the King , who condescended to it very far , but not in that latitude as demanded ; soon after the King departing from the Parliament , and setting on foot the Commission of Array for his defence against the Parliament , and the Parliament raising the Militia for their safeguard against the King , this first engaged them by degrees into a civil bloody war against each other , ending in their mutual destruction by the very new Militia they contested for , as their only security against each other . The sole Cause , Grounds , Ends of the Parliaments raysing the Militia , and after that an Army , are thus fully declared by the Lords and Commons , in their Prepositions for bringing in Plate and Mony , Horse , Horse-men , and Arms for the defence of the King and both Houses of Parliament , printed and published by order of the Lords and Commons , 10 Junii 1642. Whereas it appears the King ( seduced by wicked Counsel ) intends to make war against his Parl. and in pursuance thereof , (f) under pretence of raysing a Guard for his person , hath actually begun to levy forces both horse and foot , &c. so as the orders of Parliament , which is the highest Court of Iustice in this Realm , are not obeyed , and the authority thereof is altogether scorned and vilified , and such persons as stand well-affected to it , and declare themselves sensible of these publike calamities , and of the violations of the privileges of Parliament , and common liberty of the Subjects , are baffled and injured by several sorts of malignant men who are about the King ; some whereof , under the name of * Cavaliers , without having respect to the Laws of the Land , or any fear either of God , or man , are ready to commit all manner of outrage and violence , which must needs tend to the dissolution of this Government , the destroying of our Religion , Laws , Liberty , and property ; all which must be exposed to the malice and violence of such desperate persons as must be employed in so horrid and unnatural an act , as the overthrowing of a Parliament by force , which is the support and preservation of them . All which being duly considered by the Lords and Commons , & how great an obligation lies upon them , in honor , conscience , and duty , according to the high trust reposed in them , to use all possible means in such case , for the timely prevention of so great and irrecoverable evils ; they have thought fit to publish their sense and apprehension of this imminent danger , thereby to excite all well-affected persons to distribute their best assistance , according to their Solemn Vow and Protestation , to the preparations necessary for the opposing and suppressing of the trayterous Attempts of those wicked and malignant Counsellors who seek to engage the King in so wicked and destructive an Enterprise , and to destroy the Privileges and Being of Parliaments . 1. They the said Lords and Commons do declare , That whosoever shall bring in any proportion of Money or Plate , or shall underwrite to furnish or maintain any number of Horse , Horsemen , or Arms , for the preservation of the publick peace , and for the defence of the King , and both Houses of Parliament from force and Uiolence , and to uphold the Power and Privileges of Parliament , according to his Protestation : it shall be held a good and acceptable Service to the Common-wealth , and Testimony of his good affection to the Protestant Religion , the Laws , Liberties and Peace of this kingdom , and to the Parliament and privileges thereof . And lastly it is declared , That whatsoever is brought in shall not at all be imployed upon any other occasion , than to the purposes aforesaid , which are ; To maintain the Protestan● Religion , the Kings authority , and his person in his Royal Dignity , the free course of Justice , the Laws of the Land , the Peace of the Kingdom , and the Privileges of Parliament , against any force that shall oppose them : And this by direction of Both Houses of Parliament . Here you have the Good Old Cause truly , clearly and fully stated by both Houses of Parliament in every particular branch thereof , when they first ingaged themselves , all the well-affected people of the Kingdom , and Army in it , as they published to all the world in these their Propositions . Which how diametrically contrary it is in every branch to the misstaken Good Old Cause , now cried up and prosecuted with an high hand , & to the late practises , proceedings , counsels , papers , designs of those , who were first raised , commissioned by the Parliament for its just defence , yet are at last degenerated into the greatest Apostates from , and violentest enemies against it ; their own consciences can best resolve , and the blindest eyes most clearly discern , These Propositions were seconded with a g Declar●tion of the Lords and Commons to the same effect , printed and published by their Order , 5 Iulii 164● . in pursuance whereof Iuly 12. the Commons House pass●d and published these Votes : * Resolved upon the Question , That an Army shall be forthwith raised , for the safety of the Kings Person , the Defence of Both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and commands , and preserving of the true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom : That the Earl of Essex shall be the General : That in this Cause , for the Safety of the Kings person , defence of both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and commands , and preserving of true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom , they will live and die with the Earl of Essex , whom they have nominated General in this Cause . That a Petition should be framed , to move his Majesty to a good accord with his Parliament , to prevent a civil War . Which Petition and Votes were presented to the Lords ; who returned Answer ; They did concur with the House of Commons , in omnibus . After this the Lords and Commons in their h Ordinances of 14 Martii 1642. and 3 August 1643. for the speedy raising and levying money for the maintenance of the Army raised by the Parliament , and sundry other Ordinances , whiles the Earl of Essex was General , did declare ; That the only Causes for which they have raised and do continue an Army and forces , are the necessary defence of the true Protestant Religion , of themselves and the Parliament from violence and destruction , of this Kingdom from forein Invasion , and bringing notorious offendors to condign punishment , the preservation of the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , and the Kings person . And the i Earl of Essex himself , in his Proclamation to prevent plundering , the 24. of April 1643. as he stiles himself , Captain General of the Army , raised and imployed for the defence of the Protestant Religion , King , Parliament and Kingdom ; So he declares , That this Army is raised for the defence of the King , Parliament , and Kingdom , the preservation of Gods true Religion , and the just rights and liberties of the Subjects from violence and oppression . The year next following , when the Scotish forces were called and brought in for our assistance to joyn with the English Army and Forces ; the self same Good Old Cause in every branch thereof was avowed and espoused by them , and no other , as both Houses of Parliament and the Scots themselves declared to all the world in (k) several printed Ordinances , Declarations , Remonstrances , and in the Solemn league and Covenant , which the Officers and Souldiers of both Armies , as well as Members of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , and all well-affected persons in England , Scotland , and Ireland , generally subcribed in a most chearfull , publick , and sacred manner : yea * Oliver Cromwell himself ( both as a Member and Lieutenant General ) being the 40th . Member who subscribed it . The command of the Parliaments forces and Army , being afterwards translated from the Earl of Ess●x to Sir Thomas Fairfax , by an (l) Ordinance of the Lords and ●ommons in Parliament , 15 Febr. 1644. for raysing and maintaining the sorces under his command : both Houses ordained , That there be forthwith raysed and armed for the d●fence of the King and Parliament , the true Protestant Religion , and the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , an Army consisting of 6600 Horse , 4000 Dragooners , and 14400 Foot , under the immediate command of Sir Thomas Fairfax Knight , who is hereby constituted Commander in chief of all the forces raysed by this Ordinance , and shall from time to time be subject to such Orders and Directions as be shall receive from time to time from both Houses of Parliament , or from the Committee of both Kingdoms . And it is fu●ther provided by this Ordinance , that all Commanders and Officers that shall be imployed in this Army , and to be approved by both Houses of Parliament , and all the common Souldiers of this A●my shall ●ake the National League and Covenant of both Kingdoms , within 20 dayes after they be listed in the said Army ; and that all such who shall refuse the said Solemn League and Covenant , shall upon such their refusal be displaced , and shall not be admitted into any Office or command in the said Army , untill they shall have taken the said Solemn League and Covenant , in such form as is there prescribed , and such their conformity approved of by both Houses of Parliament . In the (m) Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the speedy raysing and impressing of men for the recruiting the forces under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax , 27 Febr. 1644. They declared , Forasmuch as the true Protestant Religion , the Laws and Liberties of the Subject were in danger to be subverted Idolatry , and tyranny , like to be introdu●ed by the force & power of several armies raysed by pretence of the Kings authority , &c. Be it therefore ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That the Committees of the Militia for the City of London , the Deputy Lieutenants and Committees of Parliament in every County , City , or place within the Realm , shall from time to time , raise , leavy , and imprest such number of Soldiers , Gunners , and Chyrurgions , for the defence of the King , Parliament , and Kingdom as shall be appointed by both Houses of Parliament , the Committee of both Kingdoms , or by Sir Thomas Fairfax . The like recitals of this Good Old Cause , and ends for which this Army under him and others was raised , are used in n other Ordinances . If this be not sufficient evidence , that Sir Thomas Fai●fax , and the General Counsel of the Officers and Army under him took up Arms , and engaged only for this Good Old Cause and ends , and none else , thus declared by both Houses of Parliament , the very title of their several Remonstrances , and Declarations penned by themselves , printed by their own order in one Collection , London 1647. will resolve the world , themselves , and all other Souldiers since incorporated into the A●my past all contradiction , being thus intituled , A Declara●ion of the Engagements , Remonstrances , Representations , Proposals , Desires , and Resolutions from his Excellency Sir Tho. Fai●fax and the General Councel of the Army for setling his Majesty in his ●ust Rights , the Parliament in their just Privileges , & the Subjects in their liberties and freedoms Also Representations of the Grievances of the Kingdom , and remedies propounded for removing the present pressures ( by Taxes and Excises ) : And the resolution of the Army , for the establishing of a firm and lasting peace , in Church and Kingdom . This being the Title , sum of all their Engagements , Remonstrances , Representations , Proposals , R●solutions , it is superfluous to recite all the particular passages in them tending to these ends : only it will not be unseasonable to remind them of this one passage in their Declaration of September 9. 1647. concerning the fundamental authority and government of the Kingdom , p. 250. Whereas a Member of the General Councel of this Army hath publickly declared and expressed himself , That there is no visible authority in the Kingdom but the power & force of the Sword , ( the only Good Old Cause now cryed up by some in deeds if not in words ) we therefore the said General Counsel , to testifie how far our hearts and minds are from any design of setting up the power of the sword above or against the authority & government of the Kingdom , and our readiness to maintain & uphold the said Authority , have by a free Vote in the said Counsel ( 〈◊〉 man contradicting ) judged the said Member to be expelled the said Councel which we hereby thought fit to publish as a clear manifestation of our dislike and disavowing such Principles or practises ( yet now revived , practised . ) This being the right State of the true Good Old Cause & only ends for which all the Forces , Armies , under the forenamed or any other Generals since , were first raised , Commissioned , and hitherto maintained , continued , at the peoples vast expence , as both Houses of Parliament ; the Kingdoms , Parliaments of England , Scotland , the Generals , Officers , and General Councils of the Army themselves , have thus from time to time remonstrated in print to all the world , yea ratified by the Protestation , o the sacred Vow and covenant , the National League and Covenant , with other sacred Oaths and Obligations , obliging them faithfully , constantly , & sincerely to defend , maintain & persevere therein all the dayes of their lives ; and to promote the same to their power against all Oppositions , Lets & Impediments whatsoever according to their power , without suffering themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination , perswasion or terror , to be divided , withdrawn or make defecti●n from the same . Which Covenants , Vows , Protestations , they professed they all made in the presence of Almighty God , the Searcher of all hearts , with a true intention to perform the same . If there be any other Cause now or lately espoused by any Members of Parliament , Officers , Soldiers , English , Scots , Irish , of what ever condition , sect , or party , inconsistent with , or repugnant , destructive to this good old Cause , or any branch thereof ; it cannot without an apparent contraction , absurdity , & falshood , be stiled ; either A Good or Old , much lesse , The Good Old Cause , for which the Parliament , Army , Soldiers kingdom , or any others adhering to them first took up arms , and so long engaged in ; but rather a Bad , a New unrighteous Cause , or Gunpowder-plot , originally contrived & secretly fomented by Popish Emissaries , I●suits , & their seduced Disciples : or a good cause only as War is styled good , p Bellum quasi Belluinum , or minime Ponum : And Old only in these respects , ( if conscientiously examined by any who shall either promote or engage in it ) Because it proceeds orig●nally from the q Old Serpent , and Dragon , the Devil , ( a seducer , lyar , murderer from the beginning ; the spirit who r now rules in the Children of Disobedience , to engage them in this cause : ) Because it suits with , and proceeds , issues from the s Old man , which is corrupt according to the deceitfull lusts , which they have not yet crucified , nor put off with his deeds , after all their Fastings , Humiliations , Prayers ; Because it strongly relisheth of the t Old seven of malice and wickedness , which they have not yet purged out , that they might be anew sump , and is carried on with a despitefull and revengefull heart , ( to destroy , whatever they formerly engaged to preserve as the true good old cause ) because of the u Old Hatred : Because they perceive , that this new pretended good Cause they had set up and pursued , now decayeth and waxeth x Old , and is ready to vanish away ; unless they put all their might , and the strength of the whole Army to support it Because , it is the y old Way which wicked men , ( the old Gunpowder Traitors ) have formerly trudden ; which were cut down out of time ; whose foundation was overflown with a floud . Or finally , because it was first set on foot and promoted , z by certain men crept in unawares ( into the Army and Nation from Jesuitical Seminaries & I. Leydons ) who were before of Old ordained to this condemnatiō ; ungodly men , turning the grace of our God into lasciviousness , and denying the only Lord God , and our Lord Iesus Christ at lestwise in their works , ( as Iude and Paul inform us by an unerring divine Spirit ) a being abominable , Disobedient ( to all their lawfull Superiors and Parliaments themselves ) and to every good work reprobate ; Yea , b lovers of their own selves , covetous , proud , boasters , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthankfull , unholy , without natural affection , Truce-breakers , fa●se accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good , Traytors , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God : Having a form of godliness , but denying the power thereof , who have made these last dayes of ours perillous times , as St. Paul of old predicted . If then the false good OLD CAUSE lately and now cried up and prosecuted , upon serious Inquisition of any already engaged , or sollicited to ingage therein , shall upon c St. Bernards threefold inquiry , An liceat , an deceat , an expediat ( which every Christian ought to make into every Action , before he undertake it ) clearly appear to be the old , and The good Old Cause , only in these respects ; which render it most desperately Wicked , Ill , and New , ●otally inconsistent with , p●ofessedly repugnant to , subversive of that real good Old Cause , wherein they first ingag●d ; here truly stated : Let all Officers , Soldiers of the Army , and others who have any remainders of Conscience , Ingenuity , Honesty , or indeared affections lest in them to the Peace , Welfa●e , Safety , Settlement , fundamental Laws , Government , Parliaments , Liberties , Weal , Prosperity of our endangered , shaken subverted Church , State Parliaments ; eternally renounce this Spurious Imposture , and Gibeonìtish stratagem inevitably to destroy them all : And remember the genuine , true , Good Old Cause here ●ightly stated , d from whence they have fallen ; and repent , and do their first works lest Christ come upon them quickly , and remove both them , their and our Candlestick out of its place , except they and we repent . And let all such Commanders , Officers of the Ar●y , and their Confederates , who against their Commissions , Trusts , Duties , Covenants , Declarations , and Solemn Engagements , first mutinied the Army against the Houses , & Members of Parliament , for the defence of whose Persons , Privileges , & Session they were principally raised ; and secluded , secured the Members , dissolved both Houses , and the Parliament it self , one after another : and have since bin kept and thrust out of the Parliament House , secured , dissolved themselves by their Fellow . Officers , and Soldiers directly or indirectly , several times ; now seriously consider , How God hath scourged them with their own black rod , and president of Disobedience , and taken them in their own snare : That ( e Adonibezeck like ) as they have done to others , so God hath required them , & f recompenced unto them the deed they did to us . That g with the same measure they meeted to others , it hath been , and shall be measured to them again . If any of them , or their Confederates , have an ear to hear , let them hear this further irreversible Decree of the immutable God , and Soveraign Judge of all the Earth Rev. 13 10. He that leadeth into Captivity , shall go into Captivity . He that killeth with the sword shall be killed with the sword . He●e is the patience and faith of the Saints . And if any engaged in the new fictitious , against the real true good old Cause , believe & tremble not at the consideration thereof , he hath neither the faith nor patience of the Saints , though he usurp and engross the name of a Saint to himself : & shall find it experimentally verified in conclusion ; as many others have already done , who now like Fools repent too late , of what is past their skill and power to redress . FINIS , Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A56169e-30 a Iosh. 9.3 , &c. b Exod. 23.31 , 32. c. 34.12 . Deut. 7.2 , 3. c Peter Mouhis Nouveaute du Papisme oppose à antiquitè de Uray Christianisme . Sed●n 1627. Bishop Ushers answer to the Iesuites challenge . d The Author of the Protestant Religion . London . 1621. Kellisons survey of the New Religion . Doway 1603. * If they mean by this Good Old Cause , their New-Commonwealth , it was begotten but in March , 1648. had presently unknown Guardians and Governors set over it till 1653 then a new Protector , under whose wardship it still continues as an Infant , but of ten years birth , and if he be removed , it must be in ward to the Army Officers till its full age . How then can they call it Old , or the Good Old Man or Cause , without a contradiction and absurdity ? (e) Exact Collect . p. 34 , 35 , 36 , &c. 59 , 60 , 61 , 66 , 67 , &c. (f) Exact Collection ; p. 339 , 340 , 342. * The true description of a Cavalier : which some who most condemned them , have now actually drawn upon themselves in overthrowing the parliament by force . g Exact Collection , p. 456 , 457. * And by an Ordinance of both Houses , 14 Martii 1642. A Collection of Ordinances , p. 8. h Exact Col. p. 932. An Appendix , p. 4. i A Collect. p. 43 , 44. (k) A Collect of Ordinances p. 305 , 308 , 313 , 327 , 363 , 371 , 416 , 418 , 420 , &c. 424 , 425 &c. * A Collection . p. 426. (l) Collection p. 598.606 . (m) A Collection p. 623. n A Collection , p. 666 , 667 , 668 , 669. Nota. o A Collection p 203 , 204 , 205 , 425 , 426 , 427. p Cicero , Calepine , Holioke , Tit. Bellum . q Rev. 12.9 . c. 20. 2. Iohn 8.44 . r Eph 2 1 , 2 , 3. s Ephes. 4.22.22 . Rom. 6.6 . Col. 3.9 . t 1 Cor. 5.7 , 8. u Ezek. 25.15 . x Heb. 8 , 13. y Iob 22.15 , 16. z Iude 4. a Titus 1.16 . b 2 Tim. 4.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. c De Consideratione , lib. 1. d Rev. 2.5 . e Judges 1.6.7 . f Ps. 137.8 . g Luke 6.38 . 
A61735	----	Strange and bloody nevves from Miniard, or, A bloodie massacre vpon five Protestants by a company of papists meeting them as they were going to Miniard to take ship for Ireland : also how they first encountred them and how after some discourse upon religion cruelly mnrdered [sic] them : as also how they were taken and carryed to Bristow Castle with the copy of a letter found in one of their dublets directed to the Bishop of Canterbvrie / as it was credibly reported by a gentleman of good worth ... Gentleman of Good worth, being an eye-witness. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A61735 of text R1505 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing S5814). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A61735 Wing S5814 ESTC R1505 12626874 ocm 12626874 64669 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61735) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64669) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 249:E132, no 5) Strange and bloody nevves from Miniard, or, A bloodie massacre vpon five Protestants by a company of papists meeting them as they were going to Miniard to take ship for Ireland : also how they first encountred them and how after some discourse upon religion cruelly mnrdered [sic] them : as also how they were taken and carryed to Bristow Castle with the copy of a letter found in one of their dublets directed to the Bishop of Canterbvrie / as it was credibly reported by a gentleman of good worth ... Gentleman of Good worth, being an eye-witness. [7] p. Printed for Iohn Greensmith, London : 1642. "A copy of a letter sent to the Bishop of Canterbvry" p. [5] Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Catholics -- England -- History. Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714. A61735 R1505 (Wing S5814). civilwar no Strange and bloody nevves from Miniard: or a bloodie massacre upon five Protestants by a company of papists, meeting them as they were going Gentleman of Good Worth 1642 1311 1 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion STRANGE AND BLOODY NEVVES FROM MINIARD : OR A BLOODIE MASSACRE VPON FIVE PROTESTANTS BY A COMPANY OF PAPISTS , MEEting them as they were going to Miniard to take ship for Ireland . Also how they first encountred them , and how after some Discourse upon Religion , cruelly murdered them . As also , how they were taken , and carryed to Bristow Castle , With the Copy of a Letter found in one of their Dublets , directed to the Bishop of CANTERBVRIE . As it was credibly reported by a Gentleman of good worth , being an Eye-witness to the same , and by the swiftness of his horse , escaped their Bloodie hands , London Printed for Iohn Greensmith . 1642. CR BLOODY NEWES FROM MINIARD . FIve English Protestants intending their journey for Ireland , purposed to take ship at Miniard , a place some 40. miles beyond the City of Bristoll . After they had travelled above a hundred miles , with many a weary step , drawing nigh to Miniard , even within sight of the town , though scarce to be discerned , in regard the day was spent , and now one houre within night , they met with a company of Papists , to the number of fifteen , every man with a good sword by his side , and a good cudgell in his hand . At the sight of whom , they were somewhat apal'd : yet tooke some courage , in regard they were not far off the Town , and thought that therefore they did not dare to offer them violence . But it fell out contrary to their expectation , For being met together , the event well shewed that they had some ground and just occasion of their feare . The first salutation was this , Gentlemen well met , pray from whence came you , and to what place do you travell : we ask not for any harm we mean to you , but only are desirous to know . These were smooth words you will say . Well , the poor men thought no hurt , for true Charity will favourably conster all things : and therfore plainly told them that they came out of Kent , and were going to Miniard , and so they purposed ( if the wind served ) to go for Ireland . To Ireland , said they , why ? that is strange you would go thither , knowing the estate of the kingdome , how all are up in arms , and the Protestants in fear to have their throats cut every hour ; and now seeing we know so much , we wil understand before we part of what Religion you are ; for we promise you , we may well suspect that you are not right : for there is something in the wind that moves you to go for Ireland , in a time so dangerous , and troublesome . If it be so , said the Protestants we are not ashamed of our Religion we are ( to tell you the truth ) protestants , and go not to side with the Rebels , but to see some friends of ours in Dublin . What do you say , said they , do you call the Kings subjects rebels : by St. Peter , you are some of those that would banish us Papists out of England , but wee will bee even with you ere we part : and so drawing their swords fell upon them , and bloudily sheath'd them in each mans bowels , whilst they pittifully cryed out for mercy : but what mercy could be expected from men of bloud , whose hearts were as hard as adamant , and their minds as cruel as Progne , who bloudily slew her own Son . The murder done , a Gentleman on horseback riding by , and seeing so pittifull an object , returned back to Miniard in sight of the murderers , who would fain have taken him , if they could ; and so raised the Country with all speed , who tooke them in a wood , as they were at their Orisons on their beads . O how they looked then one upon another : what a sudden palenesse came into their faces . All their devotion was gone in a moment , and they readier to take them to their heels , then pray a minute longer ; knowing well enough , that it was but lost labour to implore the aid either of Peter or Paul . To be briefe , they were all carried to Bristow , and upon examination confessed the deed , and so were worthily adjudged to bee hang'd in chains the next Sessions , where we will leave them , and come to the Copy of a Letter which was found quilted in one of their doublets , not any of them knowing one word within it , else they would not so carefully have preserv'd it . A COPY OF A LETTER SENT TO THE BISHOP OF CANTERBVRY . The Contents vvhereof are vvorthie our attension . MY LORD , MAy it please your Grace to accept these poore impolished lines of him that writes only of good will , earnestly wishing an emendation of life , and reformation of manners , then your Graces confutation ; for it is the duty of every Christian to imitate his Creator , not to delight in the blood of any man , but to preserve it . But again ( my Lord ) as it is the part of a man to supply the Corporall wants of his indigent brother : so especially , he is bound to supply the defects of the Mind , and to study the welfare of the better part of man , his precious soule , which after the first death in a moment , either ascends heaven , or descends hell . My Lord , it must needs be a precious thing , when the whole world it self is not comparable to it . Were but this seriously digested in the stomacke of a sound judgment , I beleeve the world like Rocks and Quick-sands would not so miserably shipwrack , such an infinit number of mens soules as it doth . Your Grace knowes that rebus secundis omnes feri elati sunt , I will not say that your grace is so ; but I would desire your Grace to enter into a serious Solilogue with your self , and to see whether it be so or no ; and if your Grace for the honour of this world , and outward pomp and glory ▪ have not made shipwrack of your Faith , and pleased man rather then God . No better time to bring a man home then that of affliction ; for whereas Martyrs buy heaven , as Ignato spake , with their blood , and others steale it with their good deeds through Faith in Christ only , ( as a learned Father sometime said ) a man in affliction is compelled to it . My Lord , remember Manasses , how hee prayed in prison , do you likewise . And for the world and Glory thereof , care not for it : remember that thrice Noble Emperor Henry the 4th . when his Crowne was taken from his head , saw nothing but his Deus Videat & judicet . Let God see and judg . God grant us treasure in Heaven , where no Thiefe can approach . Amen . FINIS . London Printed for Fr. Coules , and T. Bankes . 1641. 
A34067	----	Friendly and seasonable advice to the Roman Catholicks of England by a charitable hand. Comber, Thomas, 1645-1699. 1677 Approx. 217 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 90 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34067 Wing C5468 ESTC R1768 12410128 ocm 12410128 61513 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34067) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61513) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 661:4) Friendly and seasonable advice to the Roman Catholicks of England by a charitable hand. Comber, Thomas, 1645-1699. The third edition enlarg'd with an addition of the most convincing instances and authorities, and the testimony of their own authors for the same. [23], 152, [4] p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1677. Includes bibliographical references. Advertisement: p. [1]-[4] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England. 2006-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , G. Jane R. P. D. HEN. Episc . Lond. à Sac. Dom. March 20. 1676 / 7. Friendly and Seasonable ADVICE TO THE Roman Catholicks OF ENGLAND . The Third Edition enlarg'd : with an addition of the most convincing Instances and Authorities ; and the Testimony of their own Authors for the same . BY A Charitable Hand . LONDON , Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun at the West-end of St. Pauls , 1677. TO HIS Honoured and Worthy Friend M r. S. B. Concerning the former Edition . SIR , I Cannot answer your Inquiry , till I have not only commended but encouraged your charity to your Country men of the Roman Communion ; it being an excellent piety to endeavour to reduce them into the right way , who are so confident in the wrong . The zeal of most men expresseth it self by fury and clamour against Dissenters , whilst you shew your esteem for the rational principles of the Church of England by your diligence to propagate them , and your desires to reconcile its misinformed Adversaries to them . It is one of the great properties of Goodness to be communicative , and a copy of S. Paul's most obliging charity , Act. 26. 29. to wish that all whom you converse with , were as happy in the choice of their Faith , as you know your self to be : wherefore that I may as well quicken your generous design , as invite some others to imitate so good an example , I will propound these few considerations . 1. The relation in which the English Romanists stand to us should excite our care ; for they are all Natives of the same Country , Subjects of the same Government , and are called by the same general name of Christians : many of them our kind Neighbours , familiar Acquaintance , or near Kindred , and some of them ( where their Prejudice doth not blind them ) persons of great reason , and of so good inclinations , that they are not made vicious by the evil liberties which their principles do allow : and shall we for want of affection or courage suffer them to be kept in ignorance and imposed on at present , and to be led blindfold in such a way as will extreamly hazard the Salvation of their precious Souls hereafter ? If all the relations they bear to us do possess us with any real affection for them , we cannot but do our utmost to undeceive them . The frauds indeed of the Guides of that Church are daily more and more laid open , but for want of such a charity as yours is , they who are chiefly concerned , seldom come to the knowledge of them : I am sure those excellent pens which discover'd them , did not design we should make their delusions the subject of our mirth , but the means to convert the Souls of those who are linked to us in so many bonds , that it is a shame we should suffer them to be so deceived . 2. But we usually excuse our remisness , under the pretence that it is impossible to convert them : Had our Ancestors so esteemed it , the World had wanted the blessing of the Reformation : I grant 't is difficult , because of their rooted prejudice , and the policy of their Leaders , yet not impossible because many have undertaken it , and prevailed . So that as Seneca saith in another case , it is not because of the difficulty that we do not attempt it , but because we do not attempt it , therefore it seems difficult , Ep. 104. The Philosopher tells us where there is no difficulty , there is no opportunity to exercise either art or vertue : and if we were once willing to take some pains for so noble an end , it would much allay the trouble thereof , to consider the advantages which it may bring not only to the party which is the object of our charity , but to the Church , yea and to our own Souls also : for He that converteth a sinner from the errour of his way , shall save a Soul from death , and shall hide a multitude of sins , Jam. 5. 20. and they who turn many to righteousness shall shine as the Stars for ever and ever , Dan. 12. 3. Nay moreover if such Pious endeavours should want success on Earth , they shall not fail of a reward in Heaven . 3. And finally , if we consider the unwearied industry of our Adversaries in seducing , methinks it should awaken our diligence , in strengthning the weak , and reducing such as are out of the way . It had been very strange if the Apostles should have been unwilling to travel for the propagation of the right faith , and the winning Souls of Heaven , when the Pharisees compassed Sea and Land to reconcile a Proselyte to their particular Sect ; and yet alas 't is too often seen , that the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light , S. Luk. 16. 18. The Hermit Pambo accidentally beholding a theatrick woman dance exquisitely before a loose assembly at Alexandria , is said to have wept abundantly , to consider how much more pains she took to serve evil ends , than he himself did to serve God. Had we as much tenderness as that holy man , doubtless we have as great occasion for our shame and sorrow , when we see others more active to advance the Mystery of iniquity , than we are to promote the glory of God , and the salvation of your brethrens immortal Souls . These Considerations , worthy Sir , I know have excited your charitable resolutions , and I hope will prevail with many others to endeavour the reformation of their deceived friends : wherefore that I may answer your desires , and contribute my poor assistance to so pious and generous a design ▪ I have sent you the following papers , wherein the delusions of that party are discovered as plainly , yet as modestly as may be , that they may see in a little room how much it is their interest and advantage to embrace the true Catholick Religion of the English Church . I know all these particulars have been more fully handled by better pens , but most of these writings have been by way of dispute , and intended rather to convince than perswade . So that they may be very proper to give fuller satisfaction in any particulars doubted of , when their great Prejudices are first a little removed : besides there are many through unavoidable business , company , or other divertisements , who either have no leisure or no inclination to read a larger volume , being of Callimachus's mind , that A great book is a great evil a , who yet may be prevailed with to spare one hour for so small an abstract as this . The Jewish Talmud tells us of a noble Heathen , who came to Rabbi Hillet , and offered to become a Proselyte , if he could teach him the whole Law at one lesson , Tract . Sab. fol. 31. and if you meet with any of his mind , they may perhaps be gratified with this little Abridgment , wherein the mistakes of the Roman Perswasion are put into as narrow a compass as they can well be reduced to ; so that even those who are yet resolved to be of that Church may perhaps not be unwilling to peruse it , that they may at one view see , what their Religion is charged with . And if it do not gain such persons , yet it will teach them to censure mildly , and to dissent from us with more moderation : and as the volume is small , and so may invite those to its perusal who are delighted with brevity , so the style is as mild as the matter would allow , and can give no just offence to any : the particulars are so plain , and so fully proved more at large by others , that the Author resolves not to dispute , but in pure charity to advise the Romanists not to resist apparent truth and reason , having no worse intentions towards them than to set them into the best way to Heaven ; and if any be angry at him or you for this , they are the greatest enemies to themselves , and more concerned for their present Opinions , than for their everlasting Salvation ; but it is to be hoped the sincerity of your intention to do good may oblige some kindly to accept this Manual , at least as a testimony of your love ; to whom , if you have the liberty of discourse , you shall do well to clear those exceptions which Prejudice may suggest , and at least to obtain from them a resolution , impartially to enquire into the truth of that which they so confidently do believe : and sure , it is infinite pity that persons of excellent reason should be so much enslaved , as not to dare to ask the right way to bliss of any , but those who have an absolute dominion over them , nor once to go about to judge for themselves in a case of so great Concernment . I would be loath to think so hardly of their Superiours , as to suppose they interdicted their Adherents from all converse with us ; for this were the exact parallel of the Muscovian policy , where it is death for any to travel out of their own Kingdom without especial license , for fear they should never endure their former bondage , when once they have seen the freedom of other Nations : and if once you can prevail so far , that they will impartially compare their own Opinions with ours , it is probable they may become our friends . I shall add no more but to wish this Token may be as kindly accepted as it will be charitably offered by you , and to assure you , you shall never want his prayers for your success , who is , Sir , Yours to serve you , TO His esteemed Friend M r. W. R. Concerning this present Edition . SIR , YOVR account of the speedy dispersing of this Little Tract , encourageth me to hope , it hath not only been acceptable to the World , but also blessed by God to the reducing some from the Roman Opinions , and the establishing others in the Protestant Faith ; And that it may more effectually serve to these desirable Ends , I have been content to obey your Request , in reviewing it in order to another Impression , which ( You tell me ) is now desired . In which Review , I have rectified the Method of the whole , and illustrated and strengthened every part , with the Addition of so many of the most convincing Instances and Authorities as could be put in without too much swelling the Bulk . I confess I did suppose the things to be so evident , and so plainly proved in larger Discourses , that I was not curious before , always to bring Proofs for my Assertions : But now your Letter acquaints me both that some Romanists ( who resolve boldly to deny , what they cannot otherwise evade ) have questioned the Truth of some parts of this charge ; And also that those Protestants whose Charity hath invited them to seek their Friends Conversion , have desired I should add my Authors to confirm these Allegations : Therefore for the full satisfaction of both Parties I have proved all the particulars by the Testimony of such Authors whose Evidence is unquestionable , chusing usually the plain Confessions of Popes and Cardinals , or other approved Writers of the Roman Church , that so those of that Party may believe these Matters from the mouth of those whom they esteem their best Friends , which they would suspect , if we related upon our own Credit , whom they unjustly account their Enemies ; And though their present Romish Priests should deny those things , which the most Eminent Writers of their own Church have formerly acknowledged , they are not to be doubted of upon that account , since the Confession of former Writers against their own Party is better Evidence , than the denial of the later can be for it ; for No man will lye ( saith Tertullian ) to his own disgrace , but rather for his credit : And it is more fit to believe such as confess against themselves , than such as deny for themselves a . So that none can justly doubt of these Truths thus attested : And he that once believes them , and yet retains the Religion of Rome , must be of a humor differing from the rest of Mankind , who cannot chuse a known delusion , nor delight in sitting under apparent abuses . I must expect the Admirers of that once famous Church will entertain these just and necessary Accusations thereof with some little heats of Passion ; but I hope it will calm those hasty motions when they deliberately consider , that since I say no more than Truth I do no injury to Rome , and the Charity which I have for them obliges me to say so much . And why ( saith the Philosopher ) art thou displeased at me , who have done no more than a Looking-glass doth to the deformed , having only shewed thee to thy self as thou art ? Shall the Physician be said to reproach him whose disease he discovers to him b ? They will remember I hope that I have undertaken the office of a Friendly Counsellor , whose duty ( according to the Graecian Sage ) is , Not to advise that which is most pleasing , but that which is most profitable c . And if in compliance with this Rule I shall somewhat displease them to their Advantage , I shall not only obtain a Pardon , but merit their Thanks also in the end : However , I ask no more , than that laying aside their Prejudices , they will put on so much affection to their own real interest as to weigh the Reasons and Arguments upon which my Advice is grounded , and if they be convincing and perswasive , I desire them not to resist their own Freedom , nor despise him that sincerely seeks their good ; but if they absolutely resolve the most rational and just Motives shall not perswade them to alter their Old Opinions , I shall pity and pray for them , but can use no other Methods in this case ; for it is Counsel and not Command which I give , since men should be reasoned and not forced into a right Faith , and would God the Roman Church had never obtruded her Opinions upon the world by any other means , but these gentle and rational perswasions , her Neighbours then would not have had so just cause to complain of her . And now , Sir , since I write , and you and other zealous Protestants act by these fair Methods , if our endeavours for our Countrymens Conversion be not maliciously misconstrued , they cannot be censured to tend to the harm of any , but must be confessed to aim at the present and future happiness of all that we shall address our selves to in this Matter : And I shall rejoyce if my pains herein may attain these blessed ends , and let you particularly understand how gladly I would encourage your Love to the Church of England , and comply with all your Pious desires , since I am , Sir , Your affectionate and faithful Friend . Friendly and Seasonable ADVICE TO THE Roman Catholicks OF ENGLAND . The Introduction . My Friends and Country-men , IT is observed by others , and complained of by your selves , That you lie under many inconveniences , by reason of your stiff adherence to those Opinions which Rome calls Religion : the charges you are at to maintain a forreign Jurisdiction , and your want of the Communion of those Christians among whom you live , the uneasie Rites imposed on you here , and the great hazard of your Salvation hereafter , are reckoned by others to be evils appendant to your professing the Faith of that Church . But if you your selves do not feel or not fear these things , and so account them no grievance , yet you are sensible of other pressures , and frequently complain , that your Estates are obnoxious to the penalties of the Law , and your Persons exposed to the general hatred of the People . You tell us , you want many Priviledges of other Subjects , and lie under many burthens from which others are free : You perceive , that your actions are observed , your designs suspected , and your Party accused to be the cause of all Publick evils . How far some of your own Perswasion have contributed hereunto I shall not take upon me to judge ; esteeming it a more charitable employment to offer some expedient to free you from those sad effects , which you complain of , than either to enquire after the cause of the Nations general Antipathy to your Religion , or dispute about the Occasion thereof ▪ Wherefore , whilst some accuse your practices , and others deride your worship , I have so much affection for your Persons ( as my Countrymen ) and so much charity for your Souls ( since you bear the name of Christian ) as to present you with some useful Advice . 'T is true , the common apprehension concerning you might almost discourage such an Attempt , it being generally believed , that a Roman Catholicks prejudice is like theirs in St. Augustine , who ( being descended of misbelieving Ancestors ) preferred their Extraction before the Truth : and like the resolution of Cotta in Cicero , who says , That no discourse of either learned or unlearned men , should ever remove him from the Opinion received from his Fore-fathers , concerning the worship of the Immortal gods a . But I know many of you are masters of more reason than to ground your Faith upon so uncertain a Foundation : It is not the part of wise men ( saith a learned Father ) to be enslaved to a received Opinion , nor rashly to give up themselves to their Fathers customes ; but to endeavour to find out the Truth b . And it is the advice of the great Apostle , to prove all things , and hold fast that which is good , 1 Thess . 5. 21. because it is a zeal without knowledge , and a foolish obstinacy to be confident of that which we never did examine . I can easily believe your Spiritual Guides will esteem no sin more mortal , than to enquire into those Principles which you receive from them , and they will scarce allow you the liberty to peruse a few lines presented by so charitable a hand : But their Prohibitions ( methinks ) should make you more suspicious and inquisitive , and cause you to resolve to try that Coyn which shuns the Touchstone , knowing that Truth seeks no Corners , and that which is Real fears no Test . The Church of England puts no such Restraints upon her adherents , nor is she unwilling to have her Doctrines tried by Scripture and the best Antiquity ; because she finds those are her best Sons that have enquired most narrowly . Evil needs a mask and a disguise ( said the brave Agesilaus ) but Light makes true goodness to be more illustrious and more lovely . And a greater than he saith , Every one that doth evil hateth the light , neither cometh to the light , lest his deeds should be reproved : but he that doth turth cometh to the light . S. John iii. 20. 21. If therefore you have but so much consideration as to suspect , and so much courage as to examine , I should not be without hope , that my Advice might take place , since ( as Plato notes ) Every soul is unwillingly deprived of Truth , which men cannot resist when once it appears unto them : I shall ask no more of you than to search impartially , whether the Doctrines wherein you differ from the Church of England , deserve so firm an assent as you give them ; and he that dares not do this , is not a Disciple , but a Slave . It may be those Counsellours may please the heady Bigots of your Perswasion better , who advise them to ease their mind by reproaching the Laws and the Government , or to attempt the shaking off their Grievances by more desperate courses : But I do not believe the wiser and more sober Romanists can approve such cursed motions , there are many of them too noble to admit such thoughts . It is the Stoicks character in Galen , That they would rather betray their Country , than renounce their Maxims : But I take those of your Party to be generally of a better temper , and therefore I hope you will account it to be far more Friendly and Seasonable Advice , to try these your Principles strictly , before you expose your Country or your Selves to suffer all the ill-consequences of your rigid maintaining of them , and if you once rightly understand them , I hope you will discern they do not deserve to be retained at so dear a rate : so that it is possible you may resolve to quit your mistaken Opinions and your real Sufferings together . However , though your Enquiry shall not have this effect , yet this Trial of your Principles ought not to be wholly declined ; for I would advise you to examine the Roman Doctrines , if it were but only to declare , that your Religion is not a blind and accidental choice , and to vindicate your selves from the charge of the Old Samaritans , who worshipped they knew not what . SECTION 1. Whether the Roman Opinions , which differ from the Church of England , be the Old Religion ? I doubt not , but these who have been educated in the Romish Religion , as well as those who have inconsiderately turned to it , do please themselves in fancying they are of the Old Religion ; and hence they assume and appropriate to themselves the Name of Catholicks , upon this presumption , that they do intirely , and in all things , agree with the Ancient and Universal Church : But ( my Friends ) if you have the patience to enquire , you will find there is no good ground for this perswasion ; it being evident the Roman is not the Old Religion , in any other Articles , but only in those which are found in the Apostles Creed , or founded upon the plain words of Holy Scripture ; for that is the Old Religion which God revealed at first , and which Christ and his Apostles taught . That is truest which was the first ( saith Tertullian ) and that was first , which was from the beginning c . So S. Cyprian ; We ought not to regard so much , what some others before us have thought fit , as what Christ himself , who was before all , hath done d . Now , if that be the Old Religion , which is taught in the Holy Scripture and the Creed , herein the Religion of Rome cannot pretend to be Older than the Religion of this Church , because we hold all these Articles as well as they ; yea , if the case be rightly stated , the Church of Englands Faith is the Old Religion , and not that of Rome ; for she professeth , To believe nothing as an Article of Faith , but what is read in Holy Scripture , or may be proved thereby : Artic . vi . But the Roman Church declares , They receive Traditions with the same veneration that they do the Scriptures . Concil . Trident. Sess . 4. So that we hold all the Principles of the Old Religion , and no other ; but they ( under the pretence of Traditions ) have invented and added many points to the Old Religion , which are not mentioned in the Bible , and Decreed other Articles contrary to the Old Religion recorded in Scripture , and all these are a New Religion ; and yet these are the Doctrines in which we differ . In all the Principles which are truly the Old Religion we and they generally do agree ; but if you take the Religion of the Roman Church for the Doctrines in which they differ from us , it may be justly said , they are of the New Religion , and we of the Old , since our Religion was recorded in Scripture sixteen hundred years ago ▪ ( as our Adversaries seem to confess , when they call us , Scriptuarii , Scripture-men : Prateol . ) whereas all that which is properly their Religion , is of much later Date . And that I may not be thought to invent this Charge , or to accuse the Roman ▪ Church wrongfully , I will instance in the most principal of the Doctrines wherein we differ , and bring in your own Doctors as Witnesses of this Truth . 1. That Prayers to the Saints are not mentioned by Christ nor his Apostles , is confessed by Salmeron , Lindan , and Bannes e . Etherianus saith as much of Prayers for the Dead f . Indulgences are not to be found in Scripture , nor in the Ancient Doctors , say Durandus , Major , Cajetan , and Antoninus g . Transubstantiation it self cannot be proved by Scripture , if you will take three Cardinals words for it h . And if our designed brevity would allow it , the like might be proved of all the rest . But we must proceed to shew , there are some New things in the Romish Religion , directly contrary to the Scripture . The taking the Cup from the Laity is contrary to our Saviours Institution , as that very Council of Constance confesseth which first enjoyned it ; for they say , the Sacrament shall be given in one kind only to the people , Non obstante , &c. notwithstanding our Lord did appoint it in both : Concil . Constant . Sess . 13. And your own Authentick Vulgar Translation ( as if this Innovation had been foreseen ) where the Greek only hath , We are all partakers of one bread , adds [ & de uno Calice ] and of one Cup : 1 Cor. 10. 17. The Veneration which you give to Images , seems to all impartial eyes directly contrary to the Second Commandement ; and though your Priests will not directly confess it , yet their general leaving out the Second Commandement in your Catechisms , and cutting the Tenth in Two , to keep up the number , and conceal the omission from the Vulgar , is a fair Evidence , they themselves suspected that this Commandement made against them , and feared others would apprehend it so . To these you may add , Praying in an unknown Tongue which S. Paul condemns in one whole Chapter , 1 Corinth . xiv . as some of your own Commentators on the place confess : As also the making Saints and Angels your Mediators to God , when the same Apostle positively saith , There is but one Mediator , viz. Christ Jesus : 1 Tim. ii . 5. All these therefore cannot rightly be accounted any part of the Old Religion , properly so called : But if we shall descend lower , these , and many other Points of your Religion are so far from being the Old Religion , that the Writers of the Roman Church do acknowledge , they were not known to the Primitive Fathers ; yea , they record the very time when most of them were imposed . The Doctrine of Purgatory was first built upon the Credit of those fabulous Dialogues attributed to Gregory the First ; or if they were his ( which many doubt ) this was six hundred years after Christ , and it was not generally believed in the Church five hundred years after , as we learn from an Old Historian , Otto Frising . Chronic. An. 1146. And as for the Prayers made to deliver Souls from thence ( that gainful Article of your Church ) we are told by your own Authors , that the first who caused them to be appointed by your Church , was Odilo Abbot of Clugny , An. 1000. * . The worshipping of God by Images , was not allowed by the Ancient Fathers , say your own Authors , Clemangis , Polyd. Virgil , and Peresius Aiala i . And all men know , this kind of use of Images can be derived no higher ( as to its being Decreed ) than that despicable Council k in the Eighth Century ; but both the Doctrine and the Council also was rejected for many years after by the French , English , and German Churches l . Indulgences are not Ancient , as Bishop Fisher confesses m : Nor is there any good proof in your own Authors for them before the time of Pope Alexander 3. A. 1160 , or the Council of Clermont however , An. 1096 n . And the first who made Mony of them was Boniface 9 th . An. 1390. as Platina and Polydore Virgil tell us o . And the first Jubilee ( the great Market for them ) was not an hundred years before p . The forcing all Priests to vow Single Life , and renounce their Wives , was first obtruded upon the Church by Pope Hildebrand q : Without any Precedent ( saith an Old Historian ) and ( as many thought ) of an indiscreet Zeal , contrary to the Holy Fathers Opinion r . And yet he was not obeyed here in England in this for above a hundred years after ; for our Ancient Records say , All these Decrees availed nothing , for the Priests by the Kings consent still had their Wives , as formerly s . Auricular Confession to a Priest was never imposed as necessary until the Lateran Council t : It being little above fifty years before , that we are informed by the famous Master of the Sentences , and by Gratian your great compiler of the Decrees , that it was in our choice whether we would confess to God only , or to the Priest also u ; and T. Aquinas confesseth this was the Opinion then w . Transubstantiation ( the discriminating Doctrine of your present Church ) was not held by the Fathers , as your own Doctors acknowledge x ; and one of the Infallible Heads of your Church affirms , That the Elements cease not to be of the substance and nature of Bread and Wine y . The Schoolmen confess Transubstantiation is not Ancient z : And two of the most famous of them plainly deny it a . The Administring the Sacrament in One kind , is no older than the Council of Constance ( as was noted before ) b ; the practice of the whole Church , and of Rome it self being otherwise till then c : Finally , many things were never decreed and imposed as necessary to be believed till the late Council of Trent ; such as the equalling Apocryphal books and Traditions to the undoubted Canon of Scripture , Justification by the merit of Good works , &c. Which Council of Trent was never fully owned by the Catholicks of France d : Nor was it ever received as a lawful Council by this English Nation . It would be too tedious to run over all the rest of those Points wherein the Roman differs from the English Church , or else it might be shewed , that the Appeals to Rome , and the Pope's Vniversal claim , Veneration of Relicks , Invocation of the Blessed Virgin , Pilgrimages , &c. were wholly unknown to the three first Centuries , as the ingenuous Romanists will confess , and our Writers have largely proved . By all which it appears , that the Old Religion of Rome for the first three hundred years , had no formal Invocation of Saints nor Angels ; no Purgatory , nor Prayers to be delivered thence ; no Images , no Transubstantiation , no half Communion , no Jubilees , no Indulgences ' no constrained Coelibate , no Prayers in an unknown Tongue , no customary Auricular Confession , no Apocrypha in her Canon of Scripture , nor the rest : Now if you strip your Church of these Doctrines , she retains scarce any thing , but the Protestant Articles of the Church of England ; But if you take Rome with these Additions , her Religion is not so Old by far as the Religion of this Church . Perhaps it will be pretended , Though these Decrees were made in later Ages , yet the Determinations were made by vertue of Apostolical Traditions preserved in the Roman Church from the very beginning ; and upon this Pretence your Late Writers of Controversie have generally laid aside all Arguments from Scripture and Ancient Fathers , and resolve all into Oral Tradition and the Infallibility of the Roman Church : But what is this but to confess , that the Scriptures , the Ancient Fathers , and all written Records ( which are Impartial witnesses ) do make against them ? only these unknown Traditions , which are only in their own keeping ( and may be of their own devising ) these , they say , bear witness for them , which is to make themselves Judges in their own Cause ; and may justly occasion your enquiry , whether the former Popes knew of these Traditions or no ? if not , how then came the later Popes to the knowledge of them ? If they knew of them of old , why did they let them sleep so long , and suffer the Church to erre for so many years for want of them ? Did they discharge their Vniversal Headship well in this Concealment ? But in very truth it is Evident , the first Popes knew of no such Traditions , and the later Popes have invented them to support their New designs ; which appears by the Ancient Popes declaring directly contrary to these pretended Apostolical Traditions , of which take a few Examples . Pope Gaius writes , That the Righteousness of the Saints avails nothing to our Pardon or Justification e . Pope Gelasius denies Transubstantiation , as was noted just now f . The famous Gregory the Great saith , He himself was the Emperors Servant , and owed him obedience g ; and declares , That God had given the Emperor power over Priests as well as others h . The same Pope disowns the Title of Vniversal Bishop , as unfit for him or any other i . He also determines , that it is lawful for Priests who cannot contain to marry k : And he allows Images for History and Memory only l . A later than he also in the Canon Law Decrees , that in such Diocess where there be people of Divers Languages , The Bishop shall provide fit men to celebrate Divine offices , and Minister the Sacraments of the Church according to the diversity of Rites and variety of their Languages : Decretal . Greg. l. 1. Tit. 31. cap. 14. The aforesaid Pope Gregory the First affirms , that the Book of Maccabees is not Canonical m . And as well the Ordinary Gloss , as the Old Editions of the Bibles which were allowed by the Roman Bishops , and used in that Church before the Council of Trent , do all distinguish between the Canonical Books , and those which the Protestant Church now call Apocrypha n Yet the contrary to all these hath been afterwards decreed upon pretence of being Apostolical Traditions : By which account you may see ( if your Prejudices hinder not ) that the present Roman Church ( as it differs from the Church of England ) retains neither the Old Religion of the Scriptures , nor that of the Primitive Church in general , nay , nor that of the Ancient Church of Rome ; for they have omitted some Points , added others , and altered so many , that though Rome keep the Old Name , it doth not keep the Old Faith. We may now seek Rome in the midst of Rome ( as Juvencus Vitalis said ) : Nor can it be denied ( saith Another ) but the Roman Church is not a little different from its Ancient beauty and splendor o . There is not the Faith , the Manners , nor the Worship of the Primitive Roman Church ; and therefore according to S. Ambrose , They that have not Peter ' s Faith cannot succeed to Peter ' s Inheritance p ; and as S. Hierome observes , They are not the Sons of the Saints who possess their places , but they which follow their Works : And , That only ( saith Lactantius ) is the Catholick Church which retains the true Worship of God q . You might have seen and heard in Rome of Old , a Bishop without a Triple Crown or the Title of Vniversal , Churches without Images , Priests under no Vows of Single life , Litanies without any names of Saints or Ora pro nobis , the Mass celebrated in a known Tongue , Bibles calling divers books Apocrypha , which are now reckoned Canonical Scripture ; People not enslaved by Auricular Confession , not debarred of the Cup , not frighted with Purgatory , nor impoverished with purchasing Prayers and Indulgences to save them from thence , &c. To conclude therefore , Why may you not justly desert them , who have in so many things departed from the Old Religion , taught by Christ and his Apostles , believed by the Ancient Fathers , and received by the first and best Bishops of that same Church ? If you desire to be really of the Old Religion , nay , if you would hold the Faith of the Primitive Roman Church , you may come much nearer to it , by embracing the Religion of your own Country , than by retaining the Opinions of the Modern Church of Rome , which are most of them meer Innovations : And though you have reverenced them while you supposed them Ancient and Apostolical , yet we hope you will now renounce them when they are evidently discovered to be Gibeonites disguised on purpose to deceive , and ( notwithstanding their mouldy Pretences , as if they had come from far , and were descended from Ancient Times ) their true Original is much later and nearer to this present Age. And now , Secondly , it will be easie to determine , That as the Roman is not the Old Religion , so neither ought the Professors of it to appropriate to themselves the Name of Catholick . For whether we take it in the Primary and Grammatical sense for [ Vniversal ] , or in its common acceptation for [ True Believers , ] The Romanist hath no peculiar Right to this Venerable Title : First , because their Faith in those Points wherein it differs from the Church of England is not Universal ; for as the judicious Mr. Brerewood computes , the Christians holding the Faith of Rome , are not above a fourth part of those who believe in Christ r : And the excellent Author of Europae Speculum s thus makes out the Account : The Greek Church ( saith he ) in number exceeds any other — , and the Protestants in number and circuit of Territory are very near equal to the Papal part , these are two fourth parts : to which if we add the Oriental Christians , which are not of the Roman Communion , and those under Prester John or the Abassine Christians , we have another fourth part of the Christian people ; and then the Romanists , are but one fourth part of Christians only . And it is very odd to say , that the fourth part is the whole : And surely ( my Friends ) you cannot seriously think the Roman Church to be the Vniversal ( or Catholick ) Church in this sense , when you remember that the Pope's Authority is not acknowledged by the Generality of those Christians living in England , Scotland and Ireland , with the Plantations thereunto belonging , nor by those of Denmark and Sweden , nor by those of Transylvania , Walachia and Moldavia , nor by the large Church of Russia , nor by the populous States and Provinces of the Dutch , with their many Plantations abroad , nor by at least five parts of six of the vast Country of Upper Germany , nor by two parts of three of the Switzers , nor by those of Geneva and Piedmont , nor by very many in France , Hungary , Poland , &c. How many Millions of Christians are there in the Eastern World who have no dependance on the Roman Church ? The Christians of the Greek Church ( properly so called ) under the three Patriarchs of Constantinople , Alexandria and Antioch , those of Armenia ( who are professed Enemies of Rome , and yearly Excommunicate the Pope ) . The Georgian Christians , with many other lesser Names in Asia , the Abassine Christians in Africa ; all these are not of the Communion of the Roman Church , and therefore , how can that Church pretend to the Title of Vniversal , or Catholick in this sense ? But secondly , if you say you are Catholicks , that is , true Believers in all Points ; I desire you to consider , that none say so but your Selves , and 't is suspicious their Witness is not true , who bear witness to themselves , S. John v. 31. And where so many Articles of Faith are New , it is probable some are False ; since the Oldest things in Religion are the truest and the best : So that upon the whole Enquiry , the Church of England may more justly claim the Title of Catholick , because the Principles thereof are few and clearly deduced from Scripture , believed in the Primitive Church , and universally received by all sorts of Christians , who differ in some Ceremonies ; but for the Points , which this Church accounts necessary to Salvation , the whole Christian World generally agrees in them . And since the Religion of the Church of England is the most Ancient and most Vniversal , you will be more truly of the Old Religion , and more properly styled Catholicks by embracing the Faith professed in your own Country , and disowning those who damn all Christians but them of their own Party , although it be Evident there are in the World , Christians far more in number than they , and among those many equal in Learning and superior in Piety to the best of the Roman Church , who are reprobated and sentenced to Eternal Flames by their uncharitable Anathema's . SECTION II. Whether the said Opinions were not introduced for evil Ends ? ALthough all this be matter of Fact , and acknowledged by your own Writers , yet I must expect , the venerable Esteem you have so long had for the Roman Church , will make you slow to believe this deserved Charge of Innovation ; and perhaps you will wonder how so pure , so Celebrated , and so Orthodox a Church , as Rome Primitive was , should vary so much from her first Faith , yet since the Change is so Evident , and so well attested , I hope at least your Curiosity will tempt you to Enquire : First , For what ends she should bring in these New Doctrines . Secondly , By what means they became so generally believed . Thirdly , Of what nature the things themselves are . Fourthly , Whether there be Authority sufficient in the Roman Church to Impose them on the whole Christian World. Fifthly , Whether the Catholicks of England ought to be swayed by that Authority to embrace them : And if in examining these Particulars any thing shall be spoken which sounds harshly to your ears , ( accustomed to hear nothing but Encomiums of Rome ) I shall desire you to consider , that Truth is seldom grateful to Offenders ; and I must say with one of the Writers of the Popes Lives , We relate these things because they were done , and if the Popes would not have base or evil things reported of them , they must do no such things , or if they do them , not fancy they can be so concealed , as that they shall not be known nor related to Posterity : Papyrius Masson . de Vit. Pont. For my own part , I profess , I take no delight in Accusations ; nor shall I say any thing out of malice to that Church , but out of pity to the Souls of those who without reason dote upon it : If you enquire , What ends the Roman Church could have to bring in these New Doctrines ? I Reply , The first decay of that Church began in her Manners . For after there were Christian Magistrates ( saith S. Hierome ) the Church became fuller of Riches and emptier of Vertue t . And for the Roman Bishops , they began very early to affect a Dominion beyond the bounds of Priesthood , as Socrates notes u ; which made S. Basil say thirteen hundred years ago , I hate the Pride of that Church w , and caused a Heathen Historian of that Age to say , The Roman Bishops were richly clad , carried in Litters , and profuse in their feastings x ; But the faults of that Age were small in respect of After-times , for as their wealth and power increased , their manners grew still worse and worse , as we find by the complaints of Salvian , and many others , till at length about the ninth Age your own Baronius saith , The face of the Roman Church was become most filthy , when lewd and potent Curtezans swayed all there : At whose pleasure Sees were changed , Bishops placed , and which is horrid to Pious ears , their Paramors were thrust into S. Peter ' s Chair , false Popes which only serve to fill up so great a space of Time in the Catalogue of Roman Bishops y . And a Writer who lived in those Times tells us . The World was amazed at the Manners of the Romans z . It is strange ( saith another Historian ) how far in that Age they were degenerated from the Piety of the Old Popes a . This Age ( as Another speaks ) was especially unhappy in this , that for about an hundred and fifty years , there were fifty Popes wholly fallen from the Vertue of their Predecessors , being disorderly and Apostatical rather than Apostolical b . And if our brevity would permit it , we could shew out of Platina , Onuphrius , and Others of your own Writers , that there was no Reformation in all the Ages , while these New Doctrines were in coyning : Now it is the Great Philosopher's observation , That Wickedness is destructive of good Principles c . So that it is no wonder , if in such Decays of Piety , and such a flood of Iniquity , the Roman Church did bring in many New Articles suitable to her Manners ; and I think when Pride , Luxury and Covetousness possess the Chair , we can hardly expect any other Laws , but such as shall gratifie these affections : And the Practices as well as the Decrees of Rome for divers of the latter Centuries have so apparently tended this way , that it hath been taken notice of by all those of her own Communion , whose affection hath not rob'd them of their discerning Powers ; yea , even in Catholick Countries it hath abated much of the Reverence formerly paid to that See , by reason the designs thereof are so apparently Secular , tending not to the Salvation of Souls , but the support of their own Grandeur : Which makes me admire our English Romanists should hug their Chains , and adore those who abuse their well-meaning Devotion with Articles of Faith serving rather to carry on the Designs of the Imposers , than the Salvation of their over credulous Believers : Methinks an easie apprehension might discover , that the Roman Guides govern you by Principles that have more of Machiavel in them , than of Conscience or Gospel-simplicity , and a little consideration will inform you , that those things which they teach you to call Religion , are Arts to enslave and impoverish you , and Engines to advance themselves to the highest pitch of honour and abundance : S. Bernard ( though a great friend to the Roman Church ) saw this , when he said , At Rome all regard is given to Honour , but to Holiness none at all d . Were this the fault of particular mens Evil management ( from which no Society is free ) it were more excusable , but there are Doctrines added to the Old Catholick Faith ( even most of the Tenets wherein they differ from the Church of England ) which are plain Artifices to increase the power and wealth of Rome . Doctrines for which they dispute with us upon Demetrius's Principle , because thereby they have their gain , Act. xix . 25. And many think the Guides of your Church contend for some of these Principles , not because they believe them , but because it is their Interest the people should be perswaded of them ; which makes them secretly laugh at their Credulity who will be imposed on by them , as that great Cardinal did , when he gave the People ( who flocked about him ) his Benediction in these words , Qui vult decipi decipiatur : And it is a vile suspicion of this which we may gather from that observation of Hospinian , That in Italy the name [ Christian ] is used for an Ideot or Fool e . But to be more particular , let us look over some Instances of such New Doctrines as are taught in the Roman Church for Secular ends . We begin with the Doctrine of Implicit Faith or believing as the Church believes , a Doctrine unknown in S. Cyrils time , who speaking to his young Christians , Bids them not meerly believe the things he spoke because he affirmed them , unless he did demonstrate them to be so out of the Divine Scripture f . And truly this Novel Doctrine may agree with Pythagoras's Ipse dixit , and is a good shelter for Paganism , the best Argument for which , Balbus saith , is this , That he had received it from his Fore-fathers g . The Jewish Rabbins told their Disciples , They must believe whatever they taught them , though they should say that their right hand was their left : and it was becoming enough in Apel●es the Heretick to charge his seduced Scholars , not to examine his Principles by Reason h : But it is below the Honour of true Religion to desire to be taken upon Trust ; so that this Doctrine is a policy of your Priests to secure their evil Principles from being enquired into , and a device to make you depend on them as Infallible Oracles , who can by this means lead you blind-fold whither they will , and impose any thing on you which serves their Interest , under the pretence of true Religion . 2. Auricular Confession to a Priest was voluntary of Old , and only used in case of a troubled Conscience , or a strong Temptation : But it is now made necessary at stated times , in all probability to make the Priest master of every mans Secrets , to discover the least inclination of their Proselytes to leave them , to keep the Laity in awe , and make them venerate and depend upon their Spiritual Guide , who hereby hath them at his Mercy : And their Doctors do affirm , that in some cases it is lawful to discover what is revealed to them in Confession , especially if it concern the Roman Church i . And thus they have an Intelligencer in the breast of every Great man of their Communion . The Exempting the Regular Clergy from their Lawful Bishops Jurisdiction ( which S. Bernard complains of as an unjust thing k : And the freeing Ecclesiasticks from their Natural Princes Authority is , that the Pope may have Subjects numerous and potent to give Intelligence and abet his Interest in the bowels of all Kingdoms . The Popes Supremacy , Appeals to Rome , the Collation of Benefices and other Preferments , the Creating their Maker in the Mass , with many others , do all aim at the Honour of the Church of Rome , and the making its most inferior Priests revered : But because the Honour of the Church of Rome cannot be maintained without vast riches , it is obvious to all , that many of their New Doctrines and Practices have been introduced with design to fill the Churches Treasuries : or if Ignorance and Superstition were the Mother of these gainful Devices , it is certain Covetousness hath been an officious Nurse unto them . As in the case of Purgatory , and Prayers to deliver Souls from thence , a Novel fancy , feared and suspected at first by some , but countenanced and Decreed by that Church , thereby to oblige the people to give liberally for themselves or their deceased Friends , to those who sell their Prayers so commonly that they occasioned that Proverb , No penny no Pater Noster . It is impossible to reckon the vast sums that this Opinion brings in , for so many Masses , Dirige's , Requiems , for those Trentals , Obits , and Anniversaries , which the deluded Romanists purchase , with Oblations of Houses and Lands , Plate , Vestments , Jewels , Images and Ready mony . And it is very remarkable , that the fear of losing this Income was one main Impediment to restrain the Pope from yielding to a Reformation . To these may be added the Doctrines of Images and Invocation of Saints , with the reports of Miracles done at certain places , and the Device of Canonization by the Pope ( an Honour that none of the Saints for the first five or six Centuries ever had ) but certain it is , that people being perswaded of Miracles wrought on Earth and Intercession made in Heaven by these Saints , do undertake Pilgrimages to these places and make Oblations there , or else send their Offerings if they cannot go : And this in so excessive degrees , that there have been , and are some Shrines which cu●vy the Treasuries of the greatest Princes of Europe ; we may instance in Tho. Beckets at Canterbury l , and the still famous Lady of Loretto m . The Relicks also of all other Saints , yea , such as are said to belong to Jesus himself , have been formerly carried about to collect Mony , yea , sold for great sums , and are accounted Marketable ware , and very gainful Commodities in the Roman Church . The Year of Jubilee and distribution of Indulgences are used as devices to get mony , as your own Writers complain n . The Pope's pretences to a power of Dispensing with Vows and Oaths , Leagues and Contracts , Marriages in prohibited degrees , &c. fill his Coffers with Silver and his Court with Suitors . The taking mony for Penances and granting Absolution upon it for Notorious sins , is so known an Infamy , that we have the very book in our hands , copyed out of the Original in the Apostolick Chamber , setting down the rates and sums to be paid for Absolution from the most horrid wickednesses : And to convince us that Mony is the only thing sought by the Church in these Absolutions , the said book tells us , that These acts of Grace cannot be granted to the Poor who have nothing , and therefore cannot be comforted o . And though the Priests and Fryers have these and many more ways to draw Mony from the people , yet the Pope uses them but as Spunges , to suck in wealth from others , that he may squeez it into his own Coffers afterwards : For it is scarce within the reach of Arithmetick what sums the Roman Church receives from the Inferior Clergy and Bishops for Institutions , Confirmations , Investitures , Palls , First-fruits , Tenths , &c. The very Tenths and First-fruits formerly enjoyed by the Pope , amounting in this Nation , as we now compute them , to above 20000 l. per An. And in the time of the Roman Jurisdiction here , the Clergy paid him a fifth part of their Livings , sometimes for two or three years beside ; and for the English Bishops , their subjection to Rome cost them dear , Walter le Grey Archbish . of York paying Ten thousand pound sterling for his Pall p . And it was complained in the 23 d of Henry 8 th that the Papacy had received out of England in about forty years past , for Investitures of Bishops only Threescore thousand pounds q . And the Doctrine of sorcing all Priests to renounce Marriage , is maintained by the Policy of the Roman Court , that they may not only profit by them living , but be their Heirs when they die , there being no other good Reason to be given for this rigid Imposition ; for sure they will not say it is simply unlawful for Priests to marry , since two Popes , S. Gregory the Great and Pius the Second , affirm They may be allowed to marry r ; and their great Canonist saith , There is as great reason to allow Priests marriage now , as ever there was to restrain it s . What then ! do they forbid it that Priests may be more pure ? that cannot be the Reason , because S. Paul saith , Marriage defiles not , Heb. xiii . 4. And Fornication which certainly doth defile , is tolerated , if not allowed t , and called a Venial sin u : However reputed by their Casuists a lesser sin in the Priest , than Marriage x . And how pure this Doctrine makes your Clergy let Experience and your own Writers teach you . There are many ( saith S. Bernard ) who cannot be hid for their multitude , nor do they seek to be concealed through their Impudence , who being kept from Nuptial Remedies run into all filthiness a . There are few free ( saith Another ) in these days from the crime of Fornication b . The Pope thinking it almost a Miracle some Ages since to hear a Candidate for a Bishoprick attested to be a pure Virgin c . The true Reason therefore of this Doctrine , which occasions so much wickedness , we may learn from the Canon . Law : which allows not Regular Bishops to dispose of their Estates by Will , nor others of the Clergy to be too free of their Alms in their sickness d , ( how earnestly soever they exhort the Laity thereunto : ) And thus the Church becomes their Heir , And these Spoyls of the Clergy ( as they very significantly term them ) which fall to the Church at their deaths amount to a good round sum , as a judicious Author observes e . I cannot express one half of those Arts which the Roman Church hath to drein both Clergy and Laity : But certain it is , they do draw a Mass of Treasure Annually from the Countries under their yoke , insomuch that it was complained of to the Council of Spain , that Pope Pius 5th had got fourteen Millions out of that Kingdom in a short space f . And in the time of Henry 3 d of England it was computed , that the Popes Revenue out of this Nation exceeded the Kings g . And another time complaint was made by the English , that there went Threescore thousand Marks yearly out of this Land to Rome h . I shall not mention the Frauds and Cruelties used in Collecting this Mony , only noting that Johan . Sarisburiensis , a great Bigot of the Popes ( and a hot stickler in Beckets Cause ) assures us , That the Legates of the Apostolical Seat , did Tyrannize over the Provinces , as if the Devil ( saith he ) were gone out from the presence of the Lord to scourge the Church i ; yet to oppose these Officers of the Pope , is reckoned at Rome the most mortal sin : No wonder then can it be , that Pope Sixtus 5 th , in five years time got together Five Millions of Crowns ( as Ciracella informs us ) Four Millions of which his Successor Gregory 14 th wasted in Pomp and Riot in less than Ten months time : Europ . Spec. p. 263. And indeed they spend these Sacred Treasures as badly as they get them ; the very Popes themselves of late designing only to swallow all the little neighbouring Principalities , and to make themselves Temporal Princes , to raise their Nephews and Neeces ( if not Sons and Daughters ) and advance their Families to the highest Dignities and Fortunes . So that there is little of Holiness left in them but in an empty Title , it being a little above a hundred years since one said , No man at this day looks for Holiness in the Popes , they are accounted excellent , if they be tolerably good , or less wicked than other men are : Papyr . Masson . in Vit. Julii 31 An. 1550 : and the rest of his Clergy and People are suitable ; for , It cannot be dissembled ( saith a late exact Observer ) that the whole Country is strangely overflowd with Wickedness , with filthiness of Speech , with beastliness of Actions ; both Governors and Subjects , both Priests and Fryers , each striving as it were with other in an Impudentness therein : Europ . Spec. p. 27. But I will not pursue this most ungrateful Subject , which I profess I do not relate out of any envy , or delight in telling such sad stories : but I am forced to say these unpleasing Truths to rescue your Souls from those who serve the ends of their Ambition and Covetousness out of your Devotion ; from those who perswade you to call that Religion which maintains them in the highest plenty and luxury : from those who Decree , that Good works merit Salvation ; not because they believe this Doctrine ( for if they did , they would do more Goodworks themselves ) but because this Perswasion among the people fills the Churches Treasures , and hath made the Old Pious and poor Priests and Deacons of Rome , Illustrious Cardinals , who in Magnificence , and Pomp dare vye with the greatest Estates of Christendom ; and their Great Master scorns to have Kings and Emperors thought his Equals : Wherefore , when you have duly weighed all this , and considered the Pride and insatiable Avarice of the Roman Church , and withal observed , how all the Doctrines in which they differ from us , tend meerly to advance these ends , you cannot think it unlikely , that such men with such designs should alter and add to their Old Faith , especially when you hear S. Paul say , The love of Mony is the root of all evil , which while some coveted after , they have erred from the Faith : 1 Tim. vi . 10. It is nothing that is truly Ancient or really good , that we perswade you to renounce ; but Novel Policies and Devices which minister to Secular designs , and you ought to account him your Friend who would rescue you from this abuse , and perswade you into that Church , whose Principles are Primitive , plain and honest , whose Clergy are content with the Revenues which the Laws of the Land allow them , having none of these Vnchristian Artifices of extraordinary gains , nor no design to teach you any Doctrines , but such as will make you good , and direct you in the way to Heaven . SECTION III. Whether the said Opinions were not established by evil means ? THe next Enquiry is , By what means these New Doctrines became so generally believed ? And here first we may note , your Church hath good reason to use this Proverb , Ignorance is the Mother of Devotion ; because the wretched blindness of those Ages wherein these Opinions were propagated , did hugely contribute to their Reception : for it is not to be denied , that from the time of the decay of the Western Empire , and the Irruptions of the Goths and Vandals into Europe , there began to be a great decay of Learning , and Barbarism crept in by degrees , which is evident by the different style and way of writing which the later Fathers use , in comparison of those who lived in the first four or five Centuries , and at length this Ignorance became so universal , That the study of the liberal Arts was generally laid aside ; as an Old Historian complains k : and that Age which bred many of these Errors is commonly by your own Writers called , The Obscure Age l , being wholly without any persons eminent for Wit or Learning m , the very inferior Priests being not able to translate an Epistle into Latin o ; which Aegyptian darkness continued in all the Western world till a few years before the Reformation , as your own Espencaeus confesseth o . Now this gross stupidity must needs make the World apt and easie to be abused with the most absurd and monstrous Doctrines ; for Ignorance is the Mother of all Errors ( as an Old Council affirms p , and not of true Devotion ( as you now pretend . ) This made way for the Politick Guides of Rome to impose such Opinions on the Church as might best serve their own ends ; These Tares were sowed while men slept , Matth. xiii . 25. and there were many Circumstances concurring in those unlucky Ages which contributed to the furthering the Roman designs , the withdrawing of the Emperors into the East , and first the Decay of the Western Empire ; then the destruction of the Eastern , and the desolation of all the famous Oriental Churches by the spreading Inundation of Turks and Saracens ; so that the Pope had neither Emperor nor Patriarch ( for a long time ) that could oppose him , the Miseries of all Christendom giving him opportunity to make himself the sole Governor of these Parts of the World , and none were able to contend with him , though many complain'd of his Vsurpation ; Johan . Sarisburiensis telling Adrian 4 th ( who asked him what men thought of the Roman Church ) That they esteemed it a Stepmother , not a Mother — , and the Pope of Rome himself was grievous to all , and almost intolerable q . I shall not now be so tedious to you as to relate , how this Church by force , and by taking all advantages did attempt to suppress all that did oppose her Impositions and Grandeur ; what wars the Popes raised against the German Emperors , what occasions they took to enslave the Greek Church , when they petitioned for relief against the conquering and cruel Turks ; what Persecutions they raised against the Albigenses , Bohemians and Wicklevists , and how they destroyed all that resisted their Innovations with Fire and Sword ; only desiring you to remark , That the Roman Church was the first Author of putting men to death for that which they call Heresy : A practice wholly differing from the Rules of Christianity r , from the Opinion and Practice of the Ancient Church s : It being a New and unheard of way of Preaching ( saith your S. Gregory ) to force men by stripes to believe t ; yet by Fire and Fagot the modern Church of Rome affrights the World into the Embracing these Articles , or by Inquisitions and Racks , awes them into silence , not daring to question them : Her Greatness , Riches , Interest and Severity to Opposers , hath been one means to obtrude the belief of her gainful Articles upon men ; and her Policies and Frauds have been another , for you cannot think it unlikely that they ( who have so little Piety , as to turn Religion into Policy ) should have so little honesty as to equivocate for the defence of their Politick Religion ; and verily , the Ignorance and Credulity of those blind Ages were such , that your Church never sought for solid Arguments to confirm their New Decrees , but built them usually upon Fictions , and proved them by notorious Forgeries , and accounted this way of proceeding not only lawful but Pious , so that whosoever reads those Discourses of your Jesuites in defence of these Deceits , called by them Piae fraudes , will conclude the High-Priests of Rome-Christian as well as Rome-Heathen to have been of Opinion , That it was expedient the people should be deceived in their Religion , as Scaevola the Pagan , Pontifex M. in S. Augustine saith u ; and no doubt your Church agrees with the Heathen Varro in the same Author w , where he saith , There are many Truths in Religion which it is not expedient for the people to know , and though divers things therein be false , yet the people ought to think them true : The instances of some particulars will make this more evident ; 1. Miracles were the foundation , and most authentick proofs for Invocation of Saints , Veneration of Images and Relicks , Pilgrimages , Purgatory , Monastical Vows , and most of the gainful Articles of the Roman Church ; and yet S. Chrysostome saith , that there were no footsteps of the power of Miracles left in the Church in his time x . And your S. Gregory thinks them unnecessary among Believers y , and so do many others z : Yet in the dark Ages nothing was more frequently pretended than Miracles wrought by Saints living and dead , as appears by the stories of their Lives , and the Legends of your Church , which Relations are so senseless and so ridiculous , so impossible and unlikely , so little agreeing with Chronology , History , or Geography , that the Modern Writers of the Roman Party are ashamed of them . Hence your own Canus complains , that these Authors of Saints Lives with false and counterfeit Fables have blemished the Lives of Saints a . And the same Writer saith there b , that the Author of your so famed Golden Legend was a man of an Iron forehead and a Leaden soul : Harding also affirmeth c , That there be many vain Fables in it : Simeon Metaphrastes , is another of these Miracle-Writers , and is so eminent that he is read in the Modern Roman Breviaries d , and yet Cardinal Bellarmine blames him for incredible stories , and relations not agreeing to Ancient Writers , He adds ( saith he ) many things out of his own wit , not as they were really done , but as they might have been done e . And is not this notorious forgery ? Yea , the Popes themselves in the latest sort of Breviaries have left many of these fabulous Miracles out , since they have done the work now for which they were invented ; the Doctrines supported by these lies are now generally embraced , and when the Arch is compleated , the Props on which it was raised , may be laid aside ; yet still you ought to ask , If these stories were false , how came the Infallible Church to put them into her Offices ? if they were true , why doth she now reject them ? And it is observable , that the Roman Church at present pretends but to very few Miracles , and the Doctors thereof ( in this knowing Age ) are very shy of believing any at all , as one of your own Priests proves at large f . The Reason of which must needs be , because they fear this Inquisitive and learned Generation should discover the fraud of them . For since Miracles are especially necessary to convince unbelievers , there is far more need of them since the Reformation ( when so many disbelieve the Religion of your Church ) than was before ( when all the Nations of the West were at the Devotion thereof . ) Yet then many Miracles are recorded and now few or none , an Argument sufficient to make a wary man believe , there were few real Miracles at any time since the settlement of Christianity ; only the superstitious and ignorant credulity of the former Ages was fit to be abused with such Pretences : And now , why are you so stiff in maintaining those Opinions which were believed at first upon so slight and false inducements , as these Legends and Miracles are confessed to be ? But this Argument is of late so fully handled by two excellent Pens g , that I may dismiss it , with my hearty wish you would read those Tracts without Prejudice , being not written to abuse real Religion ( as some tell you ) but to undeceive you , and unmask that hypocrisie which hath long walked in the venerable Mantle of Truth : Nor ought you to be angry at the Relators , but at the Inventors of such falshoods , who have got many fair Houses and Lands , vast sums of Mony and innumerable costly Oblations by these Fictions , to the scandal of Christianity it self . My second instance shall be of the Artifice of Forging Records for to attest their Novel Doctrines ( especially that of the Pope's Supremacy ) they put out divers spurious Tracts under illustrious names , which served to wheadle an illiterate Age into a Reverence for the Roman Church and her Opinions ; whereas now the cheat is so palpable , that your modern Doctors ( though they keep the Conclusions ) disown those feigned books that were the Premises from whence they were inferred : Of this nature are the Decretal Epistles of all the Popes from Clemens down to Pope Syricius An. 385. formerly cited as good Authorities , and transcribed some parts of them into your Canon Law , but now the most learned Romanists confess a great part of them to be meer forgeries h : Baronius styles divers of them Apocryphal i : And Cardinal Cusanus saith ; That being applied to the times of those Holy men they do betray themselves k And indeed these Epistles were never cited by any good old Author , and were first brought into France by one Riculfus Arch. B. of Ments five hundred years after those Popes were dead , as Hincmarus Arch. B. of Rhemes a Writer of that Age affirms l , and Baronius also confesseth m . Nor did the Roman See blush some Centuries ago to alledge for its Supremacy the most fabulous Donation of Constantine the Great , wherein he is pretended to make the Pope head over the whole Church , and superiour to all the four Patriarchs of the East ( naming Constantinople for one , which City was not yet built ) giving him in fee the City of Rome , and all Italy , with all the Provinces of the Western Empire ( though he gave all these to one of his Sons afterwards ) . This senseless Edict was pleaded by several of the Popes in former times to countenance their ambitious pretences n , and of Old was received without suspicion by the gravest and learnedst Doctors , saith Binius o , who yet confesseth there , it was a meer forgery devised ( he thinks ) by the Greeks , and now adaies all Romanists generally disown it , and indeed it is as ridiculous a forgery as ever the world saw . My Brevity will not allow me to enlarge upon this Subject , otherwise I could add innumerable Examples of like dealing . The absurd Council of Sinuessa , The monstrous Recognitions of Clement , The threescore new Canons father'd by Turrian and others , upon the famous General Council of Nice , The Pontifical ascribed to Pope Damasus ; with innumerable other Tracts of the same Metal , being all apparent Forgeries , and yet were long countenanced by Rome to support her unjust Supremacy and other Innovations . My third Instance shall be of Suppressing or corrupting true Records , of which take a few Examples : The Legates of Rome , within less than a hundred years after the general Council of Nice did produce two Canons ( to prove the Popes Right to receive Appeals ) in a famous Council of Carthage , An. 419. which Canons they pretended were made in the aforesaid Nicene Council ; but these Canons wholly differed from all the best Manuscripts of that Council then extant , particularly from two eminent ones , which the African Fathers sent for from Constantinople and Alexandria ; nor do they agree with those genuine Editions of the Nicene Council now extant ; and indeed the Council of Carthage received not these pretended Canons of Nice , but esteemed them to have been corrupted , as we do at this day : Not long after ( to abet the Roman Supremacy ) Pope Leo writing to Theodosius the Emperor , cites a Canon of a particular and dubious Council at Sardi●a of later Date and less Authority , affirming it to be a Canon of the general Council at Nice p : The Edition of the Councils put out by Dionysius Exiguus about An. 520. being for a long time the sole approved Copy extant in these parts of the World , doth in favour of the Popes Supremacy , leave out divers Canons even of General Councils which seem to make against it q , though the said Canons are recorded in Zonaras and Balsamon , and in this Age confessed to have been made in those Councils by the Romanists themselves ; but in the Time when the Supremacy was in hatching , it was not thought expedient those Canons should be known : It were endless to reckon up all the Additions , Diminutions , and Alterations , which all the Roman Editions of the Councils since , are guilty of ; and because an ingenious Essay hath been made that way by a late Author , I shall refer my Reader thither r , and out of infinite Examples conclude with one Evident piece of Falsification : The xxxv . Canon of the Council of Laodicea , Forbids the faithful to call on the name of Angels , which being a condemnation of the Doctrine and Practice of Rome in Praying to Angels , The Later Editions of this Council have impudently put in , Angulos [ Angles or Corners ] instead of Angelos [ Angels s ] ; though all the Greek Copies t and Fathers read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 u , and all the old Latin Exemplars have , Angelos w . Yea , Pope Adrian himself ( before this worship of Angels came up ) read it [ Angelos ] in that Epitome of Canons which he sent to Charles the Great , An. 773. Thus they corrupt the Councils to suit them to their own Opinions , Nor have single Fathers and Ancient Authors fared better : S. Cyprian put out by Pamelius is altered in many places contrary to the Ancient Copies ; for Example where the Father saith , the Church is founded Super Petram x , Pamelius changes it into Super Petrum , upon Peter , instead of upon a Rock y . And Ludovicus Vives ( a Romanist ) assures us that there are Ten or Twelve lines positively asserting Purgatory , put into the Printed Copies of S. Aug. de Civitate Dei lib. 21. cap. 24. contrary to the Ancient Manuscripts z . Fulbertus Carnotensis quotes S. August . saying of the Sacramental bread , This then is a figure ( the Roman Editions put in ) As a Heretick will say ; when indeed S. Augustine says so , and speaks his own sense a . Aimonius speaking of the Eighth Council saith , They determined about Images otherwise than the Orthodox Fathers had Decreed : and so Baronius reads b : But the Modern Printed Copies quite contrary put in , — according as the Orthodox Fathers had Decreed c . But why do I stand upon particular Instances , This wickedness which all other men account the same Villany with suborning false Witnesses , stopping the mouths of the True , and counterfeiting Hands and Seals , is owned by the present Church of Rome : And Sixtus Senensis doth highly extol Pope Pius 5 th . for his most holy Decree , to burn all Books which were ( accounted ) Heretical , To purge and cleanse all Catholick Authors , and especially the Writings of the Fathers d . Now in what manner they effect this most holy work , the Bel●ick Inquisitors ( appointed by the Roman See ▪ ) shall tell you , We strike out ( say ) they ) many Errors , in other of the Ancients , we extenuate and excuse them , or by feigning a Commentitious gloss , either deny , or fix a commodious sense to their words e . Thus they served S. Ambrose his works , cancelling and altering whole pages together , contrary to all the Old Manuscripts , as appeared by the Original Papers which Savarius the Stationer shewed to Francis Junius , according to which the Inquisitors had ordered him to Print that Edition : Lugdun . An. 1559. f . Thus they left the story of Pope Joan out of the Copies of Anastasius Biblioth . though the Manuscripts had the said story in them as Marquar . Freherus testified , who lent them the said Manuscripts g . And I might fill a Volume with Instances of like unjust dealings ; but I will only add the memorable account which Boxhornius one of your Divinity Professors at Lovain gives of himself , viz. That he having been employed by the Inquisitors to strike out at least six hundred places of the Ancients , which seemed to make against the Roman Doctrines , was so troubled in mind upon it , that it was an occasion of his turning Protestant , and made him resolve to quit that Religion which could not defend it self without such manifest Impostures h . And I wish the consideration thereof might have the same effect upon you ; for the matter of Fact is so evident , that the Index Expurgatorius , the Book which directs these Falsifications , is now come into Protestant hands to the eternal Infamy of the Roman Church ; whose people cannot rationally trust to any Author which comes through their Priests dishonest hands ; And since false Books are invented , true and genuine Writers altered and corrupted , or else wholly prohibited , if they seem to make against them ( for which cause Clement 8 th . puts the Bible into his Index of prohibited Books ) and all Editions but their own condemned and burnt by the Roman Church ; the people must needs be deluded into a perswasion , that all these New Doctrines are Primitive Truths , when indeed this abominable Forging evidently shews , that the Pope and his Conclave think that both Scripture and Antiquity do make against these Innovations , and would discover the Imposture , if they were suffered to speak out ; to whom I may justly apply the words of Arnobius , To intercept what is written , and to design to smother published Records , is not to defend the Gods , but to fear the Testimony of the Truth i : And because Good men ( as S. Augustine saith ) will not deceive ; but neither good nor evil men would willingly be deceived k , I may suppose that the most Devoted Romanists cannot but discern how unsafe he is in believing , as those men teach him , who make no Conscience to invent , impose , and pretend things never so false , provided they may thereby advance their Churches Interest , or their own private ends : They who dare write Lies , will not be afraid to speak them , and they who corrupt the Remains of the Holy Saints deceased , are not to be trusted with the Souls of the living ; And whoever gives himself up to such Guides , unnaturally chuses his own delusion , and desperately hazards his own salvation : S. Ambrose adviseth us if we choose a Guide , to be careful he be endued with two properties , Honesty and Prudence : for his Honesty will be a security that he will not deceive us , and his Prudence will prevent our suspicion of his being deceived himself l ; which wise Counsel if you follow , you must no longer adhere to these unfaithful Leaders : Nor ought you to fear to forsake them , either because your Forefathers fathers relied on them , or because the Doctrines that they teach were once so generally received here ; since your Forefathers lived in an Age wherein there was little means to detect these Forgeries , whereas you are by Providence fallen into those times ▪ wherein all the Dishonest Arts of that Church are discovered so plainly , that if your Forefathers had seen as much as you may see , they would have forsaken Rome long since , and not have left you this Objection to make : Nor are the Doctrines ever the better for being generally received , when as they were imposed on the World by such evil means as Force and Fraud ; which being thus made evident , you can no longer wonder how these Innovations came to be so generally beleived , being propagated by as wicked means as they were invented for evil ends : So that now what the Roman Church thought would secure her Opinions ( if it could have been kept close ) must needs make them odious ( being once laid open ) and the Impostures ▪ which they designed should tye men to their Church , will ( as some of their own Doctors have prophesied ) be an Occasion to make all Discerning men turn from it ; for Religion is to be defended ( saith Lactantius ) not with wickedness but fidelity , for if you attempt to defend Religion by Evil Arts , you do not defend , but pollute and violate it m . SECTION IV. Whether the said Opinions tend to advance the Ends of true Religion ? NOw though it be altogether unlikely those Principles should be either true or good , which stand in need of such Arts to propagate and defend them , yet because you have been so long accustomed to call these things Religion , and it is not easie to lay aside our rooted Prepossessions , we will pass to the Third Enquiry , viz. Whether the things themselves be good in their own nature , and Parts of true Religion ? Now we may try this by considering what are the ends of True Religion , and whether these Principles serve to advance those ends ? True Religion therefore hath three Principal Ends : 1. To advance the honour of God. 2. To assist us in the Devout worshipping of him . 3. To teach us to imitate him by a holy life and conversation . Let us here therefore examine , whether the peculiar Articles of the Roman Church do not hinder rather than promote these Ends : For if it appear these Principles are dishonourable to God , impediments to Devotion , and hindrances to a holy life ; then those Doctrines are also Evil in their own nature , and they can be no real parts of a good or True Religion : Nor must you retain them because you have once judged them good , if upon Tryal they prove to be otherwise . We must be firm to our Principles ( saith Epictetus ) yet not to all of them , but only to those which are right ; we must begin at the right end , and first lay the foundation by considering whether our Principles be good or evil , and after build upon that by constancy and firmness of Resolution n . Wherefore let me desire you patiently and impartially to enquire . First , If there be not some of your Principles and Practices which tend not to the honour of God ; if it be a dishonour to the Divine Majesty for a mortal man to contradict his Laws by contrary Constitutions , I fear your Church will hardly be found innocent : For do they not command things which God hath forbidden in as plain words as can be spoken , as in the case of Images , Exod. xx . 4 ? and Prayer in an unknown Tongue , 1 Con. xiv . 28. Do they not forbid things which God hath allowed , as in the case of Priests Marriage ? Heb. xiii . 4. 1 Cor. vii . 2 Chap. ix . 5. 1 Tim. iii. 2. 12 ? and taking the Cup from the People ? which they have decreed with a Non obstante , that is , notwithstanding our Lord Jesus appointed the contrary . Do they not presume to dispense with the very Laws of God , in many cases of Matrimony and Divorce , of Vows , Oaths , Leagues and Contracts ? So that laying aside the Commandment of God , ye hold the Tradition of men , as our Saviour speaks , Mark vii . 8. Your Holy Father who doth all this may think himself the greatest upon Earth , but if our Lord Jesus tell us the Truth , He shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven , Matth. v. 19. Secondly , Is it not a great derogation to an Infinite and Invisible Being , to be represented by an Image , and worshipped under such Representations ? Agreeable to the worship which Heathens gave to their false gods o , and some Hereticks to our Saviour p , but contrary to the Decrees and Practice of the Primitive Christians q , and to the great scandal of Modern Jews , who call your Churches Houses of Idols , upon this account r . Thirdly , Doth not the Doctrine of Merits cast a palpable dishonour upon the glorious Redemption wrought by Jesus Christ ? Sure I am , divers of the Ancients , as well as of your later Writers , think so s . Nor can we think it to be less than Blasphemy , which Bellarmine affirmeth , viz. That a man may be said to be his own Redeemer without any injury to Christ t . Doubtless those who fancy they can redeem themselves , and satisfie for their own sins , cannot but have a mean esteem of Christ's Merits and Satisfaction . Fourthly , Your praying to Angels and Saints , especially the blessed Virgin , making them your Mediators and Patrons , and asking the greatest things of them , hath made Prayers to God by Jesus Christ to be generally neglected by the vulgar people , who say ten times as many Ave Mary's as Pater Noster's , and wickedly fancy the Blessed Virgin and Holy Saints are more compassionate than our Lord Jesus . This Doctrine ( saith a very wise man ) hath wrought that general effect in all Countreys subject to the Papacy ; that men have more affiance , and assume to themselves a greater conceit of comfort in the Patronage of the creatures and servants of God , than of God himself , the Prince and the Creator u . A fault which St. Paul lays to the Heathens charge , Rom. i. 25. How dishonourable must it needs be , to leave Jesus that one Mediator : 1 Tim. ii . 5. ( who always doth certainly hear us , and is most apt to pity us , and best able to help us ) to pray to God by those , concerning whom your own Doctors doubt whether they know any thing done here w ? and the Scripture plainly saith they do not x . Reason shews it is impossible they should hear many Prayers in divers places at once . To have the worship paid to the Master and the Servants , the same in all outward expressions , only differing in a nice School-distinction , must needs be an affront to the King of Saints . If you have any tenderness or zeal for the honour of Jesus , it cannot but be offensive to you , to observe how your Legends tell of greater miracles wrought by some of their fabulous Saints , than ever Jesus wrought . To hear one of your Church say , That Christ did nothing which S. Francis did not do , yea , that he did more than Christ himself y . What is more injurious to the honour of the Divine Majesty , than your S. Bonaventure's putting in the name of the Virgin Mary into Davids Psalms instead of the name of God ? To have her adored by the Heathenish Title of the Queen of Heaven z , and invocated by the impious name of Mother of the whole Trinity a ! These things are rather Blasphemy than Devotion , and as dishonourable to God as they are Dissonant from Antiquity . Let none ( saith Epiphanius ) adore Mary ; but why do I mention a Woman ? nay , not any Man : this Reverence is due only to God , nor are the Angels capable of such glorification b Fifthly , The supposing a necessity of superadding the Saints Merits and the daily Sacrifice of the Mass , to the Merit of that one Offering for sin which Jesus made on the Cross : Heb. ix . 28. is an evident lessening the value and sufficiency of the Death of Christ , Sixthly , The calling of the Holy Scripture a Nose of Wax , a Leaden Rule , and an Inky Gospel c . The putting in the Apocryphal books , wherein are some things wicked d , and others notoriously false e , into an equal rank with the Word of God indited by the Spirit ; own Traditions to be equal in value to it f , are palpable dishonours to God who writ the Holy Scripture . These things ( my Friends ) can hardly be reckoned matters tending to the honour of God , unless you can suppose the cancelling his Laws , disparaging his Nature , undervaluing the Merits , the Mercies and the Miracles of Jesus by cheap and odious Comparisons , the diminution of his worship , and making him sharer with his Servants therein , and the vilifying of his Divine word , be no dishonour to him you pretend to serve . Secondly , Let us examine whether these Doctrines do assist you in the Devout worshipping of God ? It is very suspicious that Church doth not teach a right way of serving God , which deceives you in the first Principle of Religion , viz. That God alone is to be worshipped : a Sentence so odious to the Roman Doctors , that the Index Expurgatorius blots it out of the indices of S. Athanasius and S. Augustines Works g , and if they could do it ▪ undiscovered , they would blot it out of the Bible also , Matth. iv . 10. But there it shall stand for ever to reprove those , who divide Religious worship between God and his Creatures , thereby diminishing that Devotion which intirely belongs to the Divine Majesty , since affections are most vigorous when placed upon one Object , and if they be dispersed among many , grow weak and trifling ; whence we may conclude , the Protestant who worships none but God , is the greater lover of him , and worships with a more united and servent Devotion . As for your Publick worship , it is attended with so many Ceremonies as must needs disturb the Devotion as well of the Priests as the People , there is such frequent bowing , crossing , prostration , sprinkling with Holy water , beating the breast , smoaking with Incense , &c. that the mind is taken off from a steady intention upon the inward and main part of the Duty , while it is entertained with such variety of outward Rites . For our mind ( saith Quintilian ) cannot sincerely intend its whole self upon many things at once , whatever new object it looks upon , it gives over the thoughts of that which it first propounded to it self : And this is most evident where the Objects are so different as sensible and intellectual things are . For where the Senses and their perceptions are vigorously employed , there the Intellectual Powers cease to act ( as a great Philosopher observes h ) . So that it is your Passions and your Fancies that are wrought upon , not your Mind nor the higher faculties of your Soul , by these numerous Ceremonies ; and therefore that which you think Devotion , I doubt is but a fantastical and false fire , not kindled by the love of God , nor warming your nobler Powers at all , and those steady , rational and spiritual desires , which flow from an undisturbed contemplation of the Divine Goodness and are the very life of Prayer , I fear you are strangers to , being so often taken off and diverted by variety of sensible Representations . Again , the making all your Publick prayers in an Vnknown Tongue , destroys all true Devotion in the People ; S. Clemens of Alex. tells us of some Heathens who thought those Prayers most effectual which were uttered in a barbarous Language i . But Christians know , that Prayer is the desiring something of God , and if the Mind be not exercised in this desire , it avails nothing ; but where the words are not understood , the mind cannot desire the things mentioned , so that none can properly pray in an Vnknown Tongue , nor so much as rationally say Amen , 1 Cor. xiv . 16. By this absurd Practice therefore you ( who are unlearned ) spend the time of the Publick offices in admiring and gazing , not in joyning with the Priest or Praying . And because the people have no employment while the Mass lasteth , they spend the whole time usually in talking and laughing privately , as those who Travel in Catholick Countries do inform us k . And it may occasion your wonder , why the Roman Church should so obstinately refuse to reform so irrational a Custom , which S. Paul hath written a whole Chapter to condemn , 1 Cor. xiv . The force of whose Arguments and Authority , hath made your wisest Doctors declare against it . By S. Paul ' s Doctrine ( saith Card. Cajetan ) it is better for the edifying of the Church , that Publick prayers were made in the Vulgar Tongue than in Latin l . To the same purpose Lyra m . And your Rhemish Annotators say , When a man prayeth in a strange Tongue which himself understandeth not , it is not so fruitful for Instruction to him , as if he knew particularly what he prayed n . Gabriel Biel also gives several Reasons why Prayers should be in a known Tongue , saying , It is better 1. For stirring up Devotion , 2. for enlightning the Mind , 3. for retaining the things in memory , 4. for keeping the thoughts from wandring o . Yet your admired Church will oppose Reason and Scripture , and deprive all the Common people that are of her Communion , of the exercise of their Devotion in her Offices , rather than so far seem to confess a fault , as to amend it ; chusing rather to let you lose the benefit of worshipping God , than to reform the most unjust Customes which she hath once espoused ; but ( if you be wise ) if that Church will not pray in such a Language as you can joyn in , you will go over to the Church of England , where you may Pray with the Spirit and with understanding also . In the next place your Private Prayers are not so good a way of worshipping God as other Christians have ; The Images and Pictures , which the Heathens first taught your Doctors to call , The books of the unlearned p , and which are placed before you in time of Prayer , are no help , but an hindrance to all true Devotion ; for while your lips are repeating your Oraisons , your mind is taken up with the beauty , colour , lineaments and workmanship of the Image : so that your own Conscience will tell you , by these diversions you often draw near to God with your lips , when your hearts are far from him , which is a vain worship : Matth. xv . 8. And the Casuists of your Church , foreseeing that Images would take off the attention , have determined most impiously , That it is not necessary to Prayer that the person praying should think of what he speaks q . A Doctrine suitable enough to that slight and formal worship which your Church appoints ; and the Ordinary people among you , think they have prayed sufficiently , when they have pattered over so many little Oraisons as agree to the number of their Beads ; A new Invention , which came not into the Church till all serious Devotion was ceased r , it being a sign he minds his Prayers but little , that needs a string of Beads to reckon them by ; yet these Beads ( saith one of your own Authors ) are now the chief Instruments of the hypocrites counterfeit Devotion s . I shall not ravel into the body of your Prayers , since the Author of the Reflections on the Romish Devotions hath sufficiently done this ; but I cannot but remark , that the repeating Ave Maria , and the name of Jesus so many times over , as in those fifteen little Prayers in the Psalter of Jesus , where the name of Jesus is thrice mentioned in each Prayer , and each Prayer is ordered to be said Ten times over ; and those numerous names of Saints repeated in your Litanies with no petition annexed but Ora pro nobis : This way of Praying is so far from agreeing with the Primitive worship of God among the Christians , that it is evidently derived from that Heathenish superstition of praying by repeating a hundred names of their Deities together , interposing nothing but O hear us t ; and in this manner Baals Priests are supposed to pray , 1 Kings xviii . 26. But to Christians Jesus saith , When ye pray use not vain repetitions as the Heathens do , for they think that they shall be heard for their much speaking : Matth. vi . 7. Wherefore though you have admired this trifling way of worship , when you knew no better , yet if you would acquaint your selves with the solid and rational way of praying prescribed in the Church of England ( wherein Great things , in an exact method , in plain and proper phrases , and in a known Language , are asked of God alone in the name of Jesus Christ ) you would easily leave off those formal , vain and superficial Devotions , which can neither be acceptable to God , nor profitable unto your selves . Thirdly , Let us pass to the last of these particulars and enquire , If the Doctrines of Rome , differing from those of England , do tend to promote our imitating God by a holy life and conversation ; without which all our worship is in vain ; For it is a folly and miserable errour ( saith S. Augustine ) to humble your self before him in adoration , to whom you chuse to be unlike in conversation , and to give him religious worship , whose Example you will not follow ; since the sum of all Religion is to imitate him you worship u . Now there are several Principles of the Roman Church which seem to hinder an holy life , as first , The custome of Confessing to a Priest weekly or monthly , together with the Absolution following of course upon this Confession , this is ( I fear ) a great hindrance to amendment of life , at which it pretends to aim , for while men relie on this remedy , they go on without fear in those sins for which they have so easie a cure at hand , like those who venture without scruple on dangerous Meats , because they have their Physicians beside them : 'T is true there is a Penance enjoyned sometimes , but it is such a one as the rich may buy off and the poor may undergo , and yet both retain the sin , because the Penance is not its proper cure ; the going in Pilgrimages , giving mony , saying or reading over such proportions of Legends or little chiming prayers , with others far more impertinent , tend not to rectifie a vicious habit , and a plaister on the Toe may as soon cure the Head-ach , as these Penances effect a Reformation , or obtain a pardon at Gods hands . And yet all men see , when the day of Confession is over , and the Penance past , that you are generally confident of a Pardon , and fancy you begin upon a new score . It is not easie to enumerate all the devices which your Church hath invented to convey pardon of Sins , Holy water , Relicks of Saints , visiting some certain Churches , saying some certain Prayers , making Oblations of mony to such and such uses , Indulgences , and other such things , so that he that hath mony need never want Pardon from Rome ; but alas , these things can never really take away the guilt of one sin , and yet they embolden men to commit many ; For the multitude of Sinners increaseth , when hope is given that sin may be bought off , and men easily fall into those sins for which Mony will purchase their pardon : as Arnobius said to the Heathens , who relied on such like fantastical means of Remission w : and we may say of the Guides of your Church , as Seneca in a like case , They sin more in such Absolutions , than the Offender doth in the Crime x . For by perswading men they can have Remission on so easie Terms , they make them secure before they are safe , because Almighty God , who only finally can Remit , never promised Pardon on these Terms , and it is only those who forsake as well as confess their sins to whom he will shew Mercy , Prov. xxviii . 13. And if either the Pope or any of his Substitutes , pretend to have power to forgive sins on any other Terms , they abuse those who are so weak to believe them , and make them forfeit their Souls ( I doubt ) for the sad price of this Credulity : S. Basil saith truly , The power of Absolving was not absolutely given , but upon condition of the Penitents Reformation y . And we tell our People more sincerely , that if a Priest Absolve them a thousand times over , and if they give ever so much mony , without amendment of life they can have no pardon , according as Scripture it self teaches z , and the Holy Fathers also ; If thou givest all that thou hast , and dost not forsake thy sins , thou art twice deceived , both in losing thy Mony and thy Pardon also a . Again , as if the Roman Church designed to make men think their own actual Holiness were never necessary , they have other devices to perswade you into a belief of coming off well at the end of your life , howsoever ill you have spent it : The Hereticks in Tertullians time said , It was a meritorious thing to be of their Party b . And you are told it is a ready way of Salvation to die in the Communion of the Roman Church , and if you can but receive the Sacraments of that Church , and be Absolved by one of their Priests , you scarce doubt of obtaining Heaven at last ; and if you have no good works of your own , they perswade you the Church can sell you the Merits of the Saints ; or if you should drop into Purgatory by the way , the pains of that ( they say ) are not endless , and if you give liberally on your Death-beds , or if any others afterwards give for you , to purchase so many Masses and other Prayers for your Soul , you will ere long be delivered from thence . All which notorious delusions do miserably deceive poor men , and most mischievously encourage them to put off their Repentance , and to resolve not to be troubled with holiness in the way , since they fancy they shall come off so easily in the end ; and alas they are as false as they are mischievous ▪ for the Ancient Fathers unanimously affirm no mans estate can be altered after this life , But as the last day of a mans life finds him , so the last day of the World finds him c . Nor will any thing help thee ( saith S. Augustine ) but what is done while thou art here d . Out of innumerable such Testimonies , that of S. Salvian may serve : Although a man should have so pious a Son who for alleviating his Fathers punishment , would desire to give all the goods he left behind him , it would do him no good , for the Piety of the Son can do nothing to procure that Rest to a man after Death , which his own Impiety and Infidelity hath denied him e . Finally , these and the like Principles make so many infamous men and women , so many Thieves and Murtherers , debauched and prophane persons to take Sanctuary in the Roman Church , because the Tenets thereof seem not to oblige them to forsake their evil ways , but reconcile wickedness and Salvation together : so that this Religion tends not to perswade men to Holiness of life , and therefore is no good Religion : I grant there are some Persons in that Church who live better than these Opinions engage them to do , and do not draw those Conclusions into their practice which naturally follow from these Principles ; but that is only an evidence of the excellent vertue of such Persons , but no proof of the goodness of these Doctrines ; and if these men be Holy in a Religion which gives such encouragement to evil , doubtless they would be more holy by far , if they were taught better things : I shall only add , that as the Roman Church is too loose in matters pertaining to Gods Laws , so she is too strict in matters pertaining to her own Constitutions , like the Old Pharisees who Tithed Mint and Annise , and neglected the weightier matters of the Law : Matth. xxiii . which is a great obstruction to real Holiness , when men place Religion in Ceremonies and slight things , for while they are curious in these matters , they neglect greater , and think by observing the Rules of the Church , they compensate for passing by the Laws of God , your own Ordinary Gloss saith , That is Superstition , when Religion is placed in observing the Ordinances of men f . And if so , then your wonderful strictness in Crossing , Bowing , using Holy Water , Abstinence on certain days , wearing Crosses , &c. in which you have placed so much Religion , are no better than Superstition . It cannot be denied , that most Roman Catholicks are more afraid to eat flesh on a Fasting-day than to curse or swear ; they will be drunk on a Holy-day which God forbids , but not work on it because the Church forbids it ; many of them dare fornicate and debauch , who dare not neglect Confession , nor read a book written by a supposed Heretick : And generally , they are punctual in crossing , sprinkling , bowing and observing all Orders of the Church , even such as live in the open breach of Gods Commandements , and yet fancy themselves more sure of Heaven than the most pious and holy Protestant : Thus this Religion is too strict where God gives us more liberty , and too remiss where his Holy Law hath bound us with Eternal and Indispensable bonds ; and it is designed to promote Obedience to the Roman Church , rather than Inward holiness towards God : The effect of all which Considerations is this , That whosoever sincerely desires to glorifie God and worship him with a rational Devotion , and whoever would imitate him by a Holy Life , ought not to chuse or retain such a Religion whose Principles tend so evidently to the dishonour of Gods Name , the hindrance of true Devotion , and to the rendring a Holy life unnecessary : And as it was proved before , that the appropriated Articles of the Roman Faith were not Ancient , nor induced for pious ends , nor propagated by honest means : so now it is evidenced , the Articles are not good in their own nature , and therefore there is no reason why you should not renounce them , unless you retain them in meer Reverence to the Authority of the Pope who doth impose them , which Matter is the Subject of our last Enquiries . SECTION V. Whether the Roman Bishop have sufficient Authority to impose the said Opinions upon all Christian Churches ? THe Last , and almost the only shelter that your Doctors flie to at this day for the defence of your Principles is , That the Bishop of Rome is the sole Vicar of Christ , the Infallible and only Judge of Controversies , and the Supream Head of the Vniversal Church ; and hereby their Adherents are awed into the retaining all his Decrees of what nature soever they be : But let me beg leave to advise you not to lay so much stress upon these Titles and Authority , till you have seriously examined by what Right the Pope laies claim to them ; for his Power had need be very great and his Proofs very good , upon the Credit whereof you receive so many new and suspicious Articles of Religion , some of which we ought not to receive though preached by an Angel : Gal. 1. 8 , 9. And first , though we stand not much upon Titles , you may note that the name of Vicar of Christ is never given to the Pope in the first Ages , and when this Title came into use , it was not appropriated to the Bishop of Rome , but other Bishops and Priests are styled Vicars of Christ also , even by a Pope of Rome g , as also by the Old French Emperours h , and by our own Saxon Law i : So that there is no reason for the Roman Bishop to challenge any propriety in this Title , or any special Priviledge by virtue thereof . Secondly , As to his being an Infallible Judge and the Supream Head of the Catholick Church throughout the World , you may remember we have proved , there are more Christians in the World who deny this Supremacy of Rome , than there are who do acknowledge it : And if the belief of this Infallible Headship be the reason why you receive other Articles of Faith , this then is the most fundamental Article of all others , and ought to be the best attested : And if our Lord Jesus had designed to make S. Peter and his Successors at Rome ( not at Antioch ) such Supream Infallible Judges , we may expect he would have set down this Article plainly in Holy Scripture , and not have left his sole visible Vice-gerent to the suspicion of bearing witness to himself . As for that place Matth. xvi . Thou art Peter , and upon this Rock will I build my Church : it is indeed by the Popes in their Forged Decretals expounded as a confirmation of their pretences to Supremacy ; but the Fathers take this Rock , not for S. Peter's Person , but for his Faith which he confessed , and for Christ himself the Object thereof : So S. Augustine k , Nazianzen l , S. Cyril m , S. Chrysostome n , S. Ambrose o , and Hilary p , expound the place ; and if so , this belongs no more to S. Peter , than to the rest of the Apostles who confessed the same Faith , and belongs no otherwise to the Pope , than as he varies not from S. Peter's Faith , and so far it belongs to all Orthodox Bishops with respect to their several Churches : And for the Keys of the kingdom of Heaven , ver . 19. they were given as much to the other Apostles as to S. Peter , Matth. xviii . 18. ( as also the aforesaid Fathers do observe ) being all equally sharers in the Power of the Keys , and all Foundations as well as S. Peter q , so that S. Cyprian plainly tells us , The rest of the Apostles were as great as Peter , endowed with an equal share of Honour and Power r ; Nor do we find that ever S. Peter pretended to any Power over the other Apostles . Peter , James and John , though preferred by Christ ( saith Eusebius ) before the rest , challenged not to themselves the glory of Primacy , but chose James the Just , Bishop of the Apostles s : And if any were greatest it was S. James , who was President in that first Council at Jerusalem , and did determine the Question there , though S. Peter was present t . Yea , Clemens Bishop of Rome in the first Decretal Epistle ( a good evidence against the Inventors thereof ) styles this very S. James , Bishop of Bishops , governing the Holy Church of the Hebrews at Jerusalem , and also all the Churches , which were every where founded by the Providence of God u . And an Ancient Council calls Jerusalem the Mother of all Churches w ; but as for the Primacy of Rome , there is no genuine Author for the first Three Centuries takes any notice of it , and Aeneas Sylvius * afterwards Pope confesseth , There was little respect paid to Rome before the Nicene Council : If Polycrates and the Asian Bishops had known of this Infallibility and Supremacy , they would not have opposed Pope Victor's Opinion , nor despised his Excommunication so boldly as they did ; neither would Irenaeus ( who calls the Bishops of Rome no more but Presbyters ) have presumed to reprove the same Victor for his arrogance and indiscretion , as we find he did x . S. Cyprian ▪ surely never heard of this Power of the Roman Bishop , who calls Cornelius Bishop of that See , no more but Brother and Colleague , and gives to Pope Stephen his Successor at Rome , the Titles of False Apostle , Schismatick , friend to Hereticks , and enemy to Christians : utterly despising his Judgment , and not regarding his Determinations y . Besides , if this Supremacy had been believed in the first Ages of the Church , the Roman Bishops sense would have been enquired of concerning all controverted places of Scripture , his Decrees cited to silence Hereticks , and all Appeals must have been made finally to him : He also should have called and presided in all eminent Councils , whereas Cardinal Cusanus affirms , That the Emperours or their Deputies were Presidents in Eight General Councils z Nor did the Fourth General Council at Chalcedon suppose that the Roman Bishop had any Supremacy given him from Christ , when that Council saith , Rome hath justly had the Priviledges given unto it by the Fathers , because it was the Seat of the Empire ; and for the same Reason ▪ they grant equal Priviledges to the Bishop of Constantinople a . Yea , S. Gregory Bishop of Rome saith , The Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon were they who offered his Predecessors the Title of Universal Bishop , which yet they accepted not b : And to convince us that this Vniversal Supremacy is a late Device , it is evident , that it was not only unknown to others in the first Age , but to the very Popes themselves , as these few Instances will shew : Liberius Bishop of Rome An. 350. sending the Confession of his Faith to Athanasius desireth his Approbation thereof , That I may know ( saith he ) whether I am of the same Judgment with you in matters of Faith , and that I may be more certain , and readily obey your commands c . And when the Bishop of Constantinople began to call himself Vniversal Bishop , Pope Gregory in his Epistle to Mauritius the Emperour saith , He admires at the Arrogance of assuming this New Title , which none of the Bishops of Rome had ever accepted of , a Title blasphemous to Christian Ears ; and with many other words he inveighs against this Title , as unfit for any Christian Bishop , as may be seen at large in his Epistles d . And in his Epistle to Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria he is displeased that Eulogius writes to him by the proud Title of Universal Bishop , desiring him wholly to forbear that language , for ( saith he ) That is a diminution to you , which is afforded to another beyond what reason doth require : And he there tells Eulegius , That the Council of Chalcedon had offered this Title to the Old Bishops of Rome , but they would not accept it e : Of which he gives this Reason in another Epistle , — Because if one Patriarch be called Universal , the name of Patriarch is taken from the rest f . And so little did Pope Boniface think of deriving his Supremacy from Christ , that with intreaty he obtained of the intruding Emperour Phocas to decree , That the Roman Church should be Head of all Churches g , as the Ancient Historians witness h . But this Imperial Constitution will scarce justifie the Supremacy and Jurisdiction which the Pope now claimeth over all the World , and it utterly destroys the pretences of a Divine Right to it . It would be too tedious to relate at large all the steps by which the Bishops of Rome attained to their present Grandeur ; I shall therefore only note , that the first Ages began early to complain of his Encroachments and Ambition i ; and all succeeding Times frequently opposed the Pope's Pretences herein ; The Sixth Council of Carthage allowed not his claim of Appeals k . The Bishops of France complain of his sending a Legate to Dedicate a Church there , as an undue Act , contrary to the Ancient Canons and all Primitive Constitutions , For though ( saith the Historian ) the Bishop of Rome for the dignity of his Apostolical Seat , be more venerable than other Bishops , yet it is not lawful for him in any thing to transgress the Tenor of Canonical rules ; and as every Bishop of the Orthodox Church is the Spouse of his own See , and represents the person of our Saviour , so it cannot agree to any Bishop , boldly to act any thing in the Diocess of another l ; the like checks the Popes frequently received for medling in France , from the Princes of that Nation m . About that Time also the Bishops of Italy complained of the Roman Vsurpation to the Patriarch of Constantinople , as appears by Photius's Letter , in answer to that complaint , extant in Cardin. Baronius n . And there are many like Examples in the Historians of those Ages , wherein this bold Jurisdiction began first to be exercisedin this Western part of Europe o . And to this very day the Churches of France do little value the Pope's Supremacy , though in other Opinions they agree with the Roman Church , as may be seen in the French Writers p . And it is not long since the King of France was about to take away his Nations dependence from Rome , by erecting the Archbishoprick of Burges into a Patriarchate . And now , why should you be awed into the belief of Evil and inconvenient Doctrines by a pretended Supremacy , not given by Christ , not challenged by the best Popes , not acknowledged by the first Christians , not much regarded by some Catholick Countries ? Why should you be enslaved by an Authority gained by fraud and policy , confirmed by force and cruelty , enlarged by dividing Christian Princes , by the undermining the Empire and oppressing many Ecclesiastical and Temporal persons in their just Rights ? Why should you fear to renounce an Usurped Jurisdiction , since what is unjustly seized on at first , can never be legally enjoyed , nor is it confirmed by the longest prescription of Time q , as the Civil Law speaks ? I must confess I cannot see that any Christians without the Pale of his own Diocess , are obliged to own him further than by the respect due to a Bishop of an Ancient Patriarchal See , nor so far neither if he be not content with his own , and keep not close to the Primitive Faith. SECTION VI. Whether the Pope hath any Right to exercise a Jurisdiction over England . BUt since my Discourse is directed particularly to the Catholicks of England , it will be most considerable to enquire , Whether the Roman Bishop can justly claim any Authority over them ? and ( if Prejudices were laid aside ) I doubt not but to make it evident , that the Pope neither hath nor ought to have any Authority over this Nation . For first , let it be considered that Britain was the first of the Provinces which did publickly profess the Faith of Christ , saith Sabellicus r , which is also attested by other more Ancient Writers s . So that it is agreed on all hands , here was a true and perfect Church of Christ near five hundred years before they had any Communication with the Bishop of Rome , or knew one syllable of this foundation-Article of the Modern Faith of that Church , viz. of the Pope ' s Vniversal Supremacy : It is also certain the Church of Britain was not subject to Rome at the time of the First General Council at Nice ; And in the Sixth Canon of that Council it is decreed concerning the three Patriarchs Jurisdictions , That the Ancient custom should be established , that Aegypt , Lybia and Pentapolis should be subject to the Bishop of Alexandria , because the Bishop of Rome had the like Custome , and likewise so it was at Antioch , and in other Provinces the Priviledges should be preserved to their Churches , &c. t . Now the Ancient Custom and Priviledge of this Church of Britain then was to govern it self without subjection to any Forreign Patriarch , and the Pope could not usurp any Dominion here afterwards without transgressing this Canon of the most famous General Council ; especially if we consider how this Canon was expounded in Ruffinus's daies , viz. That Rome should have the Government of the Suburbicarian Churches u . And the Ancient Survey of the Imperial Provinces will tell you what the Suburbicarian Region was , viz. Three Islands , Sicily , Sardinia and Corsica , and part of Italy , from the East end to the border of Tuscany Westward : And this was all the Ancient extent of the Roman Bishops Jurisdiction , the rest of Italy being under the Metropolis of Millain , which Church of Old paid no Subjection to Rome ; much less could any be due to him from Britain . Again , in the Third General Council of Ephesus An. 431. it was decreed , That in all Dioceses and Provinces it should hereafter be observed , That no Bishop should henceforward lay hold of another Province , which had not formerly and from the beginning been under the power of their Predecessors w , which Canon the Pope must break also , before he can assume a power over the Church of Britain , which , with the Island of Cyprus and some other places , was its own head ( as those Times phrased it ) and subject to no Patriarch : So that when Augustine the Monk ( coming over to convert the Pagan Saxons ) required the British Bishops to profess Subjection to the See of Rome ; They did by virtue of these Canons refuse it , telling him , They had a Patriarch of their own , to whom alone they were subject in Spiritual things under God , and Dionothus Abbot of Bangor by divers Arguments shewed , they owed no Subjection to the Roman Bishop : as an Old Historian informs us x . And accordingly the British Bishops retained their Old Rites different from Rome , and kept their Old Priviledges , being consecrated by the Archbishop of S. Davids , and he by his own Suffragans , making no Profession of Subjection to any other Church ( saith their Historian y , which continued till the day of King Henry the First . The Saxons indeed shewed more Respect to Rome , because it had assisted in their Conversion , hence they sometimes asked Advice of the Pope , as of an Eminent neighbour Patriarch , but their Bishops never professed Subjection to Rome , nor did they own his Supremacy , or look on him as an Infallible Judge , as appears by their not obeying the Pope's Decree made in a Roman Council , about restoring Wilfrid to his Archbishoprick of York An. 680. And though the Pope had confirmed and recommended the Canons of the Second Nicene Council about Images , the English Church rejected and despised them , writing a Book to condemn Image-worship , in the name of all the Princes and Bishops of England , and sending it to Charles the Great of France , by the learned Alcuinus , as our Histories do attest z And moreover it is evident that all Ecclesiastical Laws were then made by the Saxon Kings and Bishops , . in their Provincial Councils , by their own Authority , without ever so much as acquainting the Pope therewith , or desiring his consent thereto , or confirmation thereof : The Popes indeed about the latter end of the Saxon times began to degenerate in Manners , and aim at high things in all the Western world ; but his Pride was checked here , even as ( as we shewed before ) it was in other places : for when that Insolent Pope Hildebrand ( who first presumed to depose an Emperour a ) took the boldness to require Fealty of King William the Conqueror , he answered him in this manner , Fealty I neither have acknowledged , nor will I do it , because neither did I promise it , nor do I find that my Predecessors ever did it to your Predecessors , as appears by the Conqueror's Letter still extant b . And when by Policy and evil Arts he had made some encroachments here , yet still his Power was esteemed no other than a Temporal Power , permitted by the favour of our Kings , not due by any Original Right : Hence the Historian saith , That King Henry the First having subdued all his Enemies , feared none but the Pope , and that not for his Spiritual , but his Temporal Power c . And an Old Record affirms that King Henry the Second smartly asked the Bishop of Chichester , How he durst argue for the Pope ' s Authority which was granted by Men , against his Royal Power derived from God d ? The turbulent and seditious Attempts of T. Becket and his faction about that time , to subject the English Clergy to the Pope's Vniversal Supremacy , are sufficiently known ; but if our Ancestors ( whom you call Roman Catholicks ) had been of your Opinion in this great Article of Faith , they would not have made so stout an Opposition against the Pope's Supremacy as they did : It being apparent that the whole body of the Nation then looked on it as an Encroachment and an Vsurpation ; for in the famous Statutes of Clarendon they condemn it , Decreeing ▪ among other things , That all the Clergy should bonâ fide , swear to the King ; and none should Appeal , but unto the Archbishop , or from him finally to the King , without particular License e . And to restrain his medling here , the Kings of England declared , they had a Right to forbid the Pope's Legates from entring into this Land , and often did prohibite them ( even Qu. Mary her self exercising this Power ) yea , it was adjudged in a Parliament 25 Ed. 3. To be Treason to bring in the Pope's Bulls here without the Kings consent , Stat. de Provisor . though the sending these be an Act of Spiritual Jurisdiction ; but it is plain they would not allow the Pope in those days to exercise Spiritual Jurisdiction here without the King's leave , for his very Excommunicating certain English Bishops in a Parliament 16 of Rich. 2. is declared to tend To the open disherison of the Crown , and the destruction of the King , his Law , and all his Realms , and a little after it is affirmed there , that the Popes attempts be clearly against the Kings Crown and Regality , used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors f , finally therefore they all promise to stand with the King against all such Encroachments with their very lives : And if you be well versed ( as becometh English-men ) in the Histories and Statutes of your own Country ; you must needs know that the Authority which the Pope once exercised here , was gotten by taking advantages of the necessities of our Kings , and the divisions among the People . And in those Times which are accounted most Popish , it was checked by Laws , complained of in Parliament , and thought an Oppression by the wisest and greatest Subjects , so that the most Noble Hen. de Lacy Earl of Lincoln , in his dying Speech ( to his Son in Law Thomas Earl of Lancaster ) said among other things , That the Church of England heretofore Honourable and Free , was now enslaved by Romish Oppressions : charging him , to stand up like a man for the Honour of God and the Church , and the Redemption of his Country g . And the same Author tells us , that it was debated in a Council at London An. 1408. Whether all Payments and Obedience to the Pope should not be taken away h ? Which shews , they thought it in the power of this Nation to take away his Authority here when they pleased : And they retained it , not as being necessarily or originally due to him , but only in respect of his being a Bishop of an Ancient Apostolical Seat , as is evident from those Instructions which King Henry the Fifth gave to his Embassadors , sent to Pope Martin the Fifth , bidding them ( if they perceived any delay in their affair ) to tell the Pope , That their Master the King , if he yielded not to his Demands , would use his own power in these Particulars , for he did not apply himself to Rome out of necessity , but for Respect sake i . And therefore when this permissive Authority grew uneasie to those who had endured it for some time , it was rejected much more Legally than ever it was introduced , viz. by the Regal Power with the advice and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament * . And this is to be noted , the Clergy and Laity of this Parliament did hold most of the Opinions of the Roman Church in other things , and yet consented to the abolishing the Pope's Vsurped Power over England , as believing it to be an unjust Encroachment : And Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester ( a great Persecutor of the Protestants ) did then make a learned Oration De verâ obedientiâ , shewing that the King was by Right and by God's Law the Supream Head of this Church of England . And now , that I may not only confute a false Opinion ▪ but establish the true , let me intreat you impartially to consider , that as it appears the Pope is not Dejure supream Head of this Church of England , so it is as evident , that the King of England is the Supream Head of the Churches in his own Dominions : For indeed all Christian Princes are , or ought to be so in their own Dominions ; whence it was that Constantine the Great did retain the Title of Pontifex Maximus without any blot to his Christianity , saith Baronius k . And the highest Appeals in all Controversies Ecclesiastical , even in matters of Faith , were made to him , though he used the assistance and Counsel of his Bishops , for determining them . And it is evident that he and his Successors ( as Cusanus before confesseth ) did call and Preside in all General Councils , and ratified their Decrees , which were no Laws till they were stamped with the Imperial Authority : yea , the Imperial Code sufficiently witnesses , that the Emperour 's made Laws concerning Religion , the whole Third book of Justinian's Basilicks being nothing else but Imperial Constitutions , de Episcopis , Clericis & Sacris : They also erected Patriarchates , and gave them supream Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over such Provinces as they pleased , as at Justinianopolis in Daeia l , and at Ravenna in Italy it self m , which had no dependence on Rome till the time of Constantinus Pogon : And all Ecclesiastical affairs depended on the Emperors , saith Socrates n , so that Pope Anastasius calls the Emperor Anastasius , The Vicar of God by the Divine command presiding over the Earth o . An Authority like this also was exercised by the Western Emperors of the French Line , being stayled , The Rulers of the True Religion , a Title given to Charles the Great and to Ludovicus by two several Councils which they had called p ; and the present French Kings do claim the Supremacy over the French Churches , as may be seen in ●●ohellus and P. Pith●us cited before , Sect. 5. One of the French Writers telling us it is the Opinion of his Nation , that Le Royiassisté de son Conseil d'estate est ●●●es Di●● Chief Terrie● de l'Eglise de son Royanme & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pape q . And it may be proved concerning other Christian Princes , that they allow not the Pope to impose his Decrees on their Kingdoms , nor to exercise any Jurisdiction among them but by their special License and consent , and prohibite his exercising any power over their Subjects when they please : And why may not the King of England , being a free and absolute Monarch , be allowed as great a Priviledge in his own Dominions ? Do you not tell us ; that Pope Eleutherius called King Lucius by the Title of Vicar of Christ r ; and doth not King Edgar call himself Christs Vicar s , and none taxed this Title then ? Did not the Saxon Kings preside in all National Councils , and make Laws for Religion by the advice of their own Bishops , by their own Authority ? Did they not erect new Sees for Bishops , and change them as they saw fit ? Did they not invest all Bishops by delivering the Ring and Pastoral Staff t ? And the same power was still exercised by K. William the Conqueror , for all things both Divine and Humane depended on his Order , saith an Old Historian u . And when the Pope began to encroach upon the King's Supremacy here in England , he was generally opposed as we noted before . And in the aforesaid Parliament of Richard the Second , the Nation declared , That they would not endure that the Crown of England should be submitted to the Pope , and the Laws and Statutes of this Realm by him defeated and avoided at his pleasure w : for Bracton our most famous Lawyer affirms , that The Kings of England have no Supream on earth but God : And accordingly the Kings and Parliaments of this Nation made Laws in reference to Religion as they saw expedient , and among the rest they enacted many Laws in a direct opposition to the Pope's Spiritual as well as Temporal Jurisdiction , declaring thereby , that they esteemed him no Head of this Church , but an ambitious and dangerous Encroacher upon the Rights of the Crown , as you will find by perusal of those several Statutes cited in the Margin x . By which Laws long since enacted , it is declared to be Treason to receive or harbour any Agents or Emissaries from Rome against the King's Proclamations , and without his special License : Upon all which Considerations the Judges have declared , that the Act of Parliament for Restoring the Supremacy over the Church unto the Crown , was not the introducing a New Law , but a declaration of the Old y : For it was many hundred years before , that King Henry the Second did declare , That be would account it high Treason in any man , that should affirm the Pope's Authority was above his z . And before that , Anselm was told , That it was impossible for him to keep the Faith which he owed to the King ; and to pay Obedience to the Pope contrary to his Royal Pleasure b . Which ( methinks ) may fitly admonish you who do own the Pope's Supremacy over England , and yet glory much in your Loyalty to the King ; to enquire how these two can stand together ? Our Saviour saith , No mancan serve two Masters , Matth. vi . 24. however not two Supream Lords , neither can there be two highest Powers in one Kingdom , nor can any Subjects obey both , since they will sometimes command contrary things : 'T is true , if the Roman Bishop would profess to our King , as his Predecessor Leo the Fourth did to Lotharius of France , Concerning your Capitulars or Imperial Precepts , we through the assistance of Christ promise as much as we are able , to keep and conserve the same for ever c . If he would acknowledge himself subject to our King in his Dominions , as his Predecessors were to the Emperours of Old ; if he behaved himself toward his Majesty , as S. Gregory did to Mauritius , who calls that Emperour , his Lord , and himself , his Servant ; declaring , that He was subject to the Emperours Commands , and accordingly had done his duty in publishing a Law ( which the Emperour ordered him to promulge ) though for his own part he thought it not agreeable to the Laws of God d . If the present Popes claimed no more than a Primacy of order and precedency among other Bishops , then the case might easily be determined : But you know of later times the pretences of Rome are much higher , for she challenges a Supremacy over all Christian Princes , a power to depose them , an Authority to abrogate or dispense with their Laws , and absolve their Subjects from their Allegiance , a Priviledge to be appealed unto as to the last and highest Tribunal on Earth ▪ so that Clement the Fifth is recorded in the Acts of the Council of Vienna to have said , That all the Right of Kings depended on him alone e ; and Boniface the Eighth owned himself not only Lord of France , but of all the World f , for So great was the Impudence of this Boniface ( saith the French Chronologer ) that he presumed to affirm the Kingdom of France was a Fee of the Papal Majesty g . And as to this Kingdom , Pope Innocent the Fourth saith , That the King of England was his Vassal and his Slave h , and they esteem England also a Fee of the Papacy , and so is Ireland too it seems . Whereupon the Pope hath dared to nominate a King of Ireland , and hath given away the Kingdom of England to those who attempted to conquer it ; he hath condemned our Laws , and ▪ absolved the Subjects of England from their Allegiance , upon which many of your Party have entred into Conspiracies and Rebellion : So that now it appears , the Pope claims an Absolute Supremacy over our King and his Realms , and how he can be a good Subject of the King of England , who professes Obedience to this Forreign Princely Prelate , is very hard to be understood : if you believe this claim , and own the Pope to be above the King , you must then obey him , even when his Orders contradict those of your lawful Sovereign , and so you are the Pope's Subjects , not the King 's ; nor can his Majesty have any security of your Allegiance , any longer than he pleases the Roman Bishop , so that he Reigns over you at the Pope's mercy . I know many of you English Catholicks have so Loyal an affection for the King , that your Church-men are forced to invent many plausible pretences to perswade you , that the Supremacy claimed by the Pope doth not entrench upon the King's Supremacy , telling you , that you need not obey the Pope if he commanded you to fight against your King ; wherein they put a fallacy upon you , for they know the Pope can Excommunicate and depose him ( even for a very small matter , say your Canonists i ) , and then he is no longer Your King : They pretend further this Supremacy over Kings in Temporals is not the Doctrine of your Church , but only of some Jesuites , upon whom they lay all those foul . Doctrines of Deposing and murthering Kings , so wickedly maintained by divers eminent Writers of your Church k . But this is a delusion also , for when or where did the Pope , or the Heads of the Roman Church , condemn these Opinions , or suppress these Seditious Books , nay , on the contrary , the Books are approved and the Authors preferred at Rome , even when France condemns them l : And those honest and loyal secular English Priests that have ventured to write against this usurped Power of the Popes over Kings in Temporals ( though they held his Supremacy here in Spirituals ) have been persecuted almost to death by the Roman Bishop ; they have been suspended , and their Books condemned , and their persons so odiously represented that no English Catholicks durst harbour them ; witness the learned F. Preston under the name of Roger Widrington in King James's days , with his fellow-Priests , and Peter Walsh Author of the Letter to the Catholicks , who is at this day a great Sufferer by the Pope's means , meerly for writing , that you of the Roman Church ought to be Loyal to the King in all matters of Temporal cognizance ; a clear evidence , that ( whatever your Church may pretend ) they will not endure that any of you Catholicks shall hold the King's power to be above the Pope's in any thing ; and consequently they will not allow you to be good Subjects . Now to sum up all these particulars , how grievous an abuse is it ▪ for a Forreign Prelate , whose Predecessors had no Authority here at all , to usurp such a power over you as to impose New and inexpedient Articles upon you ? Why should you enslave your selves to him that cannot have so much as a Spiritual Jurisdiction here without breaking the Canons of the most famous General Councils ? Why may ▪ you not take the same liberty to oppose his Decrees , that your Ancestors in all Ages have done ? they whom you account good Catholicks rejected his Doctrines sometimes , despised his Bulls and Excommunications frequently , and always opposed his pretended claim of a Supremacy over this Nation ; why should you call that an Article of Faith , and account it the Principal point of Religion , viz. That England ought to be subject to Rome ; which even in those you call Catholick Times was declared to be no less than Treason , and no other than an Opinion that did destroy the Prerogative of the King , the Priviledges and Liberties of this Church , the freedom and quiet of all English Subjects ? They were Romanists in other Points who condemned Appeals to Rome , and maintained , that the Crown of England was in no Earthly subjection , and that the King had no Supream but God only ; who counted all the Power which the Pope ever had here , meerly permissive , tolerated by this Nation so long as they pleased , and such as might be curbed , lessened , hindred or taken away by the Supream Authority of this Nation when ever they saw expedient : It was a King and Parliament of your Religion in most points , that restored the King to his just Supremacy , and took away the precarious or usurped and much abused Power of the Roman Bishop here ; they thought a Supremacy in Spirituals , as to this Kingdom , was more than he had any Right to , but he and his Agents expect to be allowed to over-rule the Temporal Laws also ; methinks , if you have the Nobleness and Gallantry of true English spirits , your affections for the Roman Church should not rob you of your love to your Native Country , nor suffer you to endure those pretences which dishonour the King , and despoil him of his Ancient Rights , and enslave this free Church and Nation to one that only seeks his own ends in claiming this Subjection ; for though the holding the Pope's Supremacy doth contribute to the support of his own Grandeur , yet it doth not further any mans Salvation , and it is so far from doing any good in those Nations where it is allowed him , that it might be made appear , the setting up and abetting this Supremacy hath occasioned the murther of many Princes , stirred up the complaints of all sorts of people , and filled Christendom for many Ages , with Massacres , Treasons , War and Bloodshed l ; which was so notorious in the German Empire , that it came to be a Proverb saith Guiccardine , It is the property of the Church to hate the Caesars : And the mischief it hath done in England ( by rifling the Nations wealth before the Reformation , and disturbing its Quiet since ) is so well remembred and so deeply resented , by the generality of the people , that they will never endure that heavy Yoak any more , nor can they be perswaded scarce ever to esteem them Loyal Subjects or true to their Countries Interest , who do not renounce this unjust and odious Jurisdiction . Why therefore ( O my Friends ) will you be so imprudent , to oppose the Rights and Prerogative of your Lawful Sovereign , the Priviledges of that Church wherein you were born , the Freedom and Interest of your beloved Country , the desire of your fellow-Subjects and best Friends , yea , and your own liberty also ? Why will you oppose ( I say ) all these , meerly to support an unjust and groundless Power , which no Ecclesiastick ought to have any where , much less in so remote and so free a Monarchy ? to support a Power which is inconsistent with the Security of the Crown , the Peace of the Kingdom , and the welfare of Private persons ? S. Peter never bid any to honour his Successor the Pope thus , but his Opinion was , that you must submit to the King as Supream , 1 Pet. ii . 13. and his Counsel follows thereupon , viz. that you should Fear God and Honour the King , ver . 17. S. Paul commands Every Soul to be subject to the Higher Powers , Rom. xiii . 1. Neither Bishops nor Apostles themselves are excepted , saith S. Chrysostome . And S. Bernard tells Pope Eugenius , that the Apostles were forbid to exercise Dominion , Luke xxii . 25 , 26. and therefore he adds , If you would have Apostolical and Royal Power together you lose both m . Finally therefore , it is unreasonable for the Roman Bishop to challenge such Authority here , and the Laws of God and Man forbid it , so that I may expect you shall be so far from receiving any Articles for the sake of this Authority , that you shall not scruple to renounce the Authority it self , which was so ill-gotten at first , so wretchedly abused while it did obtain , and so legally taken away at last ; and in so doing you will demonstrate your selves to be Loyal to your King , Faithful to your Country , Friends to your own Liberty , and men of an un-inslaved Understanding . SECTION VII . Advice to the English Catholicks to forsake the Opinions of Rome and embrace the Religion of the Church of England . TO Conclude , as my pity to see you so miserably imposed on , hath moved me to endeavour by these plain and Cogent Arguments to rescue you from that yoke , which neither we nor our Fathers were able to bear ; So my desire of your perfect Freedom , and my unfeigned wishes for your Temporal , Spiritual and Eternal welfare , do prompt me to advise you to comply with the Religion of the Church of England , and this Advice is not only grounded upon the foregoing considerations , but may be further pressed upon these motives : 1. If you consider the excellent method of our Reformation which was so necessary at that time , that for some Ages before , the wisest and best men of the Roman Church had not only confessed there was great need of it , but had complained for want thereof , and pressed the Pope earnestly thereunto , witness the Judicious Epistle of Rob. Grosthead that pious Bish . of Lincoln , to Pope Innocent the Fourth , yet to be seen in our Historians n ; the publick complaint of the English Church in the Council of Lyons o ; the private Writings of John Gerson , Nich. Clemangis , Aeneas Sylvius ( afterwards Pope ) and many others : And at least One Hundred Years before Luthers time a Reformation was urged for , in the Pisane Council p and that so strongly , that before the Election of a Pope , the Cardinals solemnly promised , Who ever of them should be chosen Pope , that he would before the dissolution of that Council Reform the Catholick Church as well in the Head as the Members q . And when Alexander the Fifth was chosen , He promised to take Care of a General Reformation , and that pious and Learned Men should be chosen in every Nation to treat with the Cardinals about it r : But after all , neither he nor his Successors would ever Reform either their Doctrines or Practices , being more intent upon their private advantage , than the general good , and more moved with Cardinal Scombergs Counsel , than by all the former complaints , who told the Pope , That by the Reformation it would be confessed that the things provided against , were deservedly reproved by the Lutherans , which would be a great abetting to their whole Doctrine , Hist . Counc . Trent . l. 1. p. 83. which is to resolve to Err always , rather than to be thought to have once erred ; and herein the Roman Church is of the same humour with those Gentiles to whom Arnobius speaks , What you have once done without reason , ye defend lest you should seem formerly to have been ignorant , and you account it better not to be overcome , than to yield to plain and confessed Truth s . Wherefore since Rome resolved not to Reform , England ( having first restored her King to his Ancient and just Supremacy ) resolved to reform it self , without the Popes leave or consent , knowing full well they had Authority sufficient among themselves to order the Affairs of Religion , which had been Regulated many Hundred years in this Land by the King and his own Bishops , without any dependence on the Pope at all : Thus the Kings of Judah reformed their Kingdoms of Old , Thus the King of Spain with Leander Bishop of Sevil reformed that Kingdom from Arianism without the Pope t and thus King Edgar intended to proceed in the Reformation of the English Church of Old when he told his own Clergy , I have Constantines Sword in my hands , and you have Peters in yours u That is , we need no further Authority or power to reform , Than what we have within our selves : The Kings of this Nation , with the advice and consent of their Bishops , Barons and Commons had been always wont to order Ecclesiastical affairs as they thought meet , not heeding whether the Pope were pleased or displeased thereat ; And accordingly this happy Reformation was made by the Supreme Power of this Kingdom , upon mature deliberation , in a Regular , Orderly , and Legal way ; and it was managed with so much moderation and prudence , that the Romanists of England said little against it , but Communicated with this Church ( after the Reformation ) till the Pope for his own ends forbid them so to do ; but I hope his Prohibition without any just reason , shall not outweigh the Supreme Authority of your own Nation , with you , who profess your selves to be Loyal Subjects , and for the interest of England ; and since there was such need of Reformation , such obstinacy in Rome , such Authority here , and so orderly proceedings in this Reformation , I think all Good Christians and sober men , being Natives of this Land , ought to submit unto it . II. You will be further perswaded hereunto , by considering the Doctrine of this Church , which agrees with Primitive Christianity , in that it obliges you to believe nothing as of necessity to Salvation , but what may be plainly proved our of Holy Scripture , and for this reason you must still hold the three Creeds of the Apostles , of Nice , and of Saint Athanasius , all which the Church of England intirely believes . And he only is a Heretick which follows not this Holy Rule ( say the Constitutions of Theodosius and Gratian ) but they are Catholicks that embrace it : In this Church we give as much honour to , and obey more Canons of , the first Four General Councils , than they of Rome do ; we approve of that Exposition of Scripture which hath the consent of the Fathers of the first three or four Centuries , yea we hold all that the Church of Rome it self held as necessary to Salvation for Five or Six hundred Years together , and it is very remarkable that a Romanist may turn Protestant without adding any one Article to his Faith , but a Protestant cannot turn to Rome unless he embrace many new Articles ▪ for our Doctrines are generally confessed by both sides to be true , but those of the Roman Church are rejected by our Reformers , as Novel Additions , and such as have no good foundation in Scripture , nor Genuine Antiquity ▪ And therefore the Protestant Doctrines are the surer and safer , as in which both sides agree ; For Example , we and they both hold there are two States after this life , Heaven and Hell , but they add a third which is Purgatory , and this we deny : We and they both say , that sins are to be remitted by the merits of Christs death , but they add the merits of the Saints , and their own satisfactions with the merit of their own good works , which we deny to be Expiatory , or such as can merit Remission for us : We hold there be two Sacraments Baptism and the Eucharist , these they confess are the Chief , but add Five more , to which we affirm the name of Sacraments doth not properly belong : We say that God alone is to be worshipped , they confess he is chiefly to be worshipped ; but then they say the Blessed Virgin Mary , Angels , and Saints are to be worshipped also , which Additions we deny : We say Christ is our only Mediator and Advocate , they confess he is principally so , but add , that Saints and Angels are so in an inferiour manner , which we utterly deny : We say Christ is really present in the Sacrament of the Altar , this they confess , but add , he is corporally there by the Transsubstantiation of the Bread , &c. and this we deny : We say the Scriptures are the Rule of Faith , and they will not absolutely deny it , but add their own Traditions , which we reject : We say there are XXII . Books of the Old Testament Canonical , and they confess these all to be so , but they add divers , and call them Canonical , which we affirm to be Apocryphal ; I could give more instances , but these may suffice to shew that the Protestant Doctrines look most like the Ancientest , as being received by both Parties , but the Roman Opinions are Novel Enlargements of Old Catholick Truths , so that a Protestant becoming a Romanist must take up many Articles barely upon the credit of that Church , and begin to believe many things anew , questioned by the bigger part of Christendom ; but a Romanist turning Protestant retains all the Old Essentials of his former Faith ; and doth only become a Primitive Roman Catholick . III. The Discipline and Government of the Church of England are more agreeable to Primitive patterns than those of the present Roman Church are : Our King hath the same Power that the Religious Kings of Judah had , the same which the great Constantine , and the succeeding Emperors for many years enjoyed , the same power which the Ancient Kings of this Nation exercised , viz. A power to convene his Clergy and advise with them about affairs of the Church : A power to ratifie that which the Bishops and Clergy agree upon , and give it the force of a Law : A power to chuse fit persons to Govern the Church , A power to correct all Offenders against Faith or Manners , be they Clergy , or Lay-men : And finally , A power to determine all Causes and Controversies Ecclesiastical and Civil , among his own Subjects ( by the advice of fit Counsellors ) so as there lies no Appeal from his Determination ; and this is that we mean when we call him Supreme Governour of this Church , which our King must needs be , or else he cannot keep his Kingdoms in peace ; Besides for Spiritual Jurisdiction , and sacred Administrations , we have a Patriarch of our own , The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Primate of all England , whom Vrban the Second call'd the Pope of the other World w And his See was usually styled , The Chair of the English Patriarch x and is reckoned among the Patriarchates by a Forreign Writer y . And now his Priviledges and Liberties are restored by Law , and his Title and Authority confirmed ; so that there lies no Appeal from him but to the King ; we have also Right Reverend Bishops , together with other inferiour Priests and Deacons ( the only Primitive and proper Orders of the Clergy ) who can prove their Ordination to be as goodas any of the Romish Priests can do z , And are now . Consecrated and Ordained by a more excellent Form , and more agreeing to the eldest times , than Rome it self can shew ; and if you will Judge impartially , it must be confessed that the Clergy of England are altogether as Learned , and generally more painful and pious than in any Catholick Country whatsoever : Our Canons for Ecclesiastical Government are all founded on the Canons of Ancient Councils ( as I could shew by particular induction , if time would permit ) and for the Exercise of our Discipline it is managed with more moderation , and ease to the People than that of the Roman Church is : IIII. You may consider our Divine Service and Sacred Administrations , which ( as far as ever God made necessary to Salvation ) may be had in this Church : We have the Holy Scriptures plainly translated , Learnedly interpreted , and practically Preached ; We have daily Prayers , by a Form so Grave and so Agreable to the undoubted parts of Ancient Liturgies , that it may challenge all Christendom to produce any thing so consonant to the purest Primitive Devotions ; A Form which hath all those parts of the Roman Offices which were known and used in the first three Centuries , but wants all the Innovations and Corruptions of the present Mass ; And is used in English for the benefit of the meanest Christian in our Assemblies : We have also those two Sacraments which Christ ordained ( and many of the Elder and Later Doctors own no more a ) . As for the other five Rites falsly called Sacraments , viz. Confirmation , Matrimony , Holy Orders , visiting of the Sick , Repentance and Satisfaction for wrongs done , we retain these , but not by the name of Sacraments , keeping the Primitive and main part of them , only attended with fewer Ceremonies : We press and practice also Charity and good works , as much as the Roman Church doth , and it may be demonstrated that more and greater gifts have been given in England to pious uses , by private persons since the Reformation , than in two Centuries before : And though we dare not say we shall merit Eternal life by them ( because that is the gift of God ) yet we believe none can come to Heaven without good works : In a word , the Church of England worships God as he hath prescribed in Holy Scripture , She commands all that he enjoyns , and forbids all that he prohibits , and therefore wanteth nothing that is necessary to Salvation . V. You may look upon our Ceremonies which are few and easie , Ancient and Significant , and though we do not place so much Religion in Externals as the Church of Rome doth , yet here is prescribed all that is needful for decency and order , viz. That the Clergy always wear Grave and distinct habits , and have peculiar Garments in Divine Administrations , that Churches be adorned and neat , that the People be Reverent in Gods House , that the memory of our Saviours chief Acts , and the Festivals of the Holy Apostles be religiously observed ; That Lent , with the Vigils of great Feasts , the Ember weeks , and all the Fridays in the Year , be kept as days of Fasting or Abstinence , and if some Protestants do not observe them , yet others do , and are commended for it , and you may follow the best , not the most : you will have more liberty ( by turning to the English Church ) as to Circumstantials , and greater helps as to the Essentials of Religion : So that it is upon all accounts your wisest and safest course to embrace this so true , so Primitive , so Pious , and so rational a Religion . Let me therefore shut up my Charitable and Friendly Advice by Requesting you to consider all these things without prejudice or passion , and then I hope you will perceive how much the Religion of this Church excells that of Rome , in Antiquity , Integrity , and Usefulness , and no longer suffer your selves to be so sadly imposed on , and so miserably made to serve the ends of Avarice and Ambition : And if you have taken such prudent and pious Resolutions , you shall not only be freed from the inconveniences you complain of here , but also have better assurances of your Salvation hereafter , than the Roman Church can give you ; For there you have only the words of their Priests for it , whose interest and whose practice it hath been to deceive you ; But here you shall have all the assurances which the word of God can give you , provided you become reformed in your lives as well as in your Religion , and will leave off your old Vices , as well as your old Opinions ; For unless we can perswade you to become Proselytes of Righteousness , we shall not much value the gaining you over to our Profession ; because we know it is neither the being Papist nor Protestant will save those that live in their sins ; But this Religion is the better chiefly in this , that it is most likely to bring you to unfeigned Repentance , and the practice of real Holiness . And if you desire further information in these particulars , let me advise you to consult the late Eminent Protestant Writers , together with some of the most able and ingenuous of the English Clergy , whom you will find very willing and ready to give you more full satisfaction , and to be men that have no designs upon you , but to direct you in the best way to Heaven : And doubtless , if you would but try the difference a while , a little experience would teach you how happy and advantagious a change he makes , who forsakes the Religion of Rome , and embraces the Communion of the Church of England . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books Printed for , and sold by H. Brome , since the dreadful Fire of London , 1666. to 1677. Divinity . DR . Hammond on the New Testament , fol. — his Practical Tracts , fol. Mr. Farindons 130 Sermons , fol. Newman's Concordance , fol. Bishop Sanderson's Sermons , fol. Dr. Heylin on the Creed , fol. Bishop Taylor 's Cases of Conscience , fol. — His Polemical Discourses , fol. Mr. Cumber's Companion to the Temple , being a Paraphrase on the Common Prayer . Bishop Wilkins Principles and Duties of Natural Religion . Bishop Cosen's Devotions . Bishop Taylor 's Holy Living and Dying . Mr. Fowler 's Design of Christianity . Dr. Patrick's Witnesses to Christianity . — His Advice to a Friend in Two Vol. — His Christian Sacrifice . — His Devout Christian . Holy Anthems of the Church . The Saints Legacies . The Reformed Monastery , or the Love of Jesus . Bona's Guide to Eternity . Sermons . Dean Lloyd's Two Sermons at Court. Dr. Sprat's Sermon at Court. Bishop Lany's Sermon at Court. Mr. Sayer's Assize Sermon . Mr. Naylor's Con. Sermon for Col. Cavendish . Mr. Standish's Sermon at Court. Dr. Dupor●'s Three Sermons on May 29th . Novemb . 5th . Jan. 30th . Dr. Du Monlin's Two Sermons on Novemb. 5 th . — His Sermon at the Funeral of Dr. Turner . Histories . The Life of the great Duke of Espernon being the History of the Civil Wars of France , beginning 1598. where D'Avila leaves off , and ending in 1642. by Charles Cotton Esq ; The Commentary of M. Elaiz de Mon●●uc the great Favourite of France , in which are contained all the Sieges , Battails , Skirmishes , in Three King's Reigns by Charles Cotton Esq ; Mr. Rycants History of Turky . The History of the Three last Grand Seigniors , their Sultana's and Chief Favourites , Englisht by John Evelin Esq ; The History of Don Quixot , fol. Bishop Wilkin's Real Character fol. Bishop Cosens against Transubstantiation . Dr. Guidots History of Bathe , and of the Hot Waters there . The Fair one of Tunis , or a New piece of Gallantry , by Charles Cotton Esq ; Domus Carthusiana , ●or the History of the most Noble Foundation of the Coarter House in London , with the Life and Death of Thomas Su ton Esq ; The History of the Sevarites , a Nation inhabiting part of the third Continent . Physick . Dr. Glissonde Ventriculo & Intestinis . De Vita Naturae . Dr. Barber's Practice , with Dr. Decker's Notes . Sir Ken. Digby's Excellent Receipts in Physick , Chirurgery and Cockery . The Anatomy of the Elder Tree , with its approved Vertue . Miscellanies . Dr. Skinner's Lexicon . History of the Irish Remonstrance . Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning . The Planters Manual . Treatise of Human Reason . The Compleat Gamester . Toleration discuss'd by R. L' Estrange Esq ; England ' s Improvement by R. Coke Esq ; Leyburn's Arith. Recreations . Geographical Cards describing all parts of the World. School Books . S●revelius Lexicon in Quarto . Centum Fabulae , in Octavo . Nolens Volens , or you shall make Latine . Radyns Rudimenta Artis Oratoriae . Pools Parnassus . The Schollars Guide from the Accedence to the University . Erasmus Coll. English . Lipsius of Constancy , English . Controversies . Considerations touching the true way to suppress Popery , to which is added an Historical account of the Reformation here in England . Lex Talionis , being an Answer to Naked Truth . The Papists Apology answered . A Seasonable Discourse against Popery . — The Defence of it . The difference between the Church and Court of Rome . Take heed of both extreams , Popery and Presbytery , by Mr. Bolein . Dr. Du Moulin against the Lord Castlemain . — Against Papal Tyranny . Fourteen Controversial Letters against Popery . Papists no Catholicks . Popery no Christianity . Mr. Gataker against the Papists . — A Calm Answer to a Violent Discourse of M. N. for the Invocation of Saints . Origo Protestanti●m : Or an Answer to a Popish Manuscript ( of N. N's . ) by John Shaw Rector of Whalton . Law Books . Lord Cokes Reports in Four Vol. Sir James Dyer's Reports . The Clerks Guide . The Exact Constable , with large Additions . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34067-e200 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ apud Athenaeum . Notes for div A34067-e560 a Tertul. Apol. cap. 32. b Arrian . in Epict. l. 2. c. 14. c Diog. Laert . in Vit. Solon . Notes for div A34067-e890 a Cicer. de natur . Deor. lib. 2. b Theodoret. de Curand . Graec. affect . Serm. 1. c Tertul. in Marcio● . lib. 4. d Cyprian . ad Caecilian . Ep. 63. e Salmeron in 1 Tim. cap. 2. Lindan . Panop . l. 3. c. 5. Bannes 2. 2 ae qu. 1. Art. 10. conclus . 2. f Hugo Etherian . de regressu animae . g Durand . 4. Sent. dist . 20. qu. 3. Major . 4. d. 2. qu. 2. Cajetan . Opusc . 15. cap. 1. Antonin . part . 1. sum . tit . 10. cap. 3. h Fisher de Captiv . Babyl . c. 10. De Alliaco in 4. Sent. qu. 6. art . 1. Cajetan . ap . Suarez . Tom. 3. disp . 46. * Ranul . Higden Polychron , l. 6. c. 15. Petrus Damian . Vit. Odilon . i Clemangis de nov . Celebr . II. Polydor. Virgil de Invent. rer . l. 6. Aiala de Tradit . p. 2. c. de Imag. k Concil . secundum Nicaen . An. 787. l Hoveden Annal . Par. 1 ▪ p. 405. Matth. Westmon . Anno. 793. m Fish . in 18. Artic. Luther . n Scioppius de Indulg . cap. 12. o Platin. in Vit. Polyd. Virgil. de Invent. l. 8. cap. 1. p Temp. Bonifac . 8. An. 1300. Polyd. Virg. ut supra , l. 8. c. 1. q An. 1074. Matth. Westmon . eod . An. Vincent . Spec. hist . l. 24. c. 45. Antonin . lib. 16. cap. 1. §. 21. r Sigebert . Chron. ad A. 1074. s Histor. Petroburg . Anno 1127. ap . Spelm. T. 2. p. 36. t Concil . Later . Can. 21. An. 1215. u Peter Lomb. l. 4. sentent . dist . 77. Gratian. de Poenit. dist . 1. c. 89. circ . An. 1150 w Tho. Aqu. in 4. Sent. dist . 17. x Gregor . de Valent. de Transub . lib. 2. cap. 7. Cardin. Cusan . Exercit . l. 6. y Gelasius Pap. de secundis Naturis contra Eutych . z Ap. Suarez . Tom. 1. in Euch. disp . 7. a Scotus in 4. Sent. cap. II. qu. 3. Durand . in 4. Sent. dist . 10. qu. 1. n. 13. b An. 1415. c T. Aquin. in Johan . 6. Alphons . à Castro adv . haeres . lib. 6. d Bochell . de Decr. Eccles . Gallic . l. 5. tit . 20. e Gaii Epist . Decret . ad Felicem , ap . Binium T. 1. p. 173. f Gelas . de secundis Nat. contr . Eutych . g Grego . Mag. Epist . ad Maurit . lib. 2. Ep. 62. h Idem ad Theod . lib. 2. Ep. 65. i Idem . ad Eulog . lib. 7. Epist . 30. k Respons . ad Interrog . secundam Aug. Cantuariens . l Ad Seren. lib. 7. Epist . 109. m Greg. Mag. Expos . in Job . l. 19. c. 17. n Gloss . Ordin . An. 1200. in Praefat . de libris Canon . & non Canon . Biblia Complu tens . in Praef à Card. Ximenio approb . à Leone x. An. 1502. Biblia Vulg. Edit . Basil . cum Gloss . Ord. An. 1506. Biblia S. Pagnini & Birkmanni , & Vatabli per Rob. Stephan . A. 1541. o Cassander de Officio boni Viri . p Ambros . de Poenitent . lib. 1. cap. 6. q Lactant. Instit . lib. 4. cap. ult . r Brerewoods Enquir . of Langu . and Rel. s Sir Edwyn Sands Europ . Spec. p. 268 , 269 , &c. t Hieronym . Vitâ Malach. u Socrat. hist . lib. 7. c. 11. w Basil . Epist ▪ 10. & Baronius Tom. 4. An. 327. §. 32. x Ammian . Marcellin . hist . lib. 27. y Baron . Annal. Tom. 10. An. 912. §. 8. z Gerbert . Epist . 40. ad Stephanum Rom. Eccl. Diacon . a Sabellicus , Enne ad . 9. l. 2. b Genebrard . Chronolog . lib. 4. 10. Secul . init . c Aristot . Ethic . lib. 6. d Bernard . de Consid . l. 4. c. 2. e Hosp . de orig . Monach. l. 6. c. 66. f Cyril . Cateches . 4. p. 84. g Cicero de Natur. Deorum . l. 3. h Euseb . hist . lib. 5. c. 13. i Al. Hal. Par. 4. q 28. mem . 2. art . 2. Panorm . c. Omnis de poen . & rem . n. 24. D Soto de rat . deteg . Secr. mem . 3. q 4 ▪ k Bernard . de Consid . lib. 3. c. 4. l Antiq. Canterb . fol. 247. m Lassel's Vovage to Italy . n Polydor. Virgil . de Invent. l. 8. c. 1. o Vide , Taxam Camerae Apostol . Impress . Parisiis . p Matth. Paris . pag. 274. q L. Herbert . hist . Hen. 8th . p. 230. r Gregor , Magn. Respons . ad . Interrog . August Cant. 2. Pius 2. in G●stis Concil . Basil . s Panormitan . de Clericis conjug . Can. Cum Olim. t Deoret . P. Alex . l. 3. tit . 2. c. 3. u Gloss . ad Gratian . dist . 82. c. 5. x Ibid dist . 34. Can. 7. Costerus enchirid . de Coelibat . cap. 17. a Bern. de Convers . ad Cleric . cap. 29. b Gloss . ad Gratian . dist . 82 c. 5. c Matth. Paris . hist . An. 1234. d Decretal . Gregor . lib. 3. de Testam . tit . 26. cap. 7 , 9. e Europ . Specul . pag. 197. f Europ . Specul . pag. 198. g Antiquitat . Brittan p. 178. h Matth. Paris . pag. 667. & Epist . Anglor . ad Innocent . i Sarish . Polycraticon . lib. 5. qap. 16. k Sabellic . Enne . 9. lib. 1. ● ▪ l Baron . Annal. Tom. x. An. 900. §. 1. m Genebrard . Chron. lib. 4. ( n ) Praefatio R. Aluredi ad Pastoral . Gregorii . o Claud. Espen . Com. ad 2 Tim. 3. o Claud. Espen . Com. ad 2 Tim. 3. p Concil . Toletan . 4. c. 24. A. 633. q Sarisbur . Polycraticon . lib. 6. cap. 24. r 2 Tim. ii . 24 , 25. s Tertul. ad Scap. c. 2. Concil . Toletan . 4. cap. 56. t Gregorius M. Epist . ad Episc . Constantinop . u August . de Civit. Dei. l. 4. c. 27. w Idem , ibid. cap. 31. x Chrysost . de Sacerdotio , l. 4. y Gregor . Mag. hom . 4. z Augustin . de ver . Relig. cap. 24. Ferus Commentar . in lib. Judic . a Canus , Loc. Commun . lib. II cap. 6. b Idem ibid. c Harding against Jewels Apol. d Breviar . Rom. Fest . Nicol. 6. Dec. Fest . S. Blasii , Feb. 13. Fest . S. Alexii , Julii 17. e Bellarmin . de Scriptor . Eccles . f Rog. Wid●ingt . de Jaram . Fidelitatis , c. x. p. 402. g Dr. Stillingfleet of Miracles . Author of the Reflections on the Romish Devotions . h Jo. de Turrecrem ▪ de Eccl. l. 2. c. 101. i Baron . Annal. T. 2. An. 102. §. 6 , 7. Jo. Driedo de dogm . & Scrip. Ecc. l. 1. c. 2. k Cusanus de Concord . Cathol . l. 2. c. 34. Cl. Espencaeus de contin . l. 1. c. 2. Bellarm. de Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 14. l Hincm . Rhem. lib. Contr. Hincm . Laudunens . m Baron . Annal. T. 9. An. 865. §. 5 , 6 , 7. n Adrian . Ep. ad Constant . & Iren. Act. Concil . Nicen. 2. An. 794. Leo. 9. Epist . ad Michael . Const . An. 1054. o Not. in Edict . Constant . Concil . Tom. 1. p. 154. p Leo. Pap. Epist . ad Theodof . Concil . Tom. 2. q Exempli gr . Tres Canon . Concil . 1. Constantinop . Omnes ▪ Can. Concil . Ephes . Oecum . 3. Canon . 28. Concil . Chalcedon . Oecum . 4. r Roman Forgeries print . Lond. 1673. s Angulos , legunt . Merlin . Tom. 1. Concil . Edit . An. 1530 Colon. Crabbe p. 226. ed. A. 1538. Colon. Carranza sum . Concil . pag. 82. Lugd. 1568. t ap . Zonar . Balsam . & Harmenopulum . u Theodor. in Colos . 3. Photius . Nomo-Canon . Tit. 12. c. 9. w Dionys . Exig . Cod. Can. n. 138. Crescon . breviar . Can. §. 90. Fulgent . Ferrand . Bre● . Can. §. 184. x Cyprian . Ep. 40. Edit . Gryphii . p. 52. Morellii 124. y Editio Pamel . Ep. 40. p. 7. z Ludov. Vives Comment . in Aug. de Civ . Dei , l. 21. c. 24. a Fulbertus Carnot . edit . An. 1608. pag. 168. b Baron . Annal . Tom. x. an . 869. c Aimonius de Gestis Franc. l. 5. c. 8. d Epistol . Nuncup . ante Bibliothecam Sixti Senens . e Censores Belg. de libro Bertrami . f Junii Prae● . ad Indicem Expurg . Cens . Belg. g Blondel Epist . ante librum de Joan. Papis c. 3. h Henr. Boxhorn . de Eucharistiâ l. 3. initio . i bArno . advers . Gent. lib. 1. k Aug. de verb. Apost . Ser. 32. l Ambros . de Offic. l. 2. c. 8. m Lactant. Instit . lib. 6. c. 19. n Arrianus in Epictet . lib. 2. cap. 15. o Lactant. Instit . lib , 2. cap. 2. p Irenaeus adv . haeres . l. 1. c. 24. q Concil . Eliber . can . 36. Origen in Cels . lib. 7. Tertul. Apol. c. 30. r Cornel. Agrip. de Vanit . Scien . cap. 57. Bern. de Annun . serm . 1. p. 123. Durand . in Sent. lib. 2. dist . 8. qu. 1. s August . de Verb. Apos , Ser. 15. Walden de Sacr. Rit . Tom. 3. Tit. 1. cap. 7. t Bellarm. de Purgat . l. 1. c. 14. u Sand. Europae Spec. pag. 5 , 6 , 7. w Gratian. caus . 13. qu. 2. c. 19. 2 Decret . Gloss . Interlin . in Isa . 63. x Job xiv . 21 , 22. Eccles . ix . 5. Isa . lxiii . 13. y Lib. Conform . fol. 1149. z Jer. vii . 18. ubi videtur esse nomen Junonis olympiae . a Missal . Polon . fol. 237. b Epiphan . adv . collyridianos Panar . haer . 79. c Pighius Hierarch . lib. 3. Canus lib. 3. c. 2. d 2 Maccab. xiv . 42. Turrian . in Sadeel , pag. 99. e Eccles . xivi . 20. 2 Esdras vi . 40. f Concil . Trident . Sess . 4. g Adorari solius Dei est : Del●atur ex Ind. operum Athanasii . Indice libr. prohib . & Expurg . p. 52. Madrit . Anno 1627. item ex Ind. Op. S. Aug. bd . p. 56. h Porphyr . de Abstin . lib. 1. §. 41. i Clem. Alex. Stromat . 1. k Europ . Spec ▪ pag. 10. l Cajet . com . in 1. Corinth . 14. 17. m Lyr. in Loc. n Rhem. Test . Annot. on 1 Cor. 14. o Gab. Biel in Can. Miss . Lect. 62. p Porphyr . ap . Euseb . Praepar . Evang . lib. 3. q Suarez . de Orat. lib. 3. cap. 14. & Salmeron . r An. Dom. 1090. s Polyd. Virgil. de invent . rer . l. 5. c. 9. t Selden de Diis Syris , pag. 52. Saubertus de Sacrific . cap. 13. pag. 296. u Aug. de Civ . Dei , lib. 8. c. 17. w Arnob. adv . Gentes , lib. 7. pag. 216. x Senec. Ep. 97. y Basil . reg . brev . qu. 15. z Mich. vi . 7. a Augustin . homil . 2. ex 50. hom . b Tertul. de Praescrip . adv . haret . c. 41. c Augustin . Epist . 80. d Idem de Verb. Apost . Ser. 21. e Salvian . ad Eccles . Cath. lib. 3. f Gloss . Ordin . ad Colos . 2. g Euseb . Pap. Decret . Ep. 3. h Capitol . Carol . & Lud. l. 5. c. 163. i Legibus Hydens . ap . Spelm. Tom. 1. pag. 440. k Aug. de verb. Dom. Serm. 13. l Nazianz. Test . de Vet. Testam . m Cyril . de Trin. lib. 4. n Chrysost . hom . 55. in Matth. o Ambros . Com. in Ephes . 2. p Hilar. de Trin. lib. 2. cap. 6. Ambros . in Esal . 38. q Aug ▪ in Johan . Tract . 118. Origen . in Matt. Tract . 1. Hilarius de Trinit . l. 6. Hieron . in Jovin ▪ lib. 1. r Cypr. de Unit . Eccles . s Euseb . Eccles . hist . l. 2. c. 1. t Acts xv . 13. u Decret . Epist . Clement . 1. in Titul . Epist . w Concil . Constant . I. Ep. ad Dam. * Aene. Sylv. Ep. 288. x Euseb . Eccles . hist . l. 5. c. 24. y Cyprian ad Pompei . Ep. 74. z Cusan . de Concor . Cath. lib. 3. c. 6. a Concil . Chal. Can. 28. An. 451. b Gregor . Epist . lib. 7. Ep. 30. c Athanas . Ep. ad Epictet . d Gregor . Epist . lib. 2. ad Maurit . Epist . 32 , 36 , 38. e Gregor . Epist . lib. 7. Ep. 30. f Idem lib. 7. Epist . 36. g Beda de 6. aetat . Mundi . h Paul. Diacon . rer . Rom. lib. 18. Histor . Longob . lib. 4. c. 11. Anastas . Bibl. Vit. Bonif. Tertii , Ado aetat . Sext. Reg. Chron. l. 1. Aimon . de gest . Franc. l. 4. c. 4. i Firmilianus ad Cypr. Ep. 75. k Concil . 6. Carthag . An. 419. l Glaber Rodulph . hist . lib. 2. c. 4. m Vita Ludov. Pii à P. Pithaeo edit . An. 863. Annal. Franc. d P. Pithaeo eod . An. n Photius Constant . Ep. Encycl . ap . Baron An. 863. §. 42. o Constit . Imper. à Godalsto Tom. 1. pag. 24 , 25. Luitprand . Ticin . histor . lib. 6. cap. 9 , & 10. p Bochellus l. 5. de Decret . Eccles . Gallic . tit . 20. Pithaeus de lib. Eccles . Gallican , c. 3. § , 3. n. 13. q LL. Basilic . l. 10. tit . 1. & Balsamon not . in Concil . Ancyran . p. 378. r Sabellic . Enn. 7. lib. 5. s Tertul. adv . Jud. c. 7. Theodoret. de Cur. Graec. aff . Ser. 9. t Can. 6. Concil . Nicaen . juxt . Dionys . Exig . u Histor . Ecclese . lib. 1. c. 6. w Concil . Ephes . Can. 8. x Ge●●● Monm . de Aug. vers . fin . y Gyrald . Camb. It in . l. 2. c. 1. z Hoved. Annal part . 1. p. 405. Matth. Westm . An. 793. a Onuphri●s in Vit. Greg. 7. b Baron . Annal . An. 1076. §. 25. c Matth. Paris . An. 1107. d Record . An. tertio Hen. 2. e Matth. Paris . An. 1164. f Stat. 16. Ric. 2 di Statute Book pag. 238. g Tho. of Walsing . An. 1312. pag. 74. num . 20. h Tho. Walsing . An. 1408. p. 420. i Vitâ Henr. Chicely , p. 56 , & 57. * An. 26. Hen. 8. k Annal. Tom. 3. An. 312. l Imperial . Const . Novel ▪ II. & Nov. 131. c. 3. m Rescript . Valent . 31 An. 432. n Socrat. hist . Prooem . ad lib. 5. o Anastas . Pap. Epist ad Anastas . Imp. ap . Binium T. 2. par . 1. p. 507. p Concil . 1. Mogun . An. 813. & Concil . II. Mogun . An. 847. ap . Bin. T. 3. p. 1. Sect. 2. q Claud. Fau●●et en les Libertes de l'Eglis . Gallican . p. 234. r Epist . Eleuth . ad R. Lucium ap . Spelm● ▪ s Leg. Hydens . cap. 8. Spelm● Tom. ● . p. 438. t Ingulph . hist. p. 902. u Eadmer . histor . p. 6. w Stat. 16 Ric. 2. c. 5. x Stat. 25 Ed. 3. de Provisor . Stat. 27 , 28 Ed. 3. cap. 1 , 2. Stat. 28 Ed. 3. cap. 3. Stat. 2 Hen. 4. cap. 3. Stat. 6 Henr. 4. cap. 1. Stat. 7 Henr. 4. cap. 6. Stat. 3 Henr. 5. cap 4. y Coke 5. Rep. Cawdry's Case , fol. 8. z Spelm. Concil . T. 2. p. 58. b Rex ad Anselm . ap Eadmerum pag. 62. c Leon. Epist . ad Lothar . & Lud. Aug. ap . Grat. dist . 10. c. 9. d Gregor . Epist . lib. 2. ad Maurit . Ep. 62. e Concil . Vienn . sub Clem. 5. f Papyr . Masson . Vit. Bonis . 8. g Tilius Episs . Meld . Chronic. de Reg. Fran. An. 1302. h Matth. Paris . ad An. 1253. i Gloss . in Decret . dist . 40. cap. 6. St ▪ Papa . Suarez . defens . Fidei , & lib. contr . Regem Magn. Brittan . k Mariana , lib. de Rege . l Answer to Philanax Anglicus , 125. l See the Answer to Philanax Angl. chap. 4. p. 72. m Bern. ad Eugen . Pap. de consid . l. 2. n Matth. Paris . An. 1253. o ap . Binium Concil . Tom. 3. p 2. sol . 729. &c. p Concil . Pisanum An. 1411. q Concil . Pisan . Sess . 16. r Et Sess . 20. ap . Binium Tom. 3. p. 2. p. 836. s Arnob. adv . gentes , l. 6. p. 197. t Concil . Tolet. 3. An. 589. u Edgar Ap. Ailred . Col. 361. w Malmsbury de Pontif. L. 1. de Anselmo . x Eadmer . Cant. pag. 113. y Duaren . de benef . lib. 1. c. 9. z Mason de Ministerio Anglicano . a Ambros . lib. de Sacram. Aug. Doctrin . Christ . l. 3. c. 9. Paschusius de Caen. Dom. Bessarion . de Sacram . Euchar. 
A62730	----	To the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the House of Commons in Parliament The humble petition of sundry the knights, gentlemen, freeholders, and others of the inhabitants of the county of Suffolke, to the number of above 13000. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A62730 of text R220690 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T1421). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A62730 Wing T1421 ESTC R220690 99832086 99832086 36555 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62730) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 36555) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2100:05) To the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the House of Commons in Parliament The humble petition of sundry the knights, gentlemen, freeholders, and others of the inhabitants of the county of Suffolke, to the number of above 13000. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by E. G. for Henry Overton, [London] : 1641 [i.e. 1642] Dated at end: Presented the 31. of January. 1641. [i.e. 1642]. A petition addressed to the House of Commons requesting the dismissal of "Popish Lords and Bishops" from the House of Lords, and asking for aid for the Protestants in Ireland. Reproduction of the original in the Guildhall Library, London, England. eng Catholics -- Controversial literature -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. A62730 R220690 (Wing T1421). civilwar no To the honourable knights, cittizens and burgesses, in the House of Commons in Parliament. The humble petition of sundry the knights, gentle [no entry] 1642 501 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE HONOVRABLE Knights , Cittizens and Burgesses , in the House of Commons in Parliament . The humble petition of sundry the Knights , Gentlemen , Freeholders , and others of the inhabitants of the County of Suffolke , to the number of above 13000. Humbly Sheweth , THat whereas by the blessing of God , his Majesties grace and favour towards us , and the long continued labours of this Honourable assembly , many grievances and burthens both in Church and Common wealth ( under which we had a long time groaned ) are removed , which With all humility and thankfulnesse we humbly acknowledge ; yet understanding that many Bills tending to the honour of his Majesty , the safety and welfare of this Kingdome have by this honourable assembly beene voted , and now lye in the Lords house unpassed , by reason of the Popish Lords and Bishop , fitting thers , ( as we conceave ) by reason whereof together with the not execution of lawes against the Papilts ( who notwithstanding through the providence of God have beene discovered and disappointed in many of their Treacherous , plots against the King and state ) hey and their adherents are still incouraged , and imboldened in their mischeivous plots and conspiracies , a lamentable experience of whose Treasons and bloudy cruelties , weheare is daily presented to this Honourable assembly , from Ireland , whosedolefull Condition , your Petitioners doe much pitty and bewaile , we therefore your Petitioners being greatly distracted and full of feare of some sudden and cruell designe to breake out against the peace of the Kingdome , which puts us into an unsetled Condition and occasioneth a generall decay in trading , tending to the impoverishing of the Nation , unlesse timely prevented ; And having most of us solemnely protected to maintaine the Protestant Religion against all Popery , and to defend his Majesties Royall Person , Honour , & estate , and the High Court of Parliament , and to endeavour the Vnion and peace of the three united Kingdomes , doe humbly and earnestly pray , That this Honourable assembly will be pleased to improve all good meanes , that the Popish Lords and Bishops , may be removed out of the house of Peeres , that this Kingdome may be secured , and our poore distressed Brethren in Ireland may be speedily releived , that the lawes against Papists may be put in execution , that delinquents may be punished , and our former Petitions against Bishop Wren , and our scandalous ministers , may bee speeded , and that all burthens in Church and Common wealth , may be removed , with the causes thereof . And your Petitioners according to their bounden duty , shall daily pray for a Prosperous successe of this Parliament . Presented the 31. of January , 1641. Printed by E. G. for Henry Overton : 1641. 
A48822	----	The late apology in behalf of the papists reprinted and answered in behalf of the royallists Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. 1673 Approx. 115 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48822 Wing L2684 ESTC R30040 11239066 ocm 11239066 47021 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48822) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 47021) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1446:1) The late apology in behalf of the papists reprinted and answered in behalf of the royallists Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. 46 p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : MDCLXXIII [1673] Reproduction of the original in the Merton College Library, Oxford University. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Castlemaine, Roger Palmer, -- Earl of, 1634-1705. -- Catholique apology. Catholics -- England. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Late APOLOGY In behalf of the PAPISTS , Reprinted and Answered In behalf of the ROYALLISTS . LONDON : Printed for Henry Brome , at the Gun in S. Paul's Church-Yard . MDCLXXIII . TO THE AUTHOR OF THE Apology . SIR , ABout fourscore Years ago , in a time when there were such Apprehensions of the Papists as now there are , ( and howsoever they are now , surely then they were not without cause ) some of your Predecessors , to palliate the matter , and to make their Governors more secure of them ; writ a Book to this effect , that Catholicks are to imploy no other Arms against their Prince but the Arms of Christians , viz. Tears , and Spiritual Means , daily Prayers , and Watchings and Fastings ▪ . So you begin , [ My Lords and Gentlemen , The Arms which Christians can use against lawful Powers in their severity are only Prayers and Tears . ] We cannot say that you writ your Book for the same End as they did . But we do not like it , that you jump so together in the same Beginning . [ Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed , but the cause , viz. to see our dearest Friends forsake us , we hope it will not offend you , if ( after we have a little wip'd our eyes ) we sigh out our Complaints to you . ] Of the Cause of your Tears , we shall say more anon . Of the Quantity of them , you say very extravagantly , Nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed . For you might have excepted those of the Protestants in Queen Maries dayes , or of them that suffered in the late Irish Rebellion . You ought to have excepted the Fears of your Fabulous Purgatory : and yet those are said to be short of Infinity . But you Jesuites love to be Hyperbolical , whether ranting or whining ; as if that Religion which obliges you to damn all other Christians , had likewise forbidden you to speak like other Men. [ We had spoke much sooner , had we not been silent through Consternation to see you inflamed , whom with reverence we honor ) and also to shew our submissive patience , which used no slights nor tricks to divert the Debates of Parliament : for no body can imagine where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concerned , but something might have been done ; when as in all Ages we see things of publick advantage by the managers dexterity nipt in the bud , even in the very Houses them selves . Far be it from Catholicks to perplex Parliaments , who have been the Founders of their I riviledges , and all Antient Laws : Nay Magna Charta it self had its rise from us , which we do the less boast of , since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble a manner . In the same Roman Style you commend your owne silence and patience . You boast that you have been the Founders of the Parliaments Priviledges , and all Antient Laws . Of the first , let every man believe as he sees cause . But the second we cannot allow , in either sense , whether you mean it of your selves , or of your Predecessors . For as now in your Church , men are of two sorts , even so they were heretofore in this Realm . There were some that wholly minded the common interests of Christian Religion and Civil Government . Others were Papalini , asserters and promoters of the Popes usurpations . They which acted in those first capacities were not more your Predecessors than Ours . They which acted in the other were truly and only Yours . You say , [ We sung our Nunc Dimittis when we saw our Master in his Throne , and you in your deserved Authority and Rule . ] 'T is very well . And yet * some of you sung your Venite Exultemus when you saw his Blessed Father upon the Scaffold . But what of that ? since the Son is King , who is not glad † that he is King ? or whom would it not grieve to have his Loyalty called in Question ? [ Nor could any thing have ever grieved us more , but to have our Loyalty called into question by you even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries . [ If we must suffer let it be by you alone ; for that 's a double Death to men of Honor , to have their Enemies not only accusers , but for their insulting Judges also . ] Sir , he that is Loyal , and a man of Honor , has no cause to fear Death , double or single . For our Kings have alwayes Declared * that they put no man to death for Religion . Therefore if you Truly fear Death , it is for Treason . If you only pretend this , it is a Calumny . Either way you are no friend to the Government , for all your pretences to Honor and Loyalty . [ These are they that by beginning with us , murthered their Prince , and wounded you : and shall the same method continue by your Approbation ? We are sure you mean well ; though their design be wicked : but never let it be recorded in story , that you forgot your often Vows to us , in joyning with them that have been the cause of so great Calamity to the Nation . ] How far it is true , that the Kings Murtherers began with you , we shall consider anon . But it seems you take the Liberty of bestowing that Character upon whom you please ; that no man hereafter may dare move for the Execution of any Law against you , for fear of being said to continue the Method of the Kings Murtherers . As for any Vows that we have made to you , whatsoever they are , you are more sure of them than we can be of any that you make to us ; for we have no Pope to dispense with them . Neither is it recorded in Story , * that English Protestants ever joyn'd with the Enemies of their Nation . [ Of all Calumnies against Catholicks , we have admired at none so much as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government , and they themselves thought ever proue to Rebellion . ] 'T is a Calumny of yours to call those things Calumnies , which are true , and which you cannot Deny without such a Presumption as we should much admire in you if it were not so very Ordinary . Concerning your Principles , where should we look for them , but in your Councils , your Decretals , and the Books of your Divines ? In each of these we are taught , that the Pope has a Power to depose Kings , and to discharge Subjects from their Allegiance : which Doctrines are utterly inconsistent with Government : for whosoever believes them , no Prince can be secure of him . But whosoever is a Papist , is bound to believe them . And he that has imbib'd this Faith , may well be thought ever prone to Rebellion . The Council of Lateran under Pope Innocent III. expresly Ordains , that in case any Prince be a favourer of Hereticks , after admonition given , The Pope shall discharge his Subjects from their Allegiance , and shall give away his Kingdom to some Catholick , that may root out those Hereticks , and possess his Kingdom without contradiction . 'T is observable , that this Pope was himself a deposer of Kings , namely of John King of England , and of Otho IV. the Emperor ; and also that this Council which made Rebellion a Duty , was the first that made Transubstantiation an Article of Faith. Next for the Bulls and Decrees of your Popes , which according to Bellarmine are sufficient to make that to be sin which is not sin , or not to be sin which is sin : it would be tedious to instance in all that could be produc'd to this purpose . From Gregory VII . downward ▪ such a Trade was driven of deposing Kings , that no weak Prince could wear his Crown , but at the Pope's Courtesie . And that it might never be otherwise , Pope Boniface VIII . declares it for Law in these words : † We say , and Define , and Pronounce , that it is absolutely Necessary to salvation , for every humane Creature to be subject to the Bishop of Rome : Which Oracle is thus interpreted by Bertrand ; Every humane * Creature , ( i. e. ) Every Magistrate , Must be subject , &c. ( i. e. ) Must submit himself to be deposed , when the Pope thinks fit . And that the Gloss doth not injure the Text , it appears by the Tenor of the Decree ; especially by those words about the middle of it , that the Spiritual Power ▪ is to order the Worldly Power , and to Judge , it if it be not as it ought ; according to that in Jeremy , I have set thee over Nations and over Kingdoms , &c. In which suppletive , &c. these words are wound up ; To root out , and to pull down , and to destroy , and to throw down , to build , and to plant . All which powers this Law-giver of yours endeavoured himself to exercise . He endeavour'd , saith Platina , to give and take away Kingdoms , to expell men , and to restore them at his pleasure . Agreeably to this doctrine and practice your great Canonist Lancelottus teaches you , That the Pope may depose Kings and Emperors , and transfer their Kingdoms and Empires from one Line to another . Which wholsome Doctrine , no doubt , as well as the rest of his Book , Pope Pius IV. has made Authentick by his unerring Approbation . Lastly for your Divines , They have generally own'd it ; and many of them have written large Books in defence of it . We do not tell you this as news , for your Clergy-men know it already ; but that your Laity may not be ignorant of it , we shall quote them some few of the greatest Doctors of your Church in this Age. And we shall leave it upon you to shew them , when and where they were condemned , what Justice has been executed on the Persons , what Index Expurgatorius has censur'd the Writings of these Authors . Nay , if you deal honestly , you cannot but confess , that their Works are generally approved , and that their Persons are had in admiration among you that are the guides of the Lay-mens Consciences . We pass over the gross things of Mariana's Book ▪ ; because , they which once licens'd it for love of the Doctrine ; have since condemned it , for fear of their King 's heavy Displeasure . But pray Sir , who condemned your Cardinals , Bellarmine and Baronius ? who teach you , that the Pope may do with any King , as Jehoiada did with Athalia ; that is , he may deprive him first of his Kingdom , and then of his Life . Bellarmine indeed elsewhere expresses it more like a Jesuite , and a man of distinctions , in these words ; The Pope does not allow you not to obey your King , but he makes him that was your King to be not your King ; as who should say , when the Pope has done His part , then you are free to do Yours . Again , who condemn'd your great School-Men , Suarez and Valentia ? of whom the one writes against his Majesties Grand-Father , that a King , Canonically Excommunicated , may be deposed or killed by any man whatsoever : the other says , that an Heretical Prince may , by the Pope's sentence , be depriv'd of his life , much more of his Estate , and of all Superiority over others . Nay , who has condemned our Country-man Parsons , or Cresswel ? ( for the high-fliers of Popery have been those of our own Nation ) by whom this is laid down as a Conclusion of the whole School of Divines and Canonists , and declar'd to be Certain , and of Faith ; that any Christian Prince whatsoever , that shall manifestly swerve from the Catholick Religion , and endeavour to draw off others , does immediately fall from all Power and Dignity , &c. and that , even before any Sentence of the Pope is pronounced against him ; and that all his Subjects whatsoever are free from all obligation of any Oath of Obedience which they have made to him as their lawful Prince ; and that they may and ought ( if they be strong enough ) to eject such a one from the Government of Christians , as an Apostate , an Heretick , a deserter of Christ , and an enemy of his Common-wealth , &c. Cardinal Perron went not altogether so high ; but yet he held to the Roman Catholick Principle , that Kings may be deposed by the Pope when he sees cause . He seemed to be of another opinion while Henry IV. was alive : but when He was dead , and a Child was in the Throne , then he ventur'd to declare this publickly in his Oration * on behalf of the whole Clergy of France . † He maintained that this was the current Doctrine in France till the time of Calvin : and for the contrary Doctrine , viz That Kings are not deposable by the Pope , Rossaeus * calls it the Paradox of the Lutherans ; Perron calls it a Doctrine that breeds Schisms : a gate that leads into all Heresie ; and to be held in so high a degree of detestation , that rather then yield to it , he and his fellow-Bishops would chuse to burn at a Stake . But how has this Doctrine taken among the Papists in our Kings Dominions ? it has not taken with some of them : either because you have not thought it seasonable for you to instruct them in it ( for Doctrines of this sort are then only proper to be Inculcated , when they may do Execution ) or else because your Instruction has been over rul'd by some better Principle ; as we doubt not there have always been some of your Church , in whose generous breasts the English man has been too strong for the Papist . But yet this Doctrine has taken with others ; and many of them have practised according to it , as we shall shew you hereafter ; and many more would have been practising , if there had not been something to hinder them or deterr them . For 't is allowed by your Divines , as a very good Reason , for Catholicks to omit the Duty of Rebellion , if they are not strong ●nough to go through with it . So Bannez excuses our English Catholicks , and so Bellarmin * does the Primitive Christians : Nay your † Casuists say , If there be any notable danger of Death or Ruin , without which you cannot perform it , that then you are not bound to endeavour it . Long may these Good Reasons continue ; for if these were remov'd , we know not how far we may trust you . For one of your Brethren , another poisoner of the people , has been so forward already , since His Majesties Restauration , as to declare in Print , that in case your Pope should take upon him to Deprive our King , he would not meddle between them . I leave that Question , saith he , to be decided by the two Supream Powers , the Pope , and the King , when occasion shall be for it . [ My Lords and Gentlemen , had this been a new Sect not known before , something perchance might have been doubted ; but to lay this at their doors that have govern'd the civilliz'd world , is the miracle of miracles to us ] Sir , we know not how to cure your wonder , but by shewing you , 't is unreasonable . For you can it a Miracle , that men judge according to good Evidence . Who doubts less of the dangerousness of your Principles and Practices , than they that have Read most , and had most Experience of them ? We can give you no greater instance , than in King James of blessed Memory , who was no stranger to you either way , and this is his judgment of you : That as on the one part , many honest ●en s●d●ced with some Errors of Po●ery , may yet remain go●d and fait●ful Subjects : So on the other part , none of those that truly know and believe ●he whole grounds and School-conclusions of ●heir Doctrines , can ever prove either go●d Christians or good Subjects . But pray Sir , when was it that you govern'd the civiliz'd World ? For the Eastern and Southern Churches never own'd your Government ; nor yet the Western , while Learning flourished : But when Barbarity had over-run it , then Popery grew up by degrees , and made it more Barbarous both in Ignorance and in Cruelty . Then came in those Doctrines of Transubstantiation , &c. Then came in those Papal Usurpations , &c. which the Wo●ld , being again Civiliz'd , hath partly thrown off , and partly reduced into more tolerable terms . [ Did Richard the First , or Edward Long-shanks , suspect his Catholicks that served in Palestine , and make our Countryes Fame big in the Chronicle of all Ages ? or did they mistrust ( in their dangerous absence ) their Subjects at home , because they were of the same profession ? could Edward the Third imagine those to be traiterous in their Doctrine , that had that care and duty for their Prince , as to make them ( by Statute ) guilty of Death in the highest Degree , that had the least thought of ill against the King ? be pleased that Henry the Fifth be remembred also , who did those Wonders , of which the whole World does yet resound ; and certainly all History will agree in this , that 't was Oldcastle he feared , and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church . ] The Reigns of those Kings whom you speak of , were in those dark times ; when all Goodness declin'd , and Corruptions were daily growing upon us . Richard the First , being told he had three wicked Daughters , Pride , Covetousness , and Leachery , said he could not Match them better than among your Templers , Fathers , and Friars . Edward the First out-law'd the whole Clergy of this Realm , for refusing to pay the King any Taxes , because the Pope had forbidden them to do it . And both those other Princes whom you mention , made Laws against his Usurpations . Edward the Third made a notable one of this kind , by advice of that very Parliament , in which he enacted his Laws against Treason . And certainly , Henry the Second was more vex'd with Becket , than ever Henry V. feared Oldcastle . We doubt not , those Kings had many good Subjects , and our King hath some better than you seem to be . But they differed not in Religion , as you do from ours : And yet then , your Faction was always encroaching where it was suffered , and dangerous where it was opposed . Did not your Pope force King John to do him homage for England ? Did he not wrestle with Edward I. * for the Sovereignty of Scotland ? Hath he not often laid claim to the Kingdom of Ireland ? If the old Gentleman in a pet should go to turn out his Tenant , what would our King have left , when these are disposed of ? [ We will no longer trouble you with putting you in mind of any more of our mighty Kings who have been feared abroad , and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion . We shall only add this , That if Popery be the enslaving of Princes , France still believes it self as absolute as Denmark or Sweden . ] The French King will believe what he pleases , but not all that you say of him . For he cannot but know , that the Pope gave away that Kingdom from some of his Predecessors ; and maintained War in it against his Grandfather , till he brought him to his terms . And why hath not His Holiness dealt so with him that now is ? partly for the sake of his Religion ; but chiefly for fear of a Storm , lest his Coin should do that which Lewis the Twelfth's only threatned in the Inscription of it , PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN . [ Nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope , to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subjects . ] For the Austrian Princes that are so link'd to the Pope ▪ and whose Subjects are all Papists ; you suggest a mad way to secure themselves by firing their Countrey about their ears . But what is this to England ? where , since the exclusion of that trash , which you call the Catholick Faith , the King and the greatest part of his People are no Papists , and have had so much trouble and danger for it from them that are . May not Reason and Experience teach us to fear , that having to do with the same kind of Adversaries , we may still have some troublesome and dangerous Enemies ? No , we have none to fear but our selves , if we may believe you . For , say you , [ We shall always acknowledge to the whole world , that there have been as many brave English in this last Century , as in any other place whatsoever : yet , since the exclusion of the Catholick Faith , there hath been that committed by those who would fain be called Protestants , that the wickedest Papist at no time dreamt of . ] Pray Sir , what may that be ? For you have murthered Kings , and them of your own Religion , four or five in this Realm since the Conquest ( not to speak of those Numbers elsewhere . ) But that was in the growing Age of Popery . In latter times , have you so soon forgot our Kings Grand-Father , Henry IV. murthered by Ravilliac ? or his Predecesfor Henry III. murthered by Fryar Clement ? and the People you have kill'd up by whole Families and Townships ? Witness England , Ireland , France , Piedmont , which you may hear of elsewhere . These things have been done by Papists broad awake ; and what must that be which the wickedst of them never dreamt of ? [ 'T was never heard of before , that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects , and those styled her Peers ; or that a King was publickly Tryed and Executed by his own People and Servants . ] First , you tell us of the Queen of Scots being put to Death in Queen Elizabeths Reign . It was by the same colour of right , we suppose , that Wallis suffered in Edward the First 's Reign , namely of that Sovereignty that our Princes challenged over Scotland . But Edward I. was ere while a laudable Papist ; and Queen Elizabeth , for all this , might be a very good P●otestant . Sure we are , that King James and King Charles , who were nearest concerned in this matter , never imputed the Fault of it to her Religion . Your other instance is , of that most execrable Murther , committed on the best of Kings , by his own Subjects , and by such as you say , would fain be called Pro●estants . Sir , we would fain be called Christians , and Members of the Catholick Church : would you take it well of a Turk , that should therefore charge our faults upon you ? but you do worse than a Turk , in charging these mens faults upon us . They were neither then nor since of our Communion ; but that blessed Prince was , whom they murther'd . He declared upon the Scaffold , I dye a Christian , according to the profession of the Church of England , as I found it left me by my Father . He charged the Princess Elizabeth , not to grieve , and torment her self for him ; for that would be a glo●ious Death which he should dye , it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land , and for maintaining the true Protestant Religion . He died with some Care not to leave you this advantage by his Death ; as it appears by these words of his last Letter to His Majesty that now is . The scandal of the late Troubles which some may object and urge to you against the Protestant Religion established in England , is easily answered to them or your own thoughts in this , that scarce any one who hath been a beginner or an active prosecutor of this late War against the Church , the Laws , and Mee , either was or is a true lover , embracer , or practicer of the Protestant Religion established in England ; which neither gives such Rules , nor ever before set such Examples . [ My Lords and Gentlemen , we know who were the Authors of this last abomination , & how generously you strove against the raging Torrent ; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it , but to shew that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn ; and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion , which our Progenitors never saw , to convince you perchance ( whom for ever may he prosper ) that popery is not the only source of treason ] But do you indeed know , who were the Authors of this last abomination ? Pray Sir be plain with us , for in these doubtful words , there seems to be more truth than every man is aware of . The Rebellion that led to it , began we know in Scotland , where the design of it was first laid by † Cardinal Richelien His Majesties * irreconcileable Enemy . Then it broke out in Ireland , where it was blest with His Holiness's Letters , and assisted by his Nuntio , whom he sent purposely to attend the Fire there . Lastly here in England , you did your parts to unsettle the People and gave them needless occasions of jealousie , which the vigilant Phanaticks made use of , to bring us all into War and Confusion . Both in England and Scotland , the special Tools that they wrought with , were borrowed out of your Shops . It was His Majesties own Observat on ( by which you may guess whose spawn they were ) Their Maxims , saith he , were the same with the Jesuites ; their Preachers Sermons were delivered in the very phrase of Becanus , Scioppius , and Eudaemon Johannes ; their poor Arguments , which they delivered in their seditious Pamphlets printed or written , were taken almost verbatim out of Bellarmin and Suarez . In Ireland , where you durst do it , you imploy'd Iron and Steel against him ; with which you might as well have preserved him , if you had pleased ; but you denyed to do that , ( as he tell us ) * only upon account of Religion . Then followed the accursed Fact it self , agreed to in the Councils of your † Clergy , contriv'd and executed by the Phanaticks . In vain did the poor Royallist strive against it , for what could he do ? when two such streams met against him ; of which the deepest was that which came from Rome , where the false Fisherman open'd all his Flood-gates , to overwhelm us with those troubles , which , for the advantage of his trade , he had often before endeavoured , but could never prevail till now to send them pouring in upon us . [ Little we think , ( when your Prayers and ours were offer'd up to beg a blessing on the Kings Affairs ) ever to see that day , in which Carlos Gifford , Whitgrave , & the Pendrels , should he punish'd by your desires for that Religion which obliged them to save their forlorn prince ; & a stigmatized man ( for his Offences against King & Church ) a chief promoter of it . Nay less , did we imagine , that by your Votes Huddleston might be hang'd , who again secured our Sovereign ; and others free in their fast Possessions that sate as Judges , and sealed the Execution of that great Prince of happy Memory . ] That many Gentlemen of your Church were not of your Party , we do willingly acknowledge ; and that some of them in that critical day of Danger , did the King very eminent Service . But so did Protestants too ; therefore you cannot ascribe this to Your Religion . Nor does it seem reasonable , that to requite particular persons for their service , we should abandon those Laws which may secure the publick against as great a danger . To question his Life that had freely exposed it for our Sovereigns , were too great a Barbarity for any Christians but of your Sect , or any Age but Queen Maries dayes ; for then Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was indeed so dealt with ; but we do not more detest those times than such examples . And we know that His Majesty , without any trespass on his Laws , may protect and reward those persons whom he judgeth deserving it ; as well as his Royal Predecessors did , in whose Reigns the penal Laws were made . Pray be you as favourable to the stigmatized Man , ( whom sure you are not angry with for his Offence against King and Church , whatsoever you say ; ) and if he be now a promoter of any thing that displeaseth you , bear with him , as His Majesty doth ; for whom he lately did his utmost against Phanaticks toward the bringing of him in : and he would not willingly live to see the Pope turn him out again . For the Regicides , be as severe with them as you please ; only beware how you tax His Majesty's Mercy , for fear you may have need of it . [ We confess we are unfortunate , and you just Judges , whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so ; nor are we ignorant the necessity of Affairs made both the King and you do things , which formerly you could not so much as fancy . Yet give us leave to say , we are still loyal ; nay ▪ to desire you to believe so , and to remember how Synonymous under the late Rebellion ) was the word Papist and Cavalier ; for there was never no Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier , nor no Cavalier that was not called a Papist , or at least judged to be popishly affected . ] Your fawning upon the Parliament , and commending of your selves , we pass over as things of course . And we equally believe you now , as you did the Phanaticks heretofore , when they called us Papists ; or as we did you e'rewhile , when you called them Protestants . For pray Sir , what did they to be called Protestants ? or what did we to be judged Popishly Affected ? And if all Papists , as you say , were deemed Cavaliers ; we hope some of them have had the grace to be ashamed of it . In Ireland there were whole Armies of Irish and English , that fought against His Majesty , solely upon the account of your Religion . In England it is true , some came in voluntarily to assist him ; but many more of you were * hunted into his Garrisons , by them that knew you would bring him little help and much hatred . And of those that fought for him , as long as his Fortune stood ; when that once declined , a great part , even of them , fell from him . From that time forward , you that were , always , all , deemed Cavaliers , where were you ? In all those weak Efforts * of gasping Loyalty , what did you ? You complied , and flattered , and gave sugar'd words to the Rebels then , as you do to the Royallists now . You addrest your Petitions † to the Supream Authority of this Nation the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England You affirmed * that you had generally taken , and punctually kept the Ingagement . You promised , that if you might but enjoy your Religion † you would be the most quiet and useful Subjects in England . You prov'd it in these words . * The Papists of England would be bound by their own Interest ( the strongest obligation amongst wise men ) to live peaceably and thankfully in the private exercise of their Consciences ; and becoming gainers by such compassions , they could not so reasonably be distrusted , as the Prelatick Party that were losers . You prov'd it more amply by real Testimonies ; which we have no pleasure in remembring , and you would have less in hearing of them . These things were too lately done to be talk't of . If after all this said and done for your own Vindication , you were still deemed Cavaliers , the more was your wrong . But who could help it ? all the right we can do you , is , Not to believe it . [ We know though we differ something in Religion ( the truth of which let the last day judge ) yet none can agree with your Inclinations , or are fitter for your Converse than we ; for as we have as much Birth among us as England can boast of , so our Breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp : and therefore , had not our late sufferings united us in that firm tye , yet our like humors must needs have joyned our hearts . If we err , pitty our condition , and remember what your great Ancestors were , and make some difference between us ( that have twice converted England from Paganism ) and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority . ] As for Religion , we agree with you in all that is truly Catholick : We differ from you only in not admitting your Innovations . And whether justly , we say also , let the last day Judge . Your Converse , Breeding , &c. we heartily respect as far as 't is English. But we suspect every thing that Leans toward a Forreign Jurisdiction . And we would be loth , by our kindness to those things wherein we agree with you , to be drawn into the danger of those things in which we differ from you . By that flam of your having twice converted England from Paganism , sure you mean that we in this Land have been twice converted by persons sent to us from Rome . Which you will never perswade any one to believe , that dares trust himself to taste of Church-History without one of your Fathers chewing it for him . But , supposing this to be true , pray what would you infer from it ? that because we received good from the Primitive Christians of that place , therefore we should lay our selves open to receive any evil that may happen to us from their degenerous Successors . [ But 't is generally said , that Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach . We confess , where the name of Protestant is unknown , the Catholick Magistrates ( beliveing it erroneous ) do use all care to keep it out : Yet in those Countries where liberty is given , they have far more priviledges than we , under any reformed Government what soever . To be short , we will only instance France for all , wher they have publick churches , wher they can make what Proselytes they please , and where it 's not against Law to be in any charge or employment . Now Holland ( which permits every thing ) gives us , 't is true , our Lives and Estates , but takes away all trust in Rule , and leaves us also in danger of the Scout , whensoever he pleaseth to disturb our Meetings . ] What is generally said of the Popish Persecutions , is also generally believed . But Sir , you answer it deceitfully . For you tell us of the manner ; first , of those Countries where the Name of Protestant is unknown : and next , of those Countries where liberty is given : but you slip over a third sort , namely , of those where the Name of Protestant is well known , and yet no Liberty is given . Pray what Liberty have the Protestants in Flanders ? we are told they have none : and yet the Name of them is very well known there . The like may be said of divers other Countries : Nay in England , while it was Yours , did you give any Liberty at all ? yet the Name of Protestant was very well known here , and was sufficient for the burning of any one that was known by it . But you say , you will only instance France for all . Very wisely resolved : for it would not have been for your credit to instance any other . In France then , whatsoever Liberty the Protestants enjoy , it is by vertue of their Edicts : which how they were obtained , we shall have occasion to mind * you ; and how they are observed , let the poor Hugonots tell you . But if they were observed to the full ; should we therefore grant You that Liberty which is against Law ? because they are allow'd that which you say is not against Law. In Holland , the Papists may have some reason to complain , if their Masters allow them no more Liberty than you speak of . For , it was chiefly by their hands , that the Spanish yoak was thrown off : which , on the contrary , our Papists were so fond of , that for divers years together , we had much ado to keep them from pulling it on upon our necks . [ Because we have named France , the Massacre will perchance be urged against us : but the world must know , that was a Cabinet-Plot , condemned as wicked by Catholick Writers there , and of other Countries also : besides , it cannot be thought they were murthered for being Protestants , since 't was their powerful Rebellion ( let their Faith have been what it would ) that drew them into that ill machinated Destruction . ] The French Massacre , which you next speak of , was a thing of so horrid a Cruelty , that , as Thuanus * tells us , Considering-men , having turn'd over the Annals of the Nations , could find no example of the like in all Antiquity . * It was cloak'd over with shews of the greatest Amity in the world ; namely of a Marriage between the Houses of Valois and Bourbon ; to which all the chief of the Protestants were most lovingly invited . There , after the Jollity of Mirth , and caresles of Entertainment , in the dead-time of the night , the whole City was in Arms about them ; they fell upon all the Protestants Houses and Lodgings ; they butchered them without distinction , Men , Women and Children , till the Channels ran down with Blood into the River : And scarce a Protestant was left alive , except the * Bridegroom and the Prince of Conde ; who turned Papists to escape their hands , and yet they could not escape them ; the one being poisoned , and the other stabb'd by men of your Religion . This hellish Stratagem , you say , was condemned as wicked by Catholick Writers . It was likewise extoll'd as glorious by Catholick Writers . But pray Sir , what think you of it ? you are bashful in company , but one may guess at your meaning . First , you say it was a Cabinet-Plot : a fine soft word , for the butchering ▪ * of 30000 persons . Next , in answer to them that call it murther , you seem to blame it as a thing done to Halves ; for what else can you mean , by calling it an ill-machinated Destruction ? Lastly , whatsoever it was , that which drew it upon them , you say , was their Rebellion ( let their Faith have been what it would . ) Nay Sir , it was their Faith ( let their Obedience have been what it would . ) For neither had that King better Subjects than those which were Massacred ; nor had his Successor erranter Rebels than those that did Massacre them . Brave Coligni was the first murthered ; and his Head was sent to Rome , while his Body ( according to his own ominous * wish ) was mangled and dragged about the Streets of Paris . The Duke of Guise was chief of the murtherers ; whose factious Authority , as you sweetly style it , was as black a Rebellion as ever that Kingdom saw . But to end this Question , whether these men were massacred for Protestant Religion , or for Rebellion ; let us take judges between us : for possibly , We may be partial for the one , and You for the other . First , of Rebellion , a King should be the most competent Judge : hear therefore what King James saith , who lived in the fresh memory of those dayes . I could never yet learn ( saith he ) by any good and true Intelligence , that in France , those of the Religion took Arms against their King. In the first Civil Wars they stood only upon their Guard , they stood only to their lawful Wards , and Locks of Defence . They armed not , nor took the Field , before they were pursued with Fire & Sword , burnt up and slaughtered . Besides , Religion was neither the root nor the rinde of those intestine Troubles . The true ground of the Quarrel was this ; during the Minority of King Francis II. the Protestants of France were a refuge and succor to the Princes of the Blood , when they were kept from the King's Presence , and by the Power of their Enemies were no better than plainly driven and chased from the Court. I mean the Grandfathers of the King now Reigning , and of the Prince of Conde , when they had no place of safe Retreat . In regard of which worthy and honorable Service , it may seem the French King hath reason to have the Protestants in his gracious remembrance . With other Commotion or Insurrection the Protestants are not justly to be charged . Certain it is , that King Henry III , &c. by their good Service was delivered from a most extream & eminent peril of his Life , &c. they never abandoned that Henry III. nor IV. in all the heat of Revolts and Rebellions raised by the Pope , and the more part of the Clergy , &c. Then of Religion , since you will allow none but the Pope to be Judge , let us hear his Judgment from Thuanus , who was a Roman Catholick , and a most authentick Historian . He tells us , the Pope had an account of the Massacre from his Legate at Paris , that he read his Letter in the Consistory of Cardinals , that there it was decreed that they should go directly to St. Marks , and there solemnly give thanks to Almighty God for so great a blessing conferred upon the Roman See , and the Christian World. That soon after a Jubilee should be publisht through the whole Christian World , and these causes were exprest for it , To give thanks to God for destroying in France the Enemies of the Truth , and of the Church , &c. In the Evening , the Guns were fired at St. Angelo , and Bonefires were made , and nothing was omitted of all those things that use to be performed in the greatest Victories of the Church . Some dayes after , there was a Procession to St. Lewis , with the greatest resort of Nobility and People . First went the Bishops and Cardinals , then the Switzers , then the Ambassadors of Kings and Princes : then under a Canopy , went His Holiness Himself , with the Emperor's Ambassador bearing up his Train for him , &c. Over the Church-Door was an Inscription set up , in which the Cardinal of Lorain , in the name of the King of France , congratulated his Holiness , and the Colledge of Cardinals , &c. for the plainly stupendious effects , and altogether incredible events , of their Councils given him , and of their Assistances sent him , and of their twelve Years Wishes and Prayers . Soon after , the Pope sent Cardinal Ursin in his name , to congratulate the King of France , who in his Journey through the Cities , highly commended the Faith of those Citizens that had to do in the Massacre ; and distributed his Holiness's blessings amongst them . And at Paris , being to perswade the reception of the Council of Trent , he endeavoured it with this Argument , That the memory of the late Action , to be magnified in all ages , as conducing to the Glory of God , and the Dignity of the Holy Roman Church , might be as it were sealed by the Approbation of the Holy Synod : for that so it would be manifest to all men that now are , or hereafter shall be , that the King consented to the destruction of so many lives , not out of hatred or revenge , or sense of any injury of his own , but out of an ardent desire to propagate the Glory of God. That , what could not be expected whilst the Faction of Protestants stood , now since they were taken away , the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion which by the Synod of Trent is cleared from the venom of the Sectaries , might be established without Controversie , and without Exception , through all the Provinces of the French Dominion . Well spoken , worthy Head of the Church ! we will take thy Judgment about cutting of throats at any time ; thou dost not mince the matter , as this English limb of thee doth : who yet is thus far to be commended ; that since he durst not say of it as he desir'd , for fear of provoking us , yet he would not call it as it deserved , for fear of too much contradicting thee . [ May it not be as well said in the next Catholick Kings Reign , that the Duke of Guise and Cardinal , Heads of the League , were killed for their Religion also ? Now no body is ignorant , but 't was their Factious Authority which made that jealous Prince design their Deaths , though by unwarrantable means . ] The Duke of Guise and his Brother , were not killed for their Religion ; for they were killed by * one of the same Religion , and one that was bent against the Protestants as much as they . Only because he spared the blood of the Protestants your Zealots hated him ; and so much the more , because a Protestant * being his Heir , he would not declare him uncapable of the Succession . For these causes , by the Popes consent , these Guises ( whom he called the Maccabes † of the Church ) entred into an Holy League against their King ; and called in the Succors of Spain and Savoy , which they paid for with the Rights of the Crown ; they maintained a sharp War against him , and did all that was in their power to deprive him of his Kingdom and Life . Whereupon that jealous Prince ( as you favourably * call him ) for his own preservation , was urged to deal with them , as they had dealt with the Protestants ; from whose case , this of the Guises is so vastly different , that one would wonder why you should mention it . But since you have led us thus far out of the way , let us invite you a little farther . The Pope Excommunicated the King for this Action , and granted 9 Years of true Indulgence to any of his Subjects that would bear Arms against him ; and foretold , * ( as a Pope might do without Astrology ) that e're long he should come to a fearful Death . The Subjects took Arms , and earned the Indulgence . A Friar took his Knife , and fulfilled the Prediction ; by ripping up those Bowels that were always most tenderly affected with kindness to the Monkish Orders . But what joy was there at Rome for this ! as if the news of another Massacre had come to Town , one would think so , by the Popes Oration * to his Cardinals : in which he sets forth this work of God ( the Kings Murther ) for its wonderfulness to be compared with Christs Incarnation and Resurrection . And the Friars Vertue , and Courage , and fervent Love of God , he prefers before that of Eleazar in the Maccabees , or of Judith killing Holofernes : and the murthered King ( who had profest himself to dye in the Faith of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Church ) he declared to have died in the Sin against the Holy Ghost . Pray Sir , may it not well be said , that Papists cannot live without persecuting Protestants ? when we see a Popish King stabb'd and damned for not persecuting them enough , or for doing the work of the Lord negligently . [ If it were for Doctrine that Hugonots suffered in France , this Haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now , having neither Force nor Town to resist his Might and Puissance . They yet live free enough , being even Members of Parliament , and may convert the Kings Brother too ; if he think fit to be so . Thus you see how well Protestants may live in a Popish Country , under a Popish King : nor was Charlemain more Catholick than this ; for though he contends something with the Pope , 't is not of Faith , but about Gallicane Priviledges , which perchance he may very lawfully do . ] [ Iudge then worthy Tatriots , who are the best used , and consider our hardship here in England , where it is not only a Fine for hearing Mass , but death to the Master for having a Priest in his House ; and so far we are from preserment , That by Law we cannot come within 10 miles of London ; all which we know your great mercy will never permit you to exact . ] You say , if this were true , then this Hanghty Monarch would soon destroy his Hugonots now . No such consequence , Sir , for he may persecute them , and not destroy them ; he may destroy them , but not so soon . Princes * use to go their own pace , whilst they are upon their legs ; but if any misfortune throws them upon all four , then the Pope gets up and rides them what pace he pleaseth . Nor is this Monarch yet so Catholick as Charlemain was ; if he were , he would do as Charlemain did . He would be Patron of all the Bishopricks in his Empire , even of Rome it self , if it were there . He would make the Pope himself know the distance between a Prelate and an Emperor . He would maintain the Rights of his Crown ; and not chop Logick about Gallicane Priviledges , which you say , like a sly Jesuite , that perchance he may lawfully do . He would call a Council when he pleased , to separate Errors from the Faith ; as Charlemain himself called a Council * against Image-Worship , which was then creeping into the Church . This were a good way of destroying the Hugonots , by taking away all causes of strife amongst Christians . By any other way than this he cannot destroy them , without the violation of his Laws : which , as they are the only Forces and Towers , whereby Subjects ought to be secured against their King ; so , since he is pleased to allow them no other , these Laws , backt with his puissance , are forces enough to secure them against their fellow-Subjects . We cannot pass this Paragraph , without observing your Jesuitical ingenuity ; how you slight those favours that you have ; how you complain of those hardships that you have not ; and how you insult over the poor Hugonots , by comparing with them , who generally would mend their condition by changing with you . Pray Sir , do not Popish-Peers sit in our English Parliaments , as well as Protestants in the French ? or have you not as free access to our Kings Brother , as they have to theirs ? or would you have his Highness to Catechise , as the Abbot had the Duke of Glocester ? perhaps that you would have . Otherwise we know nothing but His Highness's Wisdom , and care of his Conscience , that guards him from you . Of the Laws you complain hideously , Worthy Patriots consider our hardship . And yet , those very Laws you complain of , you never knew executed in your life ; and you tell us soon after , that you know they never will be . For what cause then were they enacted ? Plainly for this cause , to guard the lives of our Princes against your traiterous practices . [ It hath often been urged , that our Misdemeanors in Queen Elizabeth's days , and King James's time , was the cause of our Panishment . ] Your Misdemeanors ! We cry you mercy , if they were no more ; but that comes next to be argued , Whether they were Misdemeanors or Treasons ? [ We earnestly wish that the Party had more patience under that Princess . But pray consider ( though we excuse not their faults ) whether it was not a question harder than that of York and Lancaster , the cause of a War of such length , and death of so many Princes , who had most right , Q Elizabeth or Mary Stuart : for since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegiance to Q. Mary , they had owned her Legitimate Daughter to Henry the Eighth ; and therefore it was thought necessarily to follow by many , That if Mary was the true Child , Elizabeth was the Natural , which must then needs give way to the thrice Noble Queen of Scots . ] Under Queen Elizabeth , you wish your Party had more patience ; and we think they Needed none ; for in the first ten Years of her Reign they had no Business for it . In all that space of time , which was twice as long as Queen Maries Reign , though it was fresh in memory what the Papists had done , yet not one of them suffered Death : till the Northern Rebellion : which being raised against her , only upon the account of her Religion ; it appears that She was the persecuted person : She had the occasion for Patience ; and you would have wished Them more Loyalty , if any such thing had been in your thoughts . But perhaps you wish they had so much patience , as not to have discovered their design before it was fully ripe for execution . Not unlike . For it appears , you account Rebellion no fault ; by this , that you say , you excuse not their faults , and yet you do excuse their Rebellion . You excuse them , by saying , it was a very hard Question , whether the Right of the Crown lay in her , or in the Queen of Scots ; for that many thought Queen Elizabeth Illegitimate . Pray Sir , who Thought it ? or when arose that Question ? The Arch-Bishop of York though a Papist , in his Speech at the publishing of Queen Maries Death , said , No man could doubt of the justness of the Lady Elizabeths Title to the Succession . The whole Kingdom received her , and owned her as Queen , more generally and freely than eyer they did Queen Mary . The Neighbour Kings of Spain and France , and the Emperor offered * Marriage to her , in hopes to have got the Crown by her . The Queen of Scots her self did acknowledge her , and claimed nothing more than to be Heir to her , and so did King James that was her Successor . So that whosoever opposed Queen Elizabeths Right , if they were English , 'c is apparent they were Rebels ; and if they were Papists , we may guess what led them to it For the first that Questioned her Title , was Pope * Paul IV. who would not acknowledge her for sundry causes ; the chief that he alledged , were these : First , Because this Kingdom is a Fee of the Papacy , and it was audaciously done of her to assume it without his leave . The second was , because she was Illegitimate : for if her Fathers Marriage were good , the Pope must let down his Mill. But after all this , his Successor Pius IV * did own her , and would have done any thing for her , so she would have owned him . Which because she would not , the next Pope Pius V. issued out his Bull * against her , and deposed her ; not for Bastardy † but for Heresie ; that is , for being a Protestant ; for which Heresie it was , that the Northern men Rebelled against her , and many more of her Subjects disowned her : and some or other were every foot plotting how to take away her life . True it is , that some of these pretended to do it in favour of the Queen of Scots . But how if that Queen had not been a Catholick ? or Queen Elizabeth had not Been thought Illegitimate ? would a legitimate Protestant have been so contended for ? or would a Popish Bastard have been rejected by them ? Pope Gregory XIII . had occasion to consider this . For his Holiness had a Bastard * of his own to provide for , and another † of the Emperors ; no doubt good Catholicks both of them . To one he gave the Kingdom of Ireland , and set out Stukely * with Forces to win it for him . To the other he gave the Kingdom of England , and gave him leave to win it for himself . But what was all this to the thrice Noble Queen of Scots ? Possibly she might have been preferred to have married one of the rwo ? but then it must have been expresly with this condition , That her Son King James ( who was a Heretick ) should have nothing to do with the Succession . When their bubbles were broken , and she was dead , all her Right descended to King James , who being as little to the Pope's mind , as Q. Elizabeth was , Sixtus V. only took no publick notice of Him , but he proceeded with all his might against Her. He curst her afresh , and publisht a Croysade against her , and gave the whole Right of Her Kingdoms to Philip the II. King of Spain . But neither that Popes Bounty , nor his three Successors Blessings , nor the Spanish Arms , nor the Italian Arts ( for no way was left untried ) could ever prevail against Gods Providence ; which , till the end of her days , kept that Queen always fast in her Possessions . At last , Pope Clement VIII . seeing there was nothing to be done against her , resolv'd to let her go like a Heretick as she was ; and to take the more care that another Heretick should not succeed her . For which cause he sent over two Breves into England , one to the Clergy , and the other to the Laity , commanding them not to admit any other but a Catholick , though never so near in Blood , to the Succession : that is to say , in plain words , not to admit King James to Reign after Queen Elizabeths death . So 't is clear , that your Popes never stuck at that hard Question that you speak of . Let us see what our Country-men did , who , as you say , suffered for it in those days . They did like obsequious Members , at every turn , as their Head directed them . They acted for the Papal Interest as far as they were able . They made the House of Scotland the Cloak for it , as far as it would reach . And it reacht pretty well , as long as the Title was in Queen Mary . But after the Title came to be in King James , Pray Sir , name us those Papists , or but one single person of them , that either died or suffered for Him : and then you bless us with a discovery . What then ? were they idle for so many years as past between the commencing of his Title , and the Death of Queen Elizabeth ? Nothing less . For they were as busie as Bees , in contriving how to hasten her Death , and how to put him by the Succession . And if it were for his Service , that they would have destroyed Her ; pray for whose service was it , that they would have defeated Him ? but that will be known by the story . Soon after his Mothers Death was the Spanish Invasion ; which would have defeated him with a Witness , if it had sped ; and yet our Papists , both Negotiated * it , and writ in Defence † of it . Afterwards in Scotland your Jesuites procured the Earl of Huntley * and others to raise a powerful Rebellion against him . In England , they endeavoured to perswade the Earl of Derby † to set up a Title to the Crown ; who honestly revealing it , was poisoned soon after , according to the prophetical threatning of Hesket whom they had made use of to perswade him . When these single shots failed , Father Parsons * gave a broad-side to the Royal House of Scotland . For he publisht a Book under the name of Dolman , wherein he set up divers Competitours for the Succession , and consequently so many Enemies to the unquestionable Right of that Family . And to provide one sure Enemy upon the place , he found out a Title for the Earl of Essex , the most ambitious and popular Man in the Nation , to whom also he craftily dedicated his Book . In which he mentions , † among other Books of this nature , one written by Lesley concerning the Queen of Scots Title ; another by Heghinton for the King of Spains Title ; and another concerning the Prince of Parma's ; But for his part , before these and all others , he prefers the Title of the Infanta . And , to shew that he meant as he said , * he caused their Scholars in the Seminaries abroad to subscribe to it , and made them swear to maintain it , and bound the Missionaries to promote it in those places whither they were to be sent . Whereas for King James his Title , he preferrs several others before it , and tells us , † I have not found very many in England that favour it : meaning sure of your Catholicks , with whom his converse chiefly was ; and concerning whom he gives this remarkable testimony , that * the Catholicks make little account of his Title by nearness of Succession . We have reason to believe he did not wrong them , because when an answer was written to his Book , † the Arch-Priest Blackwel would not suffer it to be published . And your next Head-Officer , the Provincial of the Jesuites , * declared he would have nothing to do with King James his Title ; and 't was the common voice of the men of his Order that * if King James would turn Catholick , they would follow him ; but if not , they would all die against him . Which pious Resolutions were seconded with agreeable Actions . For they endeavoured , as far as Catholicks are obliged by their Principles , viz. as far as they durst and were able ; at first ; to hinder him from coming in , and afterwards to throw him out again , or to destroy him in the place , as we shall have occasion to shew you in the answer to the next Paragraph . The mean while out of this present discourse , in which you cannot deny any thing that is material to our purpose ; It appears that this hard Question of Right to the Crown , was not between the Parties themselves in one or t'other of whom you confess the Right was . It appears that your Infallible Judge of Controversies very easily and impartially resolv'd it , by denying both sides of the Question , and assuming the whole right to himself . It appears that your Catholicks , who are said to have sided with one against the other , did in truth side with the Pope against them both . And lastly it appears that their Misdemeanors were inexcusable Treasons , if any Treason can be inexcusable that is befriended with such an Apologist . [ 'T was for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days ; and 't is for the same Illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion . ] Sir , we have found you notoriously False in that which you Affirm : Pray God you prove True in that which you Promise . [ Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill , if a Henry VIII . ( whom Sir W. Raleigh , and my Lord Cherbury , two famous Protestants , have so homely Characteriz'd ) should after twenty years cohabitation turn away his Wife , and this out of scruple of Conscience as he said ) when as History declares that he never spared Woman in his Lust , nor Man in his Fury . This Character would better agree with many a Head of a Church whom we could name you , than with Henry VIII . of whom better * Historians speak better things . But if he were such a Monster as you would make him , perhaps it was for want of a better Religion ; for he was * perfectly of Yours , except only in the point of Supremacy . And you had no occasion for this flurt at him ; unless that , having undertaken to put the best colours upon Treason , you might think you did something towards it in bespattering of Kings . We have a touch of the same Art in the next Paragraph . Where having undertaken to excuse the Gun-powder-Treason , you call it first a Misdemeanor , then the Fifth of November , and then a Conjuration ; soft words all of them : but you deal wicked hardly with the great Minister of State ; whom you make to have been the Author of it ; as if the Traitors had not conspired against the State , but the State against them . But before we come to answer this , It will be needful to set down the story , as it appears out of the Examinations and Confessions of the Traitors themselves . The rise of this Treason , was from the before-mentioned Breves of Pope Clement VIII . in which he required all his Catholicks , that after the death of that wretched Woman Queen Elizabeth , they should admit none but a Catholick to reign over them . These Breves were by Garnet the Provincial of the Jesuites , communicated to Catesby and others : who in Obedience thought best to begin their Practices in her life time . So they sent Father Tesmund and Winter into Spain to crave the assistance of that Crown . The Spaniard sent them back with the promise of an Army . But soon after Queen Elizabeth died , and no Army came . Therefore again they sent Christopher Wright into Spain to hasten i● and Stanley out of Flanders sent Fawks thither upon the same errand ; who finding the Councils of Spain at this time wholly enclined to peace , returned quickly back , and brought nothing but despair along with them . Yet the Breves had so wrought upon Catesby , that he could not find in his heart to give over ; but still casting about for ways , he hit upon this of the Powder-Treason , which as being much out of the common Rode , he thought the most secure for his purpose He communicated this to Winter , who approved it , and fetcht Fawks out of Flanders to assist in it . Not long after Piercy being in their company , and offering himself to any service for the Catholick Cause , though it were even the Kings Death : Catesby told him , that that was too poor an Adventure for him : but , saith he , if thou wilt be a Traitor , there is a Plot of greater advantage ; and such a one as can never be discovered . Thus having duly prepar'd him , he took him into the Conspiracy . And the like he did with so many more as made up their Number thirteen of the Laity . But where were the Jesuites all the while ? rot idle , you may be sure . The Provincial Garnet was privy to it from the beginning , so were divers * more of the Society . Insomuch that when Watson endeavour'd to have drawn them into his Plot ( for the setting up of the Lady Arbella's Title , in opposition to King James his ) they declin'd it , * saying , They had another of their own then afoot , and that they would not mingle designs with him for fear of hindering one another . But Watson miscarried with his Plot , and the Jesuites went on with theirs . They absolv'd the Conspirators of the Guilt , and extenuated the Danger of their design ; they perswaded them how highly Beneficial it would be in the Consequences of it ; they gave them their Oath , by the Holy Trinity , and the Sacrament which they did then receive , that none of them should reveal it to any other , or withdraw himself from it without common consent : and for the pittiful scruple of destroying the Innocent with the Guilty , Garnet answered , they might lawfully do it in order to a greater good . Yet it seems there was a spark of Humanity in some of them . which the Divinity of this Casuist had not quite extinguish't ; as appear'd , either by the absenting of some Lords that were afterward fined for it in the Star-Chamber , or certainly by that Letter of warning to my Lord Monteagle , which was the happy occasion of the Discovery of the whole Treason . In Warwick-shire , where the Princess Elizabeth then was , they had appointed a meeting , under the pretence of a Hunting-Match , to seize upon her , the same day in which the King and his Male Issue were to have been destroyed . There met about fourscore of them , which was a number sufficient for that business . But the news of the Discovery coming among them , they were so dismayed at it , that they desisted from their enterprize , and fled into Stafford-shire ; where , the Countrey being raised against them , they were some of them kill'd , and the rest taken ; and those which were left alive of the prime Conspirators were sent up to London , and there Executed . This is the plain story , now let us see how you colour it . [ Now for the Fifth of November ; with hands lifted up to Heaven , we abominate and detest . ] What is it that you abominate and detest ? That day which is the Festival of our Deliverance ? We can believe you without your hands lifted up to Heaven . Or mean you the Treason which was to have been acted upon that day ? why then do you not speak out and call it so ? For if you cannot afford to call it Treason , it is not the lifting up of your hands that can make us believe you do heartily abominate and detest it . [ And from the bottom of our hearts say , that may they fall into irrecoverable Perdition , who propagate that Faith by the Blood of Kings , which is to be planted in truth and meekness only . ] It was a good caution of a Philosopher to the Son of a common Woman , that he should not throw stones among a multitude , for fear of hitting his Father . You might have had that caution when you threw out this curse ; for your Father the Pope stands fairest for it of all men that we know in the World. [ But let it not displease you , Men , Brethren , and Fathers , if we ask whether Ulysses be no better known ? or who hath forgot the Plots Cromwel framed in his Closet ; not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers , but also to put a lustre upon his Intelligence , as if nothing could be done without his knowledg . Even so did the then great Minister , who drew some few Desperadoes into this Conjuration , and then discovered it by a Miracle . ] Having spit and wip't your mouth , now you make your speech . And it begins with a mixture of Apostle and Poet ; to shew what we are to expect from you ; namely , with much Gravity , much Fiction : and so far you do not go about to deceive us . The scope of your speech is to make the world believe that your Catholicks were drawn into this Plot by Secretary Cecil . You are so wise , that you do not offer to prove this ; but you would steal it into us by an example , that we are concerned in . As Cromwel trepann'd many faithful Cavaliers , even so Cecil drew in some few Desperadoes . Comparisons ( they say ) are odious : But to the business . First , admitting your Fiction , as if it were true , that Cecil did draw in those wretches into this Treason . Was it ever the less Treason because he drew them into it ? For , according to your own supposition , they did not know that they were drawn in by him . But they verily thought that they had followed their own Guides ; and they zealously did according to their own Principles . They did , what they would have done , if there had been no Cecil in the world ; provided there had been a Devil in his room , to have put it into their heads . For your excuse only implies , that they had not the Wit to invent it : But their progress in it shews , that they wanted not the Malice to have executed it . So that according to your own illustration : As those faithful Cavaliers whom Cromwel drew in , had their Loyalty abused , & were nevertheless Faithful still ; so those Powder-Traitors whom you say Cecil drew in , had their Disloyalty outwitted , and were nevertheless Traitors still . For as well in the one case as in the other , this very thing that they could be drawn in , is a clear demonstration that they were before-hand sufficiently Disposed for it . Secondly , When you have considered the absurdity of your excuse for your friends , you may do well to think of an excuse for your Self . For that which you affirm of Cecil's having drawn them into this Plot , is a very groundless and impudent Fiction , and you are properly the Author of it . For though others perhaps may have spoken this in raillery ; yet you are the first , that we know of , that has asserted it in Print . Pray Sir , whence had you this tale ? By what Tradition did you receive it ? Or had you some new Revelation of the Causes threescore years after the Fact ? For 't is plain , that King James * knew nothing of it . Bellarmin and his fellow Apologists in that Age never pretended it . The parties themselves , neither at their Tryal , nor at their Execution , gave any intimation of it . Can you tell us which of the Conspirators were Cecil's Instruments to draw in the rest ? Or can you think he was so great an Artist , that he could perswade his Setters to be hang'd , that his Art might not be suspected ? For 't is well known that he sav'd not any of those wretches from suffering . And they which did suffer , charged none other , but themselves , in their Confessions . Particularly , Father Garnet said , before Doctor Overal , and divers others , that he would give all the World , if it were his , to clear his Conscience , or his Name from that Treason , These are strong presumptions of the Negative ; but you ought to have proved your Affirmative , or at least to have offered something toward it . For if barely to say this , be enough , then here is an excuse indifferently calculated for all Treasons in the world that miscarry : ( and if they prosper , who dares call them Treasons ? ) Here is a never failing Topick for any one that would write an Apology in behalf of any Villany whatsoever . For if the Traitors be discover'd by any kind of accident , this will alwaies remain to be said for them , that the then great Minister drew them in . But why did you not say this for those Conspiracies in Queen Elizabeths daies ? You might have said it perhaps with less improbability . But then had you a higher Game to fly at , namely the Queens Title to her Crown ; and if you durst have made so bold with King James his , you would not have stoopt at so low a Quarry as a Minister of State. But by the way we cannot but acknowledge , that you Jesuites are a sort of most obliging Gentlemen . If men will believe what you Say , nothing that you do can fall amiss . In your attempts against the life of Queen Elizabeth , you obliged his Majesty that now is , as being Martyrs for the Royal House of Scotland . And in your Plot to blow up that Royal House , you were a kind of Fellow-sufferers with the Faithful Cavaliers ; for as they us'd to be trapp'd by Cromwel , even so you were drawn in by Secretary Cecil . It is worth observing in this Paragraph , how you diminish that hellish Plot , by calling them that were engag'd in it , a few Desperadoes . The Fewness of them will be considered in your next . But in what sense do you call them Desperadoes ? Were they such in respect of their Fortunes ? That is so well known to be false , that it needs no Answer . Were they such in respect of their Discontents ? that seems to be your Meaning . But there was little Reason for any . For at the time of this Conspiracy , there was none of your Priests in Prison , there was no Mult taken of any Lay-man , Nor was there a man of them , as King James . * said , that could alledge any pretended cause of grief . And yet they were continually Restless , as we have shewn you in their story . Was it because they had not all the Liberty they would have had ? This is so far from excusing them , that it rathet gives us occasion of suspecting You. 'T is no wonder that you , who cannot afford to call this Conspiracy a Treason , are not willing to allow the Discovery of it a Miracle . Yet you might have forborn Scoffing at it , in respect to king * James , who was pleas'd to Name it so . Especially when his adversary Bellarmin * acknowledges that it was not without a Miracle of Divine Providence . And sure our King makes a better use of this word Miracle in the thankful acknowledgement of Gods great Mercy in his deliverance ; than your Pope * Sixtus V. did in his insolent Oration upon the King of France's Murder ; by which we may guess what Some body would have called this Plot , if it had Sped . [ This will easily appear , viz. how little the Catholick Party understood the Design , seeing there was not a score of Guilty found , though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons , Lords , and Privy Council too . ] The design it self was understood but by Few , because it was neither safe nor needful to impart it to many . But the Papists generally knew that there was a Design in hand ; and though they did not know the horrid nature of it , yet many of them pray'd for the success of it : and if the Plot had taken effect , and the Hunting-Match had gone on , we should then have been better able to have judg'd how your Catholick Party stood affected toward it . Sure enough though there were but a * Score in the Treason , yet there appear'd fourscore in the Rebellion : and it cannot be imagin'd , that so small a Number could Expect , without any other Assistance , to have made any great Advantage by surprizing the Lady Elizabeth . But when the Treason had miscarried , as hateful as it was , ( for who does not hate Treason when it is unsuccessful ? ) yet many of you had a high Veneration for some of those Wretches that were deeply engaged in it . What a Coil here was about the Miracle of Father Garnet's straw ? And perhaps you have seen his Picture , and Gerard's too among the * Martyrs of your Society . Nay his Holiness himself shew'd his good Will to them , when after all this , he made Tesmund Penitentiary at S. Peters in Rome . [ But suppose , my Lords and Gentlemen , ( which never can be granted ) that all the Papists of that Age were consenting , will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for the Fathers Faults ? ] [ Nay such Children that so unanimously joyned with you in that glorious Quarrel , when you and we underwent such sufferings , that needs we must have all sunk , had not our mutual love assisted . ] You suppose that which is False , to avoid that which is True. For who ever said , that All the Papists of that Age were Consenting to the Gun-Powder-Treason ? Or who can deny that some Papists in this Age retain the Principles of them that were consenting to it ? Who , although they are not to be Punisht for what their Predecessors did ; yet they ought to be so restrained , that they may not do like their Predecessors . And though , by that long word Unanimously , you endeavour to shuffle in the men of these Principles , amongst them that served his Majesty in that Glorious Quarrel : Yet we think it no hard matter to distinguish them . For those among you which did the King Service , are not so many but that they may be Numbred . And as for the rest of you , which Only suffer'd with us , we thank you for your Love , but not for your Assistance . For we could not well have sunk lower than we did . But some of you floted the while ▪ like Cork ; and others of you swum upon the Bladders of Dispensations . So that as we received no Help from you in your Swimming ; so we can apprehend no Assurance of you by your Sufferings . [ What have we done that we should now deserve your Anger ? has the indiscretion of some few incensed you ; 't is true , that is the thing objected . ] Sir , our Anger is only a Necessary Care , that what you now call your Indiscretions , may not grow to be such as you lately call'd your Misdemeanors . [ Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell for that which calls to Dinner ? ] We know he may upon a Fast-day ; For then you use to ring your Vesper - Bell before Dinner . And how can a simple Heretick tell , whether it calls you , to Pray , or to eat Fish ? But we do not know that ever any of you was brought in trouble about this Question . [ Or a Sequestrator be glad to be affronted being Constable ? when 't was the hatred to his Person , and not present Office , which perchance egg'd a a rash man to folly . ] Possibly he May be glad of it . For it was your Jesuitical distinction between Person and Office , that first holp him to be a Sequestrator . And now he sees that Distinction come in play ; he may hope , within a while , to have his Place again . ( We dare with submission say , Let a publick invitation be put up against any Party whatsoever ; nay , against the Reverend Bishops themselves and some malicious Informer or other will alledge that , which may be far better to conceal . ) ( Yet all mankinde by a Manifesto on the house door are incouraged to accuse us ; nor are they upon Oath , though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true . ) What an Ambush you have laid here for the Bishops ! to have them thought Popish , because you Reverence them , and Obnoxious , in such matters , as ( you say ) it may be far better to conceal . But as in the one , your kindness to them is sufficiently understood . So they are able to defie your Malice in the other . 'T is for a Bishop of Donna Olympia's * to need concealment . Our Bishops in England are of another make , than to hold their Credit at any one's Courtesie . For the Manifesto that troubled you , what could the Parliament do less , when the Complaints of you were great in all parts of the Nation , than to Invite men to bring their Grievances to the proper place of Redress ? But then say you , men were not upon Oath , for what they said against you . What a Hardship was this , that the House of Commons would not do that for your sakes , which no House of Commons ever did upon any occasion ? [ It can not be imagined where there is so many men of heat and youth , ( ever joyned with the happy restauration of their Prince ) and remembring the insolencies of their Grandees , that they should all at all times prudently carry themselves ; for this would be to be more than men . And truly we ecteem it as a particular blessing , that God hath not suffered many through vanity or frailty to fall into greater faults , than are yet as we understand laid to our charge . ] The King will never be out of your debt , if a Jesuite may but keep the reckoning . Your old Treasons you put upon the account of his Family and Friends , and your late Insolencies upon the score of his most Happy restauration . But would you seriously perswade us , that , at six years distance , so many men of heat and youth were still transported with the Joy of that Blessing ? That there were some fresher causes of this Jollity , has been vehemently suspected by many , who considered the great Unseasonableness of it , in so Calamitous a time , while the Fire was ranging in our Metropolis , and a French Army lay hovering upon our Coasts . ( Can we chuse but be dismay'd ( when all things fail ) that extravagant Crimes are fathered upon us . It is we must be the Authors ( some say ) of firing the City , even we that have lost so vastly by it ; yet in this , our ingenuity is great , since we think it no Plot , though our Enemy an Hugonot Protestant acknowledged the Fact , and was justly Executed for his vain Confession . Again , if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade ; This also is a Papist Contrivance to destroy the well affected . ) There can be nothing charged on you , more extravagant than those things were , which your Predecessors committed , and which here , You have taken upon you to justifie or excuse . The Particulars of your Charge , whatsoever they are , we leave to the Consideration of the Parliament : where we heartily wish there may appear more Reason on your side , than there is to be found in this Apology . For as to the Firing of the City , if according to your words ( which we have not hitherto found to be Gospel ) you have lost so vastly by it ; yet that will not Acquit you from the suspicion of the Fact. in the judgment of any one that considers the Determination of your late Provincial , * viz. that it is lawful to destroy the Inrocent with the Guilty in order to a greater good . And it seems this vast loss goes not near your Heart ; one would think so by your pleasantness in the very next passage . For there you call Hubert your Enemy , and a Hugonot Protestant : which Hubert , after Father Harvey had had him at Confession , did indeed affirm himself to be a Protestant ; but then being askt whether he meant a Hugonot ( which it seems was beyond his Instruction to say ) he earnestly denied that , as he very well might , for he then also declar'd that he believed Confession to a Ptiest was necessary to his salvation : and being admonish'd to call upon God , he repeated an Ave-Mary , which he said was his usual Prayer . So that it evidently appears , he was neither Hugonot , nor Protestant , nor Your Enemy upon any account of Religion . And yet you , being about to avouch this knot of Falshoods , are pleased to usher them in with this Preface , ( either in Praise of your Brother Harveys Pious Fraud , or of your own Proper Vertue ) Truly in this , our ingenuity is great . [ We must a little complain finding it by experience , that by reason you discountenance us , the People rage : and again , because they rage , we are the more forsaken by you . ] [ Assured we are , that our conversation is affable , and our Houses so many Hospitable receipts to our Neighbours . Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time ; but it is the stranger we dread : that ( taking all on hear-say ) zealously wounds , and then examines the business when it is too late , or is perchance confirmed by another , that knows no more of us than he himself . ] [ T is to you we must make our Applications , beseeching you ( as Subjects tender of our King ) to intercede for us in the execution , and weigh the Dilemma , which doubtless he is in , either to deny so good a Parliament their requests , or else run counter to his Royal Inclinations , when he punishes the weak and harmless . ] He that complains without a cause , must be heard without redress . We only desire to be Safe from those dangers , to which your Principles would expose us , and against which neither Affableness nor Hospitality will secure us . The Protestants of Ireland were never so treated and caressed by their Popish Neighbors , as they were the very year before ▪ they cut their throats . The best Means of our security , is , that which his Majesty has been pleased to require , viz. The discreet Execution of his Laws . By which ( if others shall please to distinguish themselves from the rest by renouncing their disloyal Principles ) only the disloyal and seditious will be kept weak , that they may be harmless . [ Why may we not , noble Country-men , hope for favour from you , as well as French Protestants finde from theirs ? a greater duty then ours none could express , we are sure ; or why should the United Provinces , and other magistrates ( that are harsh both in mind and manners ) refrain from violence against our Religion , and your tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity ? ] [ These barbarous People Sequester none for their Faith , but for Transgression against the State. Nor is the whole Party involved in the Crime of a few , but every man suffers for his own and proper fault . Do you then the like , and he that offends , let him dye without Mercy : ] [ And think alwayes , I beseech you , of Cromwels Injustice : who for the Actions of some against his pretended Laws , drew thousands into decimation , even ignorant of the thing , after they had vastly paid for their security and quiet . ] We have answer'd your Instances , of the French Protestants , and the Dutch Papists ; and your unjust upbraiding us with the greatness of your Duty , and with our want of compassion and pity . And yet , as if all these were Unanswerable , you come over with them again and again . These barbarous people , you say , sequester none for their Faith ; but pray what did you , when you govern'd the Civiliz'd World ? you hang'd and burn'd men , for no other cause but their Faith ; and this you did with abundance of Civility ; so it seems we may be worse than Barbarous , and yet much better than you . But that were little for our credit , unless we had this to say more ; that not the worst of you suffers any otherwise than by known Laws , or any more than is of pure Necessity . For , we hold it Necessary to maintain the Authority of the King , and the Peace of the Nation . If you call any thing Religion , that is contrary to these ; must we therefore alter our Laws ? or ought you to mend your Religion ? You put the Effigies of Cromwel upon any thing that you would render odious ; as your Inquisition bedresses one with Pictures of Devils , whom they are about to burn for his Religion . For such Disguizes are apt to work much upon the weak judgements of the multitude . But he must be very weak indeed that cannot perceive the wide Difference , between the Edicts of Cromwel , that were design'd to Ruine men for their Loyalty , and those Laws that our Princes have made to Restrain them from Treason and Rebellion . [ We have no other study , but the glory of our Sovereign , and just liberty of the Subjects . ] Sir , if we may judge by your Works , there is nothing less studied in your Colledge . [ Nor was it a mean Argument of our Duty , when every Catholick Lord gave his voice for the Restauration of Bishops ; by which we could pretend no other advantage , but that 26 Votes ( subsisting wholly by the Crown ) were added to the defence of Kingship , and consequently a check to all Anarchy and Confusion . ] This is no Argument of Your Duty ; for , sure , You are no Lord. Nor is it likely that these Lords follow'd Your direction in the doing of this Duty . [ 'T is morally impossible but that we who approve of Monarchy in the Church , must ever be fond of it in the State also . ] If you mean this of Papists in General , that which you call morally impossible , is Experimentally True. For in Venice , Genoa , Lucca , and the Popish Cantons of Switzerland , where they very well approve of Monarchy in the Church ; yet they are not fond of it in the State also . But if you mean this of the Jesuitical Party , then it may be true in this sense , that you would have the Pope to be sole Monarch both in Spirituals and Temporals . [ Yet this is a misfortune , we now plainly feel , that the longer the late Transgressors live , the more forgotten are their Crimes , whiles distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance , and buries our own Allegiance in eternal oblivion and forgetfulness . ] We can now allow you to complain , and commend your selves without Measure ; having prov'd already , that you do it without cause . [ My Lords and Gentlemen , consider we beseech you the sad condition of the Irish Soldiers now in England ; the worst of which Nation could be but intentionally so wicked , as the acted Villany of many English , whom your admired Clemency pardoned . Remember how they left the Spanish Service when they heard their King was in France ; and how they forsook the Employment of that unnatural Prince , after he had committed the never to be forgotten Act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions . These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home : and shall they then be forgotten by you ? or shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts , who scorned to receive wages of those who have declared War against England . To swell up the Bill of the Merits of your Party , you take in the Services of the Irish and Scottish Soldiers , as if they were a part of the English Catholicks , whom you profess to plead for in the Title of your Apology . And that you may seem to have done this , in kindness to Them , and not to your Selves ; you exhort us to Consider them , in such terms , as if You were the first that had ever thought of them . God forbid but they should be consider'd as they deserve ; and he is neither good Christian , nor good Subject , that would grudge to contribute his proportion toward it . But you seem to have a farther drift in the mentioning of these Loyal Irish. For you immediately mingle them with the worst of that Nation ; namely with those infamous Butchers , that in times of as great Peace and Liberty as ever that Nation enjoyed , and in the Name of that gracious King under whom they enjoyed these , cut the throats of above an hundred thousand of his Protestant Subjects of all Sexes and Ages . It was so black a Villany , that You , the Apologist of such Actions , knew not how to mention in its proper place , viz. after the French Massacre , because you had not wherewith to colour it . And yet being conscious to your self that this lay as a blot upon your Cause , you thought fit to place it among these brave Men ; as if their Names would mend the hue of an Action that will make the Names of all that had to do in it , look black , and detestable to Mankind , throughout all Generations . Nor do you deal much better with our Royallists themselves ; of whom you do not stick to affirm , that in their admired Clemency , ( and if this were true , who would not admire it ? ) they pardon'd Many English , whose Acted Villanies were so wicked , that the worst of the Irish Nation could be but Intentionally so wicked in their Villanies . [ How commonly is it said that the Oath of Renouncing their Religion is intended for these , which will needs bring this loss to the King and you , that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms ( though by experience of great Integrity and Worth ) or else , if some few you retain , they are such whom necessity hath made to swear against Conscience , and who therefore will certainly betray you , when a greater advantage shall be offered . By this Test then you can have none , but whom ( with Caution ) you ought to shun . And thus must you drive away those who truly would serve you ; for had they the least thought of being false , they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay to deceive you ] You proceed , concerning the Irish and Scottish Soldiers , in these words ; How commonly is it said , that the Oath of Renouncing their Religion is intended for them ! Pray Sir , can you tell who are said to intend this ? For if they are such as have no Authority , it is frivilous . If they are such as have Authority , it is false . And we do verily believe it was never said , wisht , or thought of , by any one that lov'd the King , and the peace of the Nation . But what trick had this Jesuite in his head when he fram'd this ? One may guess at his design : But let it pass . Perhaps he only imagined this , to heighten his Fancy , that he might think and write the more Tragically toward the end of his Oration . [ We know your Wisdom and Generosity , and therefore cannot imagine such a thing ; nor do we doubt when you shew favour unto these , but you will use mercy to us , who are both your fellow Subjects , and your own flesh and blood also ; if you forsake us , we must say the world decayes , and its final transmutation must needs follow quickly . ] Here you un-imagine for the Souldiers , and imagine for your self ; and , as if you really thought your self in danger , you beg for mercy of the Royalists , in such words as your Predecessor * us'd to the Rebels . Only for the last strain , we do not know that any one hit upon it before , nor do believe that any one will ever use it again . [ Little do you think the insolencies we shall suffer by Commitee men , &c. whom chance and lot , hath put into petty Power . Nor will it chuse but grieve you to see them abused ( whom formerly you loved ) even by the common enemies of us both . ] It seems Committee-men are intrusted with his Majesties Authority ; or that none must use it against Papists for fear of being accounted Committee-men . It is time to have done , when we are come to the dregs of your Rhetorick . [ When they punish , how will they triumph and say , take This ( poor Romanists ) for your love to Kingship ; and again This , for your long doting on the Royal Party : all which you shall receive from us Commissioned by your dearest Friends , and under this Cloak we will gladly vent our private spleen and malice . Sir , though you set your self before to speak Tragically , this does rather seem a piece of Drollery . But you Have your design either way . For no man can read it , but he must either Laugh , or Shake his head . [ We know my Lords and Gentlemen , that from your hearts you do deplore our condition , yet permit us to tell you , your bravery must extend thus far , as not to sit still , with pity only , but each is to labour for the distressed as far as in reallity his ability will reach : Some must beseech our Gracious Sovereign for us , others again must undeceive the good , though deluded multitude : therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the storm ; and how through our sides they would wound both the King and you : for though their hatred to us our selves is great , yet the enmity out out of all measure increases , because we have been yours , and so shall continue even in the fiery day of tryal . Protect us we beseech you then , upon all your former promises , or if that be not sufficient , for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you ; many of which are now fallen asleep : But if this be still too weak , we must conjure you by the sight of this bloody Catalogue , which contains the names of your murthered Friends and Relations , who in the heat of the Battle perchance saved many of your lives , even with the joyful lofs of their own . Sir , in answer to this Paragraph , you oblige us to speak plainer , what before we only intimated to you . It was the policy of the Rebels in the beginning of the late War , to harrass the Papists in all parts of the Kingdom . One Reason of it was to make his Majesty Odious ; for , the Papists being his Subjects , and having none but him to fly to , it was certain he would do what he could to Protect them , and this would make many Zealous People believe ▪ that what the Rebels pretended was true , viz. that his Majesty was a Friend to Popery . Another Reason was to enrich themselves with their Spoils , and to invite the Needy Rabble with a Prospect of Booty ; among which , if they found a string of Beads , or a Crucifix , it serv'd them upon both Accounts , both to fill their Pockets , and to justifie the Cause . By this Means you were driven into his Majesties Garrisons ; where , besides those that Voluntarily offer'd themselves to his Service , many of you were Necessitated to it for a subsistance , and many more of you did not serve him at all , but only shrowded your selves under his Protection . Whereas the Protestant Royallists had no such Necessity , for they might have been welcome to the Rebels , to do as They did ; or they might have been Permitted to live quietly at their home . But they chose to do otherwise , and were hated the more for it by the Rebels , because they preferr'd their duty before those Considerations . From this account of the Motives that brought us together , it is easie to Judge how far we are in Debt to one another . First , As for them which lost their Estates with us , We remember those things were alledged in their Defence , * which we would have been loth to have admitted in ours . But possibly it was not their Fault that these things were Alledg'd , nor was it to our Advantage that they were not Accepted . For the Rebels , having devour'd these Gentlemens Estates , fell to ours , with the more Colour , and never the less Appetite . In your Catolague of those Papists which were Slain in the Service , you have Omitted some names which we are able to Reckon . But perhaps you did this in Design , that you might the more excusably Reckon some names that you ought to have Omitted . So you begin with my Lord of Carnarvon , the onely noble man in your Catalogue , who was indeed too negligent of his Religion , till he came to be in view of Death ; But then , in his extremities , he Refus'd a Priest of yours , and Ordered the Chaplain * of his Regiment to pray with him . If you take this libert of stealing Martyrs , we have Reason to wonder , that you had not taken in one that would have adorn'd your Cause indeed , viz. his Majesty himself ; since Militiere * was not asham'd to publish , that that Blessed and Glorious Prince died of your Religion . Him alone we might weigh against All that ever was good in your Church . But besides , we could reckon you a far greater number of Protestants , than you pretend to do of Papists , that lost their lives also in the Day of Battle . They lost them joyfully , in hopes to have sav'd his Majesty's Life ; and 't was an Accession to their Joy , if perchance they sav'd any of yours . But did they ever intend their sufferings should go for nothing , or become Ciphers to yours in the day of Reckoning ? or that their blood should be made use of to stop the Execution of those Laws for which they shed it ? Did they think your condition was so deplorable , or their own was superfluously fenced and secured against you before the late troubles ? Pray Sir do not perswade us to believe a thing so incredible , or to do at the rate as if we did believe it . Rather if you have such an opinion of your own Faculty ; Try what you can do with your own Party , and perswade them to do what is fittest & best for Themselves . But because the Genius of your Writing does not give us any such Hopes of You : We shall rather make bold to say something from our selves , by way of Advice , to as many of them as may happen to need it , and are capable to receive it . We desire them to content them selves with that condition which they enjoy'd under his Majesties Royal Predecessors : and neither to Disparage those dayes , by endeavouring to perswade the world that they which suffered then for Treason died for Religion ; Nor to Undervalue all the Liberties which they now Enjoy , if they may not be allow'd to Exceed the Measures of their Fathers . We wish they would not , for the paring of their nails , make all Christendom ring with Cries of Persecution . We wish them deeply to lay to Heart , the Honor , and Peace , and Welfare of their Nation . To abhor him , that could wish to see it in Troubles , in hope that at next Turn it would settle in Popery ; or that could finde in his heart to bid a Foreigner welcome upon the terms of restoring Catholick Religion . We desire them to keep their Religion to themselves : and not lay about them , as some do , to make Proselytes ; of which they have had a plentiful harvest in the late Confusions ; and if they should think to go on at that rate , we have reason to fear , it would be a means to bring us into Confusion again . We desire them at least not to abuse the weakness of dying persons : nor under pretence of carrying Alms to condemn'd Prisoners , to Convert some of them with Drink , and to Cheat others with hopes of Salvation upon easier tearms than ever God yet declar'd unto Men. We desire them not to hinder the course of Justice , by interposing in the behalf of any Criminal , because he is a Catholick . We desire them to content themselves , as their Fathers have done , with such Priests as are known and protected * by the Civil Power ; and that They would be pleas'd to demean themselves as Priests ought to do : not disguising themselves like Hectors , or mingling with Gentlemen , to poyson the Clubs and Coffee-Houses with Phanatick Discourses , or even with Atheism it self , to destroy all Religion that they may have their will upon ours . We desire them not to fill the World with their Pamphlets , Parallels , Philanaxes , Exhortations , Apologies , &c which tend only to the fermenting of Mens Passions , not at all to the conviction of their Reason . If they please to come into the fair Field of Controversie , we shall not decline them ; and we think we are not in Debt to them upon that Account . But for Books of the other sort which are apt only to inflame Parties , and make the People Jealous , and the Government Uneasie , We wish they would spare their Own pains , and consequently Ours . If they will not ; let them bear their own blame , and let them Answer it to the world what Occasion they had to give us this trouble of Answering them . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A48822-e90 V. Cambdeni Annales . Anno 1586. concerning Babington's Conspiracy . * Answer to Philanax , p. 85 † So Argyle said Let them take all , since my Lord the King is come home in peace . * K James Premonition , p. 336. of his Works . * V. I●● . K. Charles his Testimony in his Letter to the Prince . Conc. Lateran . IV. c. 3. Bellarm. in Barclaium c. 31. † Extrav . de Majoritate & O●ed . c. 1. Unam sanctam * 1 Pet. 2. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●ulg . Lat. Om●● humanae 〈◊〉 . Jer. 1. 10. Plat. in Vit. Bonf. VIII . Lanc. in Temploomn . Judic . l. 2. c. 1. Sect. 4 Ib. in Traef . Bell. de Rom. Pont. l 5. c. 8. Baron . Anno 800. Sect. 10. Bell. in Bar claium c. 3. Suar. in Reg. M. B. l. 6. c. 4. Sect. 20. Greg. de Val. Tom. 3. in Thomam dis . 1. q. 12. p. 2 . ●hilopater . p. 149. * Jan. 15. 1615 † Note that the Pope sent him thanks for it ; & King James writ in answer to it , that solid Defence of the Right of Kings * Ross. p. 85. * Bell. de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 7. † Watsons Quodlibets , p. 255 , and 295 , &c. out of Bannez , Valentia , and Parsons . The Exhortation in the afternoon , p. 22. 1. His speech in Parliament . p 504. of his Works . Daniel's Hist. Ric. I. in fin . Walsingham . Edw. I. 1298. 25. E. 3. Vide Statute of Provisors . * Mat. Westm. 1301. Thu. Hist. l. 1. The Spaniard holds the Kingdoms of Navar and of Naples , and Sicily , only by the Popes gift ; by which he should have Ireland too , and England , but that the right Heir keeps them from him . Walsingham , Hist. Edw. I. 1306. Letter to the Prince . † V L'Estrange 1639. in Habernfields Relation . * Answer to the Reasons for no Address . Large Declaration concerning the tumults in Scotland , p. 3. * Answer to the Reasons for the Votes of no Address † Answer to Philanax , p. 59 Dolemans Conference of Succession , part 2. p. 237. * Second Moderator , p. 43. * 1647 , 1656 , 1659. † First Moderator , p. 59. * Second Moderator , p. 41. V. Answer to Philanax , p. 63. of Father Bret. . † First Moderator , p. 31. * First Moderator . p. 36. * K. James Defence of the Right of Kings p. 479 , 480. * Thu. Hist. l , 53. * Thu. Hist. l. 52. * Guignard , in his Oration said , It was ae great error that they had not cut the Basilick vein . * Id. l. 53. * Thu. Hist. l. 52. saith , that being forewarn'd of the Plot , & advised to stand upon his Guard ; He wisht rather to have his Body drag'd , &c. than to see any more Civil Wars in Franc. Defence of the right of Kings , in his Works , p. 479 , 480. Thu. Hist. l. 53. * Henry III. of France . * Henry IV. † Thu. Hist. l. 91. * Rossaeus , one of your Predecessors , calls him a thousand times worse than Mahomet , p. 170. & saith , From the beginning of the world , no Nation or State ever endured such a Tyrant , p. 171. * Sixtus ● . quoted his own Prediction in his Oration that follows . * Printed at Paris , 1589 , by the Printers of the Holy League , and approved by the Sorbon . * K. James works , p. 483. Canon Agatho Dist. 63. Fauchet . Anno 801. c. 10. that the Pope ador'd him , not he the Pope . * Council of Frankford , An. 794. Philopater . p. 103. Ross. p. 223. saith of them that were pretended to die for your Religion , Where was it ever heard that they denied her to have been the lawful Queen . * Philip II. and Henry III. for themselves , & the Emperor Maximilian for his Brother Charles . * Council of Trent . l. 5. An : 1558. * In his Letter by Parpaglia , dated 1560. May 5. * Dated 1570. Feb. 25. † See the Bull it self , there is not the least mention of Bastardy in it . * James Buoncompagno . † Don John. * Whom his Holiness had created Marquess of Lemster , Earl of Wexford , &c. Thu. Hist. l. 64. Cambden , Eliz. 1600. * Cambden Eliz . 1588. † Cardinal Allen's Admonition . V. Watson's Quodl . p. 240. and 247. * Cambden Eliz . , An. 1589. Watso . Quodl . p. 150. † Cambden Ib. Anno 1593. Watson Ib. p. 154. * Cambden Ib. Anno 1594. Dolmans Conference about the next succession to the Crown . † Dolman . part . 2. p. 9. * Cambden Ib. 1602. Watson . Ib. p. 279. † Dolman Ib. p. 109. * Ib. p 110. † VVatson . Ib. p. 107. * Tortura Torti . p. 197. * Watson . Ib. p. 150. * V. Thu. Hist. l. 1. * Philopater , p. 308. and 323. & v. Thu. Ib. * Baldwin , Hammond , Tesmund , and Gerard , were named by the Conspirators , as privy with them . * V. VVatsons Confession . * V. His speech in Parliament 1605. and his Relation , &c. Warmington , p. 7. saith ▪ None were therein culpable , but only Jesuites and Catholicks . Casaub. Epist. ad Front. Du●●um . * King James Speech in Parliament , 1605. * Ib. * Tortus , p. 85. Edit . Colon. * Sixti Orat. * 5 Jesuiteb 13. Lay-men , besides Owen and Stanley ▪ * At La Fleche , and elsewhere . * V. Her Life . p. 61. and p. 156 , 157. * Garnet in the Case of the Powder-plot . Lord Orory's Answer to W●lsh , p. 20. saith . Within few months about two hundred thousand . * First Moderator , p. 76. Your own Kindred and Allies , your own Countrymen , born to the same freedom with your selves ; who have in Much less measure ( than the Scots ) offended in matter of Hostility , nay divers of them not at all . * Second Mo derater , p. 43. Most of them in the begining of the late War ( seeing themselves unprotected by the Parliament , & exposed to the plunder of the then Soldiery ) fled into the King's Garrisons , to save their own lives , without taking up Arms to offend others . * Second Moderator , p. 43. * Mr Langford * In his Victory of Truth . D. of Medina in 88. said his Sword knew no distinction between Catholick and Heretick , * V. Cambden's Eliz. 1602. 
A65348	----	Some reflections on the oaths & declaration appointed in an act past in the first year of the reign of King William and Queen Mary in reference to the Roman Catholicks of England / by Sir D.W. Baronet, of the church of Rome. D. W., Sir. 1695 Approx. 34 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65348 Wing W12 ESTC R1216 12368308 ocm 12368308 60480 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65348) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60480) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 903:10) Some reflections on the oaths & declaration appointed in an act past in the first year of the reign of King William and Queen Mary in reference to the Roman Catholicks of England / by Sir D.W. Baronet, of the church of Rome. D. W., Sir. 27 p. [s.n.], London : 1695. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church and state -- Great Britain. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Oaths -- England -- Political aspects. 2006-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE Oaths & Declaration Appointed in an Act past in the first Year of the Reign of King William AND Queen Mary , In reference to the Roman Catholicks of England . By Sir D. W. Baronet , of the Church of Rome . LONDON , Printed in the Year MDCXCV . To my worthy good Friend . SIR ; IT was not yet my hap to be tendered the new Oaths , but supposing that at some time it may , since in the last Sessions of Parliament there were Agitations for barring all Persons from Voices in Elections of Members for Parliament , and from Practice in their Professions , besides the Penalties of this Statute , and Paiment of double Taxes , in case of refusing to Swear , and Declare , as by this Act is required ; These and some other Considerations ( needless to particularize ) put me on search into the Quality and Sense of these Oaths , with the Duty and Lawfulness of taking or refusing them . And first I observed , that in these Oaths there is no declaring or swearing to the King's Supremacy , in any Things or Causes , nor a Renunciation of the Rights or Titles of any other Person , nor a Promise of Faith and Allegiance to the present Prince's Heirs and lawful Successors , nor an Acknowledgment before God and the World of the King 's lawful Title to this Realm , nor a swearing to the plain and common Sense of the Words ; all which were Parts of the former Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , and might have raised Scruples , if inserted in these , that are now frivolous . I likewise observe , that the nonjurat Protestants and the Catholicks are not by the same Reasons induced to refuse to take these Oaths , the one having sworn the former , the latter generally refusing them . On the whole I have made the Reflections , which I herewith present to you , my truly dear Friend . I will not affirm to you , that I am so fully satisfied in this Enquiry , as that I am resolved to take these Oaths , when required so to do ; nor will I conceal from you , that my private Opinion is , that I may , as a sound Catholick , with a safe Conscience , without Hazard of Salvation , both take these new Oaths , and subscribe the Declaration now framed by Parliament . The Matters therein contained are entirely within the Consideration of the Laws of the Kingdom , without any relation to the Mysteries of Faith ; and therefore I believe you a competent and proper Iudg herein , and earnestly request you to give me your Thoughts hereof . I would not that it should be said of me , Incidit in Scillam qui vult vitare Charibdim . I resolve to be governed by your Sentiments of this Affair , and ever to acknowledg to the World , that I very much honour you , and am , SIR , 1st May , 1695. Your real and affectionate Servant . Because in reading these Reflections there may be occasion for comparing the several Oaths , I have here set them down at large . The Oaths and Declaration in the Act of 1 Will. Mar. 1. I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear , That I will be faithful , and bear true Allegiance to his Majesty King William . So help me God , &c. 2. I A. B. do swear , That I do from my Heart abhor , detest and abjure , as impious and heretical , that damnable Doctrine and Position , That Princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope , or any Authority of the See of Rome , may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects , or any other whatsoever . 3. And I do declare , That no Foreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath , or ought to have , any Iurisdiction , Power , Superiority , Prehemmence , or Authority , Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , w●thin this Realm . So help me God , &c. The Oath of Supremacy , framed in the Act , 1 Eliz. c. 1. which Oath is now abrogated . I A. B. do utterly testify , and declare in my Conscience , That the King's Majesty is the only supreme Governour of this Realm , and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes , as Temporal ; And that no Foreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath , or ought to have , any Jurisdiction , Power , Superiority , Preheminence or Authority , Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , within this Realm . And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign Iurisdictions , Powers , Superiorities and Authorities , and do promise , that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness , his Heirs and lawfull Successors , and to my Power shall assist and defend all Iurisdictions , Privileges , Preheminencies , and Authorities , granted or belonging to the King's Highness , his Heirs and Successors , or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm . So help me God , and the Contents of this Book . The Oath of Allegiance in the Stat. 3 Iac. 1. which Oath is now abrogated . I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledg , profess , testify and declare , in my Conscience , before God and the World , That our Sovereign Lord King James is lawful King of this Realm , and of all other his Majesty's Dominions and Conntries ; and that the Pope , neither of himself , nor by any Authority of the See of Rome , or by any other means with any other , hath any Power or Authority to depose the King , or to dispose of any of his Majesty's Kingdoms or Dominions , or to authorize any foreign Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries , or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty , or to give Licence or leave to any of them to bear Arms , raise Tumults , or to offer any Violence or Hurt to his Majesty's Royal Person , State , or Government , or to any of his Majesty's Subjects within his Dominions . Also I do swear from my Heart , That notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation , made or granted , or to be made or granted , by the Pope or his Successors , or by any Authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his See , against the said King , his Heirs or Successors , or any Absolution of the said Subjects from their Obedience , I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty , his Heirs and Successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my Power , against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their Persons , their Crown and Dignity , by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration , or otherwise , and will do my best Endeavours to disclose and make known to his Majesty , his Heirs and Successors , all Treasons and traiterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of , to be against him , or any of them . And I do further swear , That I do from my Heart abhor , detest and abjure , as Impious and Heretical , this damnable Doctrine or Position , That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope , may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects , or any other whatsoever . And I do believe , and in Conscience am resolved , that neither the Pope , nor any Person whatsoever , hath Power to absolve me of this Oath , or any part thereof , which I acknowledg , by good and full Authority , to be lawfully ministred unto me , and do renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary . And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and sweat , according to these express Words by me spoken , and according to the plain and common Sense and understanding of the same Words , without any Equivocation or mental Evasion , or secret Reservation whatsoever . And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment , heartily , willingly and truly , upon the true Faith of a Christian . So help me God. REFLECTIONS ON THE Oaths & Declaration Lately appointed in the room of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance . SInce the Supreme Power of this Nation hath , for the Security of its Government , enacted , that all Persons should either take these Oaths , or suffer severe Penalties for their Refusal : It seems to be an Act of Charity , no less than of Prudence , to consider the Reasons for taking or refusing them : I apply my self to Catholicks . The first of these Oaths is barely promissory to bear Faith and true Allegiance to the present Prince , who , whatever his Title be , hath sufficient Power to rule , govern and protect us : To him , whilest we live under his Government , we are Subjects : As it is undeniable that he is King of this Realm either de jure or de facto , or both ways , ( which , matters not now to be considered , for no sort of Right is here sworn to , as was in the former Oaths to our lawful Kings ) so it is plain , that we are his Subjects de jure or de facto , or both ways . The Right of a Prince and Duty of a Subject are Correllatives , they live and expire together . Thus whilest he is our King , we are his Subjects ; whilest we are his Subjects we owe him Duty and Fidelity , and ought not to scruple promising it , when thereto required ; to which we are now more strictly obliged , by the Authority of the Kingdom commanding it . In all Countries , as well Catholick as others , Fidelity is required from those in Subjection , unto those who have the Dominion , whether it be gained by Conquest , or otherways . In our own , Pope Gregory declared , that ( notwithstanding the Censures of his Predecessor Pius Quintus ) the Subjects of England ought to perform all Duty to Queen Elizabeth : and whatsoever might be the Catholicks inward Judgments concerning her Title , yet after the Parliament had acknowledged her a lawful Queen , all Civil Obedience was exactly paid to her . This Oath of Fidelity is generally taken in Ireland by the Catholicks , pursuant to the Articles for Surrender of Limerick , by Approbation of the Primate and Clergy of that Kingdom . The Fathers of the Society of Jesus , of the English Province , decree thus , Let us all profess , that as much Obedience and Fidelity ought to be sincerely sworn and exhibited to our King from every one of us , as is wont to be sworn and exhibited to any Princes whatsoever from other Catholick Subjects . Here is no Distinction made between lawful or unlawful Titles of Princes , but the Relation between any Princes whatsoever and their Subjects allowed to be a Ground for Fidelity . The second Oath is a part of the Oath of Allegiance , made in the Reign of King James , which Oath was freely taken by the chief and others of the Catholick Clergy here in England , and by them the Nobility and Gentry were advised and exhorted to do the same , declaring it to be a Duty incumbent on them by the Law of God. Sixty of the Doctors of the Sorbon subscribed to the said Oath , these following Words , We underwritten , Divines and Doctors of the Sacred Faculty of Paris , do judg the Oath , as it is on the other side , ( i. e. the Oath of Allegiance ) may with Safety of Faith and Conscience be taken by English Catholicks , &c. But Pope Paul the Fifth sent a Breve into England , directed to the English Catholicks , wherein , reciting the said Oath at large , he declares , that this Oath contains many things plainly repugnant to Faith and Salvation , and admonisheth and requireth them not to take that Oath . This Breve his Holiness seconded by another , and both were confirmed by succeeding Popes . The Fathers of the Society in their Provincial Congregation afore-mentioned , decree thus concerning that Oath , that the Oath ( i. e. the Oath of Allegiance ) as it is now sprinkled with many Heterodox Clauses , cannot be taken , as being condemned by many Breves of Popes . These things considered , I 'll suppose , that Oath might not be taken by Catholicks , because it contained many things contrary to Faith , &c. and is sprinkled with many Heterodox Clauses ; and lastly , because it is condemned by many Breves of Popes . But then it must be granted to me , that this Oath , now to be taken , is not that Oath which was required not to be sworn , which was condemned : This Oath is but one Clause amongst many which compose that Oath ; the Pope doth not declare that all the things in that Oath are repugnant to Faith , &c. his Prohibition doth not fall on any particular Clause , the Fathers of the Society do not impeach every Clause in that Oath , nor distinguish those Heterodox ones that are sprinkled in it : Both Pope and Fathers allow , that some Things and Clauses in that Oath are not liable to Censure : There are many Clauses in that Oath , whereof those which are condemned , though called many , may be fewest in number . Now if this Oath be not plainly repugnant to Faith and Salvation , there is no Ground for refusing it , because it is a part of the former Oath : And that it is not plainly repugnant to Faith , &c. to abhor , detest and abjure that damnable Doctrine and Position , ( mentioned in this Oath ) the Word of God , the Council of Constance , the Subscription of the Doctors of the Sorbon , the Decrees of the Parliament of Paris , and Subscription of the Fathers of the Society to an Agreement with the Sorbon , are full and sufficient convincing Evidences : To all or some of which every one may easily apply himself for Satisfaction . The Declaration annexed to these Oaths is not to be sworn to , but only to be made , repeated , and subscribed to , as a Matter which the Declarer believes to be true , according to a rational Judgment and moral Certainty thereof , which yet may be consistent with an absolute Possibility of the thing being otherwise : It is an Assertion of the Truth of a thing , as it is in his Conscience or rational Judgment , not as it is in it self ; and this moral Certainty may secure the Declarer from a Lie , and justify him before God and Man. The Reflections I make being with Reference to the Catholicks in England , I will consider the Duty and Lawfulness of their making , or refusing to make this Declaration distinctly from others . 1. And to shorten my Work I will here suppose , that by foreign Prince , Person , Prelate , &c. is meant the Pope and his Successors . 2. That the Pope hath , and ought to have , some Jurisdiction , or Power , or Superiority , or Preheminence , or Authority , in this Realm . 3. That the Popes formerly had , and had a Right to , some Jurisdictions , &c. within this Realm , which now are not enjoyed by them . 4. That the Jurisdictions , &c. which Popes formerly had , and now have not , they ought not to have in this Realm . To explain my self in my second Supposition , Catholicks unanimously grant , that Christ gave a Power purely spiritual to his Apostles , throughout the whole World , and in them to their Successors , to preach , to feed his Sheep , to bind and loose , &c. This Power being derived to the Pope , as Successor to St. Peter , his Holiness hath a Right to throughout the whole World , for thus large is the Commission from Christ . And this Power being given by God , cannot be taken away by Men , nor be denied by Christians , either in this Realm , or any other part of the World , without Breach of Faith. The spiritual Power could not be exercised by Kings or Princes , it did never belong to them , or to their Crowns , nor indeed was ever claimed or pretended to in this Realm : therefore I will here only conclude , that it is not probable that this Declaration intends to deny the Pope's Power purely spiritual in this Kingdom . I shall endeavour to make this more plain hereafter . My third Supposition grants , that Popes had a Right to , and enjoyed Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. These were in Courts and Matters called Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , as Cases of Marriage , Tythes , Wills , &c. These Jurisdictions , &c. were merely external , political or civil , and came not to the Pope jure divino . Our Saviour declared , that his Kingdom is not of this World , and therefore gave no Jurisdiction , Power , &c. besides that which is purely spiritual , to his Apostles , or their Successors . The Crown of England is , and of long time hath been , an Imperial Crown , depending only on God , by whom Princes reign . From the Crown divers Privileges have been at divers times , either by the Piety or Inadvertencies of Princes , granted to Popes ( in the Language of those Days called the Church ; ) at other times Usurpations have been made , when the Princes were weak or unfortunate : These Privileges being long used , and their Origine either forgotten or concealed , have been commonly look'd on , and claimed , as the proper and inherent Right of those to whom they were granted , or came . This Right being charily preserved by them , and freely confess'd by others to be a good Title , accompanied with a long and quiet Possession , and called Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , came to be thought at last to be a Right given them by God , whereas in Truth it proceeded from Men ; and as all humane things are subject to change , may , by the same Power from whence it was derived , be taken away . And thus hath it fared with the Pope's Power in Temporals , which he had and exercised in this Kingdom ; sometimes they have been disputed , other times taken from him and restored to the Crown , then again restored to his Holiness , and about 130 Years since were again taken from him and restored to the Crown , and so continue at this Day , which is a Matter so evident to every English-man , that no one of them can find Reason to believe , that the Pope , at this time , hath any Jurisdiction , Power , &c. ( besides that which is purely Spiritual ) in this Realm . The fourth Supposition intends , that since those Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. which the Pope enjoyed and exercised in this Realm , and which were not purely Spiritual , nor derived to him from the Apostles , but came to him by the Grants of Princes , Consent of People , or by some other mere humane means , as touching Appeals , Annats , First-fruits , electing of Bishops , Dispensations in humane Laws , to the Prejudice of the Crown , and impoverishing of the Subjects , giving Licences in abundance of humane Cases or Things , putting Bishops into their Bishopricks , and Priests into their Parishes : since I say these Powers , &c. came to the Popes by times , or by Concordates between Princes on the one side , and Popes on the other , which could not be Divine or Supernatural Powers , that is , Powers derived to him , or conferred on him jure divino , are abolished as to his Holiness , and restored to the Crown , by several Acts of Parliament , as antiently belonging thereto , it is as plain that the Pope ought not to have those Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. of which he is thus legally divested , as it is apparent that at this time he neither hath nor exerciseth them . Now to enlarge somewhat on the Substance of the two last Suppositions , I will instance in some few Remarks , what Interruptions the Popes have met with in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Powers , &c. in Matters merely Temporal in this Realm . King Henry the First gave the Bishoprick of Winchester to William Gifford , and forthwith invested him into all the Possessions thereto belonging , though contrary to a Canon . The same King also gave the Archbishoprick of Canterbury to Radolph Bishop of London , and gave him Investiture by a Ring and a Crosiers Staff. In the same King's Reign Thurstan , elect Archbishop of York , got leave of the King to go to a Council held under Pope Calixtus at Rhemes , giving his Faith to the King that he would not receive Consecration of the Pope , but notwithstanding he obtained to be consecrate at the Pope's Hand , which , as soon as the King heard , he forbad him to come within his Dominions . King Edward the First prohibited the Abbot of Waltham , and Dean of Paul's , to collect a tenth of every Man's Goods , for a Supply to the Holy Land , which the Pope by three Bulls had committed to their Charge . The same King impleaded the Dean of the Chappel of Wulverhampton , because the said Dean had , against the Privileges of the Kingdom , given a Prebend of the same Chappel to one at the Pope's Command . King Richard the Second , by Act of Parliament , prohibited that any should procure a Benefice from Rome , under pain to be put out of the King's Protection . Thus several Catholick Princes , in Catholick times , disputed the Pope's Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. in several Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Matters . King Henry the Eighth ( no less a Catholick , and likewise in a Catholick time ) by several Acts of Parliament , consisting of Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons , all Catholicks , deprived the Pope of several Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. which were supposed to be usurped from the Crown , and the Exercise whereof were much to its Detriment . Again , Queen Elizabeth revives all those Statutes made by her Father , restores all antient Jurisdictions to the Crown , and abolisheth all foreign Powers repugnant to the antient Jurisdiction of the Crown : And thus they continue to this Day . From what I have collected here it may appear , that no purely spiritual Power hath been by the Laws of this Kingdom taken from the Pope ; that whatever Power hath been taken from the Pope , hath been restored to the Crown , as its antient Jurisdiction , and no other : but since the Words of the Declaration deny any Jurisdiction , &c. to be enjoyed by , or rightfully to belong to any foreign Prelate , &c. I shall consider the Meaning of those Words , wherein , if I can hit on the Sense which this Declaration by the Intent of the Imposers of it bears , let that determine the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of making it , for no more is required of us . This Declaration is verbatim a Clause in the Oath of Supremacy , formed in an Act past in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth ; and in another Act made in the fifth Year of her Reign , it is enacted , that the Oath made in the first Year of her Reign , shall be taken and expounded in such Form as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queen's Majesties Injunctions , published in the first Year of her Majesty's Reign , that is to say , to confess and acknowledg in her Majesty , her Heirs and Successors , no other Authority than that was challenged and lately used by the noble King Henry the Eighth , and King Edward the Sixth , as in the Admonition may more plainly appear . In that Admonition the Queen saith as followeth : For certainly her Majesty neither doth , nor ever will challenge any other Authority than that which was challenged , and lately used by the noble King of famous Memory , Henry the Eighth , and King Edward the Sixth , which is , and was of antient time due to the Imperial Crown of this Realm , that is , under God to have the Soveraignty and Rule over all manner of Persons born within these Realms , Dominions , and Countries , of what Estate ( either Ecclesiastical or Temporal ) soever they be , so as no other foreign Power shall or ought to have any Superiority over them . Now to shew that King Henry the Eighth neither claimed nor pretended to any Power purely Spiritual , let us see a Proviso made in an Act past in his Reign , Provided always that this Act , nor any thing therein contained , shall be hereafter interpreted or expounded , that your Grace , your Nobles , and Subjects , intend , by the same , to decline or vary from the Congregation of Christ's Church , in any things concerning the very Articles of the Catholick Faith of Christendom , or in any other things declared by Holy Scripture , and the Word of God , necessary for your and their Salvation . The Statute containing this Proviso is revived and confirmed by the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 1. And it is undeniable , that all Christendom , at that time , did own the Pope's Spiritual Power , which was derived from the Apostles . Further , to shew , that the Queen who made this Oath , intended it only for to distinguish those who denied the Pope's Power in Temporals , from others who would not , and that therefore she doubted of their Loyalty . In the Act made aforesaid is enacted , That forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty is otherways sufficiently assured of the Faith and Loyalty of the Temporal Lords of her Highness's Court of Parliament ; therefore this Act , nor any thing therein contained , shall not extend to compel any temporal Person , of or above the Degree of a Baron of this Realm , to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid . It was notoriously known , that the Lords and Commons in that Parliament , wherein the Oath of Supremacy was appointed , were mostly Roman Catholicks , which includes their holding and professing the Pope's Pastoral Power . It was Treason and Premunire to hold or profess what by the Oath was denied to the Pope ; but it was neither for a Lord or other Person to profess himself a Roman Catholick , there was no Disloyalty in that . Thus then , I conclude , that the Pope's purely Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Power is not denied in that Oath , and that this is the Sense , in which this Declaration is to be made , as being a part of that Oath . And this I am the more inclined to believe , because in these Oaths there are no doubtful Expressions of swearing the Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. to belong to any other Person ; those which are here only declared , are , that no foreign Prince , &c. hath or ought to have . Nor is it to be past by without notice , that the Powers taken from his Holiness by King Henry the Eighth , were never meant to be other than those that were Temporal , for Queen Mary , by Act of Parliament , restores to the Pope such Authority , Preheminence and Jurisdiction , as his Holiness used and exercised , or might lawfully have used and exercised , by Authority of his Supremacy , &c. without Diminution or Enlargement of the same , and no other . Which demonstrates , that the Jurisdictions , Powers , &c. which King Henry the Eighth deprived the Pope of , were only such as an Act of Parliament could restore him to , which cannot be meant of that purely Spiritual Power given by Christ . To sum up this Discourse : The Pope had a purely Spiritual Power committed by Christ to him , as Successor to St. Peter , to be exercised throughout the whole World , that is , To teach , to bind , and loose , &c. This Power , we say , no Temporal Prince ever had , or claimed , or could deprive him of . The Pope likewise had in this Kingdom Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Power in Courts and Causes , or Matters , called Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , as in Divorces , Tythes , Oblations , Obventions , &c. This Power was external , political , civil , and meerly temporal , granted by or gained from the Princes of these Realms , which being found to be exercised to the great Detriment of the Crown , and adjudged to be so by the Estates of the Realm , hath been by several Statutes divested from the Pope , and restored to the Crown above 130 Years past , and so still it continues . The Truth of this is assured to us by Acts of Parliament , and other credible Histories , so manifestly , that there is no room for Scruple in affirming , that ( rebus sic stantibus ) no foreign Prelate , &c. hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , &c. in this Realm , which is not derived from Christ , and which the Laws of this Kingdom have deprived him of . Here is Authority commanding us to take lawful Oaths , and to declare what we may reasonably judg and be morally certain to be true , no competent Authority admonishing or requiring the contrary : Here are the Opinions of great and learned Divines for the Lawfulness and Duty of taking these Oaths : Here are the highest of Evidences for the Truth of that Matter which we are to declare our Belief of ; the Catholicks in England ( generally ) never took the former Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , and therefore on account of some Branches in those , they are not obliged to refuse the first of these Oaths : These Oaths neither are in themselves , nor are intended to be distinctive Signs between Catholicks and Protestants , for the Acts lately made for amoving Papists and reputed Papists , &c. and for disarming Papists and reputed Papists , appoint the Declaration , made in the Reign of the late King Charles , to be for the Trial and Discovery of them , and that Declaration is not scrupled at by Protestants , who yet ( some of them ) refuse the first of these Oaths : And had the Declaration which is annexed to these Oaths been a Denial of the Pope's Pastoral Power in this Realm , there needed no other Test for Discovery of Papists , since no Catholick would disown that Spiritual Power to be in his Holiness . These things considered , I must own , that I know no Reason for the Roman Catholicks in England to provoke the Government , to fall under the Reputation of being entirely in the French Interest , and to undergo severe Penalties for refusing these Oaths . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65348-e500 Protection infers publick Obedience . In the Provincial Congregation at Ghent , 5 July , 1681. 3 Jac. 1. cap. 4. This Declaration is assertory of something past ; it is an Act of Faith , depending on the probable Evidence of what is past . King James in his Premonition , p. 46. Let the Pope be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos , and Princeps Episcoporum as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum . 24 H. 8. c. 12. 25 H. 8. c. 20. 25 H. 8. c. 19. 25 H. 8. c. 21. 28 H. 8. c. 16. 1 Eliz. cap. 1. 5 Eliz. cap. 1. 1 , 2 P. M. c. 8. In France the Clergy published this Proposition , That the Pope had no Power in civil or temporal Affairs , and that Kings are subject to no Ecclesiastical Powers . 1 Eliz. cap. 1. 5 Eliz. cap. 8. 1 Eliz. cap. 1● Entituled , An Act to restore to the Crown the antient Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual , and abolishing all foreign Powers repugnant to the same . 5 Eliz. cap. 1. Admonition to simple Men deceived by malicious . If any Person shall accept the same Oath with this Interpretation , Sense or Meaning , her Majesty is well pleased to accept every such in that behalf as her good and obedient Subjects , &c. 24 H. 8. c. 21. 5 Eliz. cap. 1. ● 2 P. M. c. 8. 30 Carol. 2. Johnson . 
A66128	----	The declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange concerning papists not departing from the cities of London and Westminster, and ten miles adjacent. William III, King of England, 1650-1702. 1689 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A66128 Wing W2326 ESTC R18879 12560866 ocm 12560866 63163 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A66128) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63163) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 950:58) The declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange concerning papists not departing from the cities of London and Westminster, and ten miles adjacent. William III, King of England, 1650-1702. William III, King of England, 1650-1702. England and Wales. Sovereign (1689-1694 : William and Mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by J. Starkey and A. and W. Churchill, London : 1689. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Signed: W.H. Prince of Orange. At end of text: Given at St. James's the fourteenth day of January, 1688. Broadside. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England -- London. Broadsides 2008-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-10 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DECLARATION OF His Higness the Prince of Orange , CONCERNING PAPISTS not departing from the Cities of London and Westminster , and Ten Miles adjacent . WHEREAS the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , by their Order of the Two and twentieth of December last past ; For the better preservation of the Peace and common Safety , did Require , That all Papists ( except as in the said Order is Excepted ) should within Five Days after the Date of the said Order , depart from the said Cities to their respective Habitations , from which not to remove above Five Miles distant , as in and by the said Order Printed and Published more at large appears . And , whereas , notwithstanding the said Order , and the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom , great Numbers of the said Papists ( not Excepted in the said Order ) are still remaining in the said Cities of London and Westminster , and places within Ten Miles Adjacent , raising and fomenting Jealousies and Discontents , by false rumours and suggestions , deluding and seducing the unwary , and conspiring Civil Dissentions and Insurrections to destroy the Peace and Quiet of this Kingdom . IN pursuance of the good intents in the said Order mentioned , We do hereby Declare and Require , all Papists , and reputed Papists , not Excepted in the said Order , within Three Days after the Date hereof , to depart from the said Cities , and Ten Miles compass of the same ; or otherwise , to be taken and proceeded against , and expect the utmost severity that the Law , for their Offences , can inflict upon them . AND for the better making this Our DECLARATION effectual , We do hereby Require the Lord Mayor of London , and the Aldermen of the said City , and all Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Constables , and other Officers within their respective Counties , Cities , Parishes , and Places , to cause diligent search to be made , and such as they find abiding or lurking , contrary to the said Order , to Apprehend , and as Papists , and persons suspected to be Conspiring and Plotting against the Peace and Good of the Kingdom , to Commit and Imprison , to detain till discharged by due course of Law. AND for the better finding out , and discovering all such Papists , and reputed Papists , We hereby Require the Constables and Beadles of every Parish , within the said Cities and Limits , to go through their respective Parishes and Precincts , and to take Accounts in Writing , from the respective House-keepers , of the Names , Qualities and Additions of all Lodgers within their respective Houses , and whether they are Protestants or reputed Papists ; and their Accounts so taken , under their hands , to deliver to the next respective Justice or Justices of the Peace , by them to be returned and certified to Us , under their Hands and Seals : And that the said respective Justices of the Peace , cause also the Names of the said Constables of the respective Parishes to be certified to Us , that thereby We may see how this Our DECLARATION is observed . AND , whereas We have granted Passes to several persons to Transport themselves beyond the Seas ; We do hereby farther Declare , That if they do not depart from the said Cities of London and Westminster , according to the Tenor of this our Declaration , then all such Passes shall be void , and of no effect . Given at St. James 's the Fourteenth Day of January , 1688. W. H. Prince of Orange . LONDON , Printed by J. Starkey , and A. and W. Churchill , MDCLXXXIX . 
A67231	----	A discourse, prepared for the ears of some Romanists (at a general quarter sessions, in the north, when they were summon'd to take the oaths.) By Sr. Christopher Wyvill baronet, one of His Majesties justices of the peace in those parts: and now profered to the eyes of them all Wyvill, Christopher, Sir, 1614-1672?. 1679 Approx. 20 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67231 Wing W3782B ESTC R204134 99825317 99825317 29697 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67231) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29697) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2105:22) A discourse, prepared for the ears of some Romanists (at a general quarter sessions, in the north, when they were summon'd to take the oaths.) By Sr. Christopher Wyvill baronet, one of His Majesties justices of the peace in those parts: and now profered to the eyes of them all Wyvill, Christopher, Sir, 1614-1672?. 14 p. printed by Stephen Bulkley, and are to be sold by Richard Lambart bookseller, York : 1679. With a preliminary imprimatur leaf dated: Aug. 29. 1679. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Popes -- Temporal power -- Early works to 1800. Popish Plot, 1678 -- Early works to 1800. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE , Prepared for the Ears of some ROMANISTS ( At a general Quarter Sessions , in the North , When they were Summon'd to take the Oaths . ) By Sr. Christopher Wyvill Baronet , One of His Majesties Justices of the Peace in those Parts : And now profered to the Eyes of them all YORK . Printed by Stephen Bulkley , and are to be sold by Richard Lambart Bookseller , 1679. Imprimatur , Robert Feild . Aug. 29. 1679. A DISCOURSE , Prepared for the Eears of some ROMANISTS , &c. I Am not onely sorry and troubled , but afflicted , to see so many Persons standing there , who ( could they but quit themselves of one or two needless scruples , pardon me Gentlemen , if I use that term ) were fit to sit here and mannage the Affaires of the Country . Realy , I would not wish any of you ( upon the meer accompt either of your purses or Persons ) to turn your backs of one Fundamentall Doctrine , that appears such , upon a serious and impartial enquirie ; but even in consideration of those your temporal concerns , you may have just occasion , to review your Notions , and after due search easily find . 1. That that sort of Supremacie which the Laws require , on the behalfe of our Kings , doe's no way violate , or invade the Priestly Function . 2. That that sort of Supremacie , which the Pope now clayms , was vtterly unknown to the Primitive Church ; and is neither consistent with , nor at all becoming the Priestly Function . 3. That this sort of Supremacie has stragled , in the world , to the cost of many Crowned-heads , and the destruction of numberless Christian People . 4. That this sort of Supremacie was ( first ) founded in bloud , and so fostered ever since ; having been formerly , and formally ( in direct , plain words ) declared against , both by a Council , and a Pope . 5. That the chief and most celebrated Authors , in the Romish Church have writ in defence of their exorbitant supremacie , after such a manner , as does rended it rational , yea necessary ( especially it being compared with their former known actings , and the posture of this day ) to keep on foot the old , and perhaps to make new Laws , in prejudice of Recusants . 1. That we may discover the truth , or falsehood of this Proposition , it will be requisit to know distinctly , What the challinges of the King are . What he absolutely and freely disowns . He expects then to be Custos uriusque Tabulae ; this was no more then all the Kings of Iuda exercised ; and those of them that were most zealously active in the purging the Temple , in the preserving , or restoring the true worship of God , ( as Iosiah ) we find most commended , most Celebrated in holy Writ : we find too , ( to Note that by the way ) they still called to the Law , the written Law , and to the Testimonies , making them their Rule . 2. Chorn. 17th . Iehosophat 29 Hezekiah 34. Iosiah , he expects further , that all the Members of the Church within his Dominions , should be subject to his Courts ; and Clergie-men , as well others , ( in case of notorious Crimes ) tryable there . He expects to nominate , appoint , and call to any spiritual preferments , what persons he please , without the interposition of any Forraign power , or Potentate : this is no more then every Patron of a Parish-Church looks at , as his own right . The whole of this is no more , then Elutherius , Bishop of Rome , declared to be in Lucius King of Brittain , when he sent to him to desire , not his leave , but advice , in the Resetling a Christian Church ; for the Gospel had been both Preached and owned here before ; and without any help from Rome ; tho , at that time sadly over-run again with Paganisme . But now negatively , Let us see what the King pretends not to ; Not the conferring of Orders ; not Administration of Sacraments ; not to Preach the Word ; not ( of himself ) to define Articles of Faith ; and herein , both the preamble of the Statute , and the Injunctions which were afterwards purposely framed , ( to satisfie such as seem'd to mistake the point ) are so plain , that it 's a wonder how a considering man , can have any religious fear or scruple about it . These together , are such an innocent kind of Supremacie , so just and so frequently exercised by Christian Emperors , and Kings of England , ( even all that had any thing of Judgement , spirit , or good fortune ) as certainly none that has lookt at all into Historie only , will deny his Prince . 2. Doubtless if our Blessed Lord had meant , That this prodigious sort of Supremacie ( joyned with a never failing Infallibilitie ) should ever have been the main Article of our Faith , he would not have answered his inquisitive Disciples so unsatisfactorily , as he he did ; Mark 9.34 , 35. ver . nor would he have left the world without a clear direction , in a matter of so vast concernment ( to all it 's future Generations ) Now that he did not so , is evident , since St. Paul when he sadly foretold the Church , How , after his departure , grievous Wolves should enter in ; and amongst them , many should arise speaking perverse things ; advises them not , to make their addresses to any one that should ( then ) happen to be Bishop of Rome ; but commends them to the word of Gods grace , to be built up thereby : as we read Acts. 20.29 , 30 , 31 , 32. A shrewd signe , that the Apostle did not understand Tu es Petrus in the Popish sence ; nor in that other place , which has a minatorie exhortation to Rome ( as well as to other Gentile Churches ) least she also might be cut off , Romans 11.18 , 19 , 20 , 21. ver . What think you , Would all the Eastern Bishops have stood out so vigorously , and so long ( in that controversie about the celebration of Easter ) if it had ever been received as a standing rule , That your Vniversal Monarch , in the West , was Gods Plenepotentiarie , in all Causes Ecclesiastical . Would the third Councill of Carthage ( wherein St. Augustine was present ) have past a Decree , That none should be stiled Head , or Prince of Priests ? Would the great Gregory ( even when he sat in the Pontifical Chaire ) have pronounced such a pretender the forerunner of Anti-Christ . Even St. Peter ( from whom you seek to derive it ) demonstrates , That he neither had , nor desired any such Lordship , or Superiority , 1 Peter 5.2 , 3. Would Heirome have said , Pari omnes , inter se Authoritate fuisse Apostolos ? Would Ambrose have slipt so , as to have writ , Non habent haereditatem Petri , qui fidem Petri non habent ? Would B●sil have assigned to Alexandria , and Antioch , a better title to the succession of Peter ? Would he , and so many other old Fathers , have blamed , chid , derided ; nay , even contemned the Bishop of Romes pride , if all the world had been obliged to be led by the Nose , what way he should please ? 3.4 . It is in vain then to seek after the sort of Supremacie , now contended for during the first six hundred years ; But I shall presently lead you it's rise : And that leaning upon the Authorities of such Authors , as you will not refuse to call your own ; Know then , That not halfe an Age after Gregory was gone off this stage : A certain Man that went by the name of Boniface had a mind to be Paramount in the Church , and there ( luckily ) fell out to be at the same time , a Person of great Power , who long'd to be Emperor ; these two , struck a bargain ; Mauritius ( the rightfull Master of them both ) together with his whole family , cruelly was murder'd : Ph●cas got the Scepter ; and Boniface was by him constituted Universall Bishop : From hence , all men must date the Original of this fatal Supremacie ; Fatal , I say , because it has been so fruitfull , and teeming in slaughters , Rebellions , ( you must bear with the term , since matter of Fact , in almost every Age bears testimonie thereof ) and Massacres . It was indeed a fine cast of this new Office , which Anno 747. was given to Chilpric ( the last of the First Royal house in France ) by the then Pope Zacharie ; poor Chilpric was an unactive , easie Creature , and therefore must be sent into a Monasterie ( where you may suppose , he lived not long after . ) But Pepin was a brave Young blade , and Zacharie stood need of such an one : he presently absolves him from his sworne Allegiance , and mounts him up to the Throne . But tush ! this was nothing to the Freaks ; the subsequent Holinesses play'd all the Empire , ( nay well-nigh ) all Europe over , by pulling , yea kicking off Crowns ( Anno 1080 , Gregorie the 7th . by arming Subjects ( yes sonns ) against their Princes ( Anno 1110. Paschal second . ) The two last Henry's of Paris felt the weight of the two Swords , which the Pope clayms as his own , though they fell but by two sorry knives in the hands of two wretches , but both Disciples of the Iesuits ; And all to make room for this Monstrous Supremacie ; at the cost , not only of Albigences , Waldenses , Hussites , ( and such as they will call Hereticks ) but even of their own Children , who mistook that Stepdame of Rome for their true Mother . T is true , St. Ambrose ( pretty , early when the Discipline of the Primitive Church was yet in it's right state and just vigor ) did stave off the hands of the Emperor , from touching the sacred Elements , when he found them polluted with it innocent blood . But , I beseech you consider ( for this very perticular may serve to rectifie your judgements . ) 1. What he was . 2. How far he proceeded . He was Bishop of Millaine , a Place alwayes reckoned in the Territories of Italy ; not Bishop of Rome : nor acting by any Authority derived from thence . He went no farther then the Episcopal Power would bear him out : He kept him from the Holy Communion ; but he did not Dethrone Him : He did not Absolve His Subjects from their Allegiance : He did not give away His Dominions , to any that could catch them . That these things were Acted in the face of the Sun , Plaetina , Baronius , Guiccardin de Serres , with I know not how many more , are uncontroulable Witnesses . Let honest Mathew Paris ( the Monk of Saint Albans ) tell you , How common it was for every Priest , Prelate , or Fryar , transalpinare , to hite away to Rome , and bring back with them an Interdict , ( or not unfrequentedly , an Excommunication ) against the King , and whole Kingdom of England . But let him tell you too , How often the Legate ( a later ) and other Domineering , Extorting Agents from that proud See , have been kept on the further side of the Dike , and not suffered transfretare , unless upon such Terms , as our Governours would admit of , and prescribe , notwithstanding all the power they pretended , or produced from his holiness . 5. As to this last Charge ( wherein much of the present occasion seems to lie ) Whether your Church in her Head , in her Members , in her Decretalls , in her Canon-Law , in some of her approved Councills , have not made such Declarations as must warn ( nay compel ) all Princes and States , to make defensive Laws against such Encroachments ? Doe but ( I beseech you ) peruse what the present Right Reverend Bishop of Lincoln has both candidly , and charitably , offered you : I shall content my self with instancing in a few ; Let the Language of Clement the eights Brevis ( when Queen Elizabeth had ( now ) one foot in the Grave ) be first heard ; He strictly ( therein ) Forbids all his Catholicks to suffer any to succeed ( how near soever in Bloud , or Right ) unless such as should preingage to become a Vassal to this Romish Church . And ( to see the luck of a thing ) these Breves were directed to the hand of one Henry Garnet ; who , not long after , was found to have , more then a finger , in the Powder-plot : With one Arm he would have kept King Iames from ; with the other , he would have blown Him out of His three Kingdoms . Next , be pleased to consult Bellermine ( who was made , in his time , and I think esteemed so ever since , but a little lower then the very Pope . ) Ask him , How we can be assured that his Catholicks will prove good Subjects ? His answer is legible ( Lib. 1. de Clericis ) They stand not bound to the Laws of any Prince coactively ; but directively onely ? Ask him further , What if they will not be directed , but tread those Laws under their feet ? Yet ( says he , with the same front , and truth ) they may by no means receive punishment , by any secular Magistrate , nor at all be brought before His Trybunal . But what if they should chance ( and what has been may be ) to be found ingaged in Treason ? The words of Zimanca ( in his Aphorismes , de Confessione ) are positive , A Clerks Rebellion is not Treason ; for he is not Subject to the King : This is pretty well for the Clergy , the Notion being extended ( as they intend it ) to all their several Orders of Monks and Fryars . But what say they to the Laity ? Take the summ of the whole matter from Creswell , who , in pure love ( no doubt ) to his Country-men , gives this Forraign Advice ; It is an undoubted point of Faith ( says he ) that any Christian Prince whatsoever , if he have manifestly swarved from the Catholick Faith , and would draw others to do so , falls immediately from His Power , and Dignity ; and that , even before the Pope have given Sentence , His Subjects may , and ought , if they have power , to remove Him : ( Andr ' . Philopat ' . page 109. Edit . 1592. ) It were no hard task , here to rake together , more then a good many of such Dictates as these , from men of this stamp , whose Works have been Licensed , Approved , Printed , reprinted , and generally sold through all Popish Countries without contradiction ; and in this case , it may well be said , Qui malum non prohibet , cum prohibere potest , perpetrat . 'T is true , Mariana's shameful Book , was once at a Crittical season ( for fear of a worse clap ) censured at Paris ; but it was never so at Rome : And I doe verily doubt the common Doctrine of the Iesuites ( with their Adhaerents ) will be found , that the strongest Knots , of Promises , Oaths , or Vows , made for fidelity to temporal Princes , may be cut asunder by their spiritual Alexander , who ( unjustly ) would usurpe both the Swords ; and ( perhaps ) is sorry he hath not more Worlds to conquer . Suffer me now , for a Conclusion , and to abate a little the surprise you may be in , at the severities , at present , exercised towards you , ( though the late Proclamations , as well as the Statutes , must needs quit us from any blame in that behalf ) to remind you of one or two things , in which I have proof , more then abundant ; and of which , some ( yet living ) can give testimony . 'T is confest , some of you gave signal , and very brave Assistances to Our late Soveraign Charles the First , in those unhappy Warrs , ( upon what Accompt , or Motive , let it be decided at the last day ; ) but , that the whole Body of Romanists , could have been content to have sat down under a very Bramble , in stead of the true Oake , was manifest from the Addresses pretended to come from them all ; wherein the Catholick Gentleman ( in a Book Publish't presently after Anno 1652. or thereabout , with a great many Arguments for his favour ) tells Oliver , They had generally taken , and punctually kept the Engagement : ( In that Page , towards the latter end ; which , in that I have , is mark't 41. but should be 127. ) Next , it would make one admire , how ( after the good services Mr. Huddleston , the honest Pendrills &c. had done His present Majesty ) the Irish , of the same Communion , and Creed , could be perswaded to lay aside , their own commendable purposes . The Natives of that Kingdom were ( most of them ) upon the accompt of the bloudy Insurrection , Anno 1641. under the Call , and subject to grievous paenalties at His Majesties Restauration : But He , according to His Princely clemency , required them , onely to let Him have new Tests of their future Loyalty , under the Obligation of those Oaths , you now stick at : He was pleased to allow them ( since they seem'd willing to the thing , but onely were dissatisfied in certain expressions , and those Formes were not Establish't in Ireland ) after Consultation with their own Priests , to offer Him , what might be Equivalent thereto : They did so , and after some time , shew'd it to the King : He was willing to accept it , according to that Draught : But one of the Popes best be-trusts , then at Bruxells , hastens ( in that nick of time ) to School them better ; and they neither durst ( it seems ) nor would proceed further in that business : And what use then ) can a through Paced Roman Catholick make of his own Conscience ? if , after such means , being arrived at settlement , he must yet throw away all , and implicitly give up his Faith , to the most imperiously Politick Dictates , of an old ( perhaps ) doting mortal-man . And , now Sirs , methinks I hear you say , what I have heard some of you say often ( and I verily think sincerely . ) 1. That you are wholly ignorant ( which is , in this case , the best sort of innocency ) of any Design against His Majesties Person , or Government . 2. That , if the Pope himself should Invade this Land , and Warr against the King , you would fight under the Royal Banner , and endeavour to cut His throat as soon as any mans . 3. That it 's a sad thing , if a few hare-brain'd fellows have imbarked in a desperate Action , the whole Communion ( though innocent ) should be involved in the suffering part . As to the two first , I can say little , but this : If I were a Papist ( and durst consider the true state of things , and the wilde Expectation of the Roman See in these matters ) I should not know , how to make my due Obedience to my Soveraign , and my necessary submission to the Pope's commands , lodge in one Breast ? And for the last , I doe concurr with you . 'T is , indeed , a very sad thing ; but ( Gentlemen ) if you will not do it your selves , Who can distinguish you ? What I have now said , I have said with clear intentions , with an ardent desire to serve you ; and after a long dilligent Search ( to which no man living could be more Engaged then my self . ) If any of you desire a farther Discussion of things here briefly touched ( either in order to clearer satisfaction , or with a Design of Opposition ) they shall at any Opportunitie command it , from Yours , C. W. 
A68099	----	The dolefull euen-song, or A true, particular and impartiall narration of that fearefull and sudden calamity, which befell the preacher Mr. Drury a Iesuite, and the greater part of his auditory, by the downefall of the floore at an assembly in the Black-Friers on Sunday the 26. of Octob. last, in the after noone Together with the rehearsall of Master Drurie his text, and the diuision thereof, as also an exact catalogue of the names of such as perished by this lamentable accident: and a briefe application thereupon. Goad, Thomas, 1576-1638. 1623 Approx. 51 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68099 STC 11923 ESTC S103155 99838912 99838912 3302 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68099) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3302) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 595:02, 1450:13) The dolefull euen-song, or A true, particular and impartiall narration of that fearefull and sudden calamity, which befell the preacher Mr. Drury a Iesuite, and the greater part of his auditory, by the downefall of the floore at an assembly in the Black-Friers on Sunday the 26. of Octob. last, in the after noone Together with the rehearsall of Master Drurie his text, and the diuision thereof, as also an exact catalogue of the names of such as perished by this lamentable accident: and a briefe application thereupon. Goad, Thomas, 1576-1638. [60] p. Printed by Iohn Hauiland, for William Barret, and Richard Whitaker, and are to be sold at the signe of the Kings head, London : 1623. Foreword signed: T. Goad. Signatures: A-D⁴ F² H-K⁴. The first leaf is blank. Leaves in quire D signed D, D2, E, E2. Leaves in quire F signed F, G. Variant: Foreword signed "T.G." The relationship between this state and the "T. Goad" state is complicated; see Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 1 (1951), p. 240-59 and The Library, 21 (1967), p. 128-35. In the "T.G." version, "A catalogue of the names of such persons as were slaine by the fall of the roome", quire K, is largely in the same setting of type as that in William Crashaw's "The fatall vesper". Identified as STC 11923a on UMI microfilm reel 595. Reproductions of the originals in the Folger Shakespeare Library and the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Appears at reel 595 (Folger Shakespeare Library copy) and at reel 1450 (Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library copy). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Drury, Robert, 1587-1623. Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature. Providence and government of God -- Early works to 1800. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DOLEFVLL Euen-Song , OR A TRVE , PARTICVLAR AND IMPARTIALL narration of that fearefull and sudden calamity , which befell the Preacher Mr. DRVRY a Iesuite , and the greater part of his Auditory , by the downefall of the floore at an assembly in the Black-Friers on Sunday the 26. of Octob. last , in the after noone . TOGETHER WITH THE REHEARsall of Master DRVRIE his Text , and the diuision thereof , as also an exact Catalogue of the names of such as perished by this lamentable accident : And a briefe application thereupon . MATTH . 7. 1. Iudge not , that yee bee not iudged . LONDON , Printed by Iohn Hauiland , for William Barret , and Richard Whitaker , and are to be sold at the signe of the Kings head , 1623. To the Christian moderate Reader . VPon Judden accidents men commonly passe sudden censures , and for want of deliberate and steady aime , vnder or ouershoot the marke : especially that kinde of marke , which the most skilfull hand , guided by the sharpest eie , can neuer certainly hit , scarce distinctly discerne . Of Gods iudgements iudiciously Saint Augustine , and modestly , Iudicia Dei nemo potest comprehendere , nemo certe reprehendere . No man can comprehend them , no man may reprehend them . Boldly therefore may a moderate spirit vndertake to reprehend those encroachers vpon Gods prerogatiue , who take vpon them to comprehend in the small vessell of their shallow vnderstanding the boundlesse Ocean of Gods secret iudgements : hauing no other conduit thereunto , then the ouert act of a corporall stroake , and outward chastisement . Jn the sounding the depth of this late dismall accident , it is not hard to discerne what tongues and pens haue , out of partiall obliquitie , or precipitate iudgement , cast too short , or lost their plummet in the deepe . To auoid which inconueniences , the chiefe care and endeuor , taken in this ensuing Tract , hath beene partly by a more certaine information to strengthen the line , and partly to lengthen the same by a more particular and fuller relation : that so the indifferent reader , taking the plummet into his owne hand , may cast with the better aime , for the shunning all rocks and quicksands , either of stupid neglect , in not considering at all , or of ouer-curious prying , in the personall application , of Gods extraordinary works in this kinde . So iudge well , and Farewell . Thine in Christ , T. Goad . BLACK-FRYERS LONDON , 1623. Octob. 26. Nouemb. 5. stilo veteri nouo , being Sunday . ABout three of the clocke in the afternoone of the aforesaid Sunday , in a large Garret , being the vppermost , and from the ground the third storie of an high building of Stone and Bricke , were assembled a multitude of people , Men and Women , of diuers ages and conditions , amounting to the number of two or three hundred persons , to heare a Sermon there to be preached by one Master Drury , a Romish Priest , and Iesuite of name , and speciall note . To this Garret or Gallery , ( being situated ouer the Gate-house of the French Ambassadors house ) there is a leading passage by a doore close to the vtter gate of the said house , but without it , open to that street : By which passage many men and women vsed to haue daily recourse to the English Priests chambers there . There is also out of the said Lord Ambassadors with-drawing Chamber , another passage meeting with this , and both leading into the said Garret . Which Garret was within the side walls , about seuenteene foot wide , and fortie foot long : at the vpper end whereof was a new partition of slit Deale , set vp to make a priuate roome for one of the Priests , which abated twelue foot of the length . About the middest of the Gallery , and neere to the wall , was set , for the Preacher , a Chaire , raised vp somewhat higher then the rest of the floare , and a small table before it . In this place the Auditorie being assembled , and some of the better sort hauing chaires and stooles to sit on , the many standing in throng , and filling the roome to the doore and staires , all expecting the Preacher , hee came forth out of an inner roome , clad in a Surplice , which was girt about his waste with a linnen girdle , and a Stole of Scarlet colour hanging downe before him from both his shoulders . Whom a man attended , carrying in one hand a Booke , and in the other an Houre-glasse . An Embleme not vnfit to suggest to him , his Auditorie , and vs all , that their , and our liues , not onely passe away continually with the defluxion of that descending motion of the Sand ; but also , euen in such times and places , may possibly fore-runne the same , and bee ouerturned before that short hourely Kalender should come to recourse . Master Drury the Priest , as soone as he came to the Chaire , kneeled downe at the foot of it , making by himselfe in priuate some eiaculation of a short praier , as it seemed , about the length of an Aue Marie . Then standing vp , and turning his face toward the people , hee crossed himselfe formally : premising no vocall audible prayer at all , ( neither before his Text , nor vpon the diuision of it ) wherein the people might ioyne with him , for the blessing and sanctifying an action of that Nature . Which omission , whether it were a lapse of memorie in him , or a priuiledge of custome belonging to those supereminent instructors , I dispute not ; but leaue it to the conscionable iudgement of euery Christian . Immediatly he tooke the Booke , being the Rhemists Testament , and in it read his Text , which was the Gospel appointed for that Sunday , according to the institution of the Church of Rome ; which day now fell vpon the fift of Nouember by the Gregorian Kalender , current ten daies before ours , and accompted by the Romanists the onely true Computation . Whereupon some goe so farre as to make a numerall inference of a second reflecting Tragedy . But , for my part , I surrender all such iudiciarie calculation into the hands of the Highest , who according to his prouidence disposeth of times and seasons , and of all euents befalling in them . The said Gospell in the Rhemists translation , is as followeth in these words : Therefore is the Kingdome of Heauen likened to a man being a King , that would make an account with his seruants . And when hee began to make the account , there was one presented vnto him that owed him ten thousand Talents . And hauing not whence to repay it , his Lord commanded that he should bee sold , and his wife and children , and all that he had , and it to bee repaied . But that seruant falling downe , besought him , saying , Haue patience toward me , and I will repay thee all . And the Lord of that seruant moued with pitie , dismissed him , and the debt he forgaue him . And when that seruant was gone forth , he found one of his fellow-seruants that did owe him an hundred pence : and laying hands vpon him thratled him , saying , Repay that thou owest . And his fellow-seruant falling downe , besought him , saying , Haue patience toward mee , and I will repay thee all . And he would not : but went his way and cast him into prison , till he repayed the debt . And his fellow-seruants seeing what was done , were very sorie , and they came , and told their Lord all that was done . Then his Lord called him : and hee said vnto him , Thou vngracious seruant , I forgaue thee all the debt because thou besoughtest me : oughtest not thou therefore also to haue mercy vpon thy fellow-seruant , euen as I had mercy vpon thee ? And his Lord being angry , deliuered him to the tormenters , vntill he repayed all the debt . So also shall my heauenly Father doe to you , if you forgiue not euery one his brother from your hearts . Which when he had read , hee sat downe in the chaire , and put vpon his head a red quilt cap , hauing a linnen white one vnder it turned vp about the brimmes : and so vndertooke his Text ; first shewing in plaine and familiar stile the occasion of our Sauiours deliuering this parable , then distributing the whole into parts , as they depended one on the other ; out of which he chose three principall points of doctrine , which he propounded to insist vpon in that Sermon , viz. 1 The debt which man oweth to God : and the accompt which he is to make vnto him of that debt . 2 Gods mercy in remitting this great debt . 3 Mans hardnesse of heart , and frowardnesse , both towards God and towards his brethren : together with the remedies , which man may vse for the procuring of Gods mercy , and curing himselfe from this contagious disease of ingratitude . Mans debt he amplified in regard of our creation , and redemption , the spirituall and temporall benefits , which we enioy in this world , and in Gods Church , &c. Vpon the following parts hee discoursed with much vehemency , insisting especially vpon those words , I forgaue thee all thy debt , shouldest not thou also haue had compassion on thy fellow , euen as I had pitie on thee ? And thence extolling the infinite mercy and goodnesse of God , whereby he doth not only giue vs all that we haue , but forgiues vs all our trespasses and offences , be they net uer so deepely stained with the scarle ▪ dye and tincture of our guiltinesse Which mercifull bounty of our heauenly Father is here parabolized vnto vs by a certaine man that was a king , &c. Two or three of that auditory auow with ioynt testimony , that , in the processe of the latter part , which he handled , he earnestly laid open the terrors and burthen of the heauy debt of punishment , which we are to pay at the last iudgement , if the debt of sinne be not acquitted before . Declaring withall the mercy of God in prouiding meanes to cancell this debt , by the Sacraments ordained in the Catholique Church , in speciall by the Sacrament of Penance ; and therein by Contrition , Confession , and Satisfaction . And thence inferring in what miserable case Heretiques are , who want all such meanes to come out of this debt , because they are not members of the Catholique Church . But whatsoeuer the matter , or manner of his last speech was , I doe not curiously enquire , as making interpretation of Gods iudgement in stopping the currant of his speech at that instant . Lest in ouer forward censuring the same , we should be deemed as vncharitable , as our Aduersaries , especially the Iesuits , are against those Churches and persons that admit not the Papacy . Most certaine it is , and ouer manifest by lamentable euidence , that , when the said Iesuite had proceeded about halfe an houre in this his Sermon , there befell that Preacher and Auditorie the most vnexpected and suddaine calamitie , that this age hath heard of to come from the hand , not of Man , but God , in the middest of a sacred exercise , of what kinde or religion soeuer . The floare , whereon that assembly stood or sate , not sinking by degrees , but at one instant failing and falling , by the breaking asunder of a maine Sommier or Dormer of that floare ; which beame , together with the Ioyces and Plancher thereto adioyned , with the people thereon , rushed downe with such violence , that the weight and fall thereof , brake in sunder another farre stronger and thicker Sommier of the Chamber situated directly vnderneath : and so both the ruined floares , with the people ouerlapped and crushed vnder , or betweene them , fell , ( without any time of stay ) vpon a lower third floare , being the floare of the said Lord Ambassadors withdrawing Chamber ; which was supported vnderneath with Arch-work of stone , ( yet visible in the Gate-house there ) and so became the bundarie or terme of that confused and dolefull heape of ruines , which otherwise had sunke yet deeper by the owne weight and height of the downfall : the distance from the highest floare , whence the people fell , to the lowest , where they lay , being about two and twentie foot in depth . Of the Gallery floare only so much fell , as was directly ouer a Chamber of 20. foot square , called Father Redyates Chamber , and being the vsual Massing roome for the English resorting thither . The rest of the Gallery floare , being not so full thronged , stood firme , and so was a refuge and safeguard to those of the Auditorie that had planted themselues at that end . From whence they beheld that most Tragicall Scene of their brethrens ruine ; themselues also being not onely surprized with the stupifying passions of affright , and apprehension of that danger , which as yet they could not think themselues to haue escaped , but also , for the time , imprisoned in the place it selfe ; from whence there was no passage by doore , or otherwise , vnlesse they should aduenture to leape downe into the gulfe of their fellowes wofull estate . In this perplexity , dismay it selfe not bereauing them of counsaile , but rather administring strength to their trembling hands , they with their Kniues opened the Loame-wall next vnto them , and so making their passage thence into another Chamber , escaped that danger . As for the rest ( being the farre greater part of this Assembly ) who in a moment all sunke downe to the lowest floare , their case , as it can scarce be paralleled with a like example of calamitie , so hardly be described with the due and true circumstances . Who can to the life expresse the face of Death , presenting it selfe in so ruefull and different shapes ? Quis talia fando Temperet à lachrymis ? What eare , without tingling , can heare the dolefull and confused cries of such a troope , men , women , children , all falling suddenly in the same pit , and apprehending with one horror the same ruine ? What eie can behold , without inundation of teares , such a spectacle of men ouerwhelmed with breaches of weighty timber , buried in rubbish , and smothered in the dust ? What heart , without euaporating into sighes , can ponder the burthen of deepest sorrowes and lamentations of parents , children , husbands , wiues , kinsmen , friends , for their dearest pledges , and chiefest comforts in this world , all bereft and swept away with one blast of the same dismall tempest ? Such was the noise of this dreadfull and vnexpected downefall , that the whole city of London presently rang of it , and forthwith the Officers of the city ( to whom the care of good order chiefly appertaineth ) and in speciall Sergeant Finch the Recorder , repaired thither the same euening , carefully prouiding for the safety of the said Ambassadors house and familie , and , for preuenting all disorders in such a confusion , that might arise by the confluence of the multitude , shut vp the gates and set guards vpon the passages . With all speed possible some were imployed for the releeuing and sauing such as yet struggled for life vnder this heauy load : Which could not so soone be effected , as they in charity desired ; for that the ruines , which oppressed the sufferers , did also stop vp entrance to the helpers : who thereupon were faine to make a breach in through an vpper window of stone . From hence they hasted downe with pickaxes and other instruments , to force asunder , and take of , by peece-meale , the oppressing load of beames , ioyces , and bords . At the opening whereof , what a Chaos ? what fearefull obiects ? what lamentable representations ? Here some bruised , some dismembred , some onely parts of men : there some wounded , and weltering in their owne and others bloud , othersome putting forth their fainting hands and crying out for helpe . Here some gasping and panting for breath , others stifled for want of breath . To the most of them being thus couered with dust , this their death was a kinde of buriall . Haue the gates of death beene opened vnto thee ? or hast thou seene the doares of the shadow of death ? Verily if any man could looke in at those gates , and returne , he would report such a pourtrait as was this spectacle . In this dolefull taske of withdrawing those impediments , laying forth the dead bodies , and transporting the maimed , all that night , and part of the next day was spent , though charitie and skill did whet their endeuours with all dexteritie and expedition . The next morning , according to the Lawes of our Land , which prouide that the Kings Maiestie should haue an account of his Subiects dying Per infortunium , the Coroners Inquest was there impanelled vpon the dead corpses , that after their view of them , they might be buried with conuenient speed . By the said Coroner , and Iury , especiall care was taken to suruey the place , and materialls of the ruines with all diligence , for the finding out the immediate cause and manner thereof : the rather for that it was giuen out by some presently vpon the mischance , that some Protestants , knowing this to be a chiefe place of their meetings , had secretly drawne out the pins , or sawed halfe a sunder some of the supporting Timber of that building . Which was found to be a calumny no lesse ridiculous , then malitious . The most probable apparant cause of the suddaine failing of that floare , charged with such a weight of people , was iudged to bee in the maine Sommier thereof , which being not aboue ten inches square , had in the very place , where it brake , on each side a mortaise hole directly opposite the one against the other , into which were let the Tenants of two great pieces of Timber , called Girders : so that betweene those Mortaises , there was left not aboue three inches of Timber . This Sommier was also somewhat knottie about that place , which , in the opinion of Architects , might make it more brittle , and readie to knap in sunder . The maine Sommier of the lower roome , was about thirteene inches square , without any such Mortaise ; and brake , not ( as the former ) in the middest , but within fiue foot of one end , and more obliquely and shiuering then the other . No foundation , nor wall failed . The roofe of the Gallery with the seeling vpon it remaine yet intire ; as also a small filling wall , fastned to the rafters , which yet hangeth where the floare is gone . This downefall was not to al deadly : to some only frightfull , or in part hurtfull : who being thus taken vp out of the pit of horrible danger , nay plucked out of the very iawes of Death , as also those other of this Assembly , who ( as before said ) fell not at all , but yet stood in the verie brinke of this mortall ieopardie , haue all great cause neuer to forget this day , but to enter it into their Kalender for a mercifull and miraculous deliuerance . Neither is it enough for them to lift vp their hearts in thanksgiuing to God ( as I make no doubt they doe ) for this vnexpected rescue from so great an vnsuspected death , but they are also to lay it to their hearts , whether this sudden stroake and cracke be not the hand , and voice of God , to call them home from wandring after forraine Teachers , that lead the ignorant people captiue and carry them hood-winked into the snares of danger , corporall , ciuill , and spirituall : that hereupon they may seriously consider what ground they haue to forbeare , or forsake our Church-assemblies , and to refraine from hearing so much as our diuine seruice , against which they haue no other exception , but this , that in hearing it they may heare , and vnderstand , whereas in the Romish Seruice , euen in the Euen-song then intended in this conuenticle , audientes audirent , & non intelligerent , videntes viderent , & non cernerent . The women , and common people might vnderstand as much as they doe this sentence in Latine , taken out of the Prophet Isay , too truly prophecying of such . Of those that fell , and escaped without any notable hurt , I heare of by name some persons of note , as Mistris Lucie Penruddock of a worthy family , who fell betweene two that then perished , the Lady Webb and her owne maid seruant , yet was herselfe preserued aliue by the happy situation of a chaire , which falling with her , rested hollow ouer her , and so became to hir a shelter , or penthouse to beare off other ruines : also the Lady Webbs daughter , though falling neere vnto hir mother , and Eleanor Saunders , who was couered with others that fell vpon hir , yet by Gods mercy , recouered out of those bloudy ruines . There was also a Scholler , ( whom my selfe since saw and had speech withall ) who was the easier drawne to that Assembly , because he formerly was inclining and warping to that side , as hath appeared by publike euidence . He was also inuolued in this common downefall , whereout he escaped beyond expectation : being one of the vndermost in that heape , and lying vpon the very floare , and ouerwhelmed with the boards and timber , which lay vpon him , yet not so flat , and sad , as vpon others , but somewhat hollow and sheluing , by the leaning of some of the timber against the wall . Out of this den of death he , with maine strength & much difficulty , wrought himselfe , by tearing the laths of the seeling , and creeping betweene two ioyces , from vnder the timber to an hole where he espied light : & then one of the Ambas . family opening a doore releeued him being yet so astonished that he scarce was apprehensiue of the courtesie done to him . Who thus refreshed , presently returned and vsed his best strength to draw others out of that snare , which he himselfe had newly broken , without any other detriment than of his clothes ; of which faire escape I hope , he will make good vse , & often call to minde our Sauiours caueat , ( which since in my hearing hath beene rung in his eares ) Vade & ne pecca amplius , ne deterius conting at tibi . There was also ( as he reporteth ) a young girle of the age of ten yeeres , or thereabout , who then crying said vnto him , O my Mother , O my sister , which are downe vnder the timber and rubbish . But hee wishing her to be patient , and telling her that by Gods grace they should get forth quickly , the child replied , that this would proue a great scandall to their Religion . A strange speech proceeding from a childe of so tender yeeres , who , euen in that perplexity , seemed to haue a deeper apprehension of publique scandall , then of priuate losse . A lesson fit for farre elder to learne , ex ore infantium , & lactentium , &c. Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast ordained strength . Moreouer , one of the men that fell , then saying , O what aduantage will our aduersaries take at this ; another of them replied thereto , If it be Gods will this should befall vs , what can wee say to it ? A pious answer , and Christian resolution , borrowed , as it seemes , from the patience of the Prophet Dauid , Tacui , Domine , quia tu fecisti . I held my peace , because thou , Lord , hast done it . An hard taske it were to vndertake the giuing a particular account of the number and quality of those that any waies suffered in this fall , the diuersity of reports , according to mens priuate inclinations , enlarging or contracting the same . In generall most euident it is that of the people that fell , those that escaped best for bodily hurt , were , at 〈◊〉 howsoeuer deeply stricken in their minds with affright and feare : others were bruised or wounded , but not mortally , receiuing only a gentle stripe from the mercifull hand of a chastizing father ; others for the present came forth , or rather were carried out , with life , but enioyed it for a short time , yeelding vp the same in their seuerall homes within a few daies , yea some not many houres , as by after-enformation to the Coroners Iury , yet depending , may appeare . But the greater number of those that fell neuer rose againe , nor shall , till the Elements shall melt with heat , and the ruines of a farre greater fabrique than that house , ( euen of the whole earth with the workes thereof ) shall awake them , and vs all , out of the bed of death , to giue account of what we haue done in the body . Of these , whom it pleased God thus to call out of this world , the number is most currently estimated to be betweene 90. and 100. If any man , out of affection to them , or curiosity , enquire more exactly , of the Ambassadours house , was digged a great pit , ( eighteene foot long , and twelue foot broad ) in which were laied foure and forty corpses in order , piled one vpon the other , partners in the same bed , as a little before they were in the same passage to it . Vpon this common Graue , was set vp in the earth , a blacke Crosse of wood , about foure foot high , which on Tuesday in the afternoone , was by one of the Ambassadors seruants taken vp and carried into the house , lest ( as it seemeth ) any scandall should bee taken thereat by the people , that then , and after , came to that house to view the Stage of this mournfull Tragedy . There was also another pit , ( long twelue foot , broad eight foot ) made in the said Ambassadors Garden neere adioyning , wherein fifteene other were interred . Beside these dispersedly here aboue numbred , there are heard of vpon diligent enquirie of the said Iury and others , diuers more encreasing the list of this funerall troope , whose names follow in the Catalogue . As for interpretation and application of this so remarkeable and dolefull an accident , our duty is first to entertaine a Christian and charitable opinion of their persons whose lot it was to become an example vnto others : and secondly to make a profitable vse thereof vnto our selues . Too well knowne it is to the world , how hardly our aduersaries conceiue , speake , and write , not onely of our Religion , but also of our persons , damning and tumbling downe all of vs without difference into the bottomlesse pit of destruction , and throwing vpon our heads , not the ruines of one loft or house , but the whole mountaines of Gods wrath and heauiest iudgements . Such curses and edicts of damnation against vs their pulpits thunder out , their printing presses grone vnder , their pamphlets and libells proclaime ; all wee are giuen gone for Cast-awaies , Miscreants , damned Heretiques ; With vs no Church , no Faith , no Religion , no God. If such a calamitie had befallen any flocke of ours in our Common prayer , or Sermons , all must haue gone quicke to hell : there would haue beene more inuectiue seuerall censures and bookes against vs than were here persons suffering . What exclamation of the downfall of heresie , of the passing away of nouelties with a cracke , of receiuing a terrible blow , of the very beames in the wall crying out against vs , of the ruine of old wormeaten heresies , of the trash and rubbish of the new Gospell demolished . In such sort vpon lesse occasions , are wee and our profession traduced and slandered publikely beyond the seas , and priuately in corners at home . Nor is it maruell that such flashes to scorch vs in our good names , are cast forth out of that fiery Aetna of Romish zeale , which hath sent forth materiall flames to consume many of our liuing bodies , and some also of our dead . Hic liuor nec post fata quiescit . And though this fire hath beene couered with ashes in these parts , for many happy yeares , yet of late a sparke thereof brake forth , euen in the middest of the bonfires kindled in London at the happy returne of our Prince ; when as a certaine Roman Zelote , repining at the excessiue expense of fuell therein , said openly in the hearing of many that if such waste of wood were made , there would shortly be neuer a fagot left to burne heretiques . But we haue otherwise learned Christ , who being reuiled , did not reuile againe , but committed his cause to him that iudgeth righteously ; Et preces effudit pro ijs etiam , qui sanguinem eius effuderūt ; and powred out prayers for those , that shed and powred forth his bloud , ( as saith an ancient Father . ) From him we learne not to insult ouer our enemies , or to reioyce at their ruine , but to weepe at their calamitie : not to enter into Gods secrets , but to tremble at his iudgements . And therefore our dutie , in regard of their persons , is first to be tender and carefull how so much as in our inward thoughts we passe any particular iudgement vpon them . For though the euent it selfe may seeme to offer a topicall inference from the fall of both the floores ; namely , of the preaching and the Massing roome , that both their Doctrine and Sacrifice are weakely and slenderly supported , and that God was displeased as well with their Pulpits , as Altars ; yet for the particular estate of those who were combined in that action , and enueloped in the same passion , it were most vncharitable and groundlesse from their temporall destruction in this time and place , to collect their eternall confusion . And howsoeuer our Aduersaries for the truth of their Church draw an Argument no lesse vnnaturall than vncharitable , from the supposed , sudden , and vnhappy ends , of some of those whom they call Heretiques , and to that end forge hideous fables of the death of Luther , Caluin , &c. and in particular , very lately some of them haue passed an heauy censure vpon Doctor Sutton , a learned and painefull Preacher , and solid Refuter of their errors , whom to the great losse of our Church , Abstulit vnda vorax & funere mersit acerbo , Ouer whom they triumph , as if the deepe therefore swallowed him , because he was vnworthy to tread vpon the earth , or breathe in the ayre ; Yet we ought to be , and are farre from saying that the Plancher of that building would not beare these Romanists , because they were more loaden with the weight of sinne , then others . Wee are taught by the Chapter appointed in the Kalender to bee read in our Churches the very next morning after this dolefull accident , to iudge otherwise . Luke 13. There were present at that season , some that told him of the Galileans , whose bloud Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices . And Iesus answered , and said vnto them , Suppose yee that these Galileans were greater sinners then all the other Galileans , because they haue suffered such things ? I tell you nay . Secondly , wee are to condole for them , and that in three respects . First , out of naturall humanitie , as they are men , of the same mould with vs , subiect all to the same passions , and liable to the same outward calamities , and dangers of this mortall life . In this consideration euery of vs is to say to himselfe , of himselfe and others . Homo sum , humani nihil à me alienum puto . Secondly , out of morall ciuilitie , as fellow-borne Country-men , and naturall Subiects vnto the same most gracious King , in whose eies the death of his meanest Subiects is precious . In this respect euery of vs , either presently viewing that Tragicall spectacle of so many bruised and battered carkases , so many smothered corpses , which yesterday breathed the same English aire with vs : Or shortly after hearing of so wofull an Historie , is , with teares in the eye , and melting griefe in the heart , to deplore at least with some such Epitaph , or funerall Elegie , as was vsed by a Lacedemonian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thirdly and principally , out of Christian charitie , as towards those who professe the name of Christ , and deuotion in his worship , howsoeuer tainted with many errors and superstitions , of which their Leaders and Guides are more guilty than the simple obedient flocke misled by them . In this duty we are euery of vs to grieue for those that are gone , and to commiserate with the holy Apostle , the present estate of such other as remaine captiuated in the same blindnesse of Ignorance , Rom. 9. & 10. I have great heauinesse , and continuall sorrow in my heart , for my Brethren , my Kinsmen according to the flesh . Brethren , my hearts desire and praier to God for Israel , is that they might bee saued . For I beare them record , that they haue a zeale of God , but not according to knowledge . This for our construction hereof , as we looke downe vpon others in their fall . Now for our instruction as this example reflecteth vpward vpon our selues . Wherein first our ingratitude is checked , and thankefulnesse awaked which we owe vnto God for our manifold preseruations , as in other kindes perpetually , so not seldome in this . Surely if our heauenly Father should cease his care of preseruing vs , as we too oft giue ouer our due care of seruing him , nor field , nor house , nor Church it selfe should be safe vnto vs : carnall security and forgetfulnesse of God creeping into not only our chambers , halls , and receptacles of mirth and iollity , but too oft euen into the house of God it selfe : the Temple of our spirituall sacrifices being not so reuerently frequented as our duty and profession require . And yet , howsoeuer wee may obserue Gods hand sometimes to haue ouertaken diuers of our brethren by downfalls vpon the earth , or into the water , and of late by the fearefull dint of fire darted from heauen with thunder , and other humane casualties , at home or abroad , yet haue our sacred assemblies ( for ought I can remember ) beene free from mortality by ruine . And whereas we haue many examples of the decay and sudden lapse of diuers our materiall Temples made with hands , yet hath God so disposed of the time or manner of such ruines , that none of the liuing Temples of the Holy Ghost haue beene demolished thereby . Witnesse in London the Churches of Lothbury , of St. Butolfs , of St. Giles in the fields , and the Church it selfe of the Black-Friers : in all which the stones forbare their downeward motion , till the peoples absence . And most lately in the Towne of Netesherd in Norffolk , the beames of the Church roofe being by the fall of the steeple beaten downe among the people in time of Prayer , yet not one perished thereby . To these perhaps many reading and pondering this , can adde other examples of the like preseruations in other places of this land . The memory whereof must reuiue our hearty thanks to God , with praier for our future protection , especially in the houses of praier , wherein he is worshipped in spirit and truth by vs , and his word preached soundly and faithfully vnto vs. Secondly , forasmuch as some few of this Assembly were not in opinion Romanists , nor came thither out of affection to the Popish partie , but rather out of curiositie , to obserue their rites and manner of Preaching , especially vpon the ●ame giuen out , and expectation of then and there hearing a rare man , an admirable Iesuite , a Preacher Nonpareil , in comparison of whom the greatest Lights of the Protestant Ministerie are but Glowormes ; this may be a speciall Caueat to such roauing wanderers as only tasted of that Cup whereof others dranke the Dregs : they were some of them iustly stricken in body , though not mortally , but all in minde , with terror , amazement , and horrible consternation . And one , as is said , felt the vtmost of that stroke , and for company tooke part with those in death , with whom he consented not in life and opinion . Plinie the elder ( as his Nephew reports of him ) paid deare for the satisfaction of his curiositie , when , not content with Contemplation , and Relation from others , hee would needes in person approach neere , to behold with his eies the very flames of the burning hill Vesuuius in Italy , the sulphureous smoake and vapour whereof , presently stifled him . To come neerer to our selues , those Christians escaped not much better , who ( as both Tertullian and Cyprian obserue ) when they were present at the Theaters and shewes , instituted to the honour of the Heathen gods , were suddainly surprised and vexed by the Deuill , who was nimble enough to maintaine his claime to them , by pleading Inueni in meo , I tooke them as I found them , vpon mine owne ground . What though the Romanists presume farre without warrant , and dare out-face our Lawes , which wholesomly prouide against such conuenticles , yet let euery obedient subiect and childe of our Church , beware how he put his foot into such snares : resoluing rather with the holy Patriarch , and saying in his heart , O my soule , enter not thou into their secret : vnto their assembly mine honour be not thou yoaked . In such cases the Prophets haue vsed and enforced from exorbitant examples argument , not of imitation , but auersation , and opposition . Though Israel transgresse , yet let not Iuda sinne . Thirdly , for vs all , these dead corpses ought to bee a liuely mirror , wherein we are to behold what we may expect in that kinde , or some other , euen farre worse , if we doe not preuent and auert Gods iudgements by iudging our selues , and vnfeinedly repenting of our sinfull courses . Out of such examples our Sauiour readeth vs a double Lecture , not onely of charitie , in not censuring others , but also of repentance , in censuring and condemning our selues , that we be not condemned of the Lord. Vnlesse yee repent , yee shall all likewise perish . A vaine plea it will be , That wee haue cast out of our Churches Romish superstitions , if wee still reteine in our soules and bodies our predominant corruptions ; that our faith & doctrine is most pure , if our liues remaine impure ; that we haue faire leaues & blossomes in our outward profession , if we bring forth no fruit in our practise and conuersation . Reatus impij pium nomen , saith the most religious Bishop Saluian . An holy Title and profession , if the life bee not sutable , is , not a plea , but a guilt , not a diminution of offence , but an improuement . Well said Tertullian of himselfe that , whereto euery of vs is to subscribe his owne name , Ego omnium notatorū peccator , nulli rei , nisi poenitentiae , natus . A sinner I am , marked with spots of all kinds , & born to no other end , thē to make my life a taske of repentance . We are all by profession bound apprentises to this Christian trade , nay borne vnto a kinde of interest and propriety to it . Of all intelligent natures onely man is capable of that . God cannot repent , because he cannot sinne , nor erre : an Angell , though mutable in his owne nature , ( and so liable to sinne ) yet once falling by sinne , can neuer rise by repentance . Onely man , falling , both in the vniuersall ruinous estate of all his kinde , and daily in his actuall lapses , hath by the hand of Gods grace and mercy in Christ , the cords of loue reached forth , and let downe into the pit vnto him , whereof by repentance and faith he taketh hold , thence to be raised to newnesse of life , and so forward to eternall life , through the merits and passion of our blessed Redeemer , who came , not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance . LAMENT . 3. 22. It is of the Lords mercies that we are not consumed : because his compassions faile not . A Catalogue of the Names of such persons as were slaine by the fall of the roome wherein they were in the Blacke-fryers , at Master Druries Sermon , the 26. of Octob. 1623. Taken by information of the Coroners Iurie . MAster Drurie the Priest that preached . Mr. Redy are the Priest , whose lodging was vnder the Garret that fell : the floore of which lodging fell too . Lady Webbe in Southwarke . Lady Blackstones daughter , in Scroops Court. Thomas Webbe her man. William Robinson Taylor , in Fetter lane . Robert Smith , Master 〈…〉 Anne Dauison , Mr. Dauisons daughter , of the Middle-row in Holburne , Tayler . Anthonie Hall his man. Anne Hobdin . Marie Hobdin . lodging in Mr. Dauisons house . Iohn Galloway Vintener , in Clarkenwell Close . Mr. Peirson , Iane his wife , Thom. & Iames , his two sonnes . in Robbinhood Court in Shooe lane . Mistris Vdall . Katharine Pindar , a Gentle woman in Mrs . Vdals house . in gunpowder alley . Abigal her maide . Iohn Netlan a Taylor of Bassingborne in Cambridge shiere . Nathaniel Coales , lying at one Shortoes in Barbican , Tayler . Iohn Halifaxe , sometimes a Waterbearer . Mary Rygbie , wife to Iohn Rygbie in Holburne , Confectioner . Iohn Worralls sonne in Holburne . Thomas Brisket , his wife , and his sonne , and maide , in Mountague close . Mistris Summers , wife to Captaine Summers in the Kings Bench. Marie her maide . Mistris Walsted in Milkestreet . Iohn Raines , an Atturney in Westminster . Robert Sutton , sonne to Mr. Worral a Potter in Holburne . Edward Warren , lying at one Adams a Butcher , in Saint Clement Danes . A son of Mr. Flood in Holborne , Scriuener ▪ Elizabeth White , Andrew Whites daughter in Holburne , Chandler . Mr. Stoker Tayler , in Salisburie Court. Elizabeth Sommers in Graies-Inne lane . Mr. Westwood . Iudeth Bellowes , wife of Mr. William Bellowes in Fetter lane . A man of Sir Lues Pembertons . Elizabeth Moore widow . Iohn Iames. Morris Beucresse Apothecarie . Dauie Vaughan , at Iacob Coldriches , Tayler in Graies Inne lane . Francis Man , brother to William Man in Theeuing lane in Westminster . Richard Fitzgarrat , of Graies Inne , Gent. Robert Heifime . Mr. Maufeild . Mr. Simons . Dorothy Simons . Thomas Simons a boy . In Fesant Court in Cow lane . Robert Parker , neer Lond stone , Merchant . Mistris Morton , at White-fryers . Mistris Norton , Marrian her maide . at Mr. Babingtons in Bloomesburie . Francis Downes , sometimes in Southampton house , Tayler . Edmond Shey , seruant to Robert Euan of Graies Inne , Gent. Iosilin Percy , seruant to Sr. Henry Caruile , lying at Mistris Ploidons house in high Holburne . Iohn Tullye , seruant to Mr. Ashborn , lying at Mr. Barbers house in Fleetstreeet . Iohn Sturges , the Lord Peters man. Thomas Elis , Sr. Lewis Treshams man. Michael Butler in Woodstreet , Grocer . Iohn Button , Coachman to Mistris Garret in Bloomesberry . Mistris Ettonet , lying at Clearkenwellgreene . Edward Reuel , seruant to Master Nicholas Stone the Kings Purueyor . Edmund Welsh , lying with Mr. Sherlock in high Holborne , Tailer . Bartholomew Bauin , in White Lyon Court in Fleetstreet , Clarke , Dauie an Irish man , in Angell Alley in Graies Inne Gent. Thomas Wood , at Mr. Woodfalls ouer against Graies Innegate . Christopher Hopper , Tailer lying there . George Cranston , in Kings street in Westminster , Tailer . Iohn Blitten . Iane Turner , lying at one Gees in the old Baily . Frithwith Anne . Mistris Elton . Mr. Walsteed . Marie Berrom . Henry Becket , lying at Mistris Clearks house in Northumberland Alley in Fetter lane . Sarah Watsonne , daughter to Master Watsonne a Chirurgian . Iohn Beuans , at the seuen Stars in Drury lane . Master Harris . Mistris Tompson , at Saint Martins within Aldersgate , Habberdasher . Richard F●●guift . George Ceaustour . Master Grimes , neere the Hors-shooe tauerne in Drury lane . Mr. Knuckle a Painter dwelling in Cambridge . Master Fowell , a Warwickshire Gent. Master Gascoine . Francis Buckland and Robert Hutten , both seruants to Master Saule Confectioner in Holburne . Iohn Lochey , a Scriueners sonne in Holburne . One William seruant to Master Eirkum . Iohn Brabant , a Painter in Little-Brittaine . William Knockell , A man-seruant of Mr. Buckets a Painter in Aldersgate street . One Barbaret , Walter Ward , Richard Garret , enquired after , but not found . The particulars concerning those that suffered in this lamentable accident , hath beene so obscured that no exact account could bee had of them , no maruell then that dilligence of enquiry could not preuent some mistake in the catalogue formerly printed with this Relation ; which catalogue is now renewed and rectified , by more certaine intelligence than heretofore hath beene related . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A68099-e230 The Gospell vpon the 21. Sunday after Pentecost . Iob. 38. 17. This party was one of the assembly , yet liuing , and receiued a marke of remēbrance there , by a peece of wood , who thus a little before took care for sauing wood . Gen. 49. 6 Luke 13. 4. 
A07817	----	A preamble vnto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation concerning the Romish doctrine both in question of rebellion and aequiuocation: by Thomas Morton. Published by authoritie. Preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. 1608 Approx. 359 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07817 STC 18191 ESTC S104505 99840242 99840242 4721 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07817) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4721) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 854:08) A preamble vnto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation concerning the Romish doctrine both in question of rebellion and aequiuocation: by Thomas Morton. Published by authoritie. Preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. [14], 128 p. Printed by Melch. Bradwood for Iohn Bill and Edmond Weauer, London : 1608. P.R. = Robert Parsons. Running title reads: A preamble vnto the incounter against the mitigation of P.R. Reproduction of the original in the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. -- Treatise tending to mitigation towards Catholicke subjectes in England -- Early works to 1800. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2005-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PREAMBLE VNTO AN INCOVNTER WITH P. R. THE AVTHOR of the deceitfull Treatise of Mitigation : Concerning the Romish doctrine both in question of Rebellion and of Aequiuocation : By THOMAS MORTON . Am I your enemy because I tell you the truth ? GALAT. 4. 16. Published by Authoritie . LONDON , Printed by Melch. Bradwood for Iohn Bill and Edmond Weauer . 1608. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE , and his singular good Lord , ROBERT Earle of SALISBVRY , Principall Secretarie to his Maiestie , &c. and the most woorthy Chancellar of the Vniuersity of CAMBRIDGE , Grace and peace . THere are not many weeks past ( Right Honourable ) since a person , disguised by these dumbe characters of P. R. had couertly sent forth a Booke , inscribed , A Treatise of Mitigation , which he aduentured to addresse vnto both the Vniuersities , especially that , wherein , by the blessing of God , I haue had my education , and whereof this is the happinesse , that it hath your Lordship Chancellar and Protector . I therefore esteemed it my dutie in presence of your Honor , by this Preamble , to sponge out such vile imputations , wherewith he indeuoured through me ( alas ) one of the least of the Prophets to distaine both my Mother and her Sister the famous Vniuersities ; and those honorable persons vnto whose care and prouidence they are committed . At the first reading thereof , although ( I confesse ) I receiued some such impressions as that I was not able to imagine that any , professing Diuinity , could be so vtterly destitute of humanity , as when he clamorously inueigheth against ( as he pretendeth ) multiplicitie of falsifications , he himselfe should most vsually and egregiously falsifie : yet then , euen in my greatest iealousie of mine own miscariage , I conceiued a double matter of comfort : first , from my selfe , that knowing I durst present my supplications vnto the Iudge of the secret thoughts of all hearts , and iust Reuenger of all lying wickednesse ; I did not doubt but that being able with true confidence to appeare before God , I should not greatly feare the censure of man. Secondly , from my Auersarie , presuming that he that would write in defense of their Mentall Aequiuocation , would be found to aequiuocate in writing . But much more was this my diuination fortified at the reuiew of his Treatise ; for euen as the Greeke Commander , who being in apparance mortally wounded , demanded of his Souldiers , Numquid tuta est Ciuitas ? numquid clypeus meus integer ? Is the Citie safe ? is my shield sound ? And being satisfied in both recouered his health , and afterwards became victorious : So I likewise , vnder so many ghastly wounds of a virulent pen , hauing generally inquired and vprightly answered my selfe , that my cause was safe , and my conscience sound , and free from any notorious and wilfull falsitie ; I then began more resolutely to confront my Aduersarie in this Prelude and First assault : and promise ( if God shall be pleased ) a more forcible Incounter , after that I haue discharged my part in another taske of more importance , namely , in The Answer vnto the misconceiued Catholike Apologie : which by this calumnious Treatise of P. R. his Mitigation , as by an aduerse tempest , hath receiued some interruption . This Preamble ( Right Honourable ) as a Suruey of some particulars , which being vnfolded , may , if not satisfie the expectation , yet at the least stay the preiudice and precipitation of some , I do humbly present vnto your Lordship , as vnto a most zealous Patron of the Truth , a vigilant Discouerer of malignant practises , a prouident Directer of one of those Vniuersities , whereunto my Aduersarie presumeth to appeale ; submitting my selfe vnto the equanimitie of your honourable iudgement ; to which , if by this Briefe it be not manifest , that P. R. hath in this Treatise preuaricated in his whole cause both in the question of Rebellion and of Aequiuocation , betraied his Countreys State , disgraced the Romish Schooles , strangled his owne conscience , I refuse not , that to the crimes obiected against me by him , this may be added , That I durst affirme thus much before your Lordship . For whose continuance of health , increase of honour , accomplishment of all Spirituall Graces I shall not cease to pray . Our Lord Iesus preserue vs to the glorie of his sauing Grace . Your Honours in all Christian dutie THOMAS MORTON . A PREAMBVLATORY EPISTLE vnto P. R. the Mitigator . THere be but two Romish Maladies ( Master P. R. ) which in my books of Discouery and Full Satisfaction might stand need of your Mitigation : the one is the vsurped and transcendent Iurisdiction of the Pope aduanced aboue all Christian Kingdomes , to the troubling or subuerting of all Princes and people of contrary Religion ; the other is your professed Art of mentall Equiuocation . The first of these I haue proued to be ( in the Protestant States ) the Damme , and the second the Baud to rebellion : therefore haue I been by you censured for a false and slandrous Libeller . But if , as the woman in pleading of her cause appealed from the Iudge sleeping vnto the same Iudge better informed , you will giue me leaue to appeale from P. R. as he is a Passionate Railer , vnto P. R. as he is a Placable Reasoner ; then I am sure no man shall proue either me a false slanderer , or you a true Mitigator : because you in your Treatise haue established such a Papall authority , which ( after denunciation of sentence ) may depriue Protestant Kings ( in your opinion Heretikes ) of their Kingdomes ; making all such Protestant Princes and all their adherents also alliable vnto all those penalties , which the Popish Canons , by you defended , haue awarded against Heretikes , which are , losse of lands , of honours , and of their liues ; so farre , as to allow that euery man may in such a case sheath his sword in his brothers throat : not disproouing your fellowes , who conclude that all this must be done , when there is sufficient meanes of performance . And shall not Protestants ( except they will acknowledge themselues to haue deserued a new Massacre ) call this your doctrine execrable and rebellious ? We reade of Petilian a Donatist , who to the end he might moderate and mitigate the sharpe reproach of the crueltie of his sect intended against the Orthodoxall Professors , did make a great boast of courtesie and humanitie : against whom S. Augustine writeth thus : Isto modo & miluus , cùm columbos rapere non potuerit , columbum se nominat ; vbi enim potuistis , & non fecistis ? That is , By this meanes ( saith S. Augustine ) a Kite , when he can not seize vpon a Doue , will be a Doue : for , I pray you , when did you spare vs , being able to hurt vs ? The like boast of other Heretikes , called Rogationists , receiued the like Answer : to wit : Nulla bestia , si neminem vulneret , proptereà mansueta dicitur , si dentes & vngues non habet : saeuire vos nolle dicitis , ego non posse arbitror ; si autem possetis , quanta faceretis , quandò nihil potestis , & non cessatis ? That is , There is no beast , which may be called tame , because it doth no hurt when it hath neither teeth nor talant : You ( Rogationists ) say you will not mischieue vs ; but I rather thinke you can not : for how will not you do what possibly you can , seeing you cease not to be doing , when you can do nothing at all ? Are not these Rogationists and you Romanists equally bent to like mischiefe ? Is not your Defence ( P. R. ) Miluus & Columbus , A Kitish Doue ? For by the Title pretending Mitigation and Obedience , it may seem to be a Doue , but by the Treatise it selfe professing a plaine rebellion , it proueth a Kite . Whereby we may suspect that in the capitall characters of your name P. may betoken a Petilian , and R. a Rogationist . Otherwise , answer your Aduersaries sincerely vnto this their Interrogatorie ; Did you euer spare vs , being sufficiently able to hurt vs ? For the time past you can not satisfie ; for the time to come you will not ingage your selfe further than your Preface hath promised , viz. It is not impossible for vs to liue in subiection . But will you know the best way to prooue your Aduersarie T. M. slanderous ? Then must you teach your Disciples to cease to be murderous . Your second , and ( as you call it ) the speciall part , which is the Defence of Mentall Equiuocation , is no whit better fortified : for the maine reason to free it from a lie , is , because the outward speech , [ as I am no Priest ] is mixed with a clause reserued in the minde , [ as , To tell it vnto you . ] Wherein againe I appeale from your Position to your Confession , granting , That there is a mentall Equiuocation , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lie . Which one Confession is sufficient to conuince all your Mentall Equiuocators to be apparently liers . Hauing thus obteined my cause in both questions , although you rage and raue , disgorging your stomacke , and casting vpon me all the cankred and galfull termes it could vtter : yet can I not be offended with you , except only ( as Tully spoke in the like case ) Quiame nocere vol●isti : Because you meant to doe me iniurie . After you had laboured , by disabling my iudgement concerning the cause , to wound me in the head , you proceed further , to preiudice my conscience , by pretending multiplicitie of frauds and falsifications , seeking thereby ( for so I may call it ) to stab me at the heart . But know ( P. R. ) that your false and calumnious obiections of falsifications are in this Preamble so farre discouered , that I may truly thinke the Scripture verified vpon you , where it is thus written : Therefore art thou inexcusable , ô man , whosoeuer thou be , that iudgest ; for doing the same things , by iudging another thou condemnest thy selfe . Therfore I wish you in the feare of God , so to vse your iudgement in this life , as still remembring , that after death you must be called to iudgement . Our Lord Iesus preserue vs to the glorie of his sauing Grace . Farewell . Yours to warne , and to be warned , THO. MORTON . A table of the particular contents , and Paragraphes of the insuing Preamble . FIrst part is concerning the sufficiency of P. R. to vndertake any challenge . § . 1. pag. 1 An argument that P. R. his wit was in a slumber in answering to the point of the sleeping souldiers . § . 2. pag. 2 An argument of his memory bewraying his free will to lying in the point of the clause of Reseruation . § . 3. pag. 5 P. R. his skill in Logicke , prouoking all Vniuersities to laugh at him , both in the point of Syllogizing , § . 4. pag. 7. And also in diuiding pag. 12 P. R. obiecting Greeke and Hebrew texts , and thereby gaining to himselfe the opinion of rare ignorance . § . 5. pag. 12 P. R. glorying in a triumphant falshood in his obiection of falsitie concerning the testimonie of Carerius . § . 6. pag. 15 P. R. his presumptuous falshood in charging T. M. with falsitie in allegation of the testimonie of Dolman . § . 7. pag. 18 P. R. his foure malitious tricks of falshood in obiecting a falsitie concerning the testimony of Frisingensis . § . 8. pag. 25 The second part , proouing that P. R. is no sufficient Aduocate for our English case , deciphering the disposition of both my Aduersaries , viz. the Moderate Answerer and this Mitigator , by way of a Dialogue bringing them vpon the stage . § . 9. pag. 30 The third part sheweth that P. R. hath not performed his challenge in respect either of his cause or conscience . § . 10. pag. 34 That the very Title of the booke of Mitigation is ominous and vnluckie vnto them whom P. R. laboureth thereby to defend . § . 10. pag. 34 That P. R. betraieth his whole cause in question of Rebellion , by many impossibilities of subiection . § . 11. pag. 36. shewing his sportfull or rather execrable impostureship therein . pag. 39 That P. R. hath by necessarie consequence ouerthrowne his whole defence of mentall Aequiuocation . § . 12. pag. 43 A generall answer to the accusation which P. R. vrgeth concerning malicious falshoods . § . 13. pag. 49 The hypocriticall , prodigall , and prodigious ostentation which P. R. maketh in auouching the integritie of his Romish writers . § . 14. pag. 50 Popes falsificatours . pag. 51. num . 57 A notable spectacle of manifold contradictions of Romish Doctors in peruerting three testimonies of antiquitie in one controuersie about Images . pag. 53. as namely the Councell of Eliberis , pag. 53. the Councell of Francford , pag. 55. the Epistle of Epiphanius . pag. 59 An instance in a notable Romish falsificatour , to wit , Cardinall Bellarmine . § . 15. both in slandering his aduersaries , pag. 62 and also in the corrupt allegation of testimonies of Fathers , § . 16. pag. 66. by many examples euen in one controuersie of Purgatorie . pag. 68 Another notable Romish falsificator , euen P. R. himselfe . § . 17 pag. 71 One falshood of his , about the clause of Reseruation . pag. 72 A second , in turning one Doctor into many Doctors . pag. 72 A third and fourth in changing condemnation into iustification . pa. 73. num . 82. 83 A fift , in changing Campian into Bellarmine . pag. 74. num . 84 A sixt , in changing a deniall into a confession . pag. 75. num . 85 A seuenth , in changing an interrogation [ Haue you any thing to say to their practise ? ] into an asseueration , & a manifest noting an obiection into an hypocriticall dissimulation . pag. 76. nu . 86 An eight falsitie changing Holinshed into Fox . pag. 79. num . 88 A ninth , noting falsly a corruption of the English text . pag. 81. num . 90 A tenth , eleuenth and twelfth . pag. 82 A thirteenth falsitie in his claime of vniuersall consent for the doctrine of Equiuocation . pag. 82. num . 93. wherin he is conuinced of notorious falshoods by the knowne testimonies of three Iesuits , as Azorius , pa. 84. num . 96. by Emmanuel Sà and others , pag. 86. num . 98. by Maldonate . pag. 99 Answers to the particular accusations of falshood which P. R. hath falsly obiected to T. M. and wherein he hath gloried and insulted most . pag. 88. § . 18 First his insultation in the testimonie of Polydor , concerning the change of Popes names . pag. 89. num . 101 A second insultation in the testimony of Nauclerus , concerning the Pope choaked with a flie . pag. 91. num . 104 A third insultation in the testimonie of Bouchier , de iusta abdicatione , concerning killing of Tyrants . pag. 95. num . 108 A fourth , in the testimonie of M. Reinolds . pag. 99. num . 115 A fift out of Gratian. pag. 103. num . 120 A sixt also out of Gratian. pag. 106. num . 124 A seuenth concerning the text of Esay 29. pag. 109. num . 129 An eighth concerning the testimonie alleged of the Extrauagants . pag. 109. num . 130 A ninth in the testimonie of Bellarm. about putting in Illos , and putting out Hoc . pag. 112. num . 134 A tenth in the testimonie of Carerius about vero and verè , &c. pag. 115. num . 138 An eleuenth in the testimonie of Dolman . pag. 116. num . 139 A twelfth about the succession of Protestant Princes . pag. 116 num . 140 A thirteenth in the testimonie of Frisingensis . pag. 117. num . 141 A fourteenth and most rigorous accusation in the testimonie of Lambertus Scaffnaburg . pag. 117. num . 142. &c. The falshood , foolishnesse , vnfortunatenesse , and impietie of that Accusation . pag. 120. 121. 123. 124 A challenge against P. R. § . 19. pag. 126. num . 150. &c. A PREAMBLE VNTO THE INCOVNTER WITH P. R. in Confutation of his deceitfull Treatise of MITIGATION . §. 1. 1 EVery man reprehending his Aduersarie , thereby bindeth himselfe to good behauior : otherwise to reproch another in his owne guilt , is to throw dust against the wind , which will reflect and returne with greater violence vpon his own face . My Aduersarie P. R. to make me odious to his Reader hath plashed me , as it were , with these aspersions , of Asse , Silly fellow , Vnlearned , Not vnderstanding Logike , Shamelesse , False , Malicious ; which a man would thinke he could not haue spoken without presuming of his owne Wit , Learning , Truth , Modesty , Charity , together with all their complements in himselfe . In ostentation whereof he offereth himselfe to the triall of all Diuines , Schooles , Vniuersities , and euery Reader of his Treatise . But I ( alas ) what shall I say ? who shall plead my cause ? who ? though all Diuines should condemne , Nobilitie disdaine , and Vniuersities hisse me out of Schooles , yet is there one , vnto whom I dare appeale , euen P. R. himselfe in his Booke of MITIGATION : where I finde , that this my most rigorous Aduersarie will proue my rightfull Aduocate ; his wit freeing me from sillinesse , his learning from ignorance , his modestie from shamelesnesse , his charitie from malice , his truth from lying . And though he vilifie me with termes of indignitie and tread vpon me with his dirtie footings , as men do vpon brasse , I shall not be greatly offended , being assured that the more he rubbeth , the brighter I shall appeare both in my cause and conscience vnto euerie Christian and conscionably affected Reader . 2 To this purpose I diuide this Preamble into Three Inquiries : The First is , What sufficiencie and excellencie there is in P. R. to make so great an insultation as he doth : The Second , Whether he may be thought a sufficient Proctor in this case or no : The Third , Whether he hath sufficiently performed his taske either for the Defense of his cause or Iustification of his conscience : together with a Challenge against him in them both . THE FIRST INQVIRIE . The true Symptomes and Arguments concerning the sufficiencie and excellencie of the wit , memorie , learning , charitie , modestie , and truth , of P. R. by a taste in ech one , euen in such instances , wherein he glorieth and boasteth most . An Argument of P. R. his kinde of wit , which may seeme to haue beene a slumber when he made his Replie . § 2. 3 LOquere vt te videam , that is , Speake friend , that I may see thee , sayd the Philosopher vnto a yong man ; because ( Oratio , being or is ratio ) the reason of man can not be outwardly discerned better than by the mouth , which is the messenger of the heart . Therfore let vs see P. R. speaking thus : a The chiefe proofe of Thomas Morton ( to shew our Priests to be bad Doctors ) consisteth in a certaine comparing of them with those Iewish Priests of the olde law , in Christs time , who taught the souldiers which watched at the Sepulcher of our Sauiour to say , That whilest they were sleeping , his Disciples came and stole him away . [ Common sense ( sayth Thomas Morton ) might haue replied , How could you tell what was done when you were asleepe ? But mindes inthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring Priesthood ( which confirmed that answer ) could not possibly but erre with their Priests . Such ( alas ) is the case of all them &c. ] Doe you see how substantially he hath prooued this matter ? Let vs examine the particulars : First the storie , then the inference . About the storie S. Matthew recounteth in the 28. Chapter of his Gospell , how Christ our Sauiour being raised miraculously from death to life with a great and dreadfull earth-quake and descent of an Angell , so as the souldiers which kept the Sepulcher were astonished , and almost dead for feare ; some of them ranne and tolde the Chiefe Priests thereof , who making a consultation with the Elders , deuised this shift , To giue them store of money , and to bidde them say , That in the night when they were asleepe his Disciples came and stole him away : and so they did . And S. Matthew addeth , That this false bruit ran currant among the Iewes , euen vntill that time wherein he wrote his Gospell . This is the narration . What hath Tho. Morton now to say to this against vs ? for thereunto is all his drift . First , he sayth , as you haue heard , That this deuice was improbable , and against common sense it selfe . Common sense ( sayth hee ) might haue replied ( to the souldiers ) What could you tell what was done when you were asleepe ? See heere the sharpnesse of Tho. Mortons wit aboue that of the Priests , Scribes , and Pharisees . But what if one of the souldiers had replied to him thus ? We saw it not when we were asleepe , but afterward when wee were awakened wee perceiued hee was stollen away . What reioynder would our Minister make ? As for example , if Tho. Morton were walking with a Communion-booke vnder his arme thorow a field , and wearied should lie downe to sleepe with his Booke by his side , and at his awaking should see his Booke gone , were it against common sense for him to say , That his booke was stollen from him while he was asleepe ? Or is not this an Assertion fit for one of those Doctours , whereof S. Paul talketh , that vnderstand not what they say , nor whereof they affirme ? But this will better yet appeare by the second point , which is his inference . 4 The Minister hath only this to reioyne , That his Aduersarie P. R. hath shewed himselfe , by this his Inference , both shamelesse and witlesse . Shamelesse , to impute that for an absurditie vnto me , which he might haue knowen to be the wise and learned Inference of ancient Fathers , amongst whom S. Augustine sayth to this Answer of these souldiers thus : b O mal● , ô pessimi , aut vigilabatis , aut dormiebatis ; & quid sit factum nescitis : impletum est enim quod à Spiritu Sancto multùm antè per * Psalmistam praedictum erat , Cogitauerunt consilium , quod non potuerunt stabilire . That is to say , O euill and most wicked men , either you were awake or asleepe , and knew not what was done , &c. intimating this Dilemma ; Either were you awake or asleepe : if awake , then confesse what was done , Christ is risen out of the graue : if asleepe , then you knew not what was done . For say , I pray you , P. R. When Christ by the power of his Godhead raised himselfe out of the graue , had it beene a good answer of the souldiers ( supposing they had slept ) to say , We know that Christ was stollen out of the graue , when we were asleepe , because we found him not when we were awake ? This Inference P. R. doth holde for good : whereby my Reader may ghesse how acceptable a seruant he would haue been vnto those Iewish Priests , if he had liued in that Synagogue , in setting on foot that bruit of infidelitie , by perswading the people , that the souldiers reason was good ; the Conclusion whereof is , Christ did not rise , but was stollen out of the graue : though , I hope , P. R. his faith is not so farre asleepe , as so to preiudice the chiefe Article of Christian faith , The resurrection of Christ from the dead : without which , as the Apostle S. Paul teacheth , * our preaching is vaine , and faith vaine . 5 Howsoeuer , I am sure he hath shewen himselfe heerin very witlesse , who knowing that I set downe the maine question in these words in great letters , for distinction sake , His Disciples came and stole him away : specifying the persons , His Disciples , the principall subiect of that question : And could sleeping souldiers tell what was done of Christs Disciples ? As for example , If I falling asleepe in the field , and hauing twentie shillings in my purse , one should come and picke my pocket , and cut my purse ; after , I awaking , and conuenting P. R. before a Magistrate vpon suspition of felonie , should yeeld no other reason , but that when I was asleepe , sure I am , P. R. came and cut my purse . Then the Iustice of Peace replieth , How know you that P. R. did it , you being then asleepe ? What reioynder would P. R. teach Tho. Morton to make ? I could haue vexed P. R. with a more familiar example , if I had beene bent to scurrilitie . It is sufficient to vnderstand , that as it pleased God so to infatuate that lying Priesthood , when they thought themselues most wise , for the greater glory of Christian faith , as to build their incredulitie vpon no better foundation than a fained senselesse report of men asleepe : euen so it falleth out with my Aduersary P. R. who hath bewraied his singular sottishnesse in the Inference , wherein he meant to giue vs a speciall Argument of his wit. An Argument of the rare memorie of P. R. bewraying his free-will to lying . § 3. 6 TO make me seeme ridiculously cautelous , as intending whensoeuer their Equiuocating forgerie was to be spoken of , to keepe the clause of mentall reseruation vnder a Latine locke , and not Englished , lest weake ones might learne to practise that Magicall Art , P. R. opposeth heereunto , c He ( meaning Tho. Morton ) hath not to my remembrance set downe the clause of Reseruation in Latine but once thorowout all his booke , and that in foure words in the second page , the sayd Reseruation being mentioned in English more perhaps than 〈◊〉 times . 7 If my Reader will be willing for my sake to lose so much time as to peruse but the places which I haue noted , he shall finde the clause of Reseruation set downe by d me in English not aboue e three of foure times thorow my whole Booke , and in the Treatise professedly written of that subiect of Equiuocation it is ( the thing it selfe challenging so much ) but once : but it is couched in Latine phrase aboue twentie times . See the Full Satisfact . Part. 3. f First , 1 Vt quis teneatur illud detegere . Second , 2 Vt tibidicam . 3 Vt tibi reuelem : in one Chapter . 4 Vt tibi significem . 5 Vt tibi reuelem . 6 Vt tibi narrem . 7 Vt narrem tibi . 8 Vt narrem tibi : fiue times in one Chapter . Againe , 9 Vt tibi significem . 10 Vt tibi significem . 11 Quatenùs vir longissimè abesse potuit . 12 Vt in commune bonum conferamus . 13 Vt alijs largiamur . 14 Vt vobis significemus : and 15 Vt narrem tibi . 16 Viuit in Purgatorio . 17 Vt tibi reuelem . 18 Vt tibi reuelem ; foure times in one Chap. and 19 Vt dicam vobis . 20 Vt dicam vobis ; vt vobis significem . 21 Vt vobis significem , 22 Abomni spe obtinendi Rom. Imperium . 23 Admodùm exiguam . Thus often it is expresly set downe euen in those places whereunto P. R. himselfe hath shaped such Answers as his want of grace did permit : so that he could not pretend ignorance heerein . Wherefore what this his so open lying might portend , I know not , except he felt his wit wax somewhat blunt , and therefore meant to deserue the whetstone . 8 The excellencie of his memorie appeareth in this , that he could remember foureteene English clauses of the Reseruation , where there was ( I thinke ) not aboue foure : but of twenty Latine clauses he would remember but one . Now seeing that one instance doth confute a generall assertion , as he that shall say , There is not any Stew allowed in Rome , is easily confuted if but one may be prooued to be there : He therefore wilfully denying that there is any such Latine clause , excepting only one , must , vpon the euidence of three and twentie more , be thought to haue made two and twentie lies at once . And shall we expect , that when he is brought into exigents and straits of greater importance , that he will speake truth , who doth lie so lauishly in a matter so needlesse ? No , for an horse is like to stumble in the rough way , who falleth flat of all foure in the plaine . Next followeth An Argument of P. R. his kinde of learning in Logike , wherein he hath prouoked all Vniuersities in the world to laugh at him . § 4. 9 FOr proofe of his dexteritie in Logike , he taketh vpon him to discusse an absurd Syllogisme ( as he calleth it ) of Tho. Mortons , in this maner . g His Syllogisme ( sayth he ) is in these words : [ The competencie of God , by whom we sweare , maketh eury one competent Iudges and Hearers , to whom we sweare . But by swearing by God , whom we can not deceiue , we religiously protest , that in swearing we intend not to deceiue . Ergo your deceitfull Equiuocation is a prophanation of the religious worship of God. ] This Syllogisme I leaue to be discussed by Cambridge Logicians , where I heare say the man learned his Logike ( if he haue any ) for heere he sheweth very little or none at all , no boy being among vs of foure moneths standing in Logike or Sophistrie , which will not hisse at this argument , both for forme and matter . — Because it hath six terminos , — and there should be but three . For it is no more a Syllogisme than this : viz. h Euery man is a liuing creature : Euery Ox is a foure-footed beast : Ergo euery Asse hoth two long eares . Where you see there be six termini , as in Tho. Mortons Syllogisme , without connexion or dependance one of the other . And as much concludeth this as that . — And now compare this his skill ( I pray you ) with that brag of his in the beginning of his Treatise against Equiuocation , when he sayd to his Aduersary , Dare you appeale to Logike ? This is the Art of Arts , and the high tribunall of reason and trueth it selfe , which no man in any matter , whether it be case of Humanity or Diuinity , can iustly refuse . Who would not thinke but that the man were very skilfull in that Art , wherein he presumeth to giue such a censure ? 10 I would gladly doe my Aduersary the credit , as to thinke that not he himselfe , but rather some of his boyish Sophisters hath thus canuased that silly Argument , but that thorowout his whole Booke I finde him so prodigall of his wit , time , and paper , euery where pleasing himselfe in such superfluous vanities . Here therefore he calleth that a Syllogisme , which I named only in a more generall terme a Reason , and not a Syllogisme . Now there be many formes of reasonings besides Syllogismes ; neither did I , indeed , intend to make an exact and formall Syllogisme , but only such an Argument , which by due inference and deduction might prooue my Conclusion good : and P. R. confesseth of that my Argument , that by a double Inference the reasoning is made good . I can not see therefore what cause he had to be more offended at me for deliuering that in grosse , which being diuided into his parts was good reasoning ; no more than a man may mislike to-pence because it is not a couple of single pence . As for his example of a Syllogisme , it can not admit any such Inference to make any good reasoning : for by what deduction can he make his creature man and his other creature asse with long eares meet ? But how will P. R. now vse mee vpon this aduantage ? i I do shew him ( sayth he ) to be a silly Disputer , as that he knoweth not how to make a Syllogisme , and therefore am forced to send him againe to Cambridge to reforme his Logike , and to learne more . O good Sir , deale not so extremly with me , to put me to that trouble , charge , and shame , but rather vouchsafe ( I pray you ) to teach me your selfe , you shall finde me docible I warrant you . P. R. k Now then let vs helpe him out to make his foresayd Syllogisme in forme . It should haue beene thus , if he would haue sayd any thing in true forme ; The competency of God , by whom we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges , to whom we sweare : But in euery oath we sweare by God either expresly or implicatiuely : Ergo in euery oath they are competent Iudges , to whom we sweare . And then by another inference againe , he might haue argued , That vnto euery competent and lawfull Iudge we haue confessed before that a man is bound to answer directly , and to sweare to his intention , and not only to his owne . Ergo in no oath to whomsoeuer , may a man equiuocate , which is his principall Proposition . And thus had his forme of reasoning beene good , according to the rules of Logike . 11 If there had beene either sinew or sappe of Logike in this Priest , it stood him vpon heere to expresse his best Art , where he meaneth to play his prize , especially now when so scornfully he insulteth vpon his Aduersarie , and so confidently appealeth vnto Vniuersities , as though he would heerupon raise his Io poean and triumph . Had we not now reason to expect as absolute a Syllogisme as all his wit , art , and industrie could inuent ? I am not woorthy ( I confesse ) to enter in comparison with men of great learning , because I thinke my selfe inferiour vnto thousands in our owne Kingdome , yet some Logike I haue learned , and sometime publikely taught ; vpon which little I dare presume to make a generall appeale to Cambridge , Oxford , Rhemes , Rome , and vnto all Vniuersities , whether of Protestants or Romanists , whether Christian or Pagan , yea , euen to his owne hissing boyes and Sophisters , who P. R. sayth are able to make Syllogismes in one moneth , and challenge P. R. for this his false Syllogisme , willing ( if he dare ) that heerupon wee venture our degrees , which wee haue taken in the Schooles . To come to the point : This Syllogisme can finde no place either in mood or figure , by reason of foure capitall faults . First , there be in it fiue termini , as namely , 1 competencie : 2 God by whom we sweare : 3 euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare : 4 in euery oath : 5 either expresly or implicatiuely : whereas , according to his owne censure , there should be but three . Secondly , these words , The competencie , being part of the Medium , should haue beene repeated in the Minor proposition , thus : But in euery oath there is a competencie of God by whom we sweare . Otherwise it is no better than if P. R. should dispute thus : Euery Mitigation of doctrine concerning rebellious positions , which are imputed vnto vs , will procure vs fauour of the State : But this is the doctrine of rebellious positions imputed vnto vs : Ergo this doctrine of rebellious positions imputed vnto vs will procure vs fauour of the State. The fault in this Syllogisme is because this word , Mitigation , which is part of the Medium , is not repeated in the Minor. Thirdly , there should be but one minus extremum : with this , We sweare by God , he hath ioyned another in these words , either expresly or implicatiuely : which words being a part of the minus extremum , should not haue beene omitted in the Conclusion . Like as if a man should reason thus : Euery penitent Confessarie must receiue absolution : But euery Drunkard is a penitent Confessarie , repenting either of drinking too much , or of drinking too little : Ergo , euery Drunkard must receiue absolution . The fault of this is the addition to the minus extremum [ either for drinking too much , or too little . ] The fourth , the Verbe and copula [ maketh ] euery one competent , is altered in the Conclusion into [ Are ] competent Iudges : than the which there can not be a greater absurditie in Syllogismes . As may appeare by this like example . Euery man in framing his last Will and Testament , maketh his owne Executor : But T. B. frameth his last Will and Testament : Ergo T. B. is his owne Executor . The fault is the changing of the copula or Verbe [ maketh ] into [ is . ] What will now P. R. doe , after that this his montanous boast of A true Syllogisme hath brought foorth this ridiculous mouse ? It is to be feared , that his hissing Sophisters will turne him into a Prouerbe , for thus disgracing their College , calling him P. R. the Syllogizer , when they will note any man so egregiously absurd , as in his greatest vaunt of skill to bewray his greatest want . But I may not be so vnthankefull as not to reforme him , who was so willing to helpe me ; thereby to redeeme him from scorne : and therefore wish him to frame his Syllogisme thus : Euery speech , wherein we sweare by God , either expresly or implicatiuely , doth by the competencie of God , by whom wee sweare , make the Iudges competent , vnto whom we sweare : But euery oath is a speech wherein we sweare by God , either expresly or implicatiuely : Ergo , euery oath doth by the competencie of God , by whom we sweare , make the Iudges competent , to whom we sweare . 12 But I feare lest I may seeme too much to detract from his skill in Logike , who hath giuen vs so many tokens of his rare facultie therein , especially in exact diuiding and subdiuiding ; a principall property of that Art. As for example : l Wherfore all our speech , saith he , in this place shal be about the second kind of Equiuocation , which is false and lying , and thereby also euer vnlawful ; which thogh not properly , yet in a general maner , may be called Equiuocation , as I haue said , for that the hearer is alwayes wrongfully deceiued or intended to be deceiued by some falsitie , which is knowen to be such by the speaker , and consequently is plaine lying . And for that lying also hath beene shewed before to be diuided into two sorts ; the one a materiall lie , when the thing spoken is false in it selfe , but not so vnderstood by the speaker ; the other a formall lie , when the speaker doth know it , or thinketh it to be false , and yet speaketh it . This kinde of Aequiuocation , which really is a lie , must haue also the same subdiuision , so as the one sort thereof may be called a materiall lying Equiuocation , and the other aformall : and so much woorse , as a formall lie is in it selfe ( which alwayes is sinne ) than a materiall ( which often times may be without sinne of the speaker ) by so much is a formall lying Equiuocation worse than a materiall . There is no boy ( I thinke ) in his College , but hee can analyse the members of this diuision thus : A lying Equiuocation is that which is knowen to be such vnto the speaker . And this is to be subdiuided , for it is either A materiall lie , which is when the thing spoken is a lie in it selfe , But not so vnderstood of the speaker . Or , A formall lie , when the speaker Doth know it , and thinke it to be false . Where he maketh a materiall lie , which is not knowen of the speaker , to be a species or member of that lying aequiuocation , which is knowen to the speaker . As if hee should say , Some lier knoweth what he speaketh , when he knoweth not what he speaketh . And could any say thus but a lier ? Heere indeed is Logike whereat the boies of our Vniuersities may hisse , and the boies of his College may blush ▪ yea , any rurall boy ( if of any meane capacitie ) may laugh , by sight of the like : for his diuision is all one as if he had sayd thus : Euery one of our Priests is shauen in the crowne , whereof Some are sent into England , and they haue no shauen crownes . Others remaine beyond the seas , and they are shauen in the crownes . Which diuision if it were true , then might a man conclude by good Logike , that a man with a shauen crowne hath no shauen crowne . And yet P. R. our great Logicioner can tell vs , that m According to Aristotles obseruation , Prudentis est distinguere : It appertaineth to a wise and discreet man to distinguish , whereas the ignorant ▪ and the vnlearned doth commonly confound all without distinction . But my friend P. R. ( I must needs say ) is not one of those Ignorants , who confound things without distinction ; but woorse : for he hath taken paines to confound things by distinguishing . I can not be delighted with these kinde of taxations , and except it were against such a scornfull Aduersarie , I would not haue insisted vpon them . My purpose is only to teach him heereafter to be more serious , who still multiplieth his vanities , as next appeareth in An Argument of his kinde of skill in Greeke and Hebrew , whereby he hath gained the opinion of rare ignorance . § 5. 13 YEt againe , to expose me to the scoffe of his Reader , the conceited Gentleman sayth thus : n And yet truly I can not well pretermit , for ending this Chapter , one little note more , of rare singularitie in this man aboue others , which I scarse ouer haue obserued in any of his fellowes , and this is , That the very first words of Scripture alleged by him in the first page of his booke , for the poesie of his pamphlet , are falsly alleged , corrupted and mangled , though they conteine but one only verse of Isay the Prophet ; and then may you imagine , what libertie he will take to himselfe afterward thorowout his whole Discourse . His sentence or poesie is this . Isay. 29. vers . 9. But stay your selues and woonder , they are blinde and make you blinde : which hee would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholikes . But let any man reade the place of Isay it selfe , & he shall finde no such matter either inwords or sense , but only the word , wonder , to wit ; Obstupescite & admiramini , fluctuate & vacillate , inebriamini & non à vino , monemini & non ab ebrietate . And according to this are the Greeke and Hebrew texts also . So as what should mooue T. M. to set downe so corruptly the very sentence of his booke , and cite the chapter and verse wherein his fraud may be discried , I know not , except he obserued not the last clause of the Prophets precept , Mouemini & non ab ebrietate . And so much for this . 14 Which is much more than any man of a temperate sense would haue obiected : for let any man reade the English translation , and he shall finde the same words expresly set downe . Seeing therefore that P. R. doth intimate to his Reader , That I haue forged a new Text , and that the words are by me falsly alleged , can there be a more false , yea and ( if wilfull rashnesse doe not take the vpper hand of impudent boldnesse ) a more shamelesse cauill than this ? 15 Thus much of the words , Ye are blinde , &c. His next quarrell is against the sense , he repeating the Latine , yet but manglingly , and doth not English it , lest ( I thinke ) his common Reader might apprehend the sense : or els he left it for me to translate . Thus then : * Be ye astonished & wonder , wauer ye and reele , ye are drunke , but not with wine , ye are moued , but not with drunkennesse : because the Lord hath mingled for you the spirit of slumber , he will shut your eyes , he will couer your Prophets and chiefe ones , which see visions , &c. The sense of all is deliuered by S. Hierome in his Comment vpon the same place : Scitote ergo , &c. Know therefore ye Scribes and Pharisees , who are the chiefe among the Iewes , for you hearing the Lord ▪ and Sauiour would not vnderstand , and haue shut your eyes , that you should not see : Therefore will God shut your eyes ( who are the Prophets ) by whom you receiued the knowledge of God. A little after : Or according to the Septuagints , he will shut the eyes of them , who boasted they saw secrets , &c. In all these we heare of the spirit of slumber , of couering and shutting of eyes , of not seeing : and can these signifie any thing but a spirituall blindnesse ? Againe , Pagninus translateth the text according to our English : Excaecati &c. They are blinde , and make you blinde . And not this only , but their owne late authorized Doct. Pintus , in his Comment vpon the same place , sayth : In Hebraeo est in hunc modum , &c. Thus it is in the Hebrew text ( sayth he ) Your Priests shall be blinde , and make others blinde . 16 Let vs conferre circumstances together . First , I am noted by P. R. to haue forged a text , but am acquitted by the English Translation , They are blinde , &c. This then is his first falshood . And next , for his sense he obiecteth the Latine and Greeke , but by the exposition of S. Hierome both the Greeke Septuagints and Latine vulgar haue the same sense , to wit , Shutting vp of eyes , which is to be blinde : which may argue his second falshood . In the last place he opposeth the Hebrew text , as different from the English , which by the iudgement of Pagninus , and Pintus , is almost the same both in words & sense , wherein is discouered his third falshood . So as I can not ghesse what mooued P. R. to deale so slanderously with me , in noting me of fraud and corruption , except it be that he meant we should recken himselfe in the number of these Priests thus mentioned in the Text , You are blinde , and make men blinde : or in the words following , You are drunke but not with wine : With what then ? I pray God I may not say with malice . In this , both P. R. and I may learne a caution , to take heed wee doe not peremptorily meddle with Hebrew texts : for if they say true who know him , as I can say of my selfe , we are but Alephbetharians in this language . An Argument of P. R. his kinde of Charitie , attended with a triumphant falshood . § 6. 17. I Doe not meane to bring in , as tokens heereof , his disgracefull and reuiling termes , calling mee Asse , Silly grashopper , Lewd lad : which kinde of Rhetorike the learned call Caninam eloquentiam , that is , Doggish eloquence , wherein this fellow hath ( I must confesse ) a singular gift , which I shall rather pitie than enuie , till I see it better imployed . In the interim it can not offend mee to be called Asse in that cause , wherein I carrie my Sauiour in his Hozanna ; nor to be termed Grashopper in that cause , wherein I may be a plague vnto Aegypt , I pray God rather for conuersion than destruction : nor to be named Lad , whilest I carrie a stone in a sling , In nomine Domini , wherewith a noble and gracious Lad did hit an enemie of the true worship of God , a vaunting Goliah , in the forehead . But I haue a better argument of his charitable deuotion towards me than this . For thus P. R. o I let passe as trifles in this very place ( but yet such as shew a guilty minde and meaning ) that he citing the booke of Alexander Carerius , a Doctor of the Canon law in Padua , which he wrote of late De potestate Romani Pontificis , putteth in of his owne , contra huius temporis haereticos , against the heretikes of this time , which are not in the title of that booke . And then whereas the sayd Author , naming or citing many other Writers to be of his opinion , doth say , Nuperrime verò Celsus Mancinus in tract . de Iurib. Princip . &c. and last of all Celsus Mancinus doth holde the same in a certaine Treatise of the rights and principalities : this man to frame vnto himselfe some matter of insultation , turneth verò into verè , and then playeth ridiculously vpon his owne fiction in these words : Carerius citeth another called Celsus , by interpretation high or lofty , and therefore instiles him with Verè Celsus , as truly so named , and so truly he may be , if we iudge him by the loftinesse of his stile and Conclusion . So he . And doe you see this follie ? Or will you thinke it rather follie than falshood , that could not discerne betweene verò and verè ? Or not be able to iudge by the contexture of Carerius his speech it selfe , that it could not be apt construction be verè if he had lighted vpon a corrupt copie , as he could not ; for that there is but one , and that hath very plainly verò , and consequently all this Commentarie of Tho. Morton is out of his owne inuention . And where now is the assurance of his vpright conscience protested to his Maiestie in his Epistle Dedicatorie ? Where is his simplicitie in Christ Iesus ? Where is his naked innocencie ? Can this be ignorance ? Can this be done but of purpose , and consequently by a guiltie conscience ? What may the Hearer beleeue of all he sayth , when euery where he is found intangled with such foolish treachery ? But let vs proceed . Thus farre P. R. 18. It is but a point of Oratory in this man to say he letteth passe , which notwithstanding he insisteth and dwelleth vpon as violently and virulently as vpon any one taxation in the whole booke , and yet the matter , we see , is but only about trifles , as himselfe sayth , and therefore such , as not only Christian equitie , but euen common humanitie might haue either spared : or if I deserued correction , yet with moderate Schoolmasters to know when to vse a ferula , and when a rod. The fault obiected is a wrong intituling of a booke , which notwithstanding the title which P. R. allegeth ( being De Pontifice Romano ) might haue born out , because it is the very scope of that booke : so that my errour therein could haue beene no more than if in signes which hang in the street , I had taken an Iuie bush for an Hollie , both which doe equally betoken a Tauerne . The next excuse might haue beene from a possible weaknesse of sight in taking verè for verò . But this mans charitie is so hote , that whatsoeuer slip his Aduersarie maketh , it must rather be falshood than follie . Must it be euen so then P. R ? And shall the Minister finde no more fauourable construction at the hands of a Priest , than to be pronounced guiltie of forgerie for such an easie escape , not of a sentence , or word , or syllable , but for this little element ò ? ôthen giue me leaue to plead for my selfe , and know P. R. that the Booke it selfe will witnesse against you , which many haue seene in my hands , and any may see that will. Carerius , then in the Boke aboue mentioned , printed at Colen , Anno Domini 1601. in 8o. ( and ioyned with another booke of Zecchius De Indulgentijs & Iubilaeo , which hath the first place in the volume ) hath in the front and beginning of the whole Booke this title followieg : viz. De potestate Romani Pontificis , aduersus impios Politicos , & nostri temporis haereticos , Authore Alexandro Carerio Patauino . That is : A Treatise concerning the authoritie of the Pope of Rome , against the wicked Politicians and Heretikes of our times , by Alexander Carerius , &c. Which title is againe repeated alone in the beginning of Carerius his Tract , after F. 4. De potestate Romani Pontificis aduersus Politicos & huius temporis haereticos , &c. A Treatise concerning the authoritie of the Pope against the politicians and heretikes of these times . I haue therefore committed no fraud in the title . 19 The second is of the particle Verè , which is also as plaine in the place by me alleged out of Carerius lib. 2. cap. 9. pag. 133. about the middest of the page , before the end of that Chapter , Nuperrimè verè Celsus Mancinus in Tractat. de iuribus principatuum , &c. Of late truly Celsus Mancinus , &c. Which the contexture may seeme also to import , because after that he had recounted sixteene Authours for maintenance of his Conclusion , and comming last vnto Celsus Mancinus , may well be thought by that particle verè , to haue honoured Celsus with the note of Truly loftie , that by the excellencie of the Authour he might haue gained grace and dignitie to his cause . Where then is the sinceritie of this mans conscience ? Shall excuse him by diuersitie of Editions ? Hee will not be thus excused : For ( sayth he ) there is but one Edition . What Menippus ( whom the Poets fain to be the man in the moon , beholding all the infinite corners of the world ) could haue made so peremptorie a negatiue as this ? There is but one , that is , there is no other Edition in the world ? seeing that it is free for all Vniuersities in France , Spaine , Germanie , Italie to print and reprint all such priuileged books , and yet P. R. dare auouch that there is but one . Take heed P. R. nay it is past take heed , for you are alreadie fallen into a whirlpoole : because if there be but one , then hath P. R. wickedly falsified the Author , by turning verè into verò ( which all men may finde in the Colen Edition , anno 1601. where it is verè ) if there may be another , then hath he wilfully bolted out this exception , saying , that there is but one Edition . The guilt of the first must bee needs malice ; of the other , madnesse : wherby ( I hope ) my Reader may iudge , that the sinceritie of my conscience heerein hath beene where it ought , euen in the heart of a Minister of Truth : and that it is no maruell , if the conscience of my Aduersarie hath beene ( according to his profession ) in the heart of an Aequiuocator , who sayth furthermore , I let that passe , which notwithstanding euen vpon a wrong sense he prosecuteth in titles and triflels so curiously , or rather ( if desert may speake ) so currishly , and with such spightfull insultations , viz. Where is his naked innocencie ? Where is his vpright conscience ? Where is his simplicitie in Christ Iesus ? And is not this a passing treacherie , trow wee ? Yet this also is excusable in respect of many others , whereof ( so much as the nature of a preamble may require ) I shall giue my Reader that taste , which may prepare him for a sufficient presumption of the rest . But some will say , in so manifestly impudence how can any argument of modestie appeare ? Beholde An Argument of P. R. his kinde of modestie , accompanied with a presumptuous falshood . § 3. TO this my Obiection , p All Popish Priests 〈…〉 abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes , by a pretended prerogatiue either of Pope or people : producing for proofe of this Popish doctrine the testimonies of their owne Doctours , to wit , Reinolds , Stapleton , Symancha . Heereunto . P. R. taketh two exceptions . The first thus : q But let vs see and consider how falsly and calumniously this Makebate doth heerupon argue in his third Reason , inferring for his Assumption or Minor Proposition thus : But all Popish Priests vpon this pretended supremacie and prerogatiue of Pope and people doe vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes . Ergo. Wherein to shew him a notable liar , it shall be sufficient to name all the Protestant Princes that haue had title of succession in our Country ( for thereof he speaketh principally ) since the name of Protestant hath beene heard of in the world , being three in number , to wit , King Edward the sixt , Queene Elizabeth , and King Iames that now reigneth , all which were admitted peaceably to their Crownes aswell by Priests as Catholike people , who notwithstanding in some of their admissions wanted not meanes to haue wrought disturbances , as the world knoweth : so as if one instance only doth truly ouerthrow any generall proposition , how much more doth this triple instance , not able to be denied , ouerthrow and cast to ground this vniuersall false assertion of T. M. which auerreth , That all Popish Priests doe vtterly abolish the succession of all Protestant Princes ? Will he not be ashamed to see himselfe conuinced of so great and shamelesse ouerlashing ? 21 What haue I sayd , which I haue not prooued ? From the Priest Reinolds r I reported this testimony , The right of Kings Christian must depend rather vpon their religion than order of succession , and therefore all Christians must cut off all hope , lest any such ( speaking of Protestants ) may aspire vnto the throne . Secondly , from M. Stapleton , this : If they doe not withstand such a succession ( speaking of Protestant Kings ) what doe the people els but euen preferre man before God ? Thirdly , from Symancha , this : That if the heire apparent ( speaking of Protestants ) be hereticall , then the Catholike Common-wealth may chuse another , and if the Common-wealth be hereticall ( noting Protestants ) then the choice belongeth to the Pope , and so the kingdome ( which was to make way for the Spanish Inuasion against England , in 88. ) may be taken by Catholikes . From which three testimonies ( besides that of Dolman , which followeth ) I made bolde to conclude a generall , That all Romish Priests are of the same opinion : and am therefore censured for a notable liar : his reason , Because three Protestant Princes haue beene peaceably admitted vnto the Crowne , when yet there wanted no meanes of disturbance . It can not be but that this P. R. when he calleth any man liar , doth presently licke his owne lips , as we may perceiue by his strong breath : for first , I reported not mine owne coniectures , but the expresse positions of their owne principall Doctors , finding no one of that side , writing of our English cause , to holde the contrary . 22 Which is heerein more apparently the generall doctrine of all their Priests , in as much as this Priest P. R. euen now , when the case challenged him to answer concerning that doctrine , yet neither could oppose , of the infinite number of all his crew , any one Priest who euer set pen to paper to confute that doctrine , neither durst he in this answer condemne it himselfe . And therefore where my question is Deiure , that is , of the doctrine , Whether their Priests thinke it lawfull for subiects to admit a Protestant Prince , and heire apparent , to succession , he answereth De facto , that is , of the euents of things that happened , to wit , That three Protestant Princes haue been quietly permitted to succeed , giuing his Reader an almes of a piece of chalke for a morsell of cheese . As for example : It is a law amongst theeues ( no one of them holding the contrary ) not alwayes to robbe , when they may make disturbance , but then only , when they are in most probable hope to enioy their prey : so that it falleth out many times , that when they meet with passengers , they entertaine kinde and courteous talke with them , and yet dogge them on their way , with purpose to rob them in some presumed place of aduantage : but then by the sight of more company of true men they , being frustrate of their hope , let them passe without any maner of disturbance . If , notwithstanding such escape , any shall affirme , that all theeues professe robbery and spoile , whensoeuer their opportunitie may serue : shall he therefore be termed a slanderer of theeues , and a notable liar ? I know P. R. is wittie , and can applie this similitude vnto himselfe , whom it most concerneth : for he who in this place bringeth in a triple instance of Protestant Princes , who were admitted peaceably to their Crownes , insinuating that therefore they were willingly admitted on the Romish part , may be easily confuted by another triple instance taken from himselfe . 1. Of the now K. of France , s who being K. of Nauarre , was resisted , that he should not succeed in the kingdome of France , lest being in that disposition ( meaning a Protestant ) he might haue altred religion in France . 2. of Q. Elizabeth he hath also sayd , that she was excommunicate by the Pope , ( by whose Bull she was also pronounced to be no Queene ) because she had changed religion . Will they not for the same reason hinder succession , for the which they haue endeuoured to disturbe a possession ▪ 3. The third instance is in our dread Souereigne K. Iames , P. R. in his Dolman hath held against his succession to the Crowne foure arguments of exclusion . Obserue now three singular notes of this mans modestie : 1. He accuseth me to be a slanderer for auouching a report , prooued true by incontroleable consequence , and whereunto no instance of any Priest was or could be obiected . 2. He offereth to satisfie a question of Right and iustice with an instance of fact and euent , as if he would teach vs to reason thus : Romish Priests do not say Masse publikely in England : Ergo they think it vtterly vnlawful that Masse should be sayd publikly in England . 3. He hath so assoiled the question by a triple instance , that by another triple instance of his own he is more strictly and dangerously intangled . Let me mention , for further discouerie of this his delusion , the Breue of Pope Clemens the 8. commanding that at the death of Q. Elizabeth none should be suffered to succeed , who was not a professed Romish Catholike . This M. Garnet confessed at the Barre , which his confession remaineth in publike Record . If any shall require a reason why they resisted not his Maiesties entrance , they can not possibly yeeld any , but only want of meanes of disturbance . So that I might confesse my selfe very shamelesse indeed , if I should not blush and sorrow in his behalfe , to see any man by so presumptuous falshoods to murder his owne soule . 23 Which is yet more visible by the second part of this accusation which P. R. inferreth thus : t What or how far this fellow may be trusted in these his assertiōs may be gathered by the last sentence of all his discourse in this matter , where he hath these words : [ F. Parsons ( in his Dolman ) doth pronounce sentence , that whosoeuer shall cōsent to the succession of a Protestant prince , is a most grieuous and damnable sinner . ] And is it so Sir Thomas ? And will you stand to it & lose your credit , if this be falsly and calumniously alleged ? then if you please , let vs heare the Authors owne words , viz. And now ( saith Doleman part . 1. pag. 216. ) to apply all this to our purpose for England , and for the matter wee haue in hand , I affirme and hold that for any man to giue his helpe , consent or assistance towards the making of a King , whom he iudgeth or beleeueth to be faulty in religion , and consequently would aduance either no religion , or the wrong , if he were in authority , is a most grieuous and damnable sinne to him that doth it , of what side soeuer the truth be , that is preferred . So he . And his reason is , for that he should sin against his own conscience in furthering such a King. And is there heere any word peculiar of a Protestant Prince , or of his successour ? nay doth not the Text speake plainely of making a King , where none is ? doth it not speake also indifferently of all sorts of religion , of what side soeuer the truth be ? How then can this malitious cauilling Minister expect to bee trusted heereafter , or how may any man thinke that hee speaketh or writeth out of his conscience , seing him to vse such grosse shifts and falshoods in so manifest and important a matter ? It is no maruell if he set not his name at large to his booke , as not desirous to haue the due praise of such desert . 24 Venture my credit , Sir ? yes that I will , though I value nothing to be more pretious among men , and therefore willingly put it into this affirmatiue ballance concerning the sentence of Doleman , proouing it true in that sense it hath beene alleged , if you will put yours in the other , which is the negatiue , our Reader shall hold the scales , and the euidence of Dolemans booke shall cast it . The subiect of our question is , whether Doleman , one of the three Romish Priests , doth account it a damnable sinne in his Catholikes to suffer a Protestant Prince to succeed in the Crown : after I had proued this to be the Romish doctrine by the testimony of three Priests , I added this fourth , which was Doleman . Wherefore wee must examine whether this bee the iudgement of Doleman or no. It belongeth to mee to prooue the affirmatiue , to wit , that this was the iudgement of Doleman . 25 The title of that booke is , A conference about the next succession to the Crowne of England ( namely , next after the death of Q. Elizabeth ) and about all such as may pretend a right , whether within England or without . One of the contents of the first Chapter is , that Neerenesse of blood may upon iust causes be altered . And of the sixt Chapter : that , An heire apparent to the crowne before he be crowned may be iustly put backe . After this he proceedeth to expresse his iust causes , the principall hee deliuereth in the ninth chapter , the very place now alleged : The Contentis this , That one principall cause of excluding any Prince is diuersitie of Religion . Whereof he resolueth thus : u Nothing can more iustly exclude an heire apparent from his succession , as want of Religion , nor any cause whatsoeuer iustifie the Common-wealth , or conscience of particular men , that in this cause should resist his entrance , than if he find him faulty in this point , which is the head of all the rest . Where we see , that the person spokē of is an heire apparent . By which word cannot be meant a successor by Election , but a successour by naturall descent and right of inheritance . Of this heire apparent he x saith further ; that as when a woman is espoused vnto an husband which is an Infidel , this contract ( by the doctrine of the Apostle ) may be dissolued : so is the case of an Infidel pretender vnto the Crowne . And lest any may doubt who in this case may be held an Infidel , he addeth that y Seeing there can bee but onely one faith auaileable vnto saluation , certaine it is that vnto my conscience whosoeuer beleeueth otherwise than I doe , and standeth wilfully in the same , is an Infidel , for that he beleeueth not that which in my faith and conscience is the sole sauing faith . This ground thus laid , he commeth at last vnto the application before specified , saying : And now to apply , &c. affirming that , Whosoeuer giueth any helpe to the making a King , whom he iudgeth to be faulty in Religion , is a most greeuous and damnable sinner . 26 One Syllogisme will assoile the whole doubt . Euery man is a damnable sinner , who admitteth any Prince to succeed in the Crowne , whom hee thinketh faultie in Religion . But euery Romish Catholike thinketh all Protestant Princes faulty in Religion . Ergo , euery Romish Catholike , who admitteth of a Protestant Prince to succeed in the Crowne , is a damnable sinner . What is there in all this Syllogisme which Doleman alias Parsons , can denie to be his Assertion ? The Maior hee hath said , He that admitteth of any to the Crowne , whom he thinketh to be of faulty religion , is a damnable sinner . Is it the Minor ? why , he hath said that , There is but one true Religion . And Parsons being a Romish Priest must intend that all Protestants in the iudgement of all Catholikes are of a faulty Religion . Will hee then denie the Ergo or Conclusion ? this were against the Law of Logicke , and then his Sophisters would deride him . How then can my assertion be thought slanderous , which necessary consequence of reason prooueth to bee too true ? As for example , Suppose that this P. R. hath promised his Creditour to pay him foure Nobles , at a certaine time appointed , at what time his Creditour challengeth him saying , Sir you are to pay mee twenty six shillings eight pence , according to the words of your owne promise ; by and by P. R. ( purging his choler ) answereth , This is falsly and calumniously vrged , was there any such word of twenty six shillings eight pence in all my promise ? Nay did I not expresly say , that I would pay thee foure Nobles ? What a malitious cauilling Creditor art thou , or how shall any thinke thou seekest thy debts with good conscience , seeing thou vsest these shifts and falshoods in a summe of this importance ? Would not by-standers either laugh at him , as at a lunatike , or else suspect him for a cosening cheater ? because he that promiseth foure Nobles , promiseth twenty six shillings eight pence , though not in the same literall words , yet in the reall sense . Or else more pertinently thus : Let vs suppose this to be a generall doctrine amongst his Catholikes , that no person borne without England can be accounted lawfull heire to that kingdome : which y Doleman insinuateth by his particular obseruation of the same Maxime against the succession of our dread soueraigne , then the only king of Scotland , and that some thus libelling were taken , and by some Protestant accused of treason , for affirming that K. Iames had no right to the Crown of England : the libeller should answer saying : This accusation is false and slanderous , I named not K. Iames , but only said in generall ( though particularly I intended K. Iames ) that none borne without England was a iust successor to the crown : the Iudge should say , well then thine owne mouth hath condemned thee , inasmuch as if thou shouldest now say that there is no king in England , ( although none be named ) because the right one , who is K. Iames , is disabled , when euery one is excluded . It is true , ( saith the libeller ) by iust consequence , but yet I named none . Would P. R. if he heard this , pronounce this fellow vnguiltie ? then is he no Mitigator : would he iustifie his accuser ? then am I no liar . For the case is alike , especially knowing that the scope of that whole booke , called Doleman , and penned by Parsons a Priest , is only this , to disable the titles of all Protestants ( yea euen K. Iames by name ) and to debarre them all hope of succession in Great Britaine : and to preferre the Infanta of Spaine before all other pretenders . This then hath beene but his cauilling malice thus iniuriously to accuse me of malitious cauilling . There remaineth only An Argument of P. R. his kind of truth , full of triumphant treachery . § 8. 27 THough all the former Arguments of P. R. his wit , memory , learning , and modesty containe in them the liuely characters and demonstrations of a liar , yet haue I reserued to this last place of truth , such an accusation , from whence one would thinke he had gained a triumph saying : z In the very next page ( saith P. R. ) after , he talking of the great and famous contention that passed betweene Pope Gregory the seuenth , called Hildebrand , and Henry the fourth Emperor of that name , about the yeere 1070. he citeth the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis , with this ordinary title of Our Otto , for that hee writeth that hee found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of his kingdome by any Pope before that time , except ( saith he ) that may be esteemed for an Excommunication which was done to Philip the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome , almost 1400. yeeres agone , when for a short time hee was inter poenitentes collocatus , placed by the said Pope amongst those that did penance ; as that also of the Emperour Theodosius , who was sequestred from entring into the Church by S. Ambrose , for that hee had commanded a certaine cruell slaughter to be committed in the city of Thessalonica : both which exceptions this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose , which is no simplicity , as you see , but yet no great matter with him , in respect of the other that ensueth , which is , that he allegeth this * Frisingensis quite contrary to his own meaning , as though hee had condemned Pope Gregory the seuenth for it , whereas he condemneth that cause of the Emperour , and commēdeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious faults of the said Henry . Hildebrandus ( saith he ) semper in Ecclesiastico rigore constantissimus fuit : Hildebrand was euer the most constant in defending the rigour of Ecclesiasticall Discipline . And againe in this very Chapter alleged by T. M. Inter omnes Sacerdotes & Romanos Pontifices praecipui zeli & authoritatis fuit : Hee was among all the Priests and Popes that had beene of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority . How different is this iudgement of Frisingensis from the censure of T. M. who now after 500. yeeres past compareth the cause of Pope Gregory to that of pyrates , theeues and murtherers , and so citeth our Otto Frisingensis , as though hee had fauoured him in this impious assertion ? Can any thing bee more fraudulently alleged ? is this the assurance of his vpright conscience whereof hee braggeth to his Maiesty ? 28 In the Full Satisfaction Part. 3. Cha. 11. Pa. 28. that which was intended to be proued was this : That not till a thousand yeeres after Christ did euer any Prelate or Pope attempt the deposing of Emperors and depriuing them of their Crownes . For proofe heereof I brought in the testimony of Otto Frisingensis from the witnesse of Tolossanus lib. 26. De Repub. cap. 5. in these words , I reade and reade againe , and finde , That Pope Hildebrand , in the yeere 1060. was the first Pope , who euer depriued an Emperor of his regiment . Wherein now haue I wronged my conscience ? Is it because Otto Frisingensis is cited contrarie to his meaning ? If this should be supposed to be true , yet could it not preiudice my conscience , because I cited not the Author himselfe , but only Tolossanus a Romish Doctor , who reported that sentence of Frisingensis . And is not this a fine treacherie of my Accuser to conceale the Authour , and so eagerly and bitterly to inueigh against me , who am only the Relater , and might answer him , That if I be deceiued your owne Doctor hath deceiued me ? This answer I vse heere to demonstrate the malice of my Accuser , and not ( although it might suffice ) to satisfie the point in question , in behalfe whereof I auouch my Allegation to be true . And why not ? Otto Frisingensis ( sayth P. R. ) mentioneth ancient examples of two Emperors , who were excommunicate , both which the Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose . I left them out of purpose ( I confesse ) otherwise I should haue beene like to your selfe in this and other such cauilles , who desire to say much , though nothing to the purpose . For to what purpose , I pray you , had this beene , seeing our question was not to shew what Emperors had beene excommunicated , but who , being excommunicate , had been deposed from their Royalties ? Then my case is no otherwise , than supposing that P. R. or any other had beene degraded in any Vniuersitie , and demand being made concerning the time , when this was done : I should answer ( and that truly ) that it was in the dayes of Elizabeth Queene of England : presently P. R. after his ordinary maner of saluation should call me Liar , because I ought to haue told that he was admonished and excommuned before he was degraded . So dull and friuolous is his present taxation in a question of Antiquity , concerning the time when first any Pope did take vpon him to depose Emperours . Frisingensis sayth plainly , that Hildebrand was the first : he saith moreouer ( commending him ) that Hildebrand was constant in punishing faults . Say then ( good P. R. ) seeing both these two are true , can one of them be a lie ? As if when two noble men H. and B. contend whether of them are of more ancient descent , I should heare F. an Herald say , that the house of B. is not so ancient by much : yet is B. ( saith the Herald ) in his owne person both in regard of valure and bountie farre more honorable than H. Then I , purposing to answer to the question , report the Heralds speech : to wit : The house of B. is not , by much , so ancient as is the house of H. Would P. R. hearing this , presently crie out , ô notorious and intolerable liar ! sayd the Herald so ? did he not commend B. for valour and bountie ? Could any by-stander containe laughter , to heare such a senslesse exception as this ? because that although I omitted the commendation of bountie , yet did I truly relate the obseruation of Ancientrie , which was the principall matter in question . I leaue the application vnto P. R. let H. be Henrie the Emperor , B. the Bishop of Rome , F , the Herald , Frisingensis , &c. But P. R. is iealous of his Fathers honor , and therfore will haue it knowen that he is commended by Frisingensis , and yet could not be ignorant , that the next witnesse , whom I a produced , Claudius Espencaeus , their owne Romish Bishop , doth plainly auerre , that Hildebrand was the first Pope , who without any example of antiquitie made a schisme betweene Emperours and Popes , and by his example prouoked the Popes following him , to take armes against Kings excommunicate . This Authour disabling not only the antiquitie of that rebellious practise of the Pope , but also condemning the fact it selfe . Therefore hath P. R. by wily silence made as it were a pocketting of this Author , as of a medlar . And was not this a piece of fine fraud ? 29 But P. R. is not contented to haue noted me in the former ( as he calleth it ) notorious fault , but repeateth it againe , making himselfe therein in a maner triumphant , saying , that b Otto Frisingensis commendeth Hildebrand , and yet is brought in to condemne him . After this againe he insulteth vpon it in this sort : Truly , if any man can shew me out of all the Catholike writers that be extant , English or other , that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing , where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood , then will I grant that this is not proper to the Protestant spirit alone . Hitherto , I must confesse , that I neuer found it in any , and if I should , though it were but once , I should holde it for a sufficient argument not to beleeue him euer after . And this shall suffice for a taste only of M. Mortons maner of proceeding . For that to prosecute all particulars would require a whole volume , and by these few you may ghesse at the mans veine and spirit in writing . So P. R. 30 Aristotle telleth vs of one Antiphon , who was of that weake sight , that whensoeuer he walked he saw his owne image reflecting vpon him in the aire . What shall we imagine of this exclamation against shamefull and malicious fraud in writing , except it had beene spoken in respect of the reflection of his owne image , who hath playd me foure malicious tricks in one page ? One is , To lay an imputation of falshood vpon me , as though I had cunningly pretermitted the examples of Emperors excommunicate , whereas the question was only concerning Emperors depriued of their state and dignities . The second cauill is , Not acknowledging the commendation of Hildebrand in Otto Frisingensis , when as I intended not to proue out of this Author the equitie , but only the antiquitie of that practise . Thirdly , In making me so perniciously enuious , as to condemne Hildebrand without a witnesse , when as I produced their owne Bishop Espencaeus to condemne him . Lastly , In charging me with a wilfull peruerting of the meaning of the Authour Otto Frisingensis , when as ( if it had been so abused ) yet not I but their owne Doctor Tolossanus was the Author of that report . 31 The view of all these and other formerly mentioned wilfull and transparent falsities of P. R. together with some other the like desperate calumniations to be pointed at in this Preamble , causeth me iustly to present him with his owne image , professing vnfainedly , that I neuer found any Writer of any profession whatsoeuer , who hath vsed such shamefull fraud in answering . And this , I doubt not , but the Christian Reader will confesse , when he shall see this transfigured Parson appeare in his owne likenesse . THE SECOND INQVIRIE . Whether P. R. may be iudged a competent Aduocate for this cause which he hath assumed : and whether he hath not beene excepted against by his owne fellow . § 9. 32 THis P. R. hath bestowed six or seuen sections in censuring me and my Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , concerning whom he writeth thus : c I must needs say that the Answerer hath endeuoured to effectuate so much as he promised in the title of his book , which was , of A iust and moderat Answer , & in performance thereof hath not only borne on matters temperatly , as before hath beene shewed , but spared also his Aduersary in many points , and namely in passing ouer his allegations without note , or checke . — In the rest the Answerer quitteth himselfe learnedly , and sheweth much reading in particular , as by the multiplicity of Authors by him alleged doth well appeare . 33 Say you so P. R. ? Did your fellow answer Learnedly ? Why who are you , and where is your abode , tell me ? d The Booke of Tho. Morton was sent me out of England . Then belike this Mitigator is out of England , who , by the constant and generall voice , hath his residence at Rome . May it now please him to heare what this Moderate Answerer ( whom he so greatly commended ) hath iudged of such extrauagant persons as hee is , if peraduenture any such write bookes concerning our English State ? That answerer being pressed with the testimonies of many forren Iesuites and others , who defended the first ground of all rebellious positions and practises , was driuen for a Moderation , to vse this euasion ; e I suppose , ( saith he ) that no learned Catholike within this kingdome ( yet such can best iudge of this country cause ) doth defend this opinion . Heereby censuring all Priests without the kingdome lesse fit or sufficient to meddle in this cause . We see that this Mitigator hath commended the Moderator for a learned Answerer , and that Moderator by this his generall censure , hath taken exception vnto this Mitigator , concluding him to be an Answerer ( in his opinion ) insufficient . 34 If both these should meet vpon one stage to act their dispositions , they could not but make good sport for the beholders . As for example ( for I will faine nothing in their names , which shal not be consonant & agreeable to their conditions . ) First then the Moderate Answerer might haue said , P. R. you haue beene altogether presumptuous to take vpon you this Answer called the Mitigation , knowing that you shall but bewray your ignorance , because residing out of England , you cannot be rightly experienced In this our Countrey cause . To whom the Mitigator might reioine , saying ; Nay I haue not beene arrogant , but thou hast beene rash and precipitant , for if thou by thy former answer mightest haue been thought sufficient for a Replie , what needed such posting to mee beyond the seas for a supplie of a more exact and learned Reioinder ? Then the Mod. Answerer ; Haue patience , I pray you , For when I perceiued so many of our Authors obiected , al of them by due consequent giuing Protestants cause of hatred against vs , as against those that had by our doctrine decreed a depriuing them of their debts , goods , crownes and liues , whensoeuer opportunity might serue , I was enforced to vse this answer for a refuge , taking exceptions to all Authors out of England , who writ of this English case : and to appeale rather to other Catholikes , who being in this kingdome , haue written nothing heereof . This is the ground of my Moderation , which not the truth of our cause , but the necessity of the time did exact at my hands . Whereunto the Mitigator thus : Thou hast done well , and such hath beene the cause of my commendation of thy Answer , as thou maist perceiue , for I haue said that f I must need● say that the Answerer hath acquitted himself learnedly . Not that I could thinke so , but because ( thou knowest ) we must commend and iustifie one another , especially in these times , wherein our malice and madnesse both in doctrine and practise hath been so fully discouered . And therfore I thought it necessary also to intitle my Booke a Mitigation , concealing in my mind this reseruation [ To delude my Reader . ] Thus it must be , when we raise a flame of rebellion , which shall not succeed , then it is policy to cast about vs some holy-water sprinkle of plausible termes Moderation and Mitigation , as though we intended to quench that with our water , which we had rather do with oile . The Moder . I perceiue you are subtile and therfore willingly yeeld you place to answer my Aduersary , the rather because I thinke you are troubled with the disease of some of our Catholike Lawyers , of whom you haue sayd , g They itch to be doing , and answering M. Atturney . This was also my disease , but I after found a scratch , and so may you . Then Mitig. Tush , wee need not care , namelesse are blamelesse , for thou settest no name vnto thy Moderation , and I only set downe mute and dumbe characters , which are as good as nothing , to my Mitigation . Againe , we haue many great and principall oddes of Protestants , besides railing , viz. When our Aduersary prooueth any thing by many testimonies out of our owne Authours , and we are not able to satisfie the common opinion obiected against vs , then to single out any allegation of any one of his witnesses , which hee hath produced , and if thou perceiue him to faile in the manner of alleging , squeeze euery such answer to make him , at the least , seeme to be fraudulent : And if thou canst finde him faulty in one , it is no matter though all the rest of our Authors cited against vs be neuer so true , we shall wound the cause in his person , as he doth our persons in the cause . Furthermore bee alwaies echoing out against him some opprobrious termes , as Mountbanck , Grashopper , Malitious , shamelesse , false , and what not ? The Moderat . I remember I haue often charged him with slanders when as not hee but my selfe did falsifie ; which he hath discouered , and in a manner silenced me . The Mitig. We need not feare any such euent , because of our manifold aduantages : For Protestants are licenced to reade any bookes , and some in curiositie , as Eue , some in doubtfulnesse , as the Capernaitans ; many in presumption , as Balaam , most for the delight which they finde in an eloquent and inuectory style of writing ( ô mine is excellent ! ) as Athenians ; So that it cannot be but where so many mice be still nibbling at the baite , some will daily be catched . But our Professors be kept secure vnder the locke and key of the vowe of obedience , or els haue their hearts so stupified with that Opium of implicit faith and blinde deuotion : that though my aduersarie in his Answer shall prooue me neuer so monstrously calumnious and slanderous , yet of our Catholikes few can , and none dare examine or beleeue any thing against a Priest : this is our sufficiency . The Moder . You haue forgot an other policy we vse , which is , though our Aduersary write neuer so methodically and orderly , yet not to follow him exactly in his course , and commonly to pretermit those authorities which he bringeth , and wherein is the chiefe strength of his cause . Mitigat . And is not this good policie ? he that will cunningly put away a counterfeit piece of coine in stead of currant , must do it apart from the other money , for if true and counterfeit be compared together , the good will discouer the bad , and his booke thou knowest is A Discouerie . Againe , thou maiest perceaue that when I vse no method my selfe , I challenge him for h want of method . But why doe we spend time in talke , let vs about our businesse . I will be writing a Mitigation for securitie of our Catholikes in England , whilest our fellowes are practizing rebellion in i Ireland for the subuersion of Protestants . Thus , thus it must be . Farewell . In all this there is no more represented then is too certainly acted by the Romanists , as in our Incounter vnto P. R. will more plentifully appeare . It is time we come vnto THE THIRD INQVIRIE : To examine how sufficiently P. R. hath performed his challenge as well for the equitie of his cause , as for the integritie of his conscience : His cause , both as it is premised in the title of his booke , and as it is discussed in the Treatise . Of these summarily and in order . FIRST : That the title of the Booke of P. R. called A Mitigation , is very ominous and vnluckie to them , whom especially he laboureth to defend . § 10. 35 THe subiect of his whole Mitigation is by P. R. thus propounded in the Title of his booke , viz. That it is not impossible for Subiects of different Religion ( especially Catholikes and Protestants ) to liue together in dutifull obedience and subiection vnder the gouernment of his Maiestie of Great Britaine . It is not impossible , good : For why ? It is not impossible for k fire to descend from heauen , and the l people of God to passe safely thorow the Red sea : It is not impossible for 〈◊〉 m Asse to speake reason , and the n Diuell to tell truth : It is not impossible for the o dead to be raised to life , and for the Disciples of our Sauiour by p faith to remoue mountaines . Nothing is impossible with God : who as hee prescribeth the raging Sea his bounds , which it can not passe , though naturally it affect an ouerflow and deluge of the whole world ; so doth hee by his gracious prouidence often represse the furie of rebellious spirits in what profession soeuer ; and , notwithstanding they trauell with mischiefe , yet he keepeth them in an awfull subiection . And shall now this Mitigation of feares , conceiued by Protestants against the bloody designments of their Romish Aduersaries , consist of no better termes then the possibilitie of things , which are in the ordinarie course of nature impossible ? Though a man taken vpon suspicion of felonie be charged by his accuser to be most certainly the man , who assaulted him by the way , might not be thought to satisfie the Iustice , saying , Sir hee chargeth mee that it was impossible but that I must haue done this mischiefe ; Neuerthelesse I shall prooue the contrarie , to wit , that it was not impossible , but an other might haue done it , and not I. Although this Answer might confute his accuser , who said , It is impossible but that it was you : yet could it not satisfie the Iustice , because still the answer implieth as well a possibilitie that he did it , as an impossibilitie that he did it not . Hath not therefore P. R. their learned Aduocate merited of his Clients , a Catholike , that is , an vniuersall fee , who now intending a Mitigation of their punishment , hath giuen the State so great cause of suspecting their disloyaltie , as that he dare promise no better assurance in their behalfe , then only , It is not impossible for them to liue in obedience ? S. Pauls charge concerning temporall obedience is , q Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers ; And againe , r We must be subiect not because of wrath onely , but also for conscience sake . Wherein he hath prescribed vs not a may but a must ; and thereby inioyned not a possibilitie , but a necessitie of loyall subiection . But this [ It is not impossible to liue in obedience ] is no more by Logicall conuersion then this ; It is possible to liue in obedience . Which so suspicious and imposturous a Title of his whole booke can minister no more hope to Protestants of his pretended Mitigation and composition , then an adulterous woman can satisfie her husband , and mitigate his iealousie by this maner of submission : Be contented , good husband , though I haue committed folly as often as I had presumption of secrecie and opportunitie to satisfie my lust ; yet now may you bee better perswaded of me , for I protest vnto you , it is not impossible that I shal liue honestly heerafter . This case is nothing different from the former . What shall we then thinke of P. R. but as of the man , who had purposed with himselfe either to scorne Protestants , or else to betray his Catholikes ? Neuerthelesse as worldly feasters vsually offer their guests s The best wine first , and then that which is worse : So he hath prefixed in the forehead of his booke this Title of Mitigation , although prodigious and intolerable ( as we haue heard ) yet more plausible than the whole Tract of the booke it selfe , which teacheth indeed an impossibilitie of all voluntarie subiection vnto Protestant Princes ; insomuch that after but a summarie view hereof , it will appeare that the title of his booke and his Treatise are no more proportionable and agreeable , than the head of an Ape ioyned with the bodie of a Beare . From the Title we proceed vnto the Treatise , and manifest That the Mitigator in his Treatise hath betrayed his whole cause both in the question of Rebellion , and Aequiuocation . § 11. 36 WHen the Apostle S. Iude in his Catholike Epistle , speaking of men opposite vnto the soundnesse of faith , exhorteth Christians to t Haue a compassion on some in putting a difference , And others to saue with feare , pulling them out of the fire : he teacheth vs likewise a lesson of great discretion , which is , to distinguish betweene men who are aduerse vnto vs in Religion . So now I write against our Aduersaries , but not without note of difference and distinction , being verily perswaded that diuers euen of the zealous amongst them , partly by the power of the ingraffed law of reason , partly from a glimpse of the truth of the Gospel , do abhor such doctrines and practises , as haue beene discouered in the cases of Rebellion & Aequiuocation . So that my only aime hath alwayes been at those , who are so inspired with the perswasion of their Priests , as to beleeue their doctrine in both these specified Articles . Concerning whose pretended voluntarie obedience , I shall proue to bee in a maner , a confessed impossibility of dutifull subiection vnto Protestant Princes ; and consequently as sensible an opposition as was betweene Iewes and Iebusites in one kingdome , Isaac and Ismael in one house , Iacob and Esau in one wombe : as by this Treatise of P. R. will directly appeare . The First confessed Impossibility . 37 We first demand what Soueraigntie our Mitigator will allow his Maiesty of Great Britaine : and whether there may be any forren Potentate , whom he would aduance aboue him in respect of his temporall charge ? P. R. resolueth thus : u Whether with this Commission in spirituall affaires our Sauior gaue also immediately and directly , the charge and ouersight of temporalities in like manner , or rather indirectly and by a certaine consequence , that is to say , that when the gouernment of spirituall affaires , to wit , of soules to their eternall blisse and saluation is so letted and impugned by any temporall gouernours , as the said spirituall Commission cannot be executed without redresse or remedy , in such cases , and not otherwise , the said supreame Pastor to haue authority to proceed also against the said temporall gouernors , for defence and preseruation of his spirituall charge . Of which question the Canonists do commonly defend the first part , but Catholike Diuines for the most part the second : but both parts full agree , that there is such an authority left by Christ in his Church , for remedy of vrgent cases . Thus farre P. R. See then that by this arguing hee seeketh to establish a Papall power and ouer-sight euen in Temporall affaires , whether directly or indirectly it skilleth not , seeing ( that in his opinion ) both do agree : But the oath of Allegeance with Protestants is otherwise : namely , that No forren personor Potentate hath any such supremacy in Great Britaine . Therefore the Mitigation of P. R. standeth of no more possibility , than Pope and no Pope , Kings supremacy and not supremacy . Which opposites can neuer be reconciled together . The Second confessed Impossibility . 38 Secondly , because hee hath told vs , that there is a Power ordained against Kings in temporall affaires , it may concerne vs to vnderstand the first extent thereof , whether against the goods , or persons , or liues of such Princes as shall resist the spirituall iurisdiction of Popes ? Hee doth deliuer his meaning in two examples : x Two Protestant Princes were excommunicated , censured , molested by the Sea Apostolike , Q. Elizabeth of England , and K. Henry then of Nauar , now of France : the first of these two for the violent change of Religion which she made in the Realm with depriuations and imprisonments of Catholike Bishops , Prelates , and Clergie , &c. The other for feare hee comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition , wherein hee then was presumed to be , should attempt the like change in that great Kingdome , &c. These examples are both plaine and pregnant , a Protestant Queene must be depriued for resisting the spirituall iurisdiction of the Pope , and a Protestant King also must be deposed , lest peraduenture he may make any resistance . Now wee see that the same Papall authority is by the lawes of Great Britaine as expresly excluded , their Religion suppressed , their Clergy exiled , and Protestants religion ( according to former proceedings ) continued . All which doth argue as great an impossibility of dutifull subiection , as it is for hinderance and sufferance , change and continuance of the same Religion to be matched and married together . And could our Mitigator shew himselfe a more egregious Preuaricator than thus ? The Third confessed Impossibility . 39 Because P. R. hath told vs that Protestant Princes haue beene molested by the Pope , it will be materiall to inquire what this word Molestation may meane : For a man would thinke it some qualifying terme , and to import no greater iniuries than either reuiling the names of Kings , or disgracing their Embassadours , or damnifying their Merchants , or such like wrongs . Tush no , for all such like contempts are contemptible , and may easily be deuoured , but this molestation ( according to the discouered positions and practises of rebellion , whereunto this Mitigator neither hath or could take any exception ) is , y Because the Queene of England hath forbid her Clergie and people to acknowledge the Romane Church , or obey her decrees , &c. And because we vnderstand her to bee so obstinate , as not to suffer our Legates to come into England , &c. We therefore pronounce her hereticall , anathematizing her and all her adherents , and furthermore depriue her of her Crowne and dignity , absoluing all her subiects from the oath of allegeance . So likewise of the K. of France , z Pronouncing him to be depriued of his Regall dignity : a Because he is a Caluinist . Vpon this followed the Spanish Inuasion , the Rebellions in Ireland , the troubles in France , none without an effected or intended horrible and tragicall blood-shed . All these with P. R. are but Molestations . So the powder-treason , an immanity barbarous and matchlesse , which he calleth but b A particular temerarious fact of halfe a score yong Gentlemen , put in despaire by apprehension of publike persecution , without demerit of the persecuted , though this also be inexcusable . By which his so tender touch of so cankred and desperate euils , wee may well thinke that Nabal by his foolerie neuer deserued better to be so called , than this booke hath merited in this only respect , the name of Mitigation : being indeed nothing but an hatching of a Cockatrices egge , and a close professing of subuerting all Protestant Princes , whensoeuer they shall seeke the like publike maintenance of Religion . This Mitigation therfore as yet affoordeth vs no more possibility of their voluntary obedience , than to hope that reuerence and violence , Subiection and Rebellion , pole arctique and antarctique , may be drawne into vnion . And because this is so plaine , that blindnesse it selfe may seeme to behold it , therefore doth P. R. cast his Reader into a sleepe with a dos of his Opium . Let vs see The Fourth Impossibility , wherein may bee obserued , A sportfull or rather execrable Impostureship of P. R. 40 Lest Protestants might , from experien●e of former dangers arme themselues against future designements , P. R. thought good by ●reoccupation to possesse his Reader with better hopes , saying : c That wee do ascribe power to the Bishop of Rome in certaine cases to censure ▪ excommunicate , and depriue Princes , wherof is inferred that such & such dangers do ensu : which finally is nothing else but a [ May : ] So as the question being de futuris contingentibus , of things contingent to come ( whereof the Philosopher saith there is no science ) all remaineth in vncertainty , but only the suspition and hatred , which he would raise against vs. I cannot laugh for wonder and horror to see any Englishman conceit so basely of the wits and woorth of his Countrey-men , as to imagine they could bee deluded with so senselesse , so shamelesse , so pernicious , so impious a Mitigation as this is . For , to bee perswaded therefore not to labour for preuenting Insuing dangers , because they be contingent , that is , such as may happen , what can be more senselesse ? For Science properly taken is a certaine knowledge of conclusions , arising from infallible demonstrations , as this conclusion , The number of 3. is a lesse number than 9. from this demonstration , Euery part is lesse than the whole . And so is the opinion of P. R. good , There is no science of things contingent , because science standeth vpon demonstrable principles . But Science in a more common and large sense is exercised vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , euery thing which is subiect to mans will : whereupon it is that Physitians prescribe diets to preuent future diseases ; passengers prouide weapons to defend them from future violence ; kingdomes prouide lawes and officers to auoid future mischiefes : Nay what is there almost in mankind , considered in it selfe , but case of contingency ? So that all are actions of prouidence directed for the preuenting of future euils and dangers which may happen . And is not this then a stupifying receipt , which P. R. hath propounded , casting the State into a slumber , of not regarding Insuing dangers , because they may be heereafter ? Doth not nature in beast , reason in man , precept of God teach vs the contrary law of prouidence , euen therefore to seeke to preuent Insuing dangers , because they are contingent , and may bee heereafter ? 41 It is also most shamelesse , for d Henry K. of France ( saith P. R. ) was excommunicated , censured and ●●lested , lest he should attempt the change of Religion in his kingdom● And againe ( speaking of the necessity of Papall Iurisdiction ouer Kings ) hee saith that e If Christ had not left such a remedy to his Church , he should not haue prouided for the necessity thereof . Concluding that therefore Popes may impugne temporall Gouernours . Heere we see hee challengeth a necessary prouidence in the Popes against Kings , who happily may ( de futuris contingentibus ) abuse their authority . And shall Kings therefore neglect their States , because Popes by Antichristian vsurpation ( de futuris contingentibus ) may seeke to subuert and ruinate their kingdomes , and so make themselues to their enemies no better than a matter of a May-game ? 42 I haue also called this Mitigation pernicious . For our Aduersaries haue taught that f Kings must not be suffered to raigne , when they draw their Subiects vnto heresie . But , g Must bee rooted out . h Which must bee done by all meanes possible . Whether it be as i Iehu did Iezabel ; or as k Dauid did Goliah ; or as l Iudith did Holofernes ; or as m A shepheard doth a Wolfe , &c. n And not Kings only , but all the fauourers of heretikes , by what name so euer they be called , must be destroied . All these their cursed resolutions P. R. passeth in silence . In all which we heare prescribed a must for necessary destruction of Kings , and yet this Mitigator will allow but only a may for their preseruation . This is fine May-butter which hee hath mixed in this receipt , or rather deceipt of Mitigation : made thus pleasant and palitable only that the too credulous patient may bee more sweetly poisoned , especially knowing that all his fellows haue professed all violence , o As soone as they shall haue force to resist . Therefore this Mitigation is but as if P. R. would haue thus counselled our English State in the last danger , saying ; Trouble not your thoughts ( ô King ) with diuination vpon that letter , for peraduenture that Terrible blow doth signifie nothing else than that there may bee a blowing vp of the Parliament with fire . And you Officers of his Maiesty what need you to vse such diligent search vnder the vault , where you see nothing but billets , vnder which it may be there is hidden many barrels of powder . Yea and now againe , though the like ( if yet the forge of he● can deuise the like ) may be prepared hereafter , Yet what necessity is there of preuenting insuing dangers ? What is this else than to seeke to catch our State , as a man would do an horse , offering bread in the one hand , and holding an halter in the other behind him ? Dutifull subiection in the Preface , and lurking treason in the Treatise . In a word the impossibility of this Mitigation is no lesse than to thinke that murderers and murdered can hoast well together . 43 Lastly I call it impious , because this profession of their forbearance of rebellion , vntill they may resist , hath beene prooued by incontrolable testimonies of p Tertul. Cypr. Athan. Nazian . Leo , Basil , August . Greg. ( besides the confession of our Aduersaries , Tolossan . Espencae . Barclay ) to be contrary to the discipline of the ancient Catholike Church for a 1000. yeeres continuance . By all which testimonies the now Romish faction is so notably condemned , that euen P. R. thought it the best security of his cause to passe almost euery testimony ( except one ) without any particular examination . As yet therefore we heare them onely pretending that they may performe obedience , which they professe they must not , whensoeuer they shall bee able to make a possible resistance . So hopelesse is this his pretended possibility of subiection . The last Impossibility in the practise of Aequiuocation . 44 The vse of Aequiuocating euen in an oath is taught by P. R. to be most lawfull , whensoeuer a party is examined before an vnlawfull Iudge , yea or before a lawfull Iudge examining vnlawfully . Now what opinion they haue of the Magistrates and Officers of England their Priests haue told vs ( amongst whom is Parsons himselfe ) viz. that q It is lawfull in England for Priests to equiuocate euen in their oaths before Protestant Magistrates and Officers , &c. To let passe the daily experience of the professed damnable practise heereof by M. Garnet and his fellowes . Wherefore this Mitigation standeth still of as great an impossibility , as it is for cosenage and simplicity , a lie and truth to harbour in one heart . Hitherto wee haue spoken of the question of Subiection , onely mentioning Aequiuocation , as it is in the vs● , a bawd to Rebellion . Wee are therefore to speake of the nature thereof , and to consider whether mentall Reseruation bee a lie : and briefly shew ▪ That P. R. hath flatly ouerthrowen his whole defence of mentall Aequiuocation . Which is made so euident , as that no wit of man can possibly excuse him . § 12. 45 SAy ( P. R. ) what is your mentall Equiuocation ? r We restraine our speech to Equiuocation onely , which is mentall reseruation . To wit , [ I am no Priest ] so , as I am bound to tell it vnto you . The first part thereof [ I am no Priest ] vttered with my mouth , the latter [ viz. To tell it vnto you ] is reserued in my mind . Which Thomas Morton saith is not an hidden truth , but a grosse lie . s But I say it is a truth , because the speech agreeth with the mind of the speaker , &c. How now would my Reader heare this noble Equiuocator confuted ? by Fathers ? or by his owne Doctors ? or by sensible reasons ? This will bee no hard matter to performe , as I hope ( God willing ) to auouch in due time . But heere is offered vnto mee a briefer course , more fit for a preamble , and for the triumph of truth more glorious ; which is to see ( as politicke Achitophel hanged in his owne halter ) so this Doctor of the art of lying confounded by his owne assertion . I desire euery childe of truth to lend mee attention , and see The whole Treatise of P. R. in defense of Aequiuocation subuerted by his owne consequence . 46 The sentence of P. R. is to be found in these words : t Let vs come ( saith he ) to the application of this example against aequiuocation , which he hath chosen to vse principally about the womans speech . The woman is asked ( saith T. M. ) sold you the land for so much ? her answer is , yea for so much , meaning but one half , & concealing the other , in which dissimulation it is impossible but that your reserued clause must haue come into her head to think , but for so much to giue in common : or to signifie vnto you . So T. M. teacheth that poore woman to aequiuocate after this maner of aequiuocation , that is to say , lie : for that now , I suppose , he hath learned by that which hath beene set downe in our precedent chap. that to speak an vntruth , or conceale a truth , or vse any aequiuocation , when we are iustly demanded by our lawfull superior , and when no iniury or violence is vsed vnto vs , is a grieuous mortall sin in our Catholike doctrine ; and consequently shee being lawfully demanded by S. Peter in a lawfull cause , touching her owne vow and promise , No clause of Reseruation could saue her speech from lying , as our Minister doth foolishly imagine . So P. R. ¶ Know first ( gentle Reader ) that the last words , viz. [ As our Minister doth foolishly imagine , ] doe not betoken that the consequent going before , viz. [ Therefore no clause , &c. ] is my collection , but the quite contrary : for I said that a clause of Reseruation might aswell haue saued the womans speech from lying , as the clause which Priests vse can free a Priest : he holdeth the contrary , because ( saith he ) shee being lawfully demanded , &c. no such clause could saue her speech from lying . This kind of phrase is vsuall in our English tongue . As for example : a man bringeth a peece of some kind of mettall vnto a gold-smith , which the bringer thinketh to be good gold : the gold-smith after touch answereth him saying , Friend , this is not good gold , as you suppose : which words doe not signifie that the owner did not suppose it to bee good gold : and the words , It is not gold , were the words of the gold-smith , and not of the owner . So heere : which I therefore explane , to make it appeare that in these words , ( And consequently no clause of reseruation could saue her speech from lying ) P. R. hath set down his owne conclusion . And now we proceed to the maine matter in hand . 47 The supposed Aequiuocation of the Woman was this , I haue sold it but for so much , reseruing in her mind ( for ought that you shall know : ) which is agreeable to their owne example of equiuocation ( I am no Priest ) meaning ( To tell it vnto you ) This latter P. R. hath defended thorow his whole book , and now of the other hee is inforced by the word of truth to say that it is a lie : yea , and that , No clause of Reseruation could saue it from a lie : From whence it shall inuincibly follow , that Priestly Aequiuocation is a Satanicall lie . These two speeches being so semblable in themselues , if he shall say they differ , then must the difference be either in respect of the speakers , or in respect of the hearers . But first The difference of these two kinde of aequiuocations , viz. of that woman , and these Priests ( the one whereof is confessed to be A lie ) can not be in respect of the speakers . 48 She indeed was a woman , and a Priest is a man , but P. R , knoweth that it is as possible for a Priest , a a man , to lie , as for a woman to tell a truth . Neither may he obiect , that her lie was in respect of her vow ; for the question in this place is not about her vow vnto God , whether she had promised to sell all their possession , and to giue vp the whole price to the Apostles for the common good of the Church , or no : but it is concerning her speech vnto man about the summe and proportion of the sale of their goods , Whether solde you your possessions for so much ? And she answering , But for so much ; is ( notwithstanding all supposed clause of Reseruation ) condemned by S. Peter for a Liar . And this is the very case of P. R. for ( if he be a Priest ) he hath vowed himselfe to the Order of Priesthood ; and yet being demanded whether he be a Priest or no , professeth it lawfull for himselfe , by mentall aequiuocation , sometime to answer , I am no Priest. In the next place we are to shew ▪ That ( concerning the nature of a lie ) there can be no difference betweene that aequiuocation of the woman , and this other of these Priests , in respect of the hearers . 49 The only cloud of words which may hinder the perfect view of truth for this confession that all Aequiuocation is a lie , may seeme to be because she is sayd heerby to haue intended to deceiue S. Peter , being then a competent Iudge , whereas the Priests admit no aequiuocation except only in examinations and iudgements incompetent . But P. R. can not obiect this without grosse and stupid contradiction to himselfe thorowout his whole Treatise . For our question is not of deceiuing , or not deceiuing , which is only the effect of lying ( as P. R. also euery where acknowledgeth ) but it is about the speech it selfe , and the very nature of a lie . Now that there can be no difference heereof in regard of hearers , whether they be competent Iudges or incompetent , our Mitigator himselfe will demonstrate vnto vs. First from his one exposition of mentall Equiuocation , b I say ( sayth he ) that in mentall reseruation the speech agreeth with the minde of the speaker , for that I truly and really meane that I am no Priest in that sense I speake it , which may be what pleaseth me , or that which I list to frame to my selfe : so as I meane I am no Priest , such as I should be , or such like . Marke , the truth of Aequiuocation is not suspended vpon the vnderstanding of the hearer , who may conceiue or misconceiue the speech , and so might peruert the speakers truth into a lie , that seeming false to the hearer , I am no Priest , which in the sense of the speaker ( as P. R. resolueth ) is by vertue of reseruation ( as To tell it vnto you ) a perfect truth . Well then the supposed aequiuocation of the woman was such a like fancie , I haue solde it but for so much , to giue it in common , or , Tell it vnto you . And yet heereof hath P. R. concluded , that c No clause of reseruation could saue her speech from a lie . Consequently condemning himselfe and all other mentall Aequiuocators for phantasticall liars . 50 Secondly , as we heere finde a woman making a lie vnto S. Peter , a competent Iudge , so do we read that S. Peter made a lie vnto a d woman , an Examiner incompetent . So that the difference of hearers doth not alter the nature of the speech . The reason is that which hath beene already specified , to wit , because ( as is confessed ) e The essence and formalitie of a lie requireth that the speech disagree from the minde and vnderstanding of the speaker . And yet againe , f A false speech is only a lie as it hath the essentiall point before mentioned of dissenting from the minde of the speaker . And lastly , g My speech is truth as it is truly spoken in my sense , not in the sense of the hearer . By all which is signified , that it is not the person of the hearer , but the vnderstanding of the speaker , which maketh a lie formally a lie : and consequently , as a slander is a slander , so a lie is a lie , and truth is truth , whether it be vttered vnto man or woman ; whether to Prince or people ; to Simon Peter , or to Simon Magus ; yea , whether to Archangell or to Sathan ; Iudge competent or incompetent , it can not free a lying speech from the nature of a lie . So that seeing ( notwithstanding the womans supposed clause of Reseruation ) there was formally a lie in her Aequiuocation ; it consequently followeth , that the Priests Aequiuocation must be as formally a lie . 51 Thirdly , in mentall Equiuocation ( sayth P. R. ) the clause of Reseruation mixed with the outward speech maketh but one proposition , which is as true in the minde of the speaker , as if it were wholly deliuered in the outward speech . As for example : I am no Priest , mixed with this clause conceiued in minde , To tell it vnto you , is as true ( in the iudgement of P. R. ) as if it had beene without Reseruation fully expressed with the mouth , saying , I am no Priest , to tell it vnto you . Now then , say P. R. ( for I meane to fetter you with your owne shackles ) The woman , when she sayd to S. Peter , I haue solde it but for so much , if she had reserued in her minde this clause , To giue it vnto you : either had it beene by the vertue of Reseruation a truth , or els ( notwithstanding that Reseruation ) it had beene a lie . If the clause of Reseruation might haue made it a truth , then hath not P. R. sayd true in concluding , that No clause of Reseruation could saue it from a lie : if contrariwise the tricke of Reseruation could not saue it from a lie , then doth not the reserued clause , To tell it vnto you , being mixed with the outward speech , I am no Priest , make vp one true proposition . And consequently , it must be concluded of the Priestly Equiuocation , as is heere by P. R. confessed of the womans , viz. No clause of Reseruation can saue their speech from a lie . For if she had sayd vnto S. Peter in plaine words [ I haue solde it but for so much to giue it in common ] or such like , this euery one knoweth had beene a true speech : yet saying , I solde it but for so much , with mentall reseruation , reseruing in her minde [ To giue in common , or , To tell it vnto you ] was notwithstanding this Reseruation ( euen by the iudgement of P. R. ) a flat lie . 52 Let vs , for conclusion , parallel both these examples which are very neere a kinne : for if we doe compare speaker with speaker , that is , the woman and a Priest , both will be thought to be Votaries : if outward speech with outward speech , that is , h I haue solde it but for so much , and , I am no Priest , both are negatiues : if Reseruation with Reseruation , as [ To tell it vnto you ] or [ To giue vnto you ] both are mentall : if the forme with forme , both equally answerable to the mind of the speaker : if , finally , end with end , both are to deceiue the hearer . Wherefore P. R. granting , that No clause of Reseruation could saue her speech from a lie , must by irrepugnable consequence be forced to confesse , that his [ I am no Priest ] vttered by a Priest , to whomsoeuer it be spoken ( notwithstanding any mentall Reseruation of [ To tell it vnto you &c. ) is a Satanicall and damnable lie . 53 And where is now P. R. his boast of Scriptures , Fathers , Reasons ? where is his challenge of Canonists and Schoole-diuines ? where is his appeale vnto both our Vniuersities ? nay , where is this man P. R. himselfe , the new select Aduocate for this cause ? may he not say heereafter , I was ashamed , and therefore I hid my selfe ? so naked doth his deformitie appeare . He hath sayd , That his Aduersarie T. M. is like one , who , when the game is desperate , will notwithstanding play it out , and see the last man borne . Heere hee himselfe hath made such a blot as can not but be the vnfallible losse of his whole game , who being pressed with this example out of i Scripture , is driuen to such a vertigo and giddinesse , that euen when he would defend his Art of Equiuocating from a lie , is by consequence from Gods Word forced to confesse an outward speech , which No clause of Reseruation could saue from a lie . Whereby his owne Magi ( I doubt not ) will be brought to acknowledge , that digitus Dei hic est , this is the power of Gods truth . Thus being contented , for this present , to haue my whole cause in both questions , Aequiuocation and Rebellion so iustifiable , that my Aduersarie his owne confessions may free me from his imputation of slander ; I doe with better alacritie proceed vnto his next challenge , yeelding A generall Answer to his accusation of malicious falshoods . § 13. THe summe of all is this : P. R : k I haue taken Thomas Morton in so many falsifications of things alleged by him , as before you haue seene . And the law sayth , Whosoeuer is once euill , is presumed to be so still , vntill he proue the contrarie . l But he hath bewrayed euery-where malicious falshoods . 54 From the imputation of malice against the persons of men , if I should need the testimonie of man , my Aduersaries may acquit me , who haue acknowledged in me better measures by their owne experience , as M. D. Wri . M. Const. M. Ga. I haue halfe iniuried them with halfe naming them : but I hope they will pardon me this wrong , knowing that it is not spoken in exprobration to them , but for iustification of my selfe , forasmuch as selfe-commendation , if forced , is ( in the iudgement of the Apostle ) a wise follie . Howsoeuer , I can not vnderstand , how any man beholding others with Christian eyes , should be malicious : for either he perceiueth them wandring from grace and saluation , which mooueth pitie ; or els discerneth them to be companions with him in the way of life , which worketh loue . But neither can malice be pitifull , nor loue malicious . If my Aduersaries shall further persist in this despightfull obiection of malice , they must giue me leaue rather to feare Gods denunciation of Woe , than their Wrath. m Woe vnto them ( sayth God ) that put light for darknesse , and darknesse for light , that put bitter for sweet , and sweet for sowre . And if I prooue not their doctrine concerning Rebellion and Aequiuocation to be as bitter as the water of Meribah , then let them note me for a man aboue the nature of mankinde malicious . Otherwise , I must expostulate with them according to the Apostles example : * Am I your enemie , because I tell you the truth ? Which truth in my Incounter to the Mitigator ( God willing ) I shall shortly auouch . Thus from malice the gangrene of a wicked conscience , we come vnto falshood , the n cut-throat therof . Concernign which two things must be discussed : First the protestation P. R. maketh , in iustifying the sinceritie of all Romish writers , presuming them to be free from all falshood : Secondly , his accusation against my selfe , whom he hath notoriously traduced . Now of both these orderly . P. R. his hypocriticall , prodigall , and indeed prodigious ostentation , in the auouching of the integritie of Romish writers , and freeing them from all note of wilfull falsifications . § 14. 55 o IN this then , if you please to insist a while , and let Thomas Morton bring forth any Catholike authors whatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestants since these heresies began , that hath beene taken in this impietie , I meane , that hath set downe in Print any such falsitie , as can not be excused either by ignorance , ouersight , negligence , error of print , translation , diuersitie of editions , or the like , but that it must needs be presumed , that he knew the vntruth , and yet would set it forth : of this kinde ( I say ) let him shew me but one example among all Catholike writers of our time , and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust , and discredit the Author , whether it be another or my selfe : But if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kinde , I shall neuer be able to beleeue him more . And whereas the number and varietie of Catholike writers is so great , as the world seeth , it were no great labour to shew it in some , if that spirit did reigne among them . 56 What if one of his late Authours haue beene found presumptuously false in any one report , or els any one but in three points , though this be euen his owne selfe ? Doth the man ( who maketh mention of his * Interruption by sicknesse ) know what he hath now sayd ? whether he spoke this being in his feauer-fit , or in temper ? whether in a dreame , or awake ? whether in his right minde , or in distraction ? For sure I am , that this ostentation will proue in the issue as infortunate vnto P. R. as euer was boast either by Thraso on the Stage , or by Goliah in the Campe , or by Gorgias in Schooles : by the which he must be driuen vnto so miserable and shamefull a palinodie , as euer heereafter vtterly to discredit his owne friends , and worke a perpetuall discontent within himselfe , as presently will fully appeare . 57 But before I can come to manifest this , I may not denie euen this my Aduersarie his due commendation of modestie , who being ashamed ( we may thinke ) of the Romish frauds and falsifications of former times , will insist only vpon such mens examples as haue professedly written of late against Protestants . It were to be wished , that his fellow Iesuit Costerus had kept himselfe within the same precincts ; but he maketh a more generall challenge , thus : p Nemo hactenùs vel Princeps , vel Praesul , vel Scriptor fuit , qui mendacij , vel malae fidei Romanos arguerit : that is : Neuer yet ( sayth he ) did any Prince , or Prelate , or Writer accuse the Romanists of falshood . When he could not be ignorant of that which their owne volume of Councels hath made obseruable for perpetuall remembrance , how three Popes , Sozimus , Boniface , and Celestine , at the Councell of Carthage in Afrike , did claime a right of appeales vnto Rome by vertue of a Canon of the Councell of Nice , as they pretended . And when all the ancient copies of that Councell had been diligently sought , it appeared by the testimony of three Patriarks , viz. of Constantinople , Alexandria , and Antioch , q That that Canon concerning Appeales to the Bishop of Rome ( as their Lindan speaketh ) could not be found in those Copies : Or , as the Councell it selfe speaketh : r Istius Concilij Africani seu Carthaginensis ducenti tres tribus Papis restiterunt , & Canonem Concilij in defensionem Primatus sui falsum esse deprehenderunt . A little after : Concludunt tandem nemini licere ad Romanum Pontificem prouocare : that is : Two hundred and three Fathers of the Councell of Carthageresisted the three Popes , and found , That they suggested a false Canon for defence of their Primacie . Therefore in the end they concluded , That it should not be lawfull for any of Afrike to appeale vnto the Bishop of Rome . Will P. R. beleeue any claimes which Popes make for Papall iurisdiction , seeing that three Patriarks , and two hundred and three Bishops , haue conuinced three Popes of so apparent a falshood as this ? Or what can be sayd for the defence of Gratian their publike Compiler of the Decrees of Popes , s who ( as Cardin. Bellar. witnesseth ) citing a Canon of a Councell of Mileuet , wherein it was decreed that none should appeale beyond the sea , did ad of himselfe this exception , Except it be vnto the Apostolike sea of Rome : when as that Councell in forbidding appeales beyond the sea , did especially intend to forbid appeales to Rome ? 58 Many such like falshoods might be alleged , wherin Popes and Popish ones haue intangled themselues , and deluded the world , not in schoole cases of Sic videtur , & non , or in strifes de stillicidijs , and such trifles : but about the right of Appeales , yea spirituall and also temporall iurisdictions . But the nature of a Preamble will not suffer me to pursue old forgeries : and I must yeeld somthing vnto P. R. his modesty , who to passe ouer the blemishes of ancient Authors , doth challenge onely an instance in new writers , whether it bee of his fellowes , or of himselfe . And I will endeuor to giue him satisfaction in both . And first tender A Satisfaction vnto P. R. his first Motion concerning his fellowes , who haue intangled themselues in open falsifications . 59 Though it be iust in God , who is iustice it selfe , to impose this law vpon man , He that offendeth in one is guilty in all : yet man with man may bee more partiall , than for the guilt of one testimony to renounce him in all . And P. R. is more mercifull , therefore he requireth three sensible instances , as it were three witnesses against any one . And yet this also is horribly vnmercifull on their part . I wish hee had but named any one , whose credit he valueth most , that I might haue answered his challenge in that one . Howsoeuer it wil be no more easie a task for me to find one falshood in many , then many in one : wherof I exhibit some examples , and First a notable spectacle of their own manifold contradictions in peruerting three testimonies of antiquity in one controuersie . The First testimony . 60 In the Controuersie about Images the Protestants appeale vnto antiquity both of Councels and Fathers : the first Councell is that of Eliberis about the yeere of Grace 305. which 1 Protestants vrge as forbidding that there should be any Images in the church . Now let vs trie the spirits of their answerers ▪ 2 Payua answereth that , They meant only to forbid such an Image as was made to represent the nature of God. Not so , saith Bellarmine , 3 For such images were not then in vse . The second , they forbad Images , ( saith Sanders ) vpon a particular occasion peculiar to that time : to wit , 4 For feare lest the Heathen seeing Images in the Churches of Christians might thinke that Christians worshipped them idolatrously , as did the Heathen . So hee ▪ 5 This is a good answer , ( saith Bellarmine : ) although in the same place he confesse that that same reason of the Canon 6 agreeth not much with this exposition . Which is a very charitable defence , and all one , by interpretation , as if he had said , The answer is good , but that it is naught . We expect a better . The third , They were forbid ( faith Alanus Copus and others ) not because Christians seemed to commit Idolatrie with those Images , 7 But because they did so indeed . But , 8 This exposition ( saith Bellarmine ) is not agreeable to the Canon . Therefore Sanders , Allen , Turrian , and Bellarmine , all foure , resolue vpon a fourth answer , telling vs that those Images 9 were forbid to be painted vpon wals , lest that in that time of persecution they might haue beene made a scorne and contempt vnto Infidels . But 10 I cannot allow of this exposition ( saith the Iesuit Vasques ) because it agreeth not with the intention of the Canon . Wherefore hee deuiseth another which wee may call the fift , and which hee calleth the best , saying : 11 They were forbid to be painted on wals , lest by the decay of the wals they might lose their lustre : but yet were not forbid to be painted in tables . Which best how good it may seeme to be , may appeare by their sixt and last answer . 12 Diuers late Diuines ( saith the Iesuit ) oppressed with this obiection , taken from the Councell of Eliberis , haue thought it their best refuge to denie the authority of the Councell , because it was but prouinciall , and neuer confirmed by the Pope . Which refuge ( saith he ) might serue vs in good stead , if a better could not bee found . And though Bellarmine and Baronius made the 13 same Answer , yet this latter together with Binius confesse and prooue that , It was a lawfull Councell , and free from all errour . So that whatsoeuer the occasion of forbidding might haue been , this is a confessed conclusion of Senensis , that 14 The Councell of Eliberis did absolutely forbid the worship of images . Which one testimony being so tortured by so distracted and contradictory Answers , as though they had professed to prooue each other a liar : it cannot be ( especially seeing some of them are confessed to haue beene oppressed with the force of this obiection ) but diuers of them must incurre ( for ought that man can see ) the guilt of wilfull falsification . The like is as manifest in The Second testimony , from the Councell of Francford . 61 Protestants obiect the Councell of Francford , which condemned ( they say ) the second Councell of Nice for approouing the worship of Images : heerupon their Aduersary Surius ▪ doth bitterly inueigh against them , calling Protestants 1 Men of such incredible impudency , and so dissolute lust of lying , that it is a maruell they dare appeare in the presence of any honest man. A fearefull crimination . Shall we know the cause ? 2 Because they would craftily perswade men to beleeue that the second Councell of Nice was condemned in the Councell of Francford for the point of the worship of Images , when as they corrupted those Councels , albeit by the maruellous prouidence of God their fraud is made notorious , for they forgot to race out the name of Constantinople , and put in stead thereof the Councell of Nice . Was it then the Synod of Constantinople , that was condemned in the Councell of Francford , and not the second Synode of Nice ? 3 No , ( say nine of our Aduersaries together ) the second Synode of Nice was not condemned , but rather confirmed in the Councell of Francford , by three hundred Bishops there . Now it is like that by these mens verdict Protestants shall be adiudged vnto the Pillory , for Surius is the chiefe of that inquest , who hath said , that Protestants sought by forgerie to corrupt a Councell . Can there be a more grieuous accusation than this ? But behold one Vasques a Iesuite , as it were another Daniel , ready to acquit the innocent , saying and proouing that 4 The sentence of Surius cannot stand , being contrary vnto all Historians , who affirme that the second Synod of Nice , and not the Synode of Constantinople , is mentioned in the Councell . And of Francford Bellarmine more plainely acknowledgeth that that Synode of Nice was condemned in the Councell of Francford in this point of the worship of Images . And therefore can do no lesse but 5 wish that it were otherwise . Lastly 6 Baronius also doth agree with Bellarmine . What will P. R. iudge of those three Iesuites , Sanders , Suarez , Coster , with their complices , who maintaine that the second Synode of Nice was confirmed in the Councell of Francford , wherin ( in the opinion of Bellar. ) it was condemned ? or how will he censure Surius , who chargeth Protestants with impudency and forgerie in such degree , as though they were vnwoorthy the company of men ; and when the matter is examined , by three Iesuites , their opposite Aduersaries , Vasques , Bellarmine and Baronius , the defense of Protestants is warranted for true ? Will now our P. R. call Surius , Furius , ( who hath published the bodie of Councels ) and annihilate all his credit heereafter ? 62 But I proceed to their second Answer , 7 Though the Councell of Francford ( say their two Cardinals ) did condemne the Councell of Nice in this point , yet did it erre heerein in a question not of faith but of fact , for being deceiued by reports of the Author of those bookes , which are entituled in the name of Charles the Emperour , they did erroneously thinke that the Councell did allow , that Images should be worshipped with an honour proper vnto God. This answer also is so preiudicious to their owne cause , that their owne Doctors Vasques , Suares , and Binius doe openly confute it , proouing first that the Councell of Francford 8 Could not bee deceiued by that information . Secondly , that the 9 Legates of the Pope did subscribe vnto it . Thirdly , that the contrary answer 10 standeth not vpon any sound ground . And if I shall obiect the answer of Bellarmine , I thinke P. R. will returne mee no satisfaction : hee to allow the Councell of Francford thus farre , as to thinke i● did not erre in a question of right or faith , but only failed in an errour of fact . Tell me in good earnest P. R. if the Fathers of the Councell of Francford iudging that the second Councell of Nice , confirmed by the Pope , did erre in defending Idolatrie , did they erre in faith or no ? if they did , then where was the faith of Bellarmine and Baronius , who say it did not erre in question of faith ? if those Fathers iudging the Councell of Nice to erre in faith , did not erre themselues then it is not preiudiciall to faith to think that The Pope and his Councell may erre in defending Idolatrie , and consequently heresie , and what not ? Therefore yet they haue not satisfied the Protestants obiection . 63 Their last refuge is to contemne it as being only a 11 Prouinciall Councell : and amongst others their Binius teacheth his fellowes how to wind themselues out of this whirle-poole . 12 We must necessarily confesse ( saith he ) that either our Historians haue erred , or else the Acts of the Councell haue beene corrupted , or else that it condemned some other false Councell : or else freely denie that it maketh neither for vs , nor against vs ▪ He might haue added , Or else let vs grant ( as we ought ) the obiection of Protestants to be true . To all the other not the equity of the case , but desperate necessity hath inforced them , as may appeare by their intestine warre among themselues , one of them proouing anothers answer to be flatly repugnant vnto the tenor of the Councel which could not haue been without grosse falsitie on some part . Wherefore we conclude with the saying of the Iesuite Suares : 13 It is a dangerous rashnesse to reiect the Acts of that Councell of Francford as false : And proceed vnto The Third example . 64 Protestants obiect the testimony of the auncient Father 1 Epiphanius , who by his owne report entred into a Church at Anablatha to pray , and perceiuing a curtaine , wherein was a Picture as if it had beene the image of Christ , or some Saint , hee tooke the curtaine and rent it , as being an abuse contrary to the authority of holy Scriptures . Our Aduersaries are changeable to answer thereunto . Therefore first Waldensis is bold , and saith that 2 Epiphanius did this vpon a good zeale , but not according to knowledge , all for feare of giuing aduantage vnto the Anthropomorphitae . But Cardinall Bellarmine cuts him short , telling him , that 3 His answer is confuted by the text . The next is Vasques the Iesuite , noting Protestants for dullards , who could not perceiue that the image , which Epiphanius rent , 4 Was not the image of a Saint , but of some prophane man. But Cardinall Bellarmine will tell him that , 5 There is a better and more common answer than this . Sure , for this is naught , forasmuch as their Senensis hath taught them that Epiphanius in other his Epistles 6 Doth forbid Images to be brought into the Church . We require therfore a better answer than this . Alphonsus de Castro , to rid his hands of Epiphanius , numbreth him among those whom hee calleth 7 Iconomachos haereticos , hereticall Image-breakers . This will not be currant with Vasques , who supposing that it was the Image of some prophane man , saith that 8 Epiphanius did well to take it away . As yet nothing is said which may giue satisfaction . Where is that which was called the Common answer ? 9 Allen , Sanders , Coster , Bellarmine haue all resolued to cut the knot , which they cannot vntie , and therefore say , The Epistle in that part is forged or corrupted by Heretikes . It is no maruell they be so briefe , for Vasques hath told vs , that those which answered thus 10 Were oppressed with the difficulty . Wherefore he concludeth directly , 11 That without all doubt the Epistle is not counterfet . It may bee Bellarmine will not speake any thing without reason : 12 Hierome ( saith he ) in his Epistle vnto Pammachius against Iohn Bishop of Hierusalem , doth translate almost this whole Epistle into Latine , and yet maketh no mention of this part of the Epistle concerning this image . Therfore is this part counterfet . Who would thinke that this great Rabbi could haue beene ignorant of that which any man may see , and his owne learned Doctors haue acknowledged , that 13 The Epistle which is translated and approoued by S. Hierome , hath this part in it concerning the Image [ when I was at Anablatha ] Which is euident to them who will read the Epistle of S. Hierome to Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem : yet doth Senensis instance in the authority of 14 Damascene to proue this Epistle a forged deuice : but Damascene is falsly alleged , saith Vasques : adding that 15 This our common refuge , in excepting against the Epistle as counterfet is no way allowable . Hitherto they haue deliuered no Answer sufficient . Wee maruell why their great Iesuite Valentia hath beene so long silent : therefore he , 16 If it shall appeare that it was the proper Epistle of Epiphanius , yet wee answer that the Church is of greater authority with vs than Epiphanius . Whereunto we oppose that which Epiphanius preferred before any pretence of the Church , when hee said that the abuse of that image was 17 contrary to Scriptures . 65 In all that hath beene spoken we see many falshoods , and that in a part of but one controuersie . If P. R. shall desire 500. of this kinde , I binde my selfe vnto him by a faithfull protestation in a Moneths warning to satisfie him , whensoeuer hee or any for him shall exact it . Neither shall I need to borrow oile for this lampe to make it manifest vnto the world , that in all their passages in all controuersies of greatest moment when they are to be discussed by Scriptures , Fathers , and reasons , there are such crossings , thwartings and contradictions among them , as though ( as the Poet faineth ) the teeth of the Dragon were fallen out of his mouth and metamorphosed into armed men , presently bent to kill one another . But I will come one step neerer to P. R. his demand , Offering him A Satisfaction to his first demand in a particular instance of a noble Falsificator on his side . § 15. 66 P. R. requireth an example of Any one , who hath been found so grosly false , that in the eie of man hee may not be acquitted either by Ignorance of translation , &c. Which demand if it proceed from vnfeinednesse , it seemeth vnto mee so intolerably reasonable , that now I am driuen to a twofold trouble in yeelding satisfaction ; the one is that I know not with what one to begin first , the falsificators be so many : the second is , when I shal begin with any choice one , how to make an end , so manifold are their falsifications . Therfore in respect of the falsifiers I would require of P. R. to propound vnto mee any one of his Doctours , in whom hee hath best assurance of integritie , whether Greg. de Valentia , Stapleton , Bellarmine , Coccius , Suarez , Turrian , Campian , Gretzer , Fuerdentius , the Remish Translat . in their Annotations : or any , I say , of those which haue beene publikely authorised of their Chruch , and I will not doubt but to giue him thrice three examples of their fraud . In the meane time I thinke it requisite to single out of all such an one as is commended of all : to wit , Cardinall Bellarmine , that P. R. may not repine , saying : hee hath chosen a Dauid the least in his fathers house : but confesse that I haue preferred a Saul , one higher by the head and shoulders than any of the rest : not a dead man , who cannot interpret his own meaning , whether he had falsified vpon ignorance , negligence , &c. but one , which now liuing is able to answer for himselfe , whose credit P. R. doth tender , and with whom he may consult to know whether I do him iniury or no. Now to the point . First , examples of such kinde of falsities in wilfull slanders , whereof Cardinall Bellarmine hath beene guilty , as will appeare euen by the euidence of his owne confession . 67 Let P. R. for a while take Cardinall Bellarmine into secret confession , and first aske him with what conscience hee hath charged Caluin with the heresie of the 1 Pelagians , who denied that there was any originall sinne in infants , especially in the children of faithfull Christians ? For as hee could not bee ignorant 2 That this doctrine of denying originall sinne was ( as their owne L. Iesuite confesseth ) the proper heresie of the Pelagians . And not so only , but saith furthermore that 3 Caluin and all other Protestants are so far from denying originall sinne , that they doe monstrously extend the nature thereof euen vnto persons regenerat . I let passe a dozen such criminations cast by him vpon Protestants , which by the testimonies of his owne Doctors may be prooued to haue beene lewd and intolerable slanders . I insist now only vpon such his confessions , whereby it may appeare he hath been , in his iniuries against his Aduersaries , the greatest Aduersary to his owne conscience . 68 First he maketh Protestants guilty of the heresie of 4 The Nouatians , in taking from the Church all power of reconciling men vnto God. When as his own Authors note that , 5 The heresie of the Nouatians was this , viz. to deny any man , who should sin after baptisme , all hope of remission of sins , although he should repent . Yea and also Bellarmine himself in behalfe of Protestants confesseth else-where that 6 They require repentance and faith in Christians , that they may be iustified and obtaine remission of sinnes . Nor this only , but 7 There is no difference betweene vs ( saith he ) and Protestants about repentance as it is a conuersion vnto God with detestation of sin , or as it consisteth in outward signes of sorrow , weeping , confession , and outward chastisements , yea and almost all of them allow an outward rite of absolution . But the only controuersie betweene vs is , whether Penance bee properly a Sacrament . The contradiction is this , to impute vnto Protestants an heresie which taketh away all maner of Repentance and hope of remission for sin past , and yet to acknowledge in them a contrary orthodoxall truth , which is , to professe a necessity of Repentance , and reconciliation and remission of sinnes . 69 Againe , he attributeth vnto Caluin the heresie of the Manicheis , 8 Who ( saith he ) did condemne the nature of men , depriuing them of freewill , and ascribing the originall and beginning of sin vnto the nature of man , and not vnto his freewill . Seeing hee hath himselfe obserued that , 9 Caluine teacheth that man in his first creation had freewill , whereby in his integrity he might , if hee would , haue attained vnto eternall life . This contradiction in this point is no more than this , to charge Caluin with that which he did not beleeue . Is not this singular falshood ? and yet behold a more notable than this . 70 He accuseth M. Bullinger of 10 Arianisme , because of this sentence [ Tres sunt , non statu sed gradu , &c. ] Notwithstanding hee knew this was the very sentence of 11 Tertullian . And is therefore else-where expounded as orthodoxall and iustifiable by 12 himselfe . 71 Though P R. require but three examples of falshood , yet may I not enuie him a further choice , because I know not the curiositie of his palate . Therefore let him againe consult with Cardinall Bellar. in another taxation of Protestants , saying in one place that , 13 They teach that the soules of faithfull men departing this life doe not goe directly vnto heauen . In another place he himselfe together with his fellow Iesuite haue publikely recorded that it is a common 14 Obiection of Protestants proouing from Scriptures against the doctrine of Purgatory , that the soules of the faithfull presently after death goe directly vnto heauen . 72 He resteth not heere , but once againe challengeth 15 Caluine for ( as he calleth it ) an ancient heresie alleged by Theodoret , affirming , that there is only a figure of Christs body in the Eucharist . And yet in another place affirming both 16 That that opinion is not ancient , nor yet now to be found in Theodoret , and also that , 17 The foresaid doctrine of Caluine doth teach that in the Eucharist there is to be exhibited vnto the faithfull not only a signe of Christs body , but also the body and blood it selfe by which mens soules are nourished vnto eternall life . Or as another Iesuit testifieth for Caluine , 18 That our soules communicate with the body of Christ substantially . Heere is no more oddes in this accusation , than ancient and not ancient , heresie and not heresie . All these contradictions do certainly euince that he hath by publike imputations slandered those , whom in his conscience hee did acquit . And shall we thinke that his conscience could bee sincere in alleging other mens testimonies and witnesses , who is found thus perfidiously vniust in exhibiting his owne ? I spare to produce multitudes of this kind which I haue in store , and will be a debter to P. R. for many of this sort , ready to pay my debt as soone as this my promise shall be exacted . Some examples of Cardinall Bellarmine his falsifications in the allegation of testimonies . § 16. SAint Cyprian saith , 1 Whence is this tradition ? is it deriued from the Lords authority , or from the precept of the Apostles ? For God willeth that we should do those things which are written . From whence Protestants conclude , that the Scriptures are of sufficiencie for our direction in all questions of faith . Bellarmine answereth , that 2 Cyprian spoke this when he thought to defend an error , and therefore it is no maruell if hee erred in so reasoning , for the which cause S. Augustine ( saith hee ) did worthily refute him . The question is not what errour Cyprian held , but whether his maner of reasoning frō the sufficiency of scripture were erroneous , or no. Bellar. pretendeth that S. Augustine did worthily reprooue him . But whosoeuer shall consult with S. Augustine in the chap. specified , shall find that this point by him is excellently commended , 3 That Cyprian warneth vs ( saith S. August . ) to run vnto the fountaine , that is , vnto the tradition of the Apostles ; from thence to deriue a conduit to our times , it is chiefly good and doubtlesse to be performed . 74 Secondly , Bellarmine to establish the authority of the Pope , doth giue this prerogatiue to S. Peter , to wit : 4 That S. Peter was the only Bishop , and that other Apostles tooke their orders from him : which he laboureth to euince from the testimonies of Anacletus , Clemens Alexand. Eusebius , and Cyprian ; wherein he is refelled by his own Doctours . One saying , that 5 Indeed those Fathers meane no such thing : Another , that 6 The Epistles of Anacletus are counterfet , which many vrge more than is meet to the end they may aduance the authority of the sea of Rome . 75 Againe , where Bellarmine citeth the testimony of 7 Platina for the commendation of Pope Hildebrand : And in another place finding Platina obiected in the question of confession , answereth for the disabling of the Author , saying , 8 that Platina had no publike authority to pen the liues of the Popes from publike records . Which is notably false , Platina himselfe in his epistle Dedicatory vnto the then Pope writing thus : 9 Thou ( o Prince of Diuines , and chiefe of Bishops ) hast commanded mee to write the liues of the Popes : whose history is therfore greatly commended by Balbus , as being 10 True , and taken out of publike monuments . I could furnish P. R. with infinite such like delusions , and will also whensoeuer my Aduersary shall renew his demand : for such a multitude of examples I could bring , that I finde it a greater difficulty for me to subtract , than to multiplie . 76 Therefore I will now confine my selfe within the precincts of but one onely controuersie concerning Purgatory : where Bellarmine distinguishing of the diuers acception of the word fire in the writings of ancient Fathers , concludeth that , 11 When the Fathers speake of the fire of the day of doome , when all the world shall be of a flame , they meane not Purgatory fire , which soules suffer immediately after death . After this hee allegeth . 12 Most plaine places , ( as hee calleth them ) out of the Fathers for proofe of Purgatory . Amongst others ( in his first booke de Purgatorio ) S. 13 Ambrose serm . 20. in Psal. 118. for proofe of Purgatory fire : which hee himselfe confesseth in his next booke 14 not to be meant of Purgatory . So he dealeth also with S. 15 Hilary , vrging his sentence vpon the Psalm . 118. as an euident place for Purgatory , which by his owne iudgement 16 Seemeth not to signifie Purgatory . And yet againe , among his 17 manifest places of the Fathers for Purgatory , he allegeth the testimonies of 18 Origen , 19 Basil , 20 Lanctantius , 21 Hierom , 22 Ambrose : all which are acknowledged expresly by 23 Sixtus Senensis , from the euidence of the contexts to haue spoken only of the fire of the day of iudgement , and consequently as 24 Bellarmine hath taught vs ; not of the fire of Purgatory . Lastly he professeth to confirme the doctrine of purgatory out of most of the 25 Greeke and Latine Fathers . And another Iesuite saith more largely 26 of all the Greeke Fathers : which is an assertion as false , as peremptory , euen by the confession of their owne Bishop saying : 27 That there is very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers ; and that the Latine Fathers did not all at first apprehend the doctrine thereof . 77 If any shall but obserue in this one controuersie the number of witnesses brought in for the confirmation of this their new Article in the name of ancient Fathers , which are by confession of our Aduersaries meerely counterfet . as Clemens his Constitutions , Clemens Epistles , Athanas. in quaest . Eusebius Emissenus , Iosephus Ben Gorion , Hieron . in Prouerb . August . ad fratres in Eremo , the Liturgies of Iames and others : All which as they are vrged for proofe of Purgatory , so are they reiected by their own men ( I desire to be challenged for proofe heerof ) as forged , or corrupted , or Apocrypha ; and indeed no better witnesses for truth , than the Knights of the post bee fit men for a Iury. If further he shall mark how true Fathers and Scriptures are instanced in for proofe of the same Article , whereof ( when I speake of Fathers ) most of them ( when I speake of Canonicall scriptures ) all of them are found by the iudgement of their owne Doctors to be tortured , wrested , and forced , as it were , to say that which they neuer meant . If he , lastly , consider how almost euery one of them indeuouring the defence of the same doctrine is in his owne assertions contradicted by himselfe , which may be in this one controuersie concerning Purgatory , a late Article of their faith , most plainly discerned . 78 These obseruations may giue our Reader such a scantling of their dealing , that we may iustly pronounce P. R. his censure vpon themselues , Not to be beleeued heereafter . So desperate hath his demand beene , when he required any one ouertaken in a triple falsitie , as though he would venture all the credit of all the Annotations vpon the Remish Testament , all the volumes of Baronius his Annales , all the monuments of Councels in their Binius and Surius , all the disputes of Bellarmine , of Greg. de Valentia , of Coccius , and all other their late Doctors , vpon ( as I may so call it ) only tray trippe , a triple falsitie , and then neuer to be credited againe . I am perswaded that no Protestant , who hath beene conuersant in reading and examining their Authors , but he will stand astonished to heare this grant our Mitigator maketh , as being ( as I haue said ) intolerably disaduantagious vnto the Romish part : but he will easily cease to maruell when he perceiueth by whom it is made , to wit , P. R. the Authour of the booke of Mitigation , who himselfe is guilty of thrice three palpable falsities , so that none shall heerafter need to wonder why hee hath beene so lauish in hazzarding other mens credits , seeing he is so desperately prodigall of his owne . Let vs draw neere vnto him to shew this , for hee calleth vs vnto him . A Satisfaction vnto P. R. his second demaund concerning himselfe , in the discouerie of his owne not orious falshoods , inforcing him by vertue of his owne promise neuer heereafter to credit himselfe . § 17. 79 P. R. amongst others is bold to insert himselfe : a If any ( saith he ) hath set down in Print any such falsity , so that it must needes bee presumed that hee knew the vntruth , and yet would set it foorth : I will in my conscience greatly discredit that Author , whether it be another or my selfe , if two or three such falsities may be shewen . So he . Our Mitigator would seeme to haue a conscience , and so I doubt not but he hath ; but so miserable , as ( if it be lawfull to iudge by probabilities ) it were a kind of happinesse for him to haue no conscience at all . Let our Reader witnesse betweene mee and him according to the euidence of testimonies which shall bee brought against him ; most of them shall bee so apparent , that any one vnderstanding English may presently discerne them . I will not vrge him with his own contradiction , who in his preface to his Reader saith , b I returne to the Treatise of T. M. for more of his name we cannot yet find out . And yet had in his Epistle Dedicatorie vnto both the Vniuersities , which is set before the Preface , mentioned T. M. in his expresse name c Thomas Morton , fiue seuerall times . But this fault were very pardonable , were it not in him who will thinke no fault pardonable in his aduersary : neuerthelesse I hold it excusable by the vertue of this common Prouerbe : Cart before the Horse , as we say . I therefore note not this for a falsity , because a lie is onely then , when the tongue or pen goeth against the mind and wit of the speaker or writer . But in this contradiction I thinke rather that P. R. his pen runne before his wit , and so will hee excuse himselfe , except hee had rather bee accounted lyingly witty , than witlesly rash . Other such like stumblings I ouerpasse . I come to note such his falles , as may seeme to bee recouerable by no excuse . One falshood of P. R. 80 Let that be first which I d haue already mentioned , where peremptorily he affirmed that the Clause of reseruation was not by me set downe in Latine throughout my whole Treatise against Aequiuocation aboue once : whereto the Reader may answer for me that it is set downe in Latine aboue twenty times . What excuse can he pretend ? ignorance , ouersight , negligence ? why , the booke was present before his eies , euen in those places which he particularly discussed . Could that errour be by errour of Print , diuersitie of translation , or difference of Editions ? ( for these are all the pretences which he will allow ) not one of all these ( he knoweth ) can redeeme him from guilt : and therfore I may pronounce against him in his own words : He must needs be presumed to haue known the vntruth of his assertion , and yet would set it foorth . And therefore by this one example may learne heereafter to mistrust himselfe . A Second falshood . 81 Where I writ of my Aduersary the Moderate Answerer thus : e He ( say I ) wilfully seating himselfe in the chaire of those Doctours , whom the Apostle describeth , saying [ They will be Doctors , and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor whereof they affirme . ] By which particle , [ He , ] euen the vulgar Reader may vnderstand that I described but one , which was , my Aduersarie the Moderate Answerer , who vsed to satisfie obiected testimonies , saying : If this be these mens opinions , and neuer inquired what their opinions were . Therfore I iudged him to be a Doctor of that chaire signified by the Apostle : where the Doctour faith , he knoweth not what . This my application vnto only that one , our P. R. setteth on his owne tenters , and stretcheth it vnto all , saying , f But whether this description of fond presumptuous Doctors doth agree vnto our Catholike Priests or to Protestants , will appeare , &c. And againe , Now let vs see how he goeth about to prooue our Priests such bad Doctours , &c. Which he did to make me seeme so presumptuous , as to think all Romish Doctors vnlearned , which had been ( I confesse ) an odious presumption . Let them be as greatly learned as they are , or else as they would seeme to bee , yet must there be a con , I meane an heart zealous of the truth , to be ioined with science to make vp a perfect conscience , which is the true Doctour indeed : otherwise wee know , that g The Serpent by being the most subtile of all the beasts in the field , will deserue no better commendation , than to be accounted the skilfullest Seducer . Of which kind P. R. will prooue himselfe to be ; for what excuse may he now vse to free himselfe from falshood ? Editions ? Translations ? Prints ? Heere is only one Edition , and that only in English. Will he say , that it was an error of ignorance , ouersight , negligence ? So might some peraduenture iudge of it , who doe not obserue that hee is euery-where ouer-diligent to draw vpon me an imputation of arrogancy and malice . A Third falshood . 82 Where the Moderate Answerer , to proue the doctrine of Protestants rebellious , obiected vnto mee the positions of Goodman , I made this answer , h If I should iustifie Goodman , although your examples might excuse him , my heart should condemn my selfe . Signifying , that although Goodman were gracelesse in his conclusions , yet compared with the heinous practises of Romish Priests , might ( but as Tyre and Sydon in respect of Capernaum and Bethsaida , that is , as the lesse sinner in respect of the greater ) be thought excusable . And I added also heerunto these words , Let vs leaue Goodman as a man who by his false and wicked positions hath falsified his name . Yet P. R. aduentureth to say thus ; i Hee ( meaning Tho. Morton ) doth particularly iustifie Goodman . What falsitie shall we call this , where an accusation is laid against mee for iustifying that man , whose positions I call false and wicked ; whose person I hold vnworthy of the name of a good man ; whom , I say , I cannot iustifie without condemnation of mine owne soule ? What excuse now shall P. R. make ? shall it be edition , print , translation ? there is no difference in these kindes . Was it negligence or ignorance ? the words are plaine and all in English. Wherfore if my speech concerning Goodman bee a iustification , then may not P. R. be offended to be iustified by me in like terms , thus : If I should iustifie P. R. his accusations , or thinke that he writ with a good conscience ( although the example of some libelling spirit might excuse him in this kind ) my heart should condemne my selfe : and therefore I passe him ouer as one who is not worthy of any name , except P. R. which may signifie Perfidiae Reus , that is , a man guilty of perfidiousnesse , his positions are so rebellious , and his accusations so false and calumnious . Whereof he will giue vs many examples . A Fourth falshood . 83 The Moderate Answerer obiected also the examples of Knox and Buchanan as Doctors and Actors of the rebellion in Scotland . My Answer was , that k Their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland , noting them to haue beene worthy of all condemnation . Neuerthelesse P. R. doth obiect , that l He ( meaning Tho. Morton ) taketh vpon him a iustification of all Protestants for rebelling against their Princes in any Countrey whatsoeuer , but more particularly some in England , and others as Knox and Buchanan , and the like Ministers in Scotland , turning vpside downe the States against their Soueraignes . This is no more , than if an Italian obiecting vnto mee that wee haue theeues in England , and I should answer , It is true we haue so : but yet so farre is theft from being tolerable in our State , that when theeues are catched , they are foorthwith condemned and hanged : and then the Italian should challenge mee that in thus answering I iustified theeues . The crimination of P. R. is altogether alike , and consequently he must needs bee presumed to haue knowen the vntruth , and to haue obiected this for the preiudice of my conscience , to the strangling of his owne . A Fift falshood . 84 In my book of m Satisfaction I had this passage , concerning an obiection against some Protestants , answering , Deny Christs to be God ? God forbid ! but to be God of God onely in a particular sense , this indeed they doe . But can you finde no more Protestants of this opinion , ( to wit , besides M. Willet , and D. Fulke ? ) Your Iesuit reckoneth vp Caluin and Beza , and I thinke he saith truely . I would either he or you did as truly vnderstand them . But yet we wish to heare what your Doctors thinke of this Protestants opinion : your Campian calleth it monstrous , &c. A little after I added ; This doctrine , Doth ( in the iudgement of your famous Bellarmine ) seeme Catholicall : because they deny not the sonne to be from the father ; but they deny the essence of the Godhead to haue any generation . Hence P. R. inferreth and inforceth thus : n Thomas Morton saith that Bellarmine reckoneth vp Caluine and Beza to be of that opinion . And who would not thinke vpon this Assertion of T. M. but that Cardinall Bellarmine were contrary to himselfe , accusing Caluine , and yet iustifying his doctrine ? You see how many sleights are vsed heere in deceiuing the Reader . As though I had endeuored to make Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , when as against the Iesuit Campian accusing Caluin and Beza , I opposed Bellarmine the greatest champion among the Iesuites as to be contrary vnto the other for defense of Caluins doctrine : manifesting this difference of Campian and Bellarmine , in these distinct letters r , s , z. Yet this Falsificator to make me seeme to haue vsed sleights as falsly heerein to make Bellarmine seeme contrary to himselfe , hath with his owne nimble sleight confounded the different testimonies of Campian and Bellarmine , who were produced as contrary one to another . What excuse may be admitted in this place ? ignorance , negligence ? &c. Why P. R. looketh vpon the place , and vnderstandeth English : and yet falsly obiecteth a sleight of deceiuing my hearer , himselfe by a fine sleight abusing both me and the hearer . The only excuse ( I feare ) must be that hee beheld the place with a squint-eid malice , which can neuer rightly discerne the truth . A Sixt falsitie of P. R. 85 Heere P. R. rangeth at large , saying , that o Thomas Morton framed a second part of his book for iustification of Protest●… yet in effect he confesseth all that his Aduersary opposeth . Let P. R. learne what this meaneth , Litera occidit , and then let him come to be tried by my Booke , and almost a childe may discerne that in this one obiection hee hath giuen his conscience many a mortall wound . In effect confessed all that was opposed ? What is there almost of all that was opposed by the Mod. Answ. ( excepting the examples of Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , Munster , which all I iustly condemned ) which was not directlie confuted ? for in the part . 2. of the Full Satisfact . cap. 1. it was prooued out of Bellarmine to bee the generall doctrine of Protestants , that , Spirituall men haue no authority to depriue Princes of their kingdomes . In the cap. 5. is set downe the expresse doctrine of Caluine and Beza , condemning all rebellious doctrine . In the chapter 6. are produced two Romish Historians acquitting the Protestants in France from suspition of rebellion . In the cap. 10. the Moderate Answerer is prooued to be impudently false for alleging only dumbe Authors to make Luther guilty of the losse of Rhodes and Hungarie , which then fell into the paw of the Turke : where I , from their owne Historians , did euince that Adrian the Pope was chargeable for that great losse in Christendome , which was without any witnesse or coniecture obiected against Luther by that Moderate Answerer . In the cap. 11. my Aduersary would needs accuse Luther to bee of the same opinion with Munster , who raised horrible rebellions in Germany , which is so notorious a slander , that their owne Doctors ( as I haue shewed ) haue acquitted Luther , confessing that Luther writ against those turbulent spirits , and taught all Christians to arme themselues against that rebellious crew , and to put them to death . These and many such confutations I vsed against the Moderate Answerer , conuincing him of notorious ignorance and falshood . And can now P. R. call a Confutation a Confession without a grosse abuse of the confidence of his Reader , and his own conscience ? A Seuenth falsitie . 86 In the Full Satisfact . part . 2. chap. 5. the Moderate Answerer did obiect thus ; p Caluine and Beza and the rest of that holy Synod say , that the Kings and Queenes , their children , posterity , and all Magistrates must be put to death . And so euery Protestant must be more than a Pope . This hee deliuered without iust witnesse , and this I confuted from the direct and expresse doctrines of Caluine and Beza . And after a long iustification of them concerning their doctrine , at the length in the chap. 7. pag. 119. I concluded thus ; Wee haue heard of their opinions , haue you any thing to except against their practise ? Which question was not made in way of deniall , as though my Aduersary would not charge Caluine and Beza with any practise of rebellion ; but after the maner of art and common speech , by way of Transition , to shew more orderly and emphatically what was by the Moderate Answerer obiected against their practise , which is set downe immediately after . And yet P. R. maketh this one of his instances , and proofes of my fraudulent dealings . Heere I would charge my Christian Reader in the obligation of truth it selfe to giue him audience , for his clamor is vehement , and his accusation may seeme to bee important . Thus then P. R. q And hauing said thus , hee ( Tho. Morton ) passeth yet further , adding a second prouocation about practise , in these words : We haue heard of their opinion ( to wit , of Caluine and Beza ) haue you any thing to except against their practise ? And this demand he made , when he knew and had seene his Aduersaries many and most grieuous accusations against them in that kind , not only for mouing that people of Geneua to open rebellion against their Lord and Prince the Bishop , but also the people of France , against their King and Soueraigne , citing good authorities for the same , saying : Caluine and Beza armed the Subiects against their Prince of Geneua , and ( as Caluiue himselfe , Doctor Suttcliffe , and the Bishop of Canterbury be witnesses ) deposed their Soueraigne from his Temporall right , and euer after continued in that state of rebellion . They celebrated also a Councell , wherein was concluded that K. Francis the Second , then king of France , his wife the Queene , his children , Queene mother , &c. should be destroied . And his quotations for these things are : Beza lib. de iure Migistrat . Suttcliff . answ . to Suppl . and Suruey . Caluin in Epist. Pet. Far. orat . cont . Sect. defens . reg . & relig . &c. All which being seene by our Minister , he demandeth notwithstanding , as you haue heard , with this hypocrisie , Haue you any thing to except against their practise ? as though there were nothing at all not only not to be accused or reprehended in them , but not so much as to be excepted against . And is not this notable dissimulation in a matter so cleere and euident ? Who can beleeue this Minister heereafter ? 87 Nay is there any but will rather beleeue mee heereafter when he shall see me abused by so intolerable impudency as I am perswaded he neuer heard of heeretofore ? For I am accused to haue vsed that interrogation [ Haue you any thing to say vnto their practise ? ] in dissimulation , as though I would haue concealed my Aduersaries obiection against Caluin and Beza , in pretence that nothing at all were not onely not to bee accused or reprehended , but not so much as to be excepted against . Wherunto I haue only this to answer , that there is nothing in all this obiection which hath not beene both literally expressed by me , and also particularly confuted . Let vs compare the obiection as it is repeated by P. R. and see if there bee any thing which I haue pretermitted . First these words , Caluin and Beza armed Subiects against their Prince of Geneua : these r I haue verbatim expressed , except only that for At Geneua , I haue Of Geneua . Can there be any falshood in the particle Of ? In the next words , And as Caluin himselfe , Doctor Suttcliffe and the Bishop of Canterbury bee witnesses , deposed their Soueraigne from his temporall right , and euer after continued in that state of rebellion . And this s hath beene by me repeated also verbatim , excepting that for continued , I said continue . And can P. R. suspect any hypocrisie in the letter d ? The next , They celebrated a Councell , wherein was concluded that K. Francis the Second , the king of France , his wife the Queene , his children , Queene-Mother should be destroied . This obiection also hath beene set downe in these words : t Caluin and Beza and the rest of the holy Synod say that the Kings and Queenes of France , their children , posterity and all Magistrates must be put to death , and so euery Protestant must be more than a Pope . Heere is more propounded than this my rigid Aduersary hath noted , namely , Euery Protestant shall so be a Pope . Shall hee feare any ambush in this clause ? Lastly the testimonies which are heere repeated , u were by me particularly both noted , and answered : and most of these P. R. himselfe ( that wee may know he was not ignorant heereof ) hath particularly discussed . Vnder what visard then could he call a perfect manifestation of this obiection a dissimulation ? or a full answer vnto euery obiected exception a concealement , as though nothing had beene reprehended ? or a particular repetition and satisfaction to all , an hypocriticall dealing , as though there had beene nothing obiected at all ? Sure I am , it had beene more for the credit of P. R. if hee had plaid the hypocrite in this taxation , to vse some colourable slander , and not to haue laid himselfe so nakedly shamefull in this kind , that very boyes , by comparing these places , may see his deformitie . But O the impotency of malice ! it is not vnlike vnto the blindnesse of the Sodomites , who after that they had seen Lots house , yet groped for the doore . So P. R. a litle after x discusseth some of my Answers , to this obiection of Practise , and yet now will not acknowledge the beginning . An eight falsitie of P. R. 88 To the y Moderate Answerer obiecting the Commotion of Wiat in Norfolke , in the dayes of Q. Mary , which my friend P. R. hath obserued , & therby ( to make me one of his incorporation ) would conclude me a double Liar . Let vs heare him . z To that then of Sir Thomas Wiat , the Duke of Suffolke , and others , he answereth diuersly . First , The History relateth ( saith he ) the pretence of Sir Th●mas Wiat thus : A Proclamation against the Queenes mariage , desiring all English-men to ioyn for defence of the Realme , &c. Then that in Queene Maries Oration against Wiat there is not to be found ( sayth he ) any scruple concerning the cause of Religion . Thirdly , that no Minister of the Gospell was brought in question as a Commotioner in that cause . Lastly , if intent might answer for Protestants accused in that name , then is it plaine , that it was not Religion ; if for Wiat and his fellowes , it is plaine , that it was not against the Queene or State , but for both . So he . In all which different clauses of Answer , consider if any one be in it selfe true : for as for the first and second , though Wiat pretendeth in his Proclamation the sayd mariage with Spaine to be the chiefe cause , yet not alone , but that the Queen and Counsell ( saith Fox ) would also by this mariage , as he affirmed , bring vpon the realme miserable seruitude , and establish Popish religion . ¶ And the same Fox relateth Queene Maries words in her Oration thus : That the matter of the marriage is but a Spanish cloake ( saith she ) to couer their pretenced purpose against our religion . So as in these two points the Minister lieth openly , but more in the last , That Wiats attempt was not against Queene Mary or the State , but for both : For that Q. Marie in the same Oration , as both Fox and Hollinshed doe ioyntly relate , affirmed Wiats answer to haue beene to Sir Edward Hastings and Sir Tho. Cornwallis , sent from her vnto them , which he also at his arraignment confessed , That he and his would haue the gouernance of her person , the keeping of the Tower , and the placing of her Counsellers . 89 The first lie he noteth , is in relating of the Oration of Q. Marie , wherein I sayd there was no scruple concerning Religion : and I cited for witnesse Hollinshed . This Authour ( as we may perceiue ) P. R. hath examined , and could finde nothing in him against me for this first point touching Q. Maries Oration : therefore he seeketh other euidence , and bringeth against me the testimonie of M. Fox , wherein there is mention of Religion . What therefore ? Therfore I am by him condemned for a liar . Nay , but rather by this opposing M. Fox P. R. hath wilily imitated the fraud of a fox , which creature , men say , doth vsually prey furthest from home . So likewise P. R. if he would haue proued me a liar , should haue done it out of Hollinsheds relation of Q. Maries Oration , which was the witnesse whom I produced : but he wanting cause of reproofe heerein , doth therefore range further to conuince me of lying by the testimony which I mentioned not . But whereas this Mitigator hath sayd , That a Aduertisement was giuen him , that this Minister T. M. was Chaplaine vnto my L. of Canturbury ( and vpon this Aduertisement doth note me for his Graces Chaplaine ) when he shall be more certainly informed that the Minister was neuer Chaplaine to his Grace , I would but know whether he will giue his Reader leaue to call him a Liar , or no. For , if , because he was deceiued in his Aduertisement , he will be iudged a liar , then can not he ( a liar ) be a fit man to charge another of vntruth : if he will auouch his owne truth and sinceritie , because he reported nothing not whereof by his Aduertiser he had been informed , then am I no liar , who haue sayd no more than whereunto my Authour Hollinshed did direct me . So that my Aduersarie is now chargeable by an argument à paribus , either to acquit me , or els to condemne himselfe . We may suffer professors of the feats of Legerdemaine to delude the beholders , to conuey one mans ring into another mans pocket , & then call him a cosener ; but for vs Diuines to play such tricks , as he hath done , changing Hollinshed into M. Fox , and then to tax me for falshood , is a deuice inexcusable . His second exception is of no better moment , because euen that purpose of Wiat , To keepe the Tower , wanted not the supposed intention , which was , The preseruation of the Queene and State : yet so farre was it from me to iustifie any such rebellious action , that I ( according to the maner of Schooles , vsing argumento ad hominem ) obiected this to our Romish Aduersaries , only , that they , by accusing of Wiat , ( who professed a good intent ) might learne to condemne themselues , whose only ground of Rebellion is pretence of a Catholike intent ; the rather , because a good intent destitute of precept and commandement of God , is but ( as the Apostle teacheth ) b a damnable good . Wherefore the two lies which P. R. would haue bestowed vpon me , he by vertue of his place and patent may keepe to himselfe . A ninth falshood of P. R. 90 A ninth falshood may be accounted , his peremptorie reprehension of our English Translation vpon that of Esa. 29. They are blinde &c. as dissenting from the Latine , Greeke , and Hebrew , both in words and sense . In which censure he c hath beene conuinced of a grosse falshood in both , by the iudgement of his owne Doctors . A tenth falsitie of P. R. 91 For a tenth take his wilfull d falshood in pressing one only Edition of Carerius , thereby accusing me of falshood in corrupting that Authour : whereas the Collen Edition hath iustified me , and discouered this disposition of P. R. to haue been willing that I should rather be condemned rashly than iustly acquitted . An eleuenth and twelfth fraud of P. R. 92 For an eleuenth may be remembred his vniust e crimination , in noting me as a notable liar for affirming that , which his owne triple instance doth euidently euince . We may f adde for a twelfth his obiection of the Authour Frisingensis ; wherein , that he might prooue me a Falsificator , he doth himselfe play foure excellent feats of falshood . A thirteenth new and noble falshood . 93 I may not deale niggardly with P. R. especially in recounting vnto him his owne , and therefore to his former dozzen adde one other for aduantage , yet such an one as whereat most of the former , although otherwise very impudent , may seeme to blush . P. R. pleadeth for their mentall Aequiuocation , ( which I haue truly called the Baud or Broker of their Rebellon ) after this maner : g The Minister himselfe ( sayth he ) doth in effect confesse heere in his second Treatise , that for the space of the last 400 yeeres the doctrine of Equiuocation hath beene receiued for true in our Schooles , and consequently practised thorowout all Christendome &c. And againe : h How can a doctrine so vgly and abominable ( as T. M. calleth it ) be receiued so generally thorowout the Christian world , that is to say , The doctrine of all Schooles , Chaires , Vniuersities , Casuists , Lawyers both Canon and Ciuill , Diuines both Scholasticall and Positiue approouing the same ? And a little after : Was there none at the first admittance of it to stand for the truth , and reason to the contrary in any Prouince or State , in any place or time , within the compasse of 400 yeeres ? And yet againe : i Seeing it hath beene admitted so long time in Christendome , as our Aduersaries doe confesse , and that it hath beene receiued so vniuersally and generally both by Prelates and people ; and if it haue beene so publikely taught by all learned men , and contradicted by none , it ought to be a great argument to discreet men , that it hath some ground of truth . It seemeth to me , that P. R. after that by custome of falsifying he had cast himselfe into such a slumber , that he had little sense of lying ; now at length he may be thought to be fallen into a dead sleepe , and to haue cast away all conscience of truth : as may appeare by these so large and lauish assertions . The summary points are two : 94 The first is in peruerting my confession . The Minister himselfe ( sayth P. R. ) doth in effect confesse heere in his second Treatise , That for the space of the last 400 yeeres the doctrine of Aequiuocation hath beene receiued for true in Schooles , and consequently practised thorowout all Christendome , and generally receiued of all Chaires , Vniuersities , Schooles , Diuines , Casuists , &c. Is it euen so P. R ? Can you extract such a generall consequent out of the confession of the Minister ? Did he euer acknowledge your mentall Aequiuocation so vniuersall , as you make it , of all Vniuersities , Schooles , Diuines , Casuists ? Nay did not he k confute this your assertion of generalitie by the expresse sentence of your owne Doctour Genesius Sepulueda ? His words are these : l This maner of aequiuocating is against the authoritie of most ancient and chiefe Theologers or Diuines ( meaning the Schoole-Diuines ) and none before Gabriel ( a Schooleman ) taught it . Is this to confesse a generallitie ? Or , could it be called then vniuersall , when but one man set it first abroch ? Other testimonies of Genesius against Equiuocating P. R. did seriously examine , and nimbly ouerskip this . 95 Againe , I neuer sayd that all Romish Priests were guiltie of this part of perfidious doctrine of mentall Aequiuocation : but proued , that not aboue 400 yeeres since mentall Equiuocation was heard of euen in Romish schooles , and that the first that is read of to haue defended it was Gabriel Biel a leud Sophister , after it was entertained by Syluester and Angelus , and some other few such Glozers , but was not then general among them . We see therefore that P. R. his consequent is from a confession of a few particulars to inferre a generall conclusion ▪ All Diuines , All Casuists , &c. The lamenesse of this consequent I shall make appeare by a like example , thus : Let me affirme with some Historians , that not aboue an hundred yeres agoe ( or thereabout ) the Neapolitane disease , commonly called the French pocks , tooke possession in Christendome , since which time some parties haue beene miserably afflicted therewith . Vpon this Assertion , by the consequent of our Mitigator , it must follow , That since these hundred yeeres haue all Cities , Townes , Villages , Schooles , People , Priests in Christendome , yea euen our Mitigatour himselfe , become such a kinde of Neapolitanes . And why may not this example fit ? Sure I am , that mentall Equiuocating , whomsoeuer it infecteth , is nothing els than a pocke and pestilence in the soule . We leaue this falshood taken from consequent , and seeke out a more sensible proofe of his palpable falsitie than this . P. R. his Aequiuocation proued a lie , and himselfe a Falsifier , by the confessions of three Iesuits . 96 The second falsitie is in his plaine asseueration , That mentall aequiuocation ( for heereupon only we dispute ) hath beene vniuersally receiued of all Prelates and People in Christendome , and not contradicted by any . Let vs first vnderstand what kinde of aequiuocation P. R. doth defend . m Mentall aequiuocation is when any speech hath or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification or composition of words themselues , but only by some reseruation in the speaker , whereby his meaning is made different from that sense , which the words that are vttered do beare without that reseruation . This kinde of aequiuocation P. R. imbraceth , and therunto he saith , There hath beene no one which hath made contradiction . The first witnesse conuincing this Mitigation of falshood is Azorius a learned Iesuit . 97 This Azorius a great Casuist , in his booke of Morall Institution , printed at Rome Anno 1600 by licence of his Superiours ( as the title signifieth ) doth discusse this point of aequiuocation , and his resolution is , That n there is nothing so false ( saith he ) which may not be freed from a lie if we may keepe something secret in our mindes , for by this meanes when any thing is asked of vs , we may deny that we haue it ( although indeed we haue it ) vnderstanding in our minds [ that we may giue it . ] Whatsoeuer we haue done , seene , thought , or decreed , being demanded thereof , we may by this meanes answer without a lie that we haue not done , nor seene , nor thought , nor decreed , namely , in that sense [ that we may tell it vnto you . ] But I am of another opinion , which I will manifest by certeine rules . His fift rule doth hit the naile on the head , which is this . * The fift rule : If the words we vse are not according to their common signification among men , ambiguous or doubtfull , and haue only one sense , we ought to vse them in that sense which they haue in themselues : neither is it lawful for vs , although we be examined against right and iustice , to detort or turne our speech by our inward conceit of minde , because it is not lawfull for vs to lie : but he doth lie who vnderstandeth his speeches otherwise than they do signifie in themselues . The difference between our Mitigator and this Iesuit is no more than this : First , P. R. defendeth an aequiuocation which is when the speech hath no double sense in the outward words themselues , but only in some secret reseruation in the minde of the speaker . But Azorius saith , That we ought not to vse any sense of speech which is not in the words themselues , but only in the inward thought of him that speaketh . Secondly , P. R. mainteineth , That his mentall reseruation is a truth : but Azorius concludeth , That it is a lie . And can there be a greater contradiction than this ? How then could our Mitigator affirme , That mentall aequiuocation is defended of Casuists and Doctors , and contradicted by none ? Hath he any shadow of excuse by ignorance of the Authour and place ? No , for he hath o alleged this Author , vpon this question of aequiuocation , foure times ; and the place was particularly obiected in my Confutation therof : or els be helped by difference of Translation or Edition ? He wil not pretend this ; therefore can no euasion serue him , except hee will answer , That he thought good in citing Authors for defense of aequiuocation to aequiuocate . Whence any may discerne what credit such wretched Aequiuocators may deserue . A second witnesse conuincing P. R. of falshood . 98 When I had p obiected against the Romanists that popish Priests ( yet not saying that all of them held this opinion ) are guilty of this perfidiousnesse of violating an oath by mentall equiuocation : my first Aduersary , called the Moderate Answerer , that he might a little qualifie the hatefulnesse of that equiuocating sect : did tell vs that q A Iesuit famous amongst the Casuists , Emanuel Sà in his Aphorismes writeth of this matter in these words : Quidam dicunt , &c. Some there bee who say that he who is not bound to answer vnto the intention of the examiner , may answer by reseruation of some thing in his owne minde , to wit , [ that it is not so , viz. that I must tell it vnto you ] although others do not admit this maner of answering , and peraduenture vpon better reason than the former . Whereby it is manifest ( saith that Moderate Answerer ) that all Catholikes do not allow of aequiuocation . Thus farre hee : confessing heereby that diuers Catholike Authours haue contradicted this equiuocating forgerie , which P. R. hath auouched no Catholike writer did euer contradict . Is it possible that my Aduersary can free himselfe from a falsitie corroding the conscience ? The Edition is but one , the translation is the same , the place was well knowen , being obiected by the Moderate Answerer , whom hee hath commended as a learned performer and is furthermore repeated in my booke of r Satisfaction , which hee hath laboured to confute . Say then Sir Mitigatour , will you thinke this Moderate Answer to be true or no ; take heed what you say , you haue a Woolfe by the eares ( according to the prouerbe ) if you hold him , hee will bite your hands , if you let him goe hee will flie in your face . Say therfore : was that answer of your fellow true , wherin it is said , that diuers Catholikes do not allow of this doctrine of aequiuocation ? Then are you a false Proctor , for this your wilfull assertion , to wit , Not one Catholike Doctour doth contradict it . Or will you say that Answer was vntrue ? then must you be iudged a false sycophant , for approouing that for A iust and Moderate Answer , wherein the Author hath acquitted himselfe learnedly , and yet do thinke it to be vntrue . The third witnesse conuincing P. R. of falshood . 99 Maldonat a principall Iesuit and Casuist resolueth thus ; s Whosoeuer doth endeuor by faining to deceiue another , although he intend to signifie something else , yet , doubtlesse , he lieth . This testimony t I vsed for confutation of this vile art . Which P. R. could not be ignorant of , because u hee endeuoured to satisfie other testimonies , as of Genesius and Sotus . But this Authour Maldonat specified in the same place , P. R. ( as a weaker Aduersary will doe his ouermatch ) did willingly pretermit . But what now will follow of all this ? what will P. R. obiect ? Let vs but heare what hath been said , and then he shall know what may be said . He claimed an vniuersall approbation of mentall Equiuocation from the consent of all Vniuersities , Diuines and Casuists , &c. no one contradicting that doctrine . He hath also said , that x A generall Proposition is such , that if any one instance may be giuen to the contrary , the whole is ouerthrowen . Now haue I instanced vnto his generall of All Vniuersities , all Prelates , all Casuists , all people , in three famous Iesuists and Casuists , Azorius , Sà , Maldonate , and in the confession of his fellow the Moderate Answerer , acknowledging that diuers Catholikes do not approoue their mentall reseruation : all from direct testimonies of these Authors certainely knowen vnto this Mitigator . And therefore must conclude , that seeing any one knowen instance may ouerthrow a whole generall , our Mitigator by these foure seuerall knowen instances is to be accounted a foure-fold falsificator . I haue exceeded the proportion of our Mitigators demand , who hath required but two or three instances in any , though in himself , of vnsatisfiable falshoods , I haue offerd him thirteene , as many as I could well bundle vp in this briefe Preamble , reseruing the rest for the exact Incounter , when I doubt not , but vpon the discouery of his vnconscionable deprauations he will wish that his braines had beene a-sleepe , when hee framed this Mitigation , rather than his fraudulent and malicious disposition should be discouered . Wherof there will be yet more proofe in his calumniations following : wherunto I now addressemy Satisfaction in An Answer to the Accusations of falshood , which the Mitigator hath obiected to his Aduersary Th. Morton , singling out of many , not such which might seeme vnto me most easilie answered : but those which P. R. hath most vehemently pressed and vrged , as by his insolent insultations will appeare . § 18. 100. ALthough the discouered calumnious spirit of P. R. might so preiudice the credit of his other taxations , that , in the opinion of any religious Reader , I might seeme to be absolued euen before I be accused ; yet considering that in slander , as in a bodily hurt Etsi vulnus sanetur , cicatrix manet tamen Though the wound be cured , yet the scarre doth remaine : and that it was no sufficient iustification for the one thiefe vpon the Crosse to tell his fellow , saying : * Thou also art in the same condemnation : Therefore doe I willingly addresse my Apologie and defence against his calumniations , especially such wherein he insisteth and insulteth most ; wherunto I shall giue ( I hope ) such satisfaction , as that not only the wound of slander may be cured , but euen also the suspicious scarre of imputation may be wiped away . The first obiected falsification , whereupon he maketh this insultation : It is a malicious lie of the Minister , hauing neither simplicitie nor truth , but of a lost conscience by manifest and malicious calumniations . 101 P. R. beginneth thus : a He ( Tho. Morton ) laieth before his Maiesty a certaine obseruation about Popes names , as full fraught with malice and deceitfulnesse , as the former with vanity : and he layeth the obseruation vpon Polydore Virgil , though citing no place for it . Polydore obserueth ( saith hee ) that the Popes a long time in their election had their names changed by Antiphrasis , viz. the elected if he were by naturall disposition fearefull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clement , if vnciuill Vrbanus , if wicked Pius , if couetous Bonifacius , if in all behauior intolerable , Innocentius . And with this hee thinketh to haue laid downe an obseruation of importance . But why had he not adioined also , that if he were carelesse of his flocke , then Gregory must bee his name , which importeth a vigilant Pastor ? But now let the iudicious Reader obserue the malice and falshood of this obseruation , and thereby iudge whether the Authour thereof bee a Minister of simple truth , or no. Polydore saith onely that sometimes Popes as other Princes in like maner haue had names that haue beene different , or rather contrary to their nature and maners , which is an ordinary case , if we examine the signification of men and womens names ; but that Popes names were changed of purpose by Antiphrasis , or contrary speech to couer their defects , as heere is set downe , this is a malicious lie of the Minister , and hath neither simplicity nor truth in it : for that all these names heere mentioned of Leo , Clemens , Vrbanus , Pius , Bonifacius , Innocentius and Gregory were chosen by the Popes that tooke them for the great reuerence and estimation they had of certaine excellent men of that name , that went before them , as also for the good abodement of their future gouernment , and to be stirred vp the more by the memory of those names to the vertues signified by them : but especially for the honour and imitation of the first Popes that bare those names . The Answer . 102 The first note of falshood he intimateth to be , because I laid my obseruation vpon Polydore , citing no place for it . Would not his preiudicate Reader now thinke that I had fraudulently suggested a testimonie in the name of Polydore , which cannot be found ; and in the guiltinesse heereof to haue cited no place ? But heere I make a Nouerint vniuersi , to giue euery Reader to vnderstand , that the sentence which I reported vpon my memory is certainly extant in the ancient Editions of Polydore , lib. 4. Inuent . ca. 10. in these words , Primus honos , &c. which sentence because it doth not a little offend the superstitious Romanists , therfore An. Dom. 1572. by the authority of Pope Pius Quin. it is commanded in these words [ b Vsque ad , aliud sibi nomen aptaret , Deleatur ] that is , faire and cleane to bee blotted out . Can then this be ought but a transcendent impudency to blame me for not citing that testimony , which his Pope , lest it should be cited hath vtterly razed out ? Hee seeth his Pope pulling out a mans tongue , and then would compell mee to looke whether I can find it in his mouth : but although they haue made Polydore by their Index expurgatorius , almost in euery page dumbe , not suffering him to beare witnesse against the pride of Popes , the licentiousnesse of Monkes , the superstitions of their Church , the nouelties of their manifold traditions and inuentions ; yet our ancient Polydore now dwelling amongst Protestants ( Printed An. 1570. Basileae ) hath a tongue which will tell tales , saying plainely that , c This is the first honour which is giuen vnto the Pope of Rome , that if peraduenture his name ( before election ) be somewhat vnseemely , he may change it as soone as he is created . As for example , ( which may not bee spoken without a iest ) if peraduenture hee had beene before ( his creation ) a wicked man , that then he should be called Bonifacius , that is , a good doer : if fearefull , then Leo , that is , a Lion : if rusticall , then Vrbanus , that is , ciuill : if vngodly , then Innocentius , that is , innocent : if furious , then Clemens , that is , gentle : if infamous , then Benedictus , that is , a man of a good report , should be his name . The first Author of this change of names ( which was Anno 1052. ) was Pope Sergius Secundus , whose proper name was Hogs-face : who , that he might auoid the ignominy of his own name , was permitted to chuse another . 103 Obserue now what I haue reported from Polydore , viz. that Popes names were changed by antiphrase , or contrary speech , to couer their defects . And this is no whit different from the testimony of Polydore , who saith , that If the Pope were before his creation wicked , he did take the name of godly vpon him : if rigorous , then gentle , &c. Which kind of alteration of names is not vnlike a Gregorian , ( as some call it ) or artificiall couer for a baldhead . Let therefore the iudicious Reader iudge from what spirit , whether of ignorance or malice , haue proceeded these slanderous inuectiues , calling my true relation malice and falshood : and againe , a malicious lie of the Minister , which hath neither simplicity nor truth in it . It is no rare thing for women of suspected conuersation , lest they should bee called by their proper names , to miscall honest Matrons first . Peraduenture P. R. vseth the same art in naming me a Liar . But I had rather interpret his meaning in the best part , to imagine that hee might meane by his owne open and false detraction to proue me his Aduersary , to be A Minister of simple truth . A second obiection of falshood , whereupon hee insulteth thus : This false Lad setteth downe his owne fiction : and is not this perfidious dealing ? can any excuse him from falshood and malice in so open treachery ? 104 P. R. groweth yet hotter , and casteth coales about him , thus ; d He ( viz. Tho. Morton ) hath these words : Pope Adrian being guiltie of like seditious practise against the Emperour Henry the Second , was choaked with a ●lie . And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it , Generatione 139. which should bee 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many generations in that part ; and in stead of Henry the Second , hee should haue said Fredericke the First of that name , for that Henry the Second was before the time of our conquest , and almost two hundred yeers before Adrian the fourth our English Pope , of whom we now speak , who liued in the time of King Stephen and King Henry the Second of England , and was an holy man , and accounted the Apostle of Noruegia for conuerting the same vnto our Christian faith , before he was Pope , and all Authours do write honourably of him ▪ and so doth Nauclerus affirme : and therefore though hee make mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a schismaticall writer in those daies ( who also doth not absolutely auouch it , but with this temperament , vt fertur , as the report goeth ) yet doth the same Nauclerus reiect the same as false , and confuteth it by the testimonies of all other writers , especially of Italy that liued with him , and thereby knew best both his life and death . And yet all this notwithstanding will this false Lad T. M. needs set downe this history as true , affirming it for such , and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand , that any other denied the same , or that the only Authour himselfe of this fiction doubted therof . And is not this perfidious dealing ? or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treacherie ? The Answer . 105 Not so Sir , both because ( as I truly protest ) I did not write this out of the Author himselfe , which I had neuer seene , but from collection out of some other booke : yet in the relation it selfe there appeareth no shadow of malicious falshood . First , there could not be malice in misquotation of the Generation , as an 139. for 39. which neither added nor detracted anything from the matter it selfe , no more than to say Peter is 10. or an 100. yeeres of age doth conuince a man of fraud who intendeth only to prooue that Peter is a man. And whosoeuer shall obiect error of quotation , he may be quoted for one that is ignorant either what it is to write , or transcribe , or to print ; for all these are subiect vnto misquotations . Now if there bee a fault in a peece of cloth , must we necessarily iudge that the spinner was to blame ? Secondly , what skilleth it whether it was Henry an Emperour , or Fredericke an Emperour , that was excommunicated by the Pope , when as the intended conclusion was onely this , that Adrian the Pope did excommunicate an Emperour , and conspired against him ? no more than if , when one should bee examined of murder , the accuser should say that the mortall wound was giuen with the right hand ; and the party accused should gainesay it , proouing it was done with the left hand ; could this difference be of any moment , when the maine question is , whether this man committed the murder , or no ? in all this there is error ( I confesse ) but yet no falshood . Thirdly , if where one only witnesse is required , I should say vnto N. you told me ( I think ) that A. did conspire against F. and died miserably . No ( quoth N. ) I did not : but heere is my brother V. that said something to this purpose . In all this we discerne only an errour in misciting the Authour ( N ) but no falshood for want of a witnesse . So heere , where V. that is , the Abbat of Vrspurg was ready to say that which N. that is , Nauclerus was vnwilling to affirme , concerning the conspiracie of A. that is , the Pope Adrian against F. that is Fredericke the Emperour . O but Abbas Vrspurgensis did say onely , fertur , that is , It is so reported : and this a man may say of a fable . But I pray you Sir , what is there in Historiographers of after times but only case of report ? So that whosoeuer shall cite any Historian who was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , an eie-witnesse himselfe of that which he writeth ; doth in citing him confesse that he speaketh but vpon report : yet euen this word [ fertur ] that is , [ It is so said , or , It is reported , or , The same is , &c. ] doth not necessarily betoken doubtfulnesse in him that vttereth it : which your owne Iesuit e Del Rio would haue his Reader to obserue in a certaine sentence of S. Gregory . 106 The only colour of iust exception hee can bring , is this : Because ( saith he ) Nauclerus reiecteth it to be false , and confuteth it by all writers , especially of Italy . And what then ? Notwithstanding will this false Lad T. M. needs set it downe as true . If age make diseases desperate , it is better be a lad then ( that I may so say ) a dad in falshood ; for by how much more any is a father in lying , the more neere hee is in degree of kindred vnto the father of lies , in which line of descent I feare P. R. will appeare to be . For Nauclerus endeth his censure thus : Verùm cùm multi Itali nullam de hoc mentionem faciunt , &c. hec & alia ambiguum me reddunt quid potiùs eligendum quidque credendū sit . Scribimus enim res gestas affectu nonnunquam plus quàm veritatis amore ducti . He saith not that Italians denied this maner of death , but that they make no mention of it : neither can Nauclerus be said to haue confuted that which he left as doubtfull , saying , I know not whether part to beleeue . As for the truth of the story ( for this is it which we should contend for ) wee oppose the Abbat Vrspergensis vnto Nauclerus . But it is obiected , Vrspergensis was an enemie to the Pope . Well ; and it may be answered , that the Monke Nauclerus was a friend to the Pope . And therefore we may know that as the bodily sight may bee hindered aswell by hot rheume as by colde , so falleth it out in passions of the mind , that loue may beget as blind commendation as hatred may a blind detraction . 107 But why should it be thought a matter incredible that such a dismall , and as it were disastrous end should befall a Pope ? For , I feare , this is the only thing which so greatly offendeth the cholericke old man. Wherfore I entreat his patience ( if yet there can be patience in so extreame malignity ) to vnderstand what his owne Doctours haue written concerning the death of diuers Popes . f Benè legitur Anastasium diuino nutu percussum interijsse : that Anastasius was strooke with the hand of God and perished . Their last Chronologer Binius , highly priuiledged , telleth vs , that g Ioannes decimus , quem infamis foemina infami opere in solium Petri intrusit , per impudicam Theodorae filiam ceruiciali suffocatus obijt : that is , Pope Iohn the tenth , whom an infamous woman by a l●wd practise , did thrust into Peters chaire , afterward by the vnchaste daughter of Theodora hee was choaked or strangled with a pillow . Again , of Iohn the twelfth , he citeth one whom he calleth an Aduersary to this Pope , reporting h Ioannem duodecimum quadam nocte , dum se cum alterius vxore oblectaret , in temporibus à diabolo percussum & inter paucos dies mortuum esse : huius historiae veritatem non controuerto : How this Pope one night in the midst of his dalliance with another mans wife was stroke in the head by the Diuell and shortly after died . A little after ; I doe not contend about the truth of this question . What is now awanting but that an example of one Pope be produced , vpon whom the vengeance of God seazed because of his rebellious opposition against temporall Lords ? This i Vrbanus Tertius ( inquit Abbas Vrspergeniss ) quem multi Turbanum appellabant , eò quòd in odium Imperatoris turbaret Ecclesiam , nutu Dei percussus interijt : Pope Vrbane the third , ( saith Abbas Vrspergensis ) commonly called Turbane , because in hatred of the Emperour he troubled the Church , was strooke by God and perished . So little cause could I haue to wound my Aduersaries with forged inuentions , being thus sufficiently furnished and prepared to confound them with true and plain confessed testimonies . A third obiection of falshood , whereupon he thus insulteth : With such wee are forced to deale , that haue no conscience at all in cosenage . 108 P. R. doth further charge me thus ; k And another like tricke he plaieth some few pages before this , again citing out of Doctour Bouchiers booke De iusta abdicatione , these words : Tyrannum occidere honestum est , quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur ; quod excommuni consensu dico : and then he Englisheth the same thus : Any man may lawfully murder a tyrant ; which I defend , saith he , by common consent . But hee that shall read the place in the Authour himselfe shall find that hee holdeth the very contrary , to wit , that a priuate man may not kill a tyrant that is not first iudged and declared to bee a publike enemy by the Common-wealth : and he prooueth the same at large : first out of Scriptures , and by the decree of the generall Councel of Constance : his words be these : Neque verò eo iure quod ad regnum habet nisi per publicum iudicium spoliari potest , &c. Neither can a tyrant be depriued of that right which he hath to a kingdome but onely by publike iudgement : yea further also , so long as that right of kingdome remaineth , his person must be held for sacred ; wherof ensueth , that no right remaineth to any priuate man against his life : and albeit any priuate man should bring foorth neuer so many priuate iniuries done by the said tyrant against him ; as that hee had whipped him with iron rods , oppressed him , afflicted him , yet in this case must hee haue patience , according to the admonition of S. Peter 1. 2. That we must be obedient not only vnto good & modest lords , but also vnto those that be disorderly , & that this is grace when a man for Gods cause doth sustain & beare with patience iniuries vniustly done vnto him , &c. And a little after P. R. thus l Let the Reader consider the malicious falshood of this Minister T. M. who in alleging that little sentence before mentioned , about killing of a tyrant , stroke out the words of most importance : quem hostem Respub . iudicauerit ; whom the common-wealth shall iudge for a publike enemie : and adding that other clause , which I say by common consent , which is not there to be found . And with such people we are forced to deale , that haue no conscience at all in cosenage , &c. So. P. R. The Answer . 110 The Accusation is grieuous , viz. Malicious cosenage ; the Matter is hainous , viz. Killing of Kings ; my Aduersarie is serious and vrgent , saying , Consider &c. and the issue important : which will be either a branding me for a notorious Slanderer , or else my Aduersarie for a toxicall and pestilent Mitigator . In thy examination and censure hereof ( Christian Reader ) I require only iustice . m Bouchier in the place controuerted , doth make a double consideration of a Tyrant ; one is , as he doth iniurie vnto any priuate man [ Qui iusta potestate ad priuatorum iniurias abutitur . ] In this case he resolueth , That à priuato occidi proptereà non licet : That is , It is not lawfull for any priuate man to kill him . The second consideration of a Tyrant is , as he doth commit any publike iniurie , whether the case concerne Religion or the ciuill State , whereof he doth determine thus : Qui inreligionem ac patriam tyrannidem exerceat , hunc occidere respub . possit &c. That is , The Common-wealth may kill him , who shall tyrannize and iniurie the religion , and the countrey : it is so manifest that none can doubt of it , but such as are destitute of common sense : for if the people may arme themselues against any noisome beast , which may indanger the common safetie ; then much more against such a Tyrant , who is woorse than any beast . But who may attempt the execution heereof ? It followeth in the place by me formerly alleged : Priuato cuiuis Tyrannum , quem hostem Resp. iudicauerit , occidere licitum est . That is , It is lawfull for euery priuate man to kill him , whom the Common-wealth shall iudge to be a Tyrant . We see now that Bouchier hath defended , both that No priuate man may kill a Tyrant for iniurie against priuate men , and also , that Any priuate man may kill a Tyrant for common iniuries . 111 I haue alleged the latter , P. R. hath opposed the former ; both of vs haue affirmed a truth : where then is the falshood ? This must be imputed to him who reporteth a truth , but not truly , that is , to a false purpose : wherof our Reader may easily iudge : for I haue obiected the testimonie of Bouchier , affirming , that in the case of common iniuries , whether in matter of Religion or State , euery priuate man is licensed to kill a Tyrant : and Bouchiers words auouch no lesse . P. R. opposeth the other negatiue testimonie of Bouchier , denying , that in priuate iniuries any priuate man may murder a Tyrant : and doth he therby conuince me of falshood ? Nay rather doth he not seeke to iniurie me with falshood ? For my whole Treatise of Discouerie intendeth only the publike , and neuer medleth with priuate occasions . 112 This will be plaine by example . The common rule of humanitie teacheth , that the Father , being but an Esquire , may in priuate conuents and meetings haue place aboue his sonne , though a Knight ; but in places of publike resort , the Knight , though a sonne , is preferred before his Father . Heere be two considerations of the sonne and the father ; the one is in respect of priuate , the other in regard of publike occasions . This Assertion of ciuility standing thus : Suppose my first Aduersarie the Moderate Answerer should auerre that T. M. saith that any sonne , being a Knight , may take place of his father , being but an Esquire : then my second Aduersarie P. R. hearing this , should oppose and say , It is false which thou allegest , for T. M. sayth the contrary , viz. That any Father , being an Esquire , may priuately take place of his sonne , though he be a Knight . Can this his taxation of falshood be thought true ? It is not altogether impertinent ? For the assertions of T. M. were two : the first , That any such sonne must be preferred in publike : the second , That any such father must be preferred in priuate . And are these contrary ? Are they not both true ? And can one truth shoulder out another ? The falshood therefore resteth in the Pleader , who sayd , That the allegation was false . Wee reade in the Gospell this command of our Sauiour : n The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chaire : whatsoeuer they bid you obserue , that obserue and doe : but after their works doe not , &c. Here we heare vs charged To do , and Not to do as the Pharisees . And are these contrary ? No : for the [ Doe ] is a commanding to follow their godly doctrine ; the [ Doe not ] is a forbidding to imitate their vngodly life . 113 A second crime is in adding ( as he sayth ) of this clause [ Which I say by common consent . ] Looke in the Cha. 15. where the ground of this Position is layed , That it is lawfull to kill a Tyrant , he affirmeth it , saying , Mirum est quàm magnum affirmando consen●um habeat . That is , It is maruellous what a great consent this hath . Then come to the 16. Chap. vpon the point now in question , he hath sayd , He that denieth this , is distitute of common sense . If therefore maruellous consent according to common sense may be thought more than equiualent vnto a common consent , then is my Aduersarie vnconscionably contentious to accuse me , as saying too much , where I had warrant to haue sayd more . 114 It may be , that the striking out of the words of importance Whom the Common-wealth shall iudge to be a publike enemie ] may somewhat preiudice my conscience . None can imagine this , but he that is not acquainted with the Authour , o who spendeth a whole Chapter in prouing this Position ; Praeuenire iudicum vrgente negotio posse . That is , That the case may be so vrgent , that the publike iudgement ( against such a publike tyrant ) need not be expected , because where the crime is notorious , it is sufficiently condemned without further iudgement : for if theeues and beasts ( sayth he ) when they suddenly assault vs , may be resisted without iudiciall proceeding ; then much more a tyrant , who is woorse than any beast . And this doctrine he assumeth to proue necessarie both in case Temporall , when the King doth iniurie the Countrey , and in Ecclesiasticall transgression , when he offendeth publikely against Religion : particularly instancing in Henry 3. King of France , who was murdered by Iacob Clemens a Frier , before any publike iudgement of the Kingdome , which hee ascribeth to a Parliament , or els of the Church , which he attributeth to the Popes Consistorie . And yet he magnifieth the murderer ( a priuate man ) and extolleth him aboue those who are recorded in holy Writ , not vpon their priuate spirit , but by diuine inspiration to haue accomplished noble attempts . Heere , heere is matter indeed , whereby to decypher my Aduersarie to be no better than a painted Sepulcher , who is outwardly gaily adorned with the titles of Moderation and Mitigation : but inwardly ( by holding Boucheirs doctrine ) full of dead mens bones , I meane the dead bodies of Protestants : But how dead ? Euen ( as S. Hierome speaketh in the like case ) Voto occidunt , cùm gladio nequ●ant . That is , They wish them to be killed , whom they can not kill as they wish . But this I reserue vnto my Incounter . I proceed to the next . A fourth Obiection of falshood , wherin hee insulteth thus : This testimonie is egregiously abused , &c. 115 p His fourth and last place is out of M. William Reinolds in his booke De iusta Reip. auctoritate , &c. whom he abuseth ●gregiously , both in ascribing to him that which is not his , and in deliuering the same corruptedly : and by a little you may learn much , Ex vngue leonem His words he citeth thus : Rex humana creatura est , quia ab hominibus constituta : and Englisheth in this maner : A King is but a creature of mans creation . Where you see first , that in the translation hee addeth [ but ] and [ mans creation ] of himselfe : for that the Latine hath no such but , nor creation , but constitution . Secondly , these words are not the words of M. Reinolds , but only cited by him out of S. Peter . And thirdly , they are alleged heere by T. M. to a quite contrary sense from the whole discourse and meaning of the Author , which was to exalt and magnifie the authoritie of Princes , as descending from God ; and not to debase the same , as he is calumniated . For proofe heereof whosoeuer will looke vpon the booke and place it selfe , before mentioned , shall finde that M. Reinolds purpose therein is to prooue , That albeit earthly principalitie , power and authoritie , be called by the Apostle , humana creatura : yet that it is originally from God , and by his commandement to be obeyed . His words are these : Hinc enim est , &c. Hence it is , that albeit the Apostle doe call all earthly principalitie a humane creature , for that it is placed in certaine men ( from the beginning ) by suffrages of the people , yet election of Princes doth flow from the law of nature , which God created ; and from the vse of reason , which God powred into man , and which is a little beame of diuine light drawen from that infinite brightnesse of Almighty God : therefore doth the Apostle S. Paul pronounce , That there is no power but from God , and that he which resisteth this power , resisteth God himselfe . So M. Reinolds . The Answer . 116 This Allegation is , of all which yet I haue found , most obnoxious and alliable vnto taxation ; which ( God knoweth that I lie not ) I receiued from suggestion , as the Author thereof R. C. can witnesse . For at that time I had not that Rosaeus , aliâs Reinolds , neither by that present importunitie of occasions could seeke after him : which , I confesse , is greatly exorbitant : for I receiued it as a testimony debasing the authoritie of Kings : Vpon which presumption ( if true ) it could be no falshood in me to insert the particle But , especially being acquainted with the doctrine of Card. Bellarmine , who , that he may disable the authoritie of a King in comparison of the dignitie of a Pope , doth defend , That Kings , being chosen by men , are not immediatly created by God : and yet , The Pope , elected by Cardinals , hath his authoritie immediatly from God. What is this els , but in a certeine degree to distinguish the creation of a King and creation of a Pope , the one as mans immediate creature , the other as Gods ? And may it not be lawfull for any thus to repeate this comparison of Bellarmine , saying thus : Kings ( after the doctrine of Bellarmine ) haue their authoritie immediatly But from man , and that the Pope hath his immediatly from God ? Is the Interiection But in this repetition like a theefe by the way to seduce and robbe , and is not rather as a true man to direct thee ? 117 Let P. R. imagine , that a boy in any of their Colleges should be so refractary , as knowing himselfe to descend from gentry , he should denie obedience to his Superior , because he thinketh him but of base parentage : the boy is brought before P. R. his Accuser allegeth , That hee had gloried in his owne gentilitie , and sayd that his Superiour was But basely borne . Will he thinke the accusation is false , because of the addition of But ? No verily , but is by it made more plain & true , which is generall in all speeches of abasement : the But is ( as I may so say ) a Butte which hath infixed in it the marke and scope of the whole speech . Thus much for my addition But. 118 Furthermore , this I dare aduenture to say in behalfe of my Suggestor , That though that place alleged doe not agree vnto the collection , yet the scope of that Chapter and the next following doth imply as much , proouing that a King may be deposed by the people . Which doctrine hee there applieth vnto our English State , and by name to our late Souereigne Q. Elizabeth : which indeed is to account a King nought els but an humane creature . 119 I know that P. R. may possibly insist , That he cited the text of S. Peter , 1. Pet. 2. who calleth a King or Gouernour constituted by man , Humanam creaturam , An humane creature . And then how could these words be reprehensible in M. R. which are warrantable by S. Peter ? Wee must vnderstand , That the same speech may differ from it selfe by the diuers intention of the speakers . The faithfull Disciples of our Sauiour did often salute Christ with Haile Master : we reade also of the malicious Iewes saying likewise Haile Master : but the Disciples in reuerence , the Iewes to scorne him . Looke to the words , heere is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing can be more the same ; looke to the sense and intention it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing can be more repugnant . Simon Peter maketh this confession of Christ : q Thou art Christ the Sonne of the liuing God. The Diuell likewise maketh this confession of Christ , r Thou art the Sonne of the Most High. The same confession in the sense of words , but not in the intention of the speakers : for Peter confessed , that he might confirm others in the faith ; and the Diuel did it , that he being priuileged to preach , might seduce mē from the truth . And so it might haue been presumed , that M. Reinolds vsed S. Peters words , but not in S. Peters sense ; which was to dignifie such an humane creature , as to teach the orde●er man in all temporall condition [ subditi estote ] to be subiect : but in his owne sense which followeth in the next Chapter , to abase that humane ordinance , teaching Subiects to depose their Princes . What is the difference ? The generall scope of S. Peter is subiection , the aime of M. Reinolds is rebellion . This is heereby most plaine , because S. Peter writ his sentence in the dayes of Nero a most cruell and sauage Tyrant , and notwithstanding doth not incite Christian people or others to betake themselues vnto armes to depose Nero. But M. Reinolds holdeth it to be s naturam generosiorem , . i. a more generous & noble disposition , to kill Tyrants . Amongst whom he recounteth for England , K. t Henry the Eight . By al which it may appeare , that though not the place alleged , yet the scope of his whole booke doth conuince him of rebellious doctrine : as will more largely appeare in the Incounter . In the interim , let euery Christian learne , that that Gouernour whom S. Peter calleth a creature of man , S. Paul calleth u the ordinance of God : and both of them , after that Kings be once established by consent of the Common-wealth , doe require in all temporall causes an vnuiolable subiection vnto them without violent resistance , teaching that they are more than mans creatures , because he that resisteth them resisteth the ordinance of God. The fift obiection of falshood , whereupon hee insulteth thus : Consider , I pray you , how may frauds and falshoods there be in one little quotation . 120 P. R. preferreth another indictment against mee , thus ; a But will you heare a case or two more out of the Canon law , how dexterous Sir Tho ▪ is in corrupting that which he loueth not , nor seemeth well to vnderstand . You may read in the 4. page of this his pamphlet ( the Discouery ) an ancient decree ( for so he calleth it ) alleged by him out of Gratian in the glosse , determining that though a man haue sworne to pay money to one that is excommunicated , yet is he not bound to pay the same , and he allegeth the Latine text thus : Si iuraui me soluturum alicui pecuniam , qui excommunicatur , non teneor ei soluere : If I haue sworne to pay money to any man that is excommunicated , I am not bound to pay it , adding this reason : Quia qualiter cunque possumus , debemus vexare malos , vt cessent a malo : We ought to vex euill mē by what means so euer we may , to the end they may cease from doing euill . In the allegation of which little text , a man would hardly beleeue how many false trickes there be , to make Catholike doctrine to seeme odious and absurd . For first , these words not being found in any text of law or decision of any Pope or Councell , but only in the glosse or Commentary , they make not any ancient or modern decree , as the Minister falsly auoucheth , but rather shew the opinion of him who writeth the Commentary : if his words were , as heere they are alleged . The causes . First , the words of the glosse containe onely an obiection in these words : What if I haue sworne to pay money to any person , or haue promised the same vnder some forfeiture , and in the meane space he , to whom I made the promise , be excommunicated , am I bound to pay the same , or not ? This is his question , and then he argueth it on both sides : but his resolution is in these words , I doe beleeue the truer opinion to be , that albeit he that is so excōmunicated , do leese the right to demand his money , yet is the other bound to pay it him . And for this he citeth diuers lawes and reasons . So heere our Minister not of ignorance , but of falshood taketh the obiection for the resolution . The second deceit is wilfull leauing out of the first words of the Authour , Sed quid dices si iuraui ? which plainly shew an obiection . Thirdly he allegeth , Quia qualitercunque &c. for a reason of the resolution , which is made against that reason . Fourthly the true resolution of the Commentator is vtterly concealed , and the contrary determination put downe for an ancient decree . Consider , I pray you , how many frauds and falshoods there be in one little quotation . The Answer . 121 My Aduersary P. R. may satisfie himselfe for me , who a little after concerning this same allegation of this Author hath said that b , It may seeme to import that hee ( T. M. ) scarce read the bookes themselues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes . Heere , we see , in his vehement crimination of malicious falshood , he hath inserted a charitable and true diuination of my integrity . I am glad to see in the mingling of a pound of worme-wood , and ten ounces of gall , hee had the grace to let fall this dram of sugar , and that so seasonably : For the truth is that I tooke vp these allegations of Gratian vpon credit , and therefore returne these peeces vnto him , of whom I receiued them : who is to prooue them currant , and to satisfie for himselfe . 122 Thus then he : c This allegation , with some others , I Ric. St. brought vnto the Author of the Discouery , which P. R. challengeth to be maliciously cited , partly for that the words of the glosse were only set downe , when the decree is mentioned : wherein I conceiue P. R. complaineth no otherwise , than one , who being smitten with the scabbard , should complaine that he was not struck with the sword : So he , because T. M. talked of the decree , and vrged only the glosse . For the decree is far more plaine against them than the glosse , Nos sanctorum praedestinatorum statuta tenentes , eos , qui excommunicatis fidelitate aut Sacramento constricti sunt , apostolica authoritate à iuramento absoluimus : & nè sibi fidelitatem obseruent , omnibus modis prohibemus , quousque ipsi ad satisfactionem veniant . This is the decree , which in the generall carrieth as much or more , as is set downe by him , and so cleereth him from any malice in this point . Besides , in the very glosse it selfe , ( though it was not so fullie brought to his hand ) is set downe not by way of obiection , but of a resolute conclusion . For after the obiection and answer the conclusion is : Probabiliter dici potest , quòd excommunicato non sit soluendum , cum nemo debeat participare cum eo . Yea and further , that in this he was not led by malice , is prooued thus : because he left out another more waighty allegation which was deliuered him with this , namely , out of Greg. Decret . lib. 5. Tit. c. 16. Absolutos se nouerint à debito fidelitatis , dominij , & totius obsequij , quicunque lapsus manifeste in haeresin aliquo pacto quacunque firmitate vallato tenebantur astricti . Now the glosse particularly and expresly for the present purpose hath it thus : Ergo si sub poena aliquis tenetur soluere certa die , & non soluat , non incidit in poenam : & eodem modo si per iuramentum , quod & verum est argumentum quòd Papa potest absoluere laicum à iuramento fidelitatis , quoniam ad ipsum spectat interpretatio iuramenti : in illa autem obligatione & iuramento tacitè subintelligitur , si talis permanserit , cui communicare liceat . Which decree and Glosse doth a great deale more strongly smell of that impietie , teaching that a man is not bound in such a case to pay his debt : and yeelding to the Pope a power of absoluing men from such like obligations . Thus farre R. S. 123 By which Answer of R. S. wee may perceiue that the tenor of the Popes Canon in the outward letter doth denie the paiment of debts : and the glosse it selfe concludeth a probability of non paiment , which being applied by Romish Priests vnto Protestants in the name of Excommunicats , it is but an hazzard whether Protestants ( except it bee by the vigour of law ) shall recouer their debts . Which I prooued in the next testimonie out of their Cardinall Tollet , expounding the forme Canon . I prooued that their ordinary Tenet is in that case , d Not to pay any debt , which consisteth only in promise . Wherein my Reader may discerne an argument of my sincerity , because I would not allege the Canons in their generality of not paying any debt , though it might haue made my Aduersaies more odious ; but chose rather the Comment . of Tollet , in the restraint and limitation for not paying debt of onely promise . This my intire , and in a maner partiall dealing in behalfe of my Aduersaries , P. R. could not be ignorant of , and yet spared not to spot me with his cōmon note of maliciousnes . There followeth ▪ A sixt obiection of falshood , with this insultation : Let the iudicious Reader consider how many false trickes and corruptions this crafty Minister hath vsed . 124. P. R. hath another Article against me , thus ; e In the sixt page of his Discouery he hath this grieuous accusatione out of the C●●on law against vs. Haeretici●●ly 〈…〉 dicuntur , sed in 〈◊〉 legem , 〈…〉 super eos , vt ●und●● fanguinem ipsorum . And then he quoteth thus : apud Grat. gloss . in decret . li●● . 〈◊〉 ex De●re● . Gregor . 9. caus . 22. q. & cap. Legi . Which distructed kind of quotation ; s●parating the first and last words , that should haue 〈◊〉 together , 〈◊〉 to import that hee 〈…〉 the book as themselues , but 〈◊〉 the same out of so●e other 〈…〉 ; but that fault were easily pardoned , if he vsed no greater fraud in the thing it selfe . For first he Englisheth the words in th●●● maner : Heretikes may not bee termed either 〈◊〉 , or kindred , but according to the old law , thy hand must bee against them to spill their bloud . And then in the margi● h●● setteth downe this speciall printed note . The professed bloody massacre against the Protestants , without distinction of ●ixe or kindred . And what can be more 〈◊〉 vrged than this ? Now then let vs see how many false trickes and shifts fit for a Protestant Minister , do lie lurking in this short citation . First this glosse or Commentary of the Canon law , is vpon a Canon beginning . Si quis , which Canon is taken out of the third Councell of Carthage , &c. Secondly , he hath left out the beginning of the glosse . Thirdly , hee addeth these words , vt fundas sanguinem , which the glosse hath not . And now let the iudicious Reader consider how many corruptions this crafty Minister hath vsed to bring foorth to his purpose this one little distracted text for proofe of professed bloudy massacres intended by vs against Protestants . Wherein lastly he peruerteth the very words of God himselfe in the Law , by translating , vs fundas fanguinem ipsorum , spill their blood , instead of , slied their blood : as though God were a blood-spill●● , or 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 to be vniustly done by others . By this one ( of 〈◊〉 but one ) you 〈…〉 &c. Thus farre P. R. The Answer . 125 To the allegation of this place of Gratiam , R. S. doth owe you an answer , which hee hath performed in these wordes : f This second place also I brought ( saith hee ) vnto T. M. the whole being no otherwise distractedly quoted , then the glosse , whence I had it , warranted by me : So that of P. R. reprooue me , he must chocke his glossary : for when the glosse had set down the first part , he quoted for the latter , causa 23. q. 8. cap. legi , meaning in the decrees where it is , Sit manus tua super eos , vt fundas sanguinem ipsorum . 126 So hath he satisfied for his allegation . It remaineth that I likewise iustifie both my collection and translation . For the first , I would demand of P. R. if , Romish ones applying this Canon of Murdering their kindred , &c. against Protestants , when the Pope shall iudicially denounce them Heretikes , whether it may bee called a massacre , or no ? I haue now my Mitigator vpon a Logicke ●acke , either he must say that it is no bloudy massacre , but Catholike iustice : and then what shall his Reader thinke vpon his Mitigation otherwise than a Iudas his lips in be traying his Master ? If he shall hold it an execrable mischiefe , then how shall he iustifie the application of this canon , when the Pope shall extend it against Protestants ? He cannot answer directly , but hee must manifest himselfe either a Traitor to his Country , or a preuaricator to his cause . 127 His other censure is vpon my interpretation , Vt fundas sanguinem , to spill their blood , in stead ( saith he ) of shed their blood . Why so ? because otherwise , ( the man may seeme to haue some pious and religious deuotion in him ) God should be said to be a blood-spiller . And must it therefore be rather translated , shed ? why , so God should bee said to bee a blood-shedder . I maruell what new Dictionary ( for he is altogether verbal ) P. R. doth follow . I hope that so profound a Clerke will not want a reason of his subtilty : let vs heare him . To spill blood ( saith hee ) doth signifie an vniust deed . Is this it ? as though shedding of blood might not likewise signify an vniust deed . Let him consult with their own Remish translation , Rom. 3. 15. Their feet ( viz. of the wicked ) are swift to shed blood . And Act. 22. 20. When the blood of the Martyr Stephen was shed . And Apoc. 16. 6. They haue shed the blood of the Saints , therefore hast thou giuen them blood to drinke . And Luc. 11. 50. That the bloud of the Prophets shed from the beginning of the world may bee required of this generation . Will P. R. haue the face to say , that the blood of the Martyr Stephen , and of the Prophets by the Iewes , or of the blood of Saints by the Heathen was shed iustly ? Againe , the Rhemists Mark. 2. 22. No man putteth new wine into old bottles , otherwise ; the wine breaketh the bottles , and the wine will be shed . This is spoken of the wine , which being shed perisheth . So is it vulgarly vsed , [ drinke is spilt , and drinke is shed . ] Now then what a notable Critick haue I met withall , whom euery goodwife is able to conuince of idle dottage ? But this is a man priuiledged to send me to the Vniuersitie to make a Syllogisme , whom I may more iustly send vnto an Ale-house to learne English. 128 The last point , which is obseruable in our Mitigator , is , that he affirmeth this Canon to haue beene decreed in the 3. Councell of Carthage , g where no such thing can be found . Therefore must his owne termes of falshood , fraud , treacherie , reuerberate vpon himselfe . And yet againe we may consider how zealous P. R. is in authorizing that Canon , and in vrging the text of Scripture , saying , If thy brother ; or friend , or wife will goe about to destroy the truth , let thy hand be vpon him . To what end must all this be , but that Protestants , being in their opinion heretikes , may haue all the penalties which are awarded against heretikes executed vpon them ( as Bouchier and others defend ) before , or at least ( as P. R. holdeth ) after denunciation of sentence ? And consequently Protestants may be , by these Romishones , without exception of sex , or kindred , or friendship , as it was by execution in the cruell Massacre in h France , and by intention in the Powder-treason , vtterly consumed at once . Which being performed , the * Conspiracie shal be called an holy League the Actour a zealous Ahod , the Act a Sacrifice . All which proceedeth from a false and perfidious application both of the Scripture , and of the Canon . For the law of Deuteronomy mentioneth such transgressions , Who shall intice thee , saying , Let vs go and serue other gods , which thou hast not knowen , nor thy fathers before thee . And the Canon was directed only against such heretikes , who did ruinate the foundation of Christian faith . But Protestants are so farre from idolatrie , that for feare thereof , they haue ( in the dayes of Q. Marie ) yeelded their bodies to the fire ; so farre from heresie , that they are ready to seale euery fundamental Article of faith with their blood . A seuenth obiection of falshood , wherein he insulteth , saying : Seeing hee hath corrupted a text of Scripture , you may thinke what libertie hee will take afterward thorowout his whole booke . 129 I i haue already answered vnto this calumniation , shewing , that both the English text , the Latine Commentaries , the Hebrew Originall , and the confession of their owne Doctour doe free me from all suspition of corruption : wherein our Reader may imagine , whether P. R. by obiecting the Hebrew text , hath not deserued the title of an êbrition . An eighth obiection of falshood , wherin he insulteth in this maner : Thus much for his varietie of corruptions in this little sentence . 130 P. R. pretermitting ( as his maner is ) such points wherein he saw the Romish Arguments most forcibly confuted , insisteth only vpon such , wherein hee thinketh his abilitie will serue to make some sensible resistance . Therefore hee sayth : k To the end you may see his Talent ( in deducing proofs out of Romish Writers ) wee shall examine only the third Reason in this place , which he declareth in these words : Except , sayth the Romish pretence , there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes , God had not prouided sufficiently for his Church . And for this he citeth the Constitution extrauagant of Pope Bonifacius , and sayth , This obiection is in your extrauagants , and so it may be called , because it rangeth extra , that is , without the bonds of Gods ordinance , &c. But as in all his other citations generally hee is neuer lightly true and sincere in all points , no not thrice ( I thinke verily ) thorowout all this lying booke of his , so neither heere : and it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shifts and corruptions , they are so many and thick , and craftily huddled vp together . As for example heere : First , this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all , but only in a certeine addition to the ordinarie Glosse or Commentarie of Io. Picard , which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late Writer . Secondly , this Comment sayth nothing of deposing of Apostata Princes , but only affirming the foresayd opinion of Canonists to be true , That Christ was Lord absolutely in this life ouer all , not only in spirituall authority , but in temporall also : he inferreth thereby , That Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church and Kingdome vpon earth , Nisi vnicum post setalem Vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia posset : except he had left some such one Substitute or Vicar after him , as should be able to performe all these things , to wit , as belong both to spirituall and temporall power , according as necessitie shall require . Which latter clause you see that T. M. hath cut off , as he added the other of Apostata Princes . And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this little sentence . Now to the thing it selfe . So farre P. R. The Answer . 131 If I had not purposed to set downe little sentences , I am sure my Aduersarie his sentences and censures could not haue beene so great : where breuity ( which I thought would be most gratefull to any iudicious Reader ) is inuerted vpon me by a calumnious Aduersary as most preiudiciall to my cause . First , for citing the Extrauagants of the Pope , whereby an ingenuous Reader would haue vnderstood a figure Synecdoche , where the part is put for the whole ; as when wee say , This man shall not come vnder my roofe ; meaning by roofe , which is but a part of the house , the whole house it selfe : So heere by Extrauagant might haue been meant the whole body of these Constitutions , which conteine both Extrauagants and Glosses : which is heerein , found to be most consonant , because Pope l Gregory 13. hath ratified the foresayd Glosse and Annotations with priuilege and authority equiualent and answerable to the authoritie of the Decretat● and Extrauagants themselues . If , hearing one of P. R. his scholars make a Syllogisme , like that which P. R. himselfe framed , which hath neither mood not figure , & this likewise had been approued by him , some should presently say to the boy , Sirra , this is P. R. his Syllogisme ; I do not thinke that P. R. would call him a lier . 132 To the second P. R. might haue answered for me , That the words , Apostata Princes , were not my Addition , but the obiections of my Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , as may appeare by P. R. his owne relation . And when I sayd , That the same obiection was in the extrauagants , I could not think that any Aduersary euer could haue beene either by reason of ignorance so sottish , or by malice so peruerse , as to exact , that the obiection be found in the place 〈…〉 for so there should be no end of cauilling , but be contented to finde it in the true sense : which sense euen this my Accuser doth plainly acknowledge , laying ( as we haue heard ) this same Extrauagant as the ground of Gods prouidence in the Pope ( his supposed Vicar of Christ ) by whose power spirituall and temporall , any Prince , extirpating Christian religion , may be remooued : which is no more than I sayd was contained in the Extrauagants . But such is the malignity of this Mitigator , that he will not allow in his Aduersarie , which he practiseth m himselfe : and not he only , but euen the known canons of his Popes are guilty ( if it be a guilt ) of the same , citing the text of Deut. ●3 . 6. 〈◊〉 : If thy brother , or friend , or wife go about to depra●● 〈…〉 thy hand be vpon him ▪ Wheras the text is , If they intice thee saying , let vs goe serue strange Gods , &c. But these words , Depraue the truth , &c. are not to be found ; yet because they containe the true sense I should thinke it impiety either in another or in my selfe , to note ( as he doth me ) his Canons , and consequently his Popes of lying shifts and corruptions . 133 The last shift he findeth fault with , is for cutting off the clause , Nisi vnicum . What needed any addition of that which was sufficiently expressed in my Aduersaries obiection , and by me acknowledged to bee contained in the Extrauagants , as we haue heard ? If there bee any shift in my citation , I must confesse it thus : viz. the not adding these words of that glosse , Iesus de iure naturali in Imperatorem , & quascunque alios depositionis sententiam ferre potuisset , & damnationis , & quascunque alias , &c. & eadem ratione vicarius eius potest . That is , As Iesus by his naturall right might enter into iudgement , and pronounce sentence of deposing an Emperour , or any other person : So may ( meaning the Pope ) Christs vicar also . This is the Popish glosse , and the ground of those Romish & rebellious positions , which I did discouer , and which prooueth our Mitigatour an excellent shifter , who saith that heere was nothing said of deposing Apostata Princes , to the end his Reader might conceiue my Answer to haue beene altogether impertinent . But I pray you P. R. can Apostata Princes be excepted , where All Princes and Emperonrs are included ? But I will not vrge against my selfe the former omission of the foresaid sentence of the glosse . I know P. R. will too easily pardon me this fault . A ninth obiection of falshood , therein insulting thus : A witting and a manifest lie , and cosenage . His Latine words were perfidiously alleged . 134 P. R. obiecteth thus : n He ( Thomas Morton ) allegeth the words of Bellarmine thus : Dum rem ipsam excutio , non facilè audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse , While I do examine well the thing it selfe , I dare not presume to pronounce them to haue beene in error , to wit , Caluin and Beza ; whereas Bellarmines words are , Dum rem ipsam excutio , & Caluini sententias diligenter considero , non facilè audeo pronuntiare illum in hoc errore fuisse . While I examine the matter it selfe , and diligently consider Caluins opinions , I do not easily presume to pronounce him to haue beene in this error : to wit , in the particular error or heresie of the Autotheans , set downe and confuted by ●●enebrard , and in his sense condemned expresly by the ancient Catholike Church , for denying Christ to bee and to haue his essence from the Father : but yet though in some sense it seemeth to Bellarmine , that Caluin may be excused in this priuate and particular meaning of his , yet not absolutely , as T. M. would haue his Reader to thinke , by striking out cunningly the particle hoc ( this error ) and leauing the word Errour in common , as though Bellarmine had excused him from all kind of error , which is most false , for that presently after he both impugneth of purpose , and confuteth by many arguments his maner of speech as hereticall in this behalfe . And againe . So is his cosenage heerein in striking out hoc out of Bellarmines words : so , for the same purpose he turneth illum into illos : which he could not do but wittingly and of purpose , and yet the man forsooth will not equiuocate for the world , and yet will he lie for much lesse , as you see . Thus P. R. The Answer . 135 He would not wittingly lie for all the world , who would not for all the world equiuocate , lest hee might he , as I feare he doth , who calleth this lapse of words [ Errore and illos ] a perfidious cosenage . For if I had been of so diuellish a disposition as to seek to cosen my Reader , then sure ( according to the malice of the Diuell , who seeketh whom he may deuour , that is , to deuoure all ) I should not haue left that Latine sentence vntranslated , but would haue Englished it , that by the Latin and English as by a double net my cosenage might haue beene , for the number of the seduced , farre more succesfull : which considerations , I hope , may free me from wilfull falshood . 136 That there is also no falshood at all , the matter it selfe will shew . For our dispute was onely concerning this one suspected error of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which many Iesuites and others , condemned as a Paradox , a blasphemy , an atheisme : against whom I opposed Bellarmine to acquit Caluin ab errore , that is , from error , ( which is all one as if I had said This error ) which is the proper and only matter in question . Let P. R. procure a suspected fellow to bee arraigned at the barre , whom the Iudge knoweth to be a drunkard , a prophane swearer , and a person adulterous : but the inditement preferred against him is only cōcerning felony : the witnesses are brought forth all circumstances are examined : in the end the Iudge perceiuing the presumptions to be friuolous , shall giue this iudgement , saying , Now that I haue heard the matter examined , I finde no fault in the man. By and by P. R. shall stand vp , saying , O Iudge thou knowest him to be a drunkard , a blasphemer and a lewd liuer , and canst thou find no fault with him ? thou shouldest haue said , I find not this fault of felony in him ; and therefore thou hast deliuered a perfidious and a cosening sentence . Againe , when our Sauiour Christ said to his Disciples , o Pray , &c. for the spirit is willing , but the flesh is weake ; would the Diuinity of P. R. correct the speech , and say , though it bee spoken of mankind , yet it is too generally deliuered , because there is a flesh of beasts , and a spirit of Diuels : and therefore should be more expresly set downe , This kind of flesh , and this kinde of spirit ? P. R. sitteth at his table , and when he seeth two sorts of bread , fine manchet , and courser ; and expressing that hee desireth rather the meaner kinde , should say to one of his seruitors a Sophister , Sirra , giue me the courses bread : would hee ( for want of mentioning This bread no the Table ) allow his Sophister to runne into the stable , and bring him an horse loafe ? Would he not rather whip him , for his insolency , if he would not ; or for his follie , if he could not perceiue that when a man speaketh of This kinde of bread , which is before his face , it is all one as if he had said , of this bread ? Such is my case , concerning which ( as I professe ) I could not be so absurdly subtle , as willingly to conceale hoc , so am I perswaded , that no aduersarie ( I only except P. R. ) could be so peruersly grosse , as to exact a particle Hoc , i. This , knowing that the matter in question was particularly de hoc e●none , of this only error . 137 Although this last taxation be very idle , yet this second is ( if I may so say ) more friuolous , illos for illum , that is , them in steed of him . If Bellarmine iustifie Caluin for this opinion of Autotheos , doth he not likewise therein iustifie all other Protestants , which are of the same opinion ? For if I condemne P. R. for a gracelesse Sophister , because of his defense of mentall equiuocation , do I not therein condemne all others , who are professed Aequiuocators ? This is true , will P. R. say , yet the Authors word illum , should not haue beene changed into illos . This Aduersary , we see , is rigorous , I will appeale therefore vnto another Aduersary , whom I find more ingenuous , euen Bellarmine himselfe ; who in the place alleged , after that he had said of Caluin , I dare not say that he was in this error doth in the same Chapter iustifie Beza also , and more expresly Simlerus , another Protestant , saying , Non video cur haec sententia Catholica dicenda non sit , that is , I see no cause why this sentence should not be thought Catholicall : iustifying not only illum , that is , Caluin , but also Beza and Simlerus , which will make illos , euen in that opinion , which Campian , the Rhemists , their Genebrard , and others haue calumniously and wickedly called a Paradox , an Heresie , a Blasphemy , an Atheisme . Such is the blindnesse of their malice , which ( God willing ) I shall shew more fully in the Incounter . A tenth obiection of falshood , with this insultation : Is not this rather falshood than folly ? where is his naked innocency ? where is his vpright conscience ? where is his simplicity in Christ Iesus ? 138 The matter is only for changing a title of the booke of Carerius , and altering the word verò into verè : but trifles ( saith P. R. ) yet such as bewray a guilty minde and meaning . But I haue p shewed euidently , that I neither altered the title , nor the text , so that P. R. standeth chargeable to his Reader to satisfie for his owne mind and meaning , which must haue beene either giddily rash , or gracelesly false . An eleuenth obiection of falshood , with this insultation : How can this malicious cauilling Minister expect to bee trusted heereafter ? or how may any thinke , that he writeth from his conscience , seeing him vse such grosse shifts and falshoods in so important a matter ? 139 I q haue discussed this obiection already : the point is concerning the testimony of Doleman , because it was not cited in the very literall words , although ( as I haue manifestly euinced ) it was deliuered according to the reall and demonstratiue sense . And if such accusations might preuaile , then might P. R. ( but I hope he will not be so blasphemous ) accuse the diuine Oracles of God , the holy Scriptures , where the Apostles citing the testimonies of the old Testament , doe not commonly allege the words , but the sense : As Ephes. 5. 14. Wherefore he saith , Awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and Christ shall giue thee light . The words [ He saith ] signifie God speaking in Scripture , yet not by manifestation of words , but by collection and comprehension of sense . There be many such like places , as Heb. 1. 1. Heb. 3. 5. Act. 10. 43. Nay himselfe and their owne Popish Canon ( as r hath beene shewen ) haue alleged the text of Deuteronomie , but not according to expresse words , although not disagreeable from the true sense . And may Popes thus presume in alleging of Gods truth , and may not man make as bold with mans testimonie , so that still there be no deprauation of the true sense ? A twelfth obiection of falshood , wherupon he thus insulteth : Consider how falsly and calumniously this Make-bate doth reason : will hee not bee ashamed to see himselfe condemned of so great ouerlashing ? 140 The question is about the hinderance of the due succession of a Protestant prince vnto his crowne : This P. R. indeuoured to condemne by a triple instance , and s hath himselfe beene confuted both by his owne Doctours , and also by a triple instance taken from himselfe . A thirteenth obiection of falshood , with this spightfull insultation : Hee allegeth Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning . Is this the assurance of his vpright conscience , whereof he braggeth so much ? 141 In this cauill about the testimonie of Frisingensis P. R. hath played foure treacherous parts , that he might ( though falsly ) conuince me of one : as hath beene already t prooued . Yet in this , together with that which followeth , he triumpheth more than of any taxation he hath in the whole booke . A foureteenth and most rigorous obiection of falshood , with this insultation : It is a fraud and impudencie , or rather impudent impietie , a slandrous obiection , shamelesse dealing . Will euer any man credit T. M. heereafter ? 142 I am ready to heare this grand crimination of P. R. who beginneth thus : u But the next fraud or impudencie , or rather impudent impietie , is that which insueth within foure lines after , in these words : Pope Gregorie the seuenth ( sayth your Chronologer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italie , for that he had defamed the Apostolike See by Symonie , and other capitall crimes . And then citeth for proofe heereof , Lambertus Scaffnaburg . Anno 1077. As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approoued by him , and not rather a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henrie the Emper●r . Let any man reade the place and yeere heere cited , and if hee be a modest man he will blush at such shamelesse dealing . For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause and vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand , then this man , whose words are : Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clarius constabat falsa esse quae dicebantur : Nam & Papa tàm eximiè támque Apostolicè vitam instituebat , &c. But with all men of sound wisedome it was more cleere then the Sunne , that the things which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false , for that th Pope did lead an excellent and Apostolike life , as the sublimitie of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him , he li●ing in that great citie and open concourse of men , it could not haue beene hidden , if he had committed any vnlawfull thing in his life : and moreouer the signes and miracles , which by his prayers were often-times done , and his most feruent zeale for God in defence of Ecclesiasticall lawes did sufficiently defend him against the poisoned tongues of his detractors . And againe : Hildebrandi constantia & inuictus aduersus auaritiam animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae fallaciae : The constancie of Pope Hildebrand and his inuincible minde against the corruption of auarice , did exclude all arguments of humane fallacie and deceit . So Lambertus . And now let the reader consider with what conscience and fidelitie T. M. hath cited him for condemnation of Pope Hildebrand . Hee relateth indeed what certaine noblemen , captaines , and others , that came with the Emperour to the castle of Canusium , and would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place , saide in their rage afterwards , for that against their counsell he had submitted himselfe vnto the said Pope : and when a certaine Bishop named Eppo was sent to their campe by the Pope and Emperour to enforme them of the agreement and submission made ; Fremere omnes ( saith this story ) & insanire , verbis & manibus coeperunt , Apostolicae legationi irrisorijs exclamationibus obstrepere , conuicia & maledicta turpissima quaecunque furor suggessisset , irrogare . All of them began to fret and wax fierce both in words and casting their hands , and with scornefull outcries to contradict this holy Apostolical legation sent vnto them , and to cast vpon the Pope all the most foule reproches and maledictions that furie could suggest vnto them . Thus saith Lambertus , and setteth downe the particular slanderous reproches heere cited by T. M. which he approoueth not , but condemneth , as you haue heard , and highly commendeth not onely the vertue but also the sanctitie of the Pope . And will euer any man credit T. M. any more in any thing that he alledgeth , when this consciencelesse falsification is once discouered in him ? yea though it were but once thorowout his whole booke , it were sufficient to prooue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all . If an enemie would discredit both Christ , and Christian religion , and say , your own Euangelists doe recount foule things against him ( as heere this Minister saith our Historiographer doth of Pope Gregorie ) and namely that he was accused by the Scribes and Pharisees for casting out Diuels by the power of Beelzebub , for deceiuing the people , for denying tribute to be paid to Caesar , for moouing sedition , and other like crimes , which our Euangelists doe recount indeed , but do condemne them as false and calumnious ; were not this as good and as faithfull a maner of reasoning , as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Frisingensis against Pope Hildebrand , who is by them both most highly commended as you heard , and his aduersaries condemned ? Truly if any man can shew me out of all the Catholike writers that be extant , English or other , that euer any of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing , where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood , then will I grant that this is not proper to the Protestant spirit alone . Hitherto I must confesse that I neuer found it in any , and if I should , though it were but once , I should hold it for a sufficient argument not to beleeue him euer after . And this shall suffice for a taste onely of M. Mortons maner of proceeding , for that to prosecute all particulars would require a whole volume , and by this few you may guesse at the mans veine and spirit in writing . Hitherto P. R. The Answer . 143 Thou seest ( Christian Reader ) I haue had patience to heare my indictment deliuered vnto the full , and suffered my Aduersarie without any interruption to say so much in this accusation , as that by this time he may seeme to haue run himselfe out of breath . For what could either the dexteritie of Art , or the violence of passion force more , then to note his Aduersarie of so shamelesse falshood , as to be without comparison maliciously fraudulent , and vtterly vnwoorthy to be credited euer any more in any thing that he alleadgeth ? Now therefore I turne my selfe vnto thee ( good Reader ) as to my Iudge , who may seeme by this time to exact of mee an Answer ; and of whom I must desire and expect a iust censure . Vouchsafe therefore ( I pray thee ) an intentiue examination , and I dare presume thou wilt acknowledge this Accusation to be both so false and foolish , and vnfortunate to his cause , and indeed blasphemous , as though he had studied to be either faithlesse , or fond , or vnlucky , or impious . I. The falsitie of this crimination . 144 In the beginning I am charged with impudent impietie for citing Lambert Scaffnaburg to affirme that The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate Pope Gregorie for capitall crimes . But why is this impudency ? As if ( saith P. R. ) this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of trueth , or that it were approoued of him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henrie the Emperor , &c. The point now in question is , whether this Author Lambertus Scaffnaburg did thinke that those Bishops of Italy had condemned this Pope Gregory ( for whether they did it iustly or vniustly is the second question ) for such crimes or no ; I haue affirmed that Lambertus Scaffnaburg was of this opinion : but P. R. denieth it , calling my assertion an impudent impietie . Let vs be iudged by the euidence of the Author himselfe : who in the place alledged hath these words : Postquamper Italiam fama percrebuisset , &c. After that the fame was spred abroad thorowout Italy , that K. Henry had set his foote in their coasts ; [ certatim omnes Italiae Episcopi , &c ] All the Bishops of Italy did flocke by troupes vnto him , receiuing him with all honour woorthie the magnificence of such a person , and within a few daies after an armie of an infinite multitude was gathered vnto him : for from the first time that he was King , they longed for his comming into Italy , because at this time Italy was pestered with theeuery . And what els ? It followeth a little after . Besides , they ( viz. the Bishops and people ) did congratulate his comming , because it was reported that he came with a resolute courage to depose ( Gregory ) the Pope . Heere we see it granted by Lambert that All the Bishops of Italy were desirous to haue this Pope Gregory deposed . But after all this the Emperour goeth to Rome , seeketh absolution of the Pope , returneth backe againe , and the Bishop Eppo is sent after to signifie to the Italians this submission to the Pope . What now ? Now followeth the testimony which was alledged : Qui cùm causam Italis exposuisset , &c. When Eppo had told his message to the Italians , all of them began to rage and fret , &c. casting vpon the Pope all opprobrious reproches , whom all the Bishops of Italy had before iustly excommunicated , because by Simonie he had defiled the sea Apostolike . Could this Chronologer but acknowledge that the Pope had beene excommunicated by the Bishops of Italy , who ( as he confessed in the beginning ) did reioice at the comming of the Emperour , because he came with a resolution to depose the Pope ? Which is a thing so notoriously knowne , that neuer Author did denie it : Insomuch that Bimus their last and best authorized Compiler of the Councels , an Author wholly deuoted to that Sea of Rome , confesseth that x Anno 1076. ( viz. the yeere before this happened , which hath beene related out of Lambert ) In the Councell of Papia , a city in Italy , the Bishops gathered themselues together , and excommunicated the Pope . Although he call that Councell , Conciliabulum , and the Bishops Schismaticos , Schismatikes , as peraduenture Lambert also did esteeme them ; yet this trueth is acknowledged of all , that The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate this Pope . Which is all that either hath , or needed to haue been said . And could this deserue so rigorous a censure of impudent impietie , and whatsoeuer bitternesse the gall of this man could vent out ? I proceed to the second point , which is II. The foolishnesse of his Accusation . 145 That being granted , which neuer any Historian did denie , that The Bishops of Italie did excommunicate Gregorie , aliâs Hildebrand , and sought by the power of the Emperor Henrie to haue him deposed : the sottishnesse of the second obiection will bewray it selfe at the first hearing , to wit , The Authour Lambertus condemneth such proceedings against the Pope , and highly commendeth not only the vertue , but also the sanctitie of the Pope : And therefore will any man credit T. M. any more ? Yes , I hope , any who shall rightly discerne the reason of my allegation . For my proofe , taken from the testimonie of this Lambertus , consisteth not in his censure of commending , or of discommending the proceedings of the Italian Bishops against the Pope , but in the iudgement of those Italian Bishops , who all ( as Lambertus confesseth ) wished that that Pope might be deposed . A collection vsed of all men in the citing of all Chronologers , knowing that the proper office of an Historian is to be a witnesse of things done , and not a Iudge . For if any fauourite of my Mitigator should report , saying thus , That P. R. ( I doe but suppose this ) was expelled out of a College of Oxford by the Fellowes , who did censure him for some misdemeanour ; but yet I thinke ( saith his fauourite ) that the Fellowes did him wrong : For I haue heard him to haue beene accounted by others of very commendable conuersation . Then presently some by-stander should make bold to giue out that the Felowes of a College in Oxford did so censure P. R. and name his Author ; could any say that he had abused that testimonie , because he gaue more credit to the wisdome of those Fellowes who expelled him , than to the contrarie coniecture of the reporter ? Shall that by-stander be therefore thought euer after vnworthie of all credit ? 146 Whosoeuer of his faction shall read the late Catholike Apologie ( as it is intituled ) out of Protestant writers , hee will wish P. R. had beene a newly professed Pythagorean , to whom a fiue yeeres silence had beene inioined : for Protestant Authours are there cited , as confessing ( but how truly we are not heere to dispute ) that some Fathers 400. yeeres after Christ haue held some Romish positions : notwithstanding the same Protestant Authours doe condemne those positions as vtterly superstitious . In which allegations the Apologists are contented to receiue from Protestants a confession of so much antiquitie of some Romish Doctrine ; and yet oftentimes doe not acknowledge or regard the iudgement of the cited Authors in condemning such opinions . Will now P. R. permit vs to answer these Apologists after his example , saying , ô impudent impietie , and malicious falshood ! Will you cite Protestants for confessing such Doctrines as ancient , which they condemne to haue beene superstitious ? I would wish P. R. to call his fiue wits into one Senate , and after due deliberation to shape me an answer ▪ I feare he will be driuen to a non plus : For either must he teach vs to confute their Apologists , and to note them to haue beene fraudulent disputers ; or else confesse himselfe to haue plaid the part of an idle , impudent , and an intolerable accuser . III. The vnfortunatenesse of this his declamatorie calumniation . 147 P. R. will not haue his Reader to count otherwise of this Pope Gregorie , aliàs Hildebrand , than of a man commendable , not only for vertue , but also for sanctitie : as if he had said , not only for a good man , but also for a godly : wherein it may be that P. R. hath beene not only not acute , but also absurd : For as easily may godlinesse be separated from goodnesse , as sanctitie from any perfect vertue . But to the matter . As it is written , Oportet haereses esse , there must be heresies , so is it implied that there must be contradictions , but to this end , that the truth may be victorious ; which I hope will be verified in this present example of Pope Gregorie , who may be vnto vs ( if wee beleeue the Romish historians ) a mirrour of all impietie . First , Cardinall Benno liuing in his time , set foorth his life , and writeth that y He entred into the Popedome by force : that he suborned a man to murther the Emperour , when he was at diuine seruice : that hee cast the Eucharist into the fire : that hee was a Necromancer ; and a contemner of religion . Secondly , the Abbat Vrspergensis writeth , z That he was an vsurper of the sea of Rome , not appointed by God , but intruded by fraud and money ; a disturber of the Empire ; a subuerter of the Church . Thirdly , Sigebertus Gimblacensis , a Monke , writeth that a Hildebrand troubled the States of Christendome ; raised vp the Saxons against their liege Prince ; discharged subiects from their oth of fidelitie ; and caused Rodulph the Duke of Burgundie to proclaime himselfe Emperour . After reporting from a writing found after his death in exile thus ; We giue you to wit who haue the care of soules , that Pope Hildebrand , aliàs Gregorie , being at the point of death , called vnto him one of the Cardinals , whom he did specially affect , confessing to him that he had greatly offended God and his Church in the abuse of his pastorall charge , and by the perswasion of the Diuell raised hatred and wrath against mankinde . If three witnesses be not sufficient against a Pope , of whom one is a Monke , an other an Abbat , the third a Cardinall , let vs further vnderstand that Fourthly , Seuerinus Binius in his new editions of the Councels , b confesseth that the Bishops in a Councell At Woormes , Anno 1076. declared that Gregorie was to bee deposed : And that The Councell at Papia Anno 1076. did excommunicate him : And that The Councell of Bishops at Brixia did depose him : the Acts of which Councell , as they are recited by Vrspergensis , shew these causes ; c Because he was an vsurper of the Sea , &c. And The Councell at Mentz Anno 1085. declared him to bee iustly deposed . Thus we see that P. R. by denying one Councell of Bishops of Italie in Papia to haue opposed themselues against this Gregorie , hath , contrarie to his desire , gained with that one of Papia three other Councels , one of Brixia , another of Woormes , the last of Mentz . So vnluckie hath hee beene ( to vse his owne Simile ) in a lost game to see the last man borne . I must yeeld him therefore the priuilege of a loser , which is to fret , and rage , and raile , and to call mee malicious . The matter were lesse hainous in him to haue beene onely slanderous against man , if he were not also , in a sort , blasphemous against the Gospell of Christ. IIII. His blasphemie . 148 If any man ( saith he ) would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion , and say our Euangelists did recount foule things against him ( as heere this Minister saith our Historiographer doth of Pope Gregorie ) and namely that he was accused of the Scribes and Phariseis for casting out Diuels by the power of Belzebub , for deceiuing the people , for moouing sedition , &c. and the like crimes , which our Euangelists doe recount indeed , but doe condemne them also as false and calumnious : were not this as good a maner of reasoning as this of Tho. Mortons out of Lambertus against Pope Hildebrand , who is by them so highly commended , as you haue heard , and his aduersaries condemned ? Thus P. R. Thomas Morton will tell you that your maner of reasoning is not so good . For suppose that T. M. in his reasoning had beene guiltie of some errour , yet this your comparison cannot be free from blasphemie ; the consequence whereof is this : It is like impietie in T. M. in citing the witnesse of Lambert , concerning the opposition of the Bishops of Italie , which Lambert condemned ; and to giue more credit vnto them condemning the Pope , than vnto Lambert condemning those Bishops : As it is for a man reading the Gospell , where it is recorded that the Scribes and Phariseis opposed themselues against Christ , to beleeue rather those Scribes and Phariseis , condemning Christ , than to giue credit vnto the Euangelists , condemning the Phariseis . Whosoeuer shall exactly examine the Analogie of this comparison , must needs acknowledge it to be in a maner blasphemous . For either must Christ the sonne of God be compared with Pope Gregorie , a sinfull man , and ( as some iudge ) the man of sinne , as though it were a like impudencie to say that Gregorie , a sinner , might no more iustly be condemned of the Italian Bishops , than Christ , who was righteousnesse it selfe , of the Scribes and Phariseis , which in the schoole of Christianitie must necessarily be iudged a blasphemie . Or else the likenesse consisteth in the comparison of the reporters , matching the holy Euangelists and their Monks Frisingensis and Lambertus together , to thinke it no lesse impietie not to beleeue rather these two Monks condemning the Italian Bishops ( who they say were aduersaries to the Pope ) than those Bishops , though condemned by the Monks ; then it is not to beleeue rather the Euangelists condemning the Scribes and Phariseis ( who were enemies vnto Christ ) than the same Scribes and Phariseis , though condemned by the Euangelists . But to compare in like beleefe the holy Euangelists who were Calami Spiritus sancti ( as S. Hierome calleth them ) that is , The pens of the holy Ghost , and could not erre , and the reports of superstitious Monks , who , almost , could not but erre , is an inference altogether impious . 146 But if P. R. ( as I hope hee will ) wish his consequent to be rather prooued ridiculous than so sacrilegious , then let him vnderstand the dissimilitude and vnlikenesse of his comparison . For first the iudgement of those Historiographers , Frisingensis and Lambertus , two Monks , in condemning those Italian Bishops is different from the iudgment of Sigebert a Monke , of Vrspergensis an Abbat , of Benno a Cardinall : but the Euangelicall Historiographers doe all of them fully consent together ; therefore hee not acknowledging the Euangelists condemnation of the Scribes and Pharisies , and that Lambertus his condemnation of the Italian Bishops , are nothing alike . Secondly the Pharisies were of different profession vnto the Euangelists , the Italian Bishops were of the same religion with the obiected Historians : therefore to credit the Pharisies against the Euangelists , and to credit Bishops against Monks , cannot bee proportionable , But why doe I trouble my selfe with these my Aduersaries madling conceits ? I hasten , for conclusion to A challenge against P. R. the Mitigator . § 19. 150 THe challenge which P. R. hath made is peremptory ; vz. d The Replie of T. M. is full of words , without substance : of flourish , without truth : of fraud without reall dealing . But what if this vaunt be but the wind of a swolne bladder , the fancy of an idle braine , the Rhetoricke of a voluble and lauish tongue , whereby T. M. is calumniously traduced ? what amends will P. R. make ? e If I prooue not ( saith P. R. ) that T. M. hath dealt fraudulently against his conscience , by multiplicity of examples , let me be thought to haue done him iniury . This is an excellent and Priestly discharge , he will exact of his iniurious Aduersaries , I doubt not , a satisfaction reall ; or if not that , yet a verball confession : or at least the contritiō of the hart . But you see what amends I may expect from his fatherhood , viz. when he hath iniuried me , he will be content to be thought to haue done me an iniury ; heereby affoording me only the comfort to thinke , that being iniuried , I may bee thought to be iniuried . This man when he hath offended , is like to prooue a deuout penitent , who is lame of his hands , not yeelding any reall satisfaction ; dumbe in speech , not making any confession ; yea and euen , in a manner , dead also without all sense of sinne by contrition , not so much as thinking vpon the fault himselfe , will only be content by others to bee thought to haue done an iniurie . By this profession P. R. may defraud a whole College by false accounts , and discharge himselfe , saying ; My Masters , be it known vnto you , I may be lawfully thought to haue deceiued you . Is this a Catholike Mitigation ? 151 As for the integrity of my conscience , I doe auow , that if I haue not in the ielousie of mine infirmity done that , which no one ( to my knowledge ) hath done this many ages , to wit , reuiewed some of mine owne books , and examined them , not as an Author , but as a censurer , discouering such my escapes , as I could at any time find , and publishing them in print with open Animaduersions , to the end that mine owne correction might be my Readers direction : If I haue not earnestly desired , and , by the law of Loue , challenged of my friends strict iustice , in nothing such deprauations , as might any where occur , and ( lest they should suspect their reprehensions to become lesse acceptable vnto mee ) if I haue not professed it to bee my greatest offence , not to bee in that maner offended : If I haue beene euer so peruersly obstinate , as not willing to be reformed by any Aduersary : Againe , although I cannot but chuse to be strucke rather of a friend who woundeth , that he may heale , than of an enemy who intendeth only to hurt ; a friendly animaduersion being as an antidote , which is a reprehending of me , lest that I might be reprehensible : & the taxation of an enemy being as a toxicum calūniously poisoning whatsoeuer deserued good : yet , if I haue euer beene so wickedly peruerse , as not , ( whensoeuer iustly ) to be willingly reprooued by any Aduersary , turning , as venome into treacle , his deformation into reformation : If in my ordinary course of life any can charge mee with a bent to this vice of falsifying , although it were for hope of whatsoeuer aduantage : Then ( not to adde , If it be not almost impossible for any man citing foure or fiue hundred testimonies , as factors in their accounts , by chance to erre in some particulars , without note of fraud or cosenage ) then , I say , I will confesse my selfe worthy of all the criminations of frauds , trickes , deceits , cosenages , and whatsoeuer opprobrious imputations P. R. either hath or can fasten vpon me . 152 Concerning the disposition of my Aduersary . If hee bee not manifested to haue so behaued himselfe in termes so despightfully malignant , as if the capitall letters of his name P. R. did iustly betoken Princeps Rabularum : If not so dotingly vaine in ostentation of his owne wit and learning , as if P. R. did truely signifie Phormio Romanista : If not in defense of his cause , in both the questions of Rebellion and Aequiuocation , so dissolute , as if P. R. might bee worthily interpreted Praeuaricator Rasus : If not in his criminations & obiections of falsifications so vnconscionably and impudently vniust , as if P. R. might certainly deserue the interpretation of Perfidiae Reus ; as partly in this Preamble , and more in the Incounter may be obserued : Then will I assume all his odious attributes , as proper vnto my selfe : 153 Lastly , for the cause . If I doe not auouch the discouery of Romish positions and practises of Rebellion to bee iust : If I proue not the Treatise of Mitig. to be like an Apothecaries box of poison , with the outward inscription of Antidote : If I manifest not his specious and glozing reasons for defense of their Mentall aequiuocation , to bee no better than the apples of Sodome , which vanish into ashes at the first touch : If , lastly , I shew not that the chiefest aduantage of Romish Aduersaries , doth consist in falsifications ; all which this Preamble hath but touched , and the Incounter ( God willing ) must handle : Then let my Treatises be purged with fire , and my selfe challenged to a recantation . But these things being , by Gods grace , directly performed , the fruit therof wil be ( Christian Reader ) to establish thee both in truth of speech , and dutifull allegeance , and to put my Aduersary P. R. ( I hope ) vnto silence , I pray God , to repentance . Gloria Deo. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A07817-e470 Aug. lib. 2. adu . Petil. cap. 83. August . Ep. 48. ad Vincent . Rom. 2. 1. Notes for div A07817-e2220 a The treatise of Mitigat . Epist. Ded to the Vniuersit . num . 24. b Aug. tom . 10. homil . 36. ad finem . * Psal. 20. P. R. grosly ignorant in Diuinitie . * 1. Cor. 15. P. R. confuted by the Text. c Treatis . Mitigat . Ep. Ded to the Vniuersit . num . 21. d As for those set downe in the Moderate Answer , I am not to answer . e See Satisfac . part . 1. c. 17. lit . ( a ) & lit . ( e. ) And Part. 3. c. 3. lit . ( b ) f 1. 2. See Satisfact . Part. 3. c. 1. lit . ( c ) the 3. in chap. 2. the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. in the chap. 3. the 9. 10. in the chap. 4. the 11. in cha . 5. the 12. 13. 14. in the cha . 7. the 15. 16. 17. 18. in cha . 8. the 19. 20. 21. in the chap. 11. the 22. 23. in the chap. 13. g Treatis . Mitig. cap. 11. pag. 473. & 474. num . 50. 51. 52. 53. h q. sup . pag. 475. num . 51 P. R. his Thrasonicall insultation . i Mitig. Epist. Dedic . to the Vniuersities , num . 17. P. R. amplifieth his owne vanitie . k Mitig. sup . lit . g. pa. 475. num . 53. P. R. frameth a Syllogisme . I spare the examination of this second inferēce , leau●ng this labour to his Sophisters , which will make thē sport . The manifold absurdities of his Syllogisme . l Mitigat . chap. 12. num . 4. pag. 485. initio . A fond diuision of P. R. m Mitigat . Epist. Ded. vnto the Vniuersit . num . 3. n Mitigat . cha 2. pag. 88. num . 58. * Isa. 29. Hierom. Com. in Isa. 29. P. R. his arrogancie in vrging the Greeke and Hebrew text . Pagninus . Pintus . o Treatis . of Mitigat . cha . 6. num . 60. pag. 234. A forced and strained calumniation . A peremptorie falshood of P. R. p See Full Satisfact . part . 1. cha . 13. pag. 39. q Treatise of Mitigat . cap. 2. pag. 71. nū . 71. r Full satisfact . part . 1. chap. 13. pag. 39. A calumnious falshood . P. R. his calumniation manifested by a Simile . s See heereafter §. 12. num . 38. and §. 13. num . 39. A falshood full of dangerous delusion . t Treatis . of Mitigat . chap. 2. num . 35. pag. 72. The obiected falshood out of the testimonie of Doleman answered and confuted . u Doleman . part 1. cap. 9. pag. 212. x Doleman pag. 213. y Ib. pag. 214. Maior . Minor. The idle and ridiculous calumniation of P. R discouered by two Similies . y Doleman part . 2. cap. 5. pag. 116. See a further answer hereafter in this Preamble . z Treatise of Mitigat . cap. 6. num . 36. pag. 215. * Frisin . l. 6. hist. c. 32. A trecherous falshood . A dull taxation , as the simile sheweth . A Simile . a Full Satisf . part . 3. chap. 11. pag. 28. A falshood in concealment . b Treatise of Mitigat . chap 6. nū . 39. pa. 217. Mark how hainous he maketh his accusation . Foure excellent tricks of falshood in one . Notes for div A07817-e8640 c Treatise of Mitig. chap. 3. pag. 101. d Treatise of Mitig. chap. 3. pag. 92. num . 3. e The Moder . Ans. chap. 2. §. wherefore to purge , &c. Craft in Titles of books . f Mitig. supra . g Treatis . Mitig. preface to the Reader num . 10. P. R. his disease in so oft writing . Railing . The aduantages the Romish faction hath . h Mitig. pag. 113. cap. 4. §. 2. num . 15. i See the late Proclamation . Notes for div A07817-e9490 k 2. Reg. 1. 10 l Exod. 14. 22. m Num. 22. ver . 28. 29. 30. n Matth. 8 29. & alibi . o Ioh. 11. Matt. 9. &c. p Matt. 21. 21. Marc. 11. 23. &c. P. R. a miserable Aduocate for his Catholikes . q Rom. 13. 1. r vers . 5. Simile . s Ioh. 2. 10. t Vers. 22. A difference of Romish professours concerning the case of rebellion . u P. R. Treatis ▪ in the Preface pag. 24. num . 22. which he applieth to the Pope , pag. 70. Romish doctrine against the oath of due allegeance vnto Protestant Princes . x P. R. Trea. cap. 2. pag. 77. num . 42. Romish doctrine derogatory to the Crowne and dignity of Protestant Princes . y The Bull of Pope Pius Quintus . See the Satisfact . part . 1. pag. 51. z Lib. de iusta abdicat . Hen. pag. 370. a Reinolds his Rossaeus , pag. 466. See Satisfact . part . 1. pag. 58. & 40. Romish doctrine bloodily treasonable in the Protestant gouernment . b P. R. Treatis . cap. 1. pag. 50. num . 27. c P. R. Treatis . of Mitig. cap. 3. pag. 95. num . 8. d P. R. Treatis . cap. 2. pag. 77. num . 42. P. R. contradicteth himself . e Preface to the Reader pag. 25. num . 22. f Bellar. See Satisfact . part . 1. pag. 56. g Sanders , Creswell , in the same place . h Sanders ib. pag. 67. i Bowchier . k Parsons . l Reinolds . m Bellar. See all these Satisfact . part . 1. pag. 56. & 57. n The Bull of Pope Vrbane against Protestants in Germanie . See Satisfact . pag. 9. and Sander . pag. 67. o Bannes , Creswel , lib. de Iust. Abdicat . Bellar. See Satisf . part . 1. cap. 24. P. R. would flout and delude the State of England . p See Satisf . part . 1. pag. 185. Allen , Parsons , Martin , &c. q See Satisf . part . 1. cap. 27. r P. R. Trea. Mitig. pag. 321. cap. 8. What Iesuiticall aequiuocation is . s Treat . of Mitig. in the same chap. t Treatise Mitig. pag. 459. num . 29. Example of aequiuocating in an accursed person . a That he do not obiect vnto me the woman pope Ioan. b Treatise Mitig. cha . 8. num . 55. pag. 344. c Supra . d Mat. 26. 70. e In the same place , num . 46. pag. 338. f In the same place , num . 47. g In the same place , num . 55. pag. 344. An euident conuiction of P. R. A plaine demonstration . The lying woman and the lying Priests paralleled . h For , But for so much hath the nature of a negatiue , & is as much as , Not for any more . i Act. 5. k Treatise Mitig. c. 11. num . 3. pa. 441. l In y● Preface , and elswhere . Why we may not malice anie mans person . m Esa. 5. 20. * Gal. 4. 16. n He that lieth slayeth his owne soule . Sap. 1. 11. o Treatise of Mitigat . pag. 489. chap. 12. num . 11. * Mitig. cap. 3. pag. 89. P. R. his vnluckie ostentation . p Costerus Ies. Enchirid. cap. De summo pontif . §. Constat . Three Popes falsificators . q In quibus non erat Canon ille de appellando ad Rom. Pontificem deprehensus . Lindanus Panopl . lib. 4. cap. 89. r Liber Conc. De Actu Conc. Carthag . 6. Gratian a falsificator . s Concil . Mileuetanū statuit nè quis ad transmatina loca putauerit appellandū : Respondent aliqui cum Gratiano , qui addidit ad hunc Canonem exceptionem , Nisi fortè ad Apostolicam sedem appelletur . Sed haec exceptio non videtur quadrare , Nam praecipuè propter Rom. Ecclesiam Africani statuerant , vt non liceret appellare vltra mare . Bellar. lib. 2. De Rom. Pont. cap. 24. § ▪ tertiò . 1 Opponit Caluinus Canonem 36. Conc. Elibertini , in quo sic dicitur , Placuit picturas in Ecclesia esse non debere , nè quod colitur aut adoratur in in parietibus depingatur . ] Huic variè respondent Catholici Vasques Ies. de Adorat . l. 2. disp . 5. c. 2. num .. 120. 2 Payua respondet , solùm prohiberi imaginem Dei , quae pingitur ad effigiem Dei repraesentandam . To whom 3 Bellar. Sed non videtur satisfacere , tùm quia loquitur Conc. de picturis in genere , tùm quia huiusmodi imagines non erant in vsu eo tempore . Bellar. l. 2. Imag. cap. 9. 4 Nicolaus Sanderus l. 2. de cultu Imag. c. 4. respondet , Concilium illud prohibuisse imagines in templis , quia tempus & locus id require bat : tunc enim periculum erat , nè Gentiles existimarent nostros adorare ligna & lapides . 5 Haec solutio bona est . Bellar. l. 2. de Imag. c. 9. §. Nicolaus . Immediately after speaking of the same answer : 6 Fateor t●lrationem illam Canonis ( nè id quod adoratur & colitur in par●●tibus depingatur ) non multùm quadrare huic expositioni ▪ Idem ibidem . 7 Alanus Copus in Dialog . l. 5. c. 16. dicit hîc prohiberi imagines , quia ab illis Christianis adorari coeperant , tāquam Dij , & hunc esse sensum ; Placuit in ecclesia non esse picturas , nè aliquid in parietibus existens adoretur & colatur vt Deus . In quem sensum accipit istum Canonem B. Iuo in suis Decretis , par . 3. c. 40. Bellarm. quo iam supra . Hanc interpretationem amplectuntur Martinus de Ayala , & Sixtus Senensis Bibl. l. 5. Annot. ●47 . Vasques De Adorat . l. 2. disp . 5. c. 2. num . 126. 8 Sed huic etiam expositioni ratio Canonis non omninò quadrat , nam debuisset dici potiùs , Nè id quod pingitur adoretur , quàm , Nè id quod adoratur pingatur . Bellar. quo sup . §. Alanus . And another , Mihi non probatur : Si enim à Patribus illius Concilij zelo religionis ita factum esset , vt omnes imagines etiam in tabulis depictae , aut in materia aliqua sculptae è templis eijcerentur , Gregorium Magnum posteà non latuisset , &c. Vasques quo sup . num . 127. 9 Altera interpretatio Alani accomodatior esse videtur , quam sequuntur etiam Sanderus l. 2. Ador. c. 4. & noster Franciscus Turrianus l. 3. de dogmat . charact . Dicunt ergo pro tempore & loco summopere fuisse conueniens , imagines è templis auferre ; Imminente enim Gentilium persecutione , quae sanè in Ecclesia Dei adhuc perseuerabat ( vt ex multis Canonib . illius Concilij colligitur ) oportebat Christianos secum imagines deferre , & occultare , nè in templis ludibrio Gentilium expositae manerent . Id autem fieri non poterat , si in parietibus templi , benè tamen si in tabulis depingerentur , aut in materia aliqua sculperentur , &c. Vasques ibid. num . 128. Another : Huic expositioni aptissim● conuenit ratio Canonis . Bellarm. De Imag. lib. 2. cap. 9. §. Alij ergo dicunt . 10 Caeterùm secunda illâ interpretatio Canonis 36. mihi non probatur , quòd cum ratione , quam in ipso Canone Concilium expressit , minimè conueniat . Ideò enim dicit , Placult imagines in Ecclesia esse non debere , nè scilicet quod adoratur in parietibus depingatur . Si tamen praedicta interpretatio vera esset , dicere potiùs deberet in hunc modum , Placuit in parietibus Ecclesiae imagines non depingi , nè persecutoribus fidei nostrae ludibrio esse possunt . Vasques ib. nu . 131. 11 Interpretatio , quae mihi caeteris omnibus praeferenda videtur , haec est , Non prohiberi imagines in tabulis depictas aut in alia materia sculptas , sed solùm in ipsis templi parietibus depingi : iudicat enim Concilium indecens esse , vt id quod colitur parietibus sit affixum , sed debere potius in tabula aut alia materia reuerentèr collocari , nèsplendorem amittat . Vasques lib. 2. De Adorat . disp . 5. cap. 2. num . 132. 12 Recentiores aliqui pondere illius Concilij quasi oppressi , tāquam optimū effugium elegerunt , authoritatem Concilij ne . gare , quòd prouinciale fuerit 19. Episcoporum tantùm , nec ab vllo summo Pontifice cōfirmatum . Existimant verò nullius debere esse authoritatis , quia etiam in multis alijs Canonibus manifestè errauerit , denegans viz. Poenitentiae sacramentum in extrema necessitate propter aliqua angentia crimina : aut , vt alijs placet , Communionem Eucharistiae , id quod errorem etiam intolerabilem esse autumant . Atque hac forsan de causa Canus l. 5. de locis . c. 4. post sextam conclusionem de Conc. Elibertino , inquit , eâ parte , quâ errauit , semper à Catholicis explosum fuisse . Et sanè si aliâ viâ Concilio satisfieri commodè non possit , hoc nobis effugium sufficiat : nec Caluinus contra vniuersalem Ecclesiae definitionem prouinciale Concilium obijcere deberet . Vasques ib. q. sup . num . 121. 13 Etiam Canus loc . Theol. Bellar. l. 2. Imag. c. 36. Hanc Synodum aiunt erroneam esse , & à nullo Romano Pontifice confirmatam . Baronius Tom. 1. Anno 57. num . 119 ▪ ob eandem causam quasi propè fines Nouatiani dogmatis Conc. hoc attigisset , paulò liberiùs & acriùs de eo scripsit . Sed ea deinceps Tom. 2. Anno 305. num . 42. valdè mitigat , ita enim de eodem Canone [ Lapsos nè quidem in articulo mortis absoluendos ] cùm quae ab illis de ea re statuta sunt ab Innocentio Pontifice excusentur , nemo sit qui accusare praesumat . Existimat igitur hanc Synodum legitimam fuisse , atque ab omni errore liberam . Binius De Conc. Comment ▪ in hunc Canonem , pag. 245. 14 Populus Christianus recèns à superst●tione ad Christianismum addu●tus , ad idololatriam nimis pronus erat , idcir●ò omninò vetuit Synodus Elibertina imaginū cultum . Sixtus Senens . Biblio ▪ lib. 5. Annot. 247. 1 Haereticorum nostrorum , qui se Euangelicos dici volunt , incredibilis impudentia in hoc apparet , quòd docere velint in Concilio Francofordensi damnari Conc. Nicaenum secundum : adferunt pro se Decretum Francofordiensis Synodi , quo illorum deplorata mentiendi & quidlibet fingendi libido ita coarguitur , vt mirum sit illos vnquam in cuiusquam boni viri ausos esse prodite conspectum . And a little after . 2 Vbi homines versuti vellent persuadere Lectori Nicaenam secundam de adorandis imaginibus damnatam esse , decretum Francofordiense corruperunt quidem , sed mirabili Dei iudicio , vt illorum impostura omnibus proderetur , obliti sunt Constantinopolin eradere , atque eius loco Nicaeam substituere . &c. A little after . Sed valeant isti cùm malis suis artibus . Surius Praef. in Synod . Francofordi . 3 Concilium Francofordiense prouinciale fuit , in quo Episcopi 300 , &c. Acta Concilij Nicaeni secundi in causa imaginum confirmârunt . Paulò post . Ita docuit Alanus Copus , Sanderus , Surius , Suarez . Hactenùs Binius Com. in hanc . Synod . pag 429. Scriptores illi cùm dicunt Synodum 7. in Francofor . Conc. damnatam , non intelligunt Nicaenam secundam , quae verè septima fuit , sed damnabant Ephesinam secundam . Coster . Ies. Enchir. ca. 13. Multi recentiores historici dicunt in Francfordiensi non damnari Synodum de adorandis imaginibus , sed de tollendis , Platina , Blandius , Sabellicus . Bellar. l. 2. De Conc. cap. 8. 4 Huic ( sententiae Surij ) duo manifestè obstant , vnum est , quòd si Francofor . Synodus de Constantinop . Concilio loqueretur , non diceret [ Quam pro adorandis imaginibus fecerunt ] ea enim contra imaginum venerationem celebrata est . Loquitur ergò , sicut Historici omnes , de vera septima Synodo Nicaena secunda , quae reue● à pro adorandis imaginibus habita ●uit : alterum est , quod praefatio asserit , vt referunt Authores , Synodum illam , quam abrogauit Concilium Francoford celebratam fuisse in Bithynia , in qua quidem prouincia est Nicaea , non autem Constantinopolis . Vasques l. 2. Imag. c. 4. num . 225. 5 Sententiam Alani optarem esse verā , sed suspicor esse falsam , quia &c. Bellar . l. 2. Conc. c. 8 §. Propter hanc . Et paulò post , Videtur igitur mihi in Francoford . Concilio verè reprobatam fuisse Nicaenam secundam . 6 Reuerendis . Cardin. Baronius hanc sententiam veriorem esse iudicat . Binius Comm. in Conc. Francof . pag. 391. col . 1. 7 Damnauit illa quidem Nicaenam secundam , sed per errorem & materialitèr , eo prorsus modo , quo Synodus Ariminensis damnabat homousion . Nam Author librorum Carolinorum Synodo imposuit per duo mendacia ; vnum erat , illam Synodum cultum latriae imaginibus oblatam approbâsse . Bellarm. l. 2. De Conc. c. 8. §. Videtur . Et paulò post . Concilium Francof . quod frequentissimum fuit , errare potuit , & errauit non in iuris sed in facti quaestione : nec mirum est quòd errare potuit , quia non consenserunt legati Romani , vt Magdeburgenses dicunt : Papa autem non modò non consensit , verùm etiam reprobauit illud Concilium , vt patet ex libro Adriani , &c. Bellar. ib. §. Si dicas . Idem sensit illustriss . Cardinalis Baronius , Patres Francof . Concilij mendacijs & imposturis Autorum libri Carolini fuisse deceptos , vt Nicaenam secundam , quasi ipsa imagines cultulatriae , soli Deo debito , colendas sanxisset . Teste Binio , Com. in Conc. Francof . pa. 397. But , 8 Definitio septimae Synodi non minus nota esse potuit Conc. Francofordiensi , quàm Autorib . libri Carolini , siquidem eodem tempore liber ille conscriptus fuit . Vasques Alorat . l. 2. disp . 7. cap. 5. num . 230. 9 Rursus Concilium Francof . habuit Legatos Adriam Pont. vt tradunt omnes in quaestione praecedenti citati , & ex subscriptionibus cōstat , atque haeretici Centuriatores fatentur . Ibid. num . 232. 10 Ego cum viro doctissimo Francisco Suarez sentio , istam responsionem infirmis niti fundamentis . Binius q. supra . 11 Si Conc. Francofordiense aliquid contra Synodum septimam ( which was Nicaena secunda ) statuisset , tamen nullius esset momenti , tum quia Prouinciale non valet contra generale , tum quia non erat à Pontifice Romano approbatum . Bellar. l. 2. De Imag. c. 14. 12 Necessario igitur fatendum est , vel Historicos errâsse , vel aliqua ex parte deprauatos esse , vel certè non de vera , sed de Pseudosynodo loquutos esse . Denique possit quis liberè negare quicquam actum esse in Francof . Synodo siuè pro Imaginibus , si●è contra illas . Binius Tom. 3. Conc. Comment . in Conc. Francof . 13 Periculosum & temerariū est , acta illius Concilij veluti supposititia & apocrypha reijcere , quia nihil in eis actis , vt nunc extant , reperitur , quod non ad veram religionem stabiliendam valeat . Suares Jes. disp . 49. sect . 3. Teste Binio , in loco suprà citato . 1 Obijciunt Protestantes nobis Epiphanium , qui in Epistola ad Iohannem Hierosolymitanū sic scribit . Cùm venissem , inquit , ad villam Anablatha , & in Ecclesiam intrâssem , vt orarem , inueni ibi velum pendens in foribus eiusdem Ecclsiae , habens imaginem quasi Christi aut Sancti ●●●usda● : cumque vidissem in Ecclesia Christi , contra authoritatem Scripturarum , hominis pendere imaginem , s●idi illud velum , &c. Vasques Jes. lib. 2. de Adorat . disp . 5. cap. 3. num . 136. Bellar. lib. 2. de Triumph . Eccl. cap. 9. §. ● . 2 Hoc fecit Epiphanius propter periculum erroris Anthopomorphitarum , qui Deum corporeum , & membris compactum esse asserebant . Waldens . Tom. 3. tit . 19. cap. 157. Sic quidem Waldensis , qui reprehendit in Epiphanio zelum nimium , & non secundum scientiam . 3 Verùm Waldensem textus ipse resutat , non enim erat Dei imago , sed hominis cuiusdam . Ergo non potuit Epiphanius hac occasione motus velum abscindere . Vasq ▪ q. sup . disp . 5. c. 3. num . 137. 4 Hinc intelligi potest , quanto ●udioris ingenij fuit Caluinus , & alij , qui hoc nobis testimonium obijciunt . Si enim attentè legatur Epiphanius nè verbum quidem de sanctorum imaginibus habet . Vasques q. sup . c. 3. num . 144. Sed loquitur de imagine hominis prophani , quae in sanctarum imaginum Catalogo ferenda non est . Ibid. cap. 4. num . 148. 5 Alij dicunt loqui de imagine hominis profani , sed communior & verior solutio est , verba , &c. Bellar. lib. 2. de Triumph . Eccl. cap. 9. 6 Epiphanius in alia Epistola , quae in actis primae Synodi citatur , Estote , inquit , memores , dilecti filij , nè in Ecclesias imagines inferatis , nec in coemiterijs statuatis . Sixtus Senens . Bibl. l. 5. Annot. 247. 7 Epiphanius inter Iconomachos haereticos fuit . Alphons . de Castro haeres . Tit. Image . 8 Velum habens quasi Christi aut Sancti cuiusdam : Illa vox [ Quasi ] significat hominis profani imaginē ibi pependisse , tanquam esset imago aut Christi aut Sancti alicuius : ideoque merito fuisse abscissam . Vasques quo supra . cap. 4. num . 149. 9 Alanus & Sanderus difficultate oppressi responderunt , verba suposititia esse . Vasques ibid. num . 140. Corrupta est haec Epistola a veteribus Iconoclastris . Costerus Jesuita E●●hi●id . cap. 13. §. Corrupta . Esse quidem supposititia probatur , primò , secundò , tertiò , &c. nonò . Bellar. quo supra . 10 See in the next number before . 11 Verba , quae alij suppositia esse putant ad eandem epistolam sine dubio pertinent , nam postquam Epiphanius se excusabat ad Iohannem Hierosol . de erroribus , quos Iohannes in eo notâsset , meritò aliam causam , cur alij de se murmurarent , subiun●it , dicens , Cum venissem Anablatha , &c. Vasques Jes. lib. 2. de Adorat . disp . 5. cap. 3. 12 Hieronymus in Epistola ad Pammachium contra Iohannem Hierosol . Episcopum , totam ferè hanc epistolam Epiphanij à se Latinè factam recitat , & tamen non meminit huius veli . Ergo illa verba supposititia esse videntur . Bellar. l. 2. de Triumph . Eccle. cap. 9. 13 Est Epistola Epiphani● ab Hieronymo translata & approbata in haec verba [ Cum venissem Anablatha . Senens . l. 5. Bibl. Annot. 247. Haec epistola Epiphanij de velo ponitur inter Epistolas Hieronymi , ordine 60 : imò idem Hieronymus in epistolam ad Pammachium huius epistolae mentionem facit . Vasq. quo supra . It is found in the epistle of S. Hierom. ad Ioh. Hierosol . 14 Cum verò Damascenus dicit ( id quod Bellar. obijcit supra ) Epistolā Epiphanij esse con●ictā : 15 Non de hac Epistola ad Iohannem Hierosol . ( vt falsò Senensis autumat ) sed de epist. ad Theodosium intelligit . Ergò hoc commune & frequens nostrorum effugium mihi non placet , & Hieronymo necesse non fuit in epistola sua ad Pammachium huius veli meminisse , quia Hieronymi institutum erat tantùm de Iohannis Hierosol . erroribus agere . Vasques ibid. 16 Aut si maximè exploratum sit eam epistolam esse genuinam , respondemus , apud nos Ecclesiae authoritas plus ponderis habet . Greg. Valent. Ies. l. 2. de Idol . c. 7. pag. 719. Vna hirundo non facit ver . Anglo-Rhemens . transl . in non . Test. vide Indicem de Imaginibus . 17 Cùm vidissem ( inquit Epiphanius ) contra authoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem , &c. Epiphan . vt est ab ist●citatus . 1 Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum originale , & praecipuè in filijs fidelium . Idem docent Caluinus & Bucerus , &c. Bellar. lib. 4. de Eccl. milit . c. 9. §. Pelagiani . 2 Hic proprius erat Pelagianorum error , negare peccatum originale esse haereditariam naturae nostrae corruptionē . Greg Val. Jes. lib. De orig . pet . c. 2. in initio . 3 Caluinus & Lutherus , caeterique Protestantes adeò non negârunt originale peccatum , vt illud prodigiosis loquendi modis exagitant , etiam in renatis manere dicunt , &c. Idem Ib. cap. 8. & in Tom. 2. disp . 6. q. 11. punct . 1. §. Quam quaestionem . 4 Nouatianorum error praecipuus erat , non esse in Ecclesia potestatem reconciliandi homines , nisi per baptismum : Posteà etiam addiderunt , non debere baptizatos inungi chrismate ab Episcopis . Caluinus negat vllum esse Sacramentum poenitentiae praeter Baptisma , Lutherus Poenitentiam reijcit . Bellar. l. 4. De not . Eccle. cap. 9. §. Nouatianorum . 5 Nouatianorum haeresis peccantibus omnem poenitentiae virtutem tollit , dicens eos , qui semel post Baptismum lapsi sunt , nunquam posteà consequi remissionem peccatorum , etiamsi eos poeniteat . Alphon. De castro . lib. 12. haeres . 3. tit . Poenitentia . Omne peccatum lethale post Baptismum commissum irremissibile censuerunt . Vega. l. 13. de Justif. c. 2. pag. 486. In Ioh. 5. 4. Dixit Christus , Noliampliùs peccare , nè deterius aliquid tibi contingat . Ex quo loco probat Pacianus contra Nouatianos , non negandam esse poenitentibus veniam , nec enim dixisse Christum iam noli peccare , quia non sanaberis iterùm , sed , nè deterius aliquid tibi contingat . Maldonat . Jes. Comm. in ●um locum Joh. 6 Dicunt Protestantes in Christianis post Baptismum requiri fidem & poenitentiam , vt iustificentur & remissionem consequantur . Bellar. lib. 3. de Justif. cap. 6 , & saepè aliâs . 7 Non de quauis poenitentia inter nos & Protestantes controuersia habetur , potest enim vera poenitentia vel in sola mentis conuersione , atque interna peccati detestatione consistere , vel in externis signis , vt moerore , lachrymis , confessione , corporis afflictatione se prodere , neque de hac re vlla est controuersia . Ipsi aduersarij Caluinus & Chēnitius opera externa laboriosa , vt signa verae poenitentiae internae non reijciunt . Deindè absolutionis ritum aliquem fere omnes agnoscunt . Sed hic est status controuersiae , vtrùm poenitentia signis externis manifestata , accedente ad eam verbo absolutionis , sit Sacramentum propriè dictum . Bellar. lib. 1. de Poenit. cap. 8. §. Vt igitur . 8 Manichaeorum est ( inquit Hieronym . ) hominum damnare naturam , & hominum auferre arbitrium , & peccatorum originem non tribuunt Manichaei libero arbitrio , inquit Augustinus . Idem Calunius . Bellar. l. 4. de Not. Eccles . cap. 9. §. 8. Manichaeorum . 9 Iohannes Calunius docet quòd in initio homo habuerit liberum arbitrium , nunc non habet . In hac integritate ( inquit ) libero pollebat homo arbitrio , quo , si vellet , adipisci posset vitam aeternam . Bellar. l. 1. degrat . primi hominis . §. in eodem principio . 10 Henricum Bullingerum non puduit scribere tres esse in diuinitate personas non statu sed gradu , non substantiâ sed formâ , non potestate sed specie differentes . Certè personas gradu , formâ , specie differentes , vix Ariani ipsi dicere ausi essent . Bellar. praef . in Contro . de Christo. §. Henricum . 11 Sic scribit Tertullianus in libro aduersus Praxeam , Tres sunt non statu sed gradu , non substantiâ sed formâ , non potestate sed specie . Greg. Val. Jes. lib. de vinit . & Trinit . c. 9. 12 Tertullianus in libro aduersus Praxeam cùm dixit filium distingui à Patre non statu sed gradu , per gradum intelligit ordinem personarum . Bellar. l. 1. de Christo , c. 10. §. Respondeo secundum . 13 Secundùm errorem Caluinistarum ( speaking of a Christian soule departing this life ) non ad Deum ibat , sed ad inferos , aut alium locum extra coelū , vbi non magis Deus est , quàm hic nobiscum . Bellar. l. 1. de Beat Sanct. cap. 4. paulo post initium . 14 Octaua obiectio ( answering to the obiection of Protestants ) sumitur ex 2. Cor. 5. [ Si domus terrena nostrae habitationis dissoluitur , habemus domum non manu factam in coelis ] rectâ igitur post mortem sinè Purgatorio pij homines transferuntur in coelum . Respondeo &c. Bellar. l. 1. de Imag. c. 8. §. Octaua obiectio . And Obijciunt nobis Protestantes loca Scripturarum & Patrum , in quibus duplex status eorum , qui moriuntur , significatur , impiorum in supplicium aeternum , & iustorum in vitam aeternam . Deinde huiusmodi loca Scripturarum vrgent , quibus determinatè significari videtur , eos qui ex hac vita discedunt in statu gratiae statim recipi ad beatitudinem . vt Apoc. 14. Beati qui moriuntur in Domino , requiescunt à laboribus : Si ( inquiunt ) omnes beati , tùm nulli in Purgatorij cruciatibus continentur . Greg. Valent. de Purg. c. 8. and the Rhemish Annot in Apoc. 14. 13. 15 Quidam antiqui haeretici fuerunt , qui negabant Eucharist●am esse veram carnem Christi , & tantùm esse volebant signum & imaginem corporis Christi . Hanc haeresin refert Theodoretus , eandem docent hoc tempore Zuinglius , Caluines . Bellar. l. 4. de not . Eccl. c. 9. ad finem . 16 Quae sententia citatur à Theodoreto in Dialogo , vbi tamen nunc non habetur . Sed nè glorientur Caluinistae sententiam suam valdè antiquam esse , illud est obseruandum , antiquissimos illos haereticos non tàm sacramentum Eucharistiae , quàm mysterium incarnationis oppugnâsse . Bellar. l. 1. de Euchar. c. 1. in initio . 17 Docet Caluinus symbola & corpus Christi , licèt inter se loco plurimùm distent , tamen coniuncta esse non solùm ratione signi , quia vnum est signum alterius , sed etiam quia vnà cùm signo Deus exhibet verum Christi corpus & sanguinem , quo animae nostrae alantur ad vitam aeternam . Bellar. ib. §. Secundò docet . 18 Docet Caluinus corpus Christi ab animis nostris in Eucharistia substantialiter communicari . Greg. Valent. Jes. tom . 4. disp . 6. q. 3. punct . 1. §. Item . 1 Cyprianus epist. 10. ad Pomp. Vnde est haec traditio ? an ex dominica autoritate descendens , an de Apostolorum mandatis & epistolis ? ea enim facienda esse quae scripta sunt testatur Deus . He●reunto Bellarmine . 2 Respondeo , Cyprianum haec scripsisse cum errorem suum tueri vellet , & ideo non mirum si more errantium tunc ratiocinaretur . Quare Augustinus contra Donatistas cap. 23. & ●equentibus hanc epistolam meritò refellit . Bellar. lib. 4. de verb. Dei , cap. 11. §. profert Cyprian . &c. 3 Quod Cyprianus monet vt ad fontem recurramus , id est , Apostolorum traditionem , & indè in nostra tempora canalem dirigamus , optimum est , & sine dubitatione faciendū ▪ Traditum est igitur ab Apostolis quòd sit vnus Deus , vnum Baptisma , vna fides , Ephes. 4. August . lib. 5. de Baptismo . cap. 26. 4 Vigesima secunda praerogatiua Petri est , quod solus Petrus Episcopus ordinatus fuerit : caeteri autem à Petro. Probatur ex Anacleto Epist. 1. In nouo Testamento &c. à Clemente Alexandrino , à Cypriano lib. 4. Epist. à Leone Sermone 3. de assumptione sua ad Pontificatum &c. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Pontif. Rom. cap. 23. 5 Nonnulli contendunt caeteros Apostolos eam potestatem iurisdictionis accepisse , idque probare conantur ex authoritate Anacleti , Cypriani , Augustini , Leonis , Clementis Alexandrini . Sed reuera non faciunt id quod istius sententiae autores volunt . Franciscus de victoria relect . 2. conclus . 1. §. quod . 6 De epistola pontificum Clementis & Anacleti , multa sunt quae manifeste ostendunt illas esse supposititias , quibus nituntur ij , qui plus quàm expedit Sedis Romanae authoritatem amplificant . Cardinal . Cusanus de Concord . Cathol . lib. 3. cap. 2. 7 Extat apud Platinam forma electionis Hildebrandi in haec verba : Nos sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae &c. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Roman . Pontif. cap. 13. §. Extat , &c. 8 Being vrged with his testimonie in the case of Romish Confession , by the Decree of Innocentius , he answereth : Sed neque Platina publica authoritate & ex publicis archiuis vitas illas Pontificum scripsit . Bellarm. lib. 3. De Poenit. cap. 13. §. Sed neque . 9 Tu Theologorum Princeps ( maxime Pontifex ) non frustrà mandâsti vt res gestas Pontificum scriberem . Platina in Praefat. operis . 10 Quae Platina de vitis Pontificum scripsit vera sunt existimanda , quippe cum ea ex publicis tabulis scripsit , aliisque legitimis documentis deprompsit : in quibus res gestae Pontificum historica fide continentur . Hieron Balbus de coronatione . §. Post mortem Constantini , &c. 11 Vocatur purgatorium locus quid à , in quo , tanquam in carcere , post hanc vitam purgantur animae , quae in hac plenè purgatae non fuerant . De hac est tota controuersia . Bellar. lib. 1. de purgat . cap. 1. § vocatur . Patres aliqui per ignem non intelligunt ignem purgatorij , sed ignem diuini iudicij , quomodo loquitur Paulus in 1. Cor. 3. cùm ait , vniuscuiusque opus quale sit ignis probabit . Bellar. lib. 2. de purgat . cap. 1. §. Adde . Apostolus 1. Cor. 3. lgnis probabit ] loquitur de igne seueri & iusti iudicij Dei , qui non est ignis purgans & affligens , sed probans & examinans . Bellar. li. 1. de purg . cap. 4. §. Superest . 12 Sunt apertissima loca ex patribus , vbi asteritur purgatorium , quorum pauca quaedam afferam . Bellar. lib. 1. de purgat . cap. 6. §. Denide &c. 13 Vide Ambrosium Serm. 20. in Psal. 118. Ibidem , §. Ambrosius &c. Is in Psal. 118. Serm. 20. Omnes , inquit , oportet transire per flammas , siue Ioannes sit siue Petrus &c. Bellar. lib. 2. de purgat . cap. 1. §. Ambrosius . Et paulò post 14 Ambrosius hoc posteriore loco ( speaking of the Psal. 118 ) videtur per ignem non intelligere purgatorium . Bellar. ibid. §. Adde &c. He vrgeth Hilary 15 Inter apertissima loca . Hilarius in Psal. 118. illud [ concupiuit anima mea desiderare iudicia tua ] nobis ( inquit ) est ille ignis obeundus in quo subeunda sunt grauia illa expiandae à peccatis animae supplicia . Bellar. li. 1. de purga . ca. 7. §. Hilarius . Rursus 16 Hilarius in Psal. 118. in illa verba : Concupiuit anima &c. vbi insinuat B. Mariam transire debuisse per illum ignem . Bellar. lib. 2. de purgat . cap. 1. §. Idem videtur : Rursus . Aliqui ( amongst whom he citeth Hilarie ) videntur non intelligere ignem purgatorium vt ( answering to the place aboue mentioned ) Hilarius . ibid. §. Adde . 17 Sunt apertissima loca in patribus . Bella. lib. 1. de purgat . cap. 6. §. Deinde sunt , Paulo post . 18 Vt Origenes homil . 6. in Exod. Saltus fit si quid forte plumbi habent admixtum . 19 Et Basilius in Isa. 9. quod depascatur & deuoret ignis purgatorius . 20 Et Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 21. perstringentur igne atque comburentur . 21 Et Hieronymus in fine Comment . in Isaiam : quorum opera in igne probanda . 22 Ambrosius in Psalm . 36. Non exuremur , tamen vremur , &c. Haec omnia Bellar. lib. 1. de purga . cap. 6. 23 Origenes dixit : Omnes homines excepto Christo , aliquo modo vrendos esse igne conflagrationis diuini iudicij . Et Hilarius vnà cum Ambrosio Origenem sequu●us est . Eodem pertinere videntur quae Basilius annotauit : ad eandem opinionem aparet allusisse Hieronymum , & longe antè Hieronymum quoque Lactantium . Sixtus Senensis Bibliothe . lib. 5. annot . 171. Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 21. perstringentur inquit &c. loquitur de ijs qui in resurrectione sunt igni tradendi . Suarez Iesuita in part . 3. Thom. qu 59. art . 6. disp . 57. sect . 1. §. Ambrosius in Comment . in Psal. 36. consentire videtur cum Origene qui dicit omnes homines , Christo excepto , probandos esse & aliquo modo vrendos igne conflagrationis diuini iudicij . Sixtus Senens . Bibliothe . lib. 5. annot . 171. 24 See afore numb . 12. 25 Purgatorium ex Patribus Graecis & Latinis probamus . Bellar. lib. 1. de purgat . cap 6. 26 Omnes veteres Graeci Patres agnouerunt purgatorium & Scriptis suis luculentissimè prodiderunt . Salmeron Jesuit . Comm. in 1. Cor. 15. disp . 25. in fine . 27 Legat qui velit Graecorum veterum Commentarios , & nullum , quantum opinor , aut rarissimum de purgatorio sermonem inueniet : Sed neque Latini simul omnes huius rei veritatem conceperunt . Roffens . art . 18. aduers. Lutherum . a Pref. to the Reader pa. 28. num . 25. b Pref. to the Reader num . 25. pag. 28. c Epist. Ded. num . 5. & nū . 25. and again , num . 25. and num . 28. d See aboue §. 3. num . 6. 7. 8. &c. e Full satisfaction Epist. to the seduced brethren . f Treatis . Mitigat . Epist. Dedic . num . 23. g Gen. 3. 1. h See Full satisfact . Part. 2. chap. 3. pag. 103. i Treatise of Mitig. cap 3. num . 14. pag. 100. k See Full Satisfact . Part. 2. cap. 4. pag. 107. l Treatise of Mitig. cap. 3. num . 14. pag. 100. m See Full Satisfact . Part. 1. chap. 7. pag. 20. n Treatise Mitig. ca. 6. num . 53. & num . 54. pa. 230. o 〈◊〉 ●um . 〈◊〉 pag. 113. Many falsehoods in one . p Full Satisf . part . 2. cap. 5. pag. 107. q Treatis . Mitig. c. 4. num . 42. pag. 131. Mod. Answ. c. 9. r The Full Satisfaction part . 2. cap. 7. pag. 119 s Satisf . part . 2. cap. 7. pag. 119. t Satisf . part . 2. cap. 4. pag. 107 u Satisf . pag. 119. Beza de iure magist . Suttcliff . Arch. Can. Caluin , And pag. 111. P. Frarer . x Tract . Mitigat . c. 4. n. 42. pag. 132. y Satisfaction part . 2. cap. 3. pag. 102. z Treatise Mitig. cap. 4. num . 36. & 37. pag. 128. Fox anno 1554. pag. 1289. a Treatise Mitig. pag. 92. P. R. confuted by himselfe . b Rom. 3. 8. c See aboue §. 5. num . 15. & 16. d See aboue §. 6. num . 17. & 18. e See aboue § ▪ 7. num . 21. f See aboue §. 8. num . 28. g Treatise Mitig. cap. 7. num . 8. pag. 279. h Ib. num . 12. pag. 281. i Ib. num . 15. pag. 284. ● k Satisf . Part. 3. cap. 12. l Genesius in Theoph. cap. 6. P. R. confuted by a Simile . m Treatise Mitig. cap. 12. num . 3. pag. 484. n Meo tamen iudicio illi regulam ad plura extendunt , & trahunt , quàm par sit , & quàm Nauarrus , Syluester , & Angelus voluerint . Nihil n. tàm falsum esse potest , quod non queat ab omni mendacio liberari , si aliquid arbitratu nostro mente tacitū retineamus . Possemus enim quicquid à nobis petitur , quamuis id apud nos habeamus , diffiteri nos habere , intelligentes , vt demus : quicquid fecerimus , quicquid viderimus , quicquid cogitauerimus , decreuerimus , de eo rogati , possemus absque mendacio dicere , Non fecimus , non vidimus , non cogitauimus , non decreuimus , eo nimirùm sensu , vt tibi dicamus , vel , quod tibi dicere debeamus . Quarè mihi aliud videtur , quod quibusdam regulis subiectis breuitèr perstringam . Az●r . Jes. Insti . Moral . part . 1. lib. 11. cap. 4. § Meo tamen . pag. 1335. Romae cùm priuilegio . Anno 1600. Superiorum permissu . * Quinta regula : Si reuerà verba , quibus vtimur , significatione suâ & communi hominum vsu ambigua non sunt , nec habent nisi vnum tantummodò sensum , ea vsurpare debemus eo sensu , quem reddūt , nec licet nobis , etiam si contra ius fasque omne interrogemur , aliquid mentis cogitatione concipiendo in aliud detorquere ; nunquam enim fas est mentiri : at is mentitur , qui verba alitér accipit , atque ipsa significant . Azor. Jes. quo supra , in fine cap. o Treatise Mitigat . pag. 355. & 420. & 429. & 450. p Satisf . part . 1. ca. 26. in the beginning . q Mod. Answ. cap. 10. r Part. 1. c. 27. pag. 89. A dilemma . s Maldonat . cō . in Luc. vlt. vers . 28. t Satisf . part . 3 cap. 4. pa. 59. u Treat . Mitig . ca. 14. nū . 4. pa. 409. 510. x Treat . Mitig . ca. 1. num . 38. pag. 74. * Luc. 23. a Treatise Mitig. epist. dedic . num . 18. & 19. b Ind. Expurg . Belg. pag. 195. c Primus honos Romano Pontifici habetur , vt si minùs pulchro honestetur no mine , e●statim creato liceat illud mutare Verbi gratia , non extra iocum dictū sit , Si homo maleficus anteà fortè fuerit , vt Bonifacius appelletur : si timidus , Leo : si rusticus , Vrbanus : si improbus , Innocentus : si ferox , Clemens : si malè audiuerit , Benedictus : vt saltem nomine Pontifex ornamēto sit dignitati . Eius autem rei auctor fuisse dicitur Sergius secundus , cui cum Os porci diceretur , ad obscoen● nominis vocem tollendā , datum est , vt aliud sibi nomē aptaret . Polyd. lib. 4. de Inu . rerū , c. 10. d Treatise Mitig. ca. 2. n. 46. pa. 79. His Cauill compared . e Posterior Caietani coniectura , quia Gregor . magnus in homilia de amissa drachma non fuit aufus hos libros B. Dionysij asserere , & tantum ambiguè loquitur vtēs voce [ fertur : ] respōdeo sic loqui non quia ipse dubitauerat qui in Graecia eius libros legerat , &c. Del Rio vi●d . Areopa . cap. 6. §. Posterior . pag. 29. f Ioan. de turre 〈◊〉 . lib. de sum . Eccles. de Anastati● . Idē habet Platina : Supplementum Cronicho . & liber Pontificalis in decret . Anastasi secundi . g Binius in tom . 3. conc . pag. 1054. anno Dom. 912. Binius quo supra pag. 160. h The dismall ends of diuers Popes . i Binius cir● . Ann. Domin . 1198. pa. 1441. k Treatise Mitig. ca. 2. n. 47. p. 80. l Mitig. ib. n. 48. pa. 81. m Bouchier lib. 3. de Abdicat . Hen. 3. cap. 16. pag. 267. P. R. con●uted by a Simile . n Matth 23 2. o In publicis notorij●que criminibus tanto alitèr id fieri debet , quāto damnata ea per se publico praeconio , ac naturae sensu esse solent , vt August . de Cain & Abel , Euidentia criminis non eget clamore accusationis . Si latrones , si bestiae , cùm irruu●t , omni iure expugnantur , cur non tyrānus quouis latrone & bestiâ deterior ? Duplex poenae genus , positiuae vnū , priuatiuae alterum : quaepositiua est , formulam expectare debet ; in priuatiua certè alitèr se res habet , quod pertecto scelere , vele tra nonum iudicium vim habere inter Theologos confessam sit . Then cap. 3. Praeueniri iudic um Ecclesiae posse specialis probatio , vt Deut. 13. Statim interficies , ac sit primùm manus tua supra eum , vt Phinees scortum , Num. 25. ari epto pugione consodit . Sic Mattathias se gessit aduersus Israëlitam idololatram , 1. Machab. 2. Tales alij Israëlitis liberatores Othoniel , Aiod , Barach . And a little after would prooue this out of the Councell of Lateran , out of the Decree of Pop. Gelasius . And in the former Chap. Ecclesiae iudicium non est , nisi celebri illo Apostolicae fedis theatro , nec reipnisi in plenis & liberis comitijs esse potest . In the end of the Chapter after Chap. 5. Expectandi iudicij causas omnes in Henrico praeclusas esse . After in Chap. 23. Frater Iacobus Clemens , non ita pridem Sacerdos factus — post celebratū Missae sacrificium Henricum cultello , vt Aeglonem Moabitem alter Aiod im● etiam fortitèr in abdomine traijcit . Nihil iam vt fit quod Iudithae Holophernē , aut Dauidis Goliathum obtruncantis , aut Samsonis maxiliâ Asini mille viros inter ficientis historias admiremur , quia maiora his vidimus , & clamore meritò debeamus , Dextra Domini fecit virtutem , &c. Thus much Bouchier . p Treatise Mitig. cap. 2. num . 26. pag. 68. P. R. reprooued by a Simile . q Matth. 16. r Marc. 5. 7. s Reinolds in his Rosaeo . cap. 2. pag. 62. speaking of such Tyrants not as are inuaders of a coūtrey , but those who haue beene iustly possessed of their Kingdomes . t Pag 135. Traiterous doctrine . u Rom. 13. Apostolicall doctrine of subiection . a Treatise Mitig. cap. 2. num 49. pag. 82. b Mitig. pa. 84. num . 52. c M. Stock , a learned Preacher in London answereth for himselfe . d Non tenentur reddere rē verbis contractam . Card. Tollet lib 1. Instruct. Sacerd. ca. 13. § Sextus in his last edition . An vndoubted argument of the Autors sincerity . e Mitig. cap. ● . num . 52 ▪ 53. 54. 55 ▪ 56. 57. pag. 84. f M. Stock . A dile●ma . P. R. his babish foolery . g Reade Surius vpon that Councel . tom . 1. Conc. h See Thuanus hist. lib. 52. * This I shall proue in the Incounter out of Bouchier . i See aboue §. 5. pag. 12. k Treatise Mitig. cha . 5. num . 43. pag. 174. Extr●● . com . de mai . & obed . § vnā Sanctam . Addit . ad Com. Extra . de Ma● . in c. 1. ad finē . l Gregor . 13. ad futurā rei memoriam . Reliquum est vt eiusdē Decreti vnà cum Annotationibus praedictis tàm absque Glossis , quàm ipsum totum cùm Glossis , Sextumque & Clementinas simul & extrauagantes à dilecto filies S. F. recognoscenda omnia & approbanda &c. imprimi & impressa diuulgari iusse●imus , ac ad maiorem Christi fidelium vbique commo●antium commoditatem , hoc 〈◊〉 Canonici corpus fideliter & incorrup●● 〈◊〉 exemplar Rom●● 〈◊〉 , imprimi possit . Nos opportunè prouidere volentes , vt hoc ius Canonicum sic expurgatum ad omnes vbique Christi fideles sartum tectum perueniat , ac ne cuiquam liceat e●dem operi quicquam addere , vel immutare , aut inuertere , nullauè interpretamenta adiungere , &c. m Treatise Mitig. ca. 2. n. 55. pag. 86. P. R. his accusation redounding vpon his Popes . A fond cauill . n Treatise Mitig. cap. 6. num . 55. pag. 231. A stupid cauill . o Matt. 26. 42. Another friuolous cauill . p See aboue §. 6. pag. 1● . q See aboue §. 7. pag. 22. nū . 23. 24. 25. &c. An impious cauill . r See a little before in this §. num . 132. s See aboue §. 7. pag. 19. nū . 21 , &c. t See aboue §. 8. u Treat . Mitig. ca 6. num 37. pag. 215. La. S●aff . hist Germ. ann . 1077. sub fin . Lamb. vbi●sup . x Binius tom . 3. Conc. pag. 1281. y Benno hist. de vita Greg. z Vrsperg . an . 1080. a Sigeb An. 1074. & anno 1085. b Binius conc . tom . 3. pag. 1281. and pag. 1191. Although he call them not Concilia but Conciliabula . c See a little before out of the testimony of Vrsper . lit . z. d Treat . of Mitig. 1. cap. 3. num . 4. pag. 92. e Treat . Mitiga . cap. 3. num . 3. pag. 92. 
A70021	----	At the court at Whitehal, September the 11th 1667 by His Majesty and the lords of His Majesties Most Honorable Privy Council. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1667 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70021 Wing E807 ESTC R26596 09506363 ocm 09506363 43361 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70021) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43361) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:11 or 1614:39) At the court at Whitehal, September the 11th 1667 by His Majesty and the lords of His Majesties Most Honorable Privy Council. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. England and Wales. Privy Council. 1 broadside. Printed by the assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker ..., In the Savoy [i.e. London] : 1667. An ordinance forbidding presence in the Queen's chapel for mass. This item appears on both reel 1327:11 and 1614:39. Wing number C2923 cancelled in Wing (CD-ROM). Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library and the Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Catholics -- England. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 Megan Marion Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Megan Marion Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms At the Court at Whitehal , September the 11 th 1667. By His Majesty and the Lords of His Majesties Most Honorable Privy Council . HIS Majesty having taken notice , and been informed of the daily Concourse of very many Persons of the Romish Religion , unto the Chappel of Her Majesty the Queen at St. Jamese's , as likewise unto the Chappel of the Queen-Mother at Somerset House ; and also unto the Houses of several Forain Ambassadors , contrary to the Law ; It was thereupon Ordered by His Majesty in Council , That if any Persons whatsoever being His Majesties Subjects , except the Family of Her Majesty the Queen , and the Families of the Queen Mother , and of Forain Ambassadors , and the Children of the respective Officers in their said Majesties Families , shall from henceforth repair unto the said Chappels or Ambassadors Houses to hear Masse , or perform any other exercises of the Romish Religion , that then such Prosecutions shall be made , and such Penalties and Punishments Inflicted upon them and every of them , as are by Law provided in such Cases . Hereof all Persons concerned are to take Notice , and Conform thereunto accordingly at their utmost peril . In the SAVOY , Printed by the Assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1667. 
A74208	----	A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of January, and a letter enclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read, and ordered to be entred. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74208 of text R210682 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[39]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74208 Wing E28aA Thomason 669.f.4[39] ESTC R210682 99869456 99869456 160661 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74208) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160661) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[39]) A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of January, and a letter enclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read, and ordered to be entred. R. E. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Joseph Hunscott, London : 1641. Advising Bridgeman "to absent himself from Parliament, and to convey a letter to Mr. Anderton from R. E. This letter speaks of the impeachment of the five members and threatens the solicitor, Fynes, and Earl of Essex, Warwick, Say, Brook, and Paget in the Lords. It is written as from a Roman Catholic" -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. To the worshipfull, and my much honoured friend Orlando Bridgeman Esquire, and a burgesse of the Parliament, at his chamber, at the Inner-Temple, these present -- To the Worshipfull, and my much honoured friend, Master Anderson, These present. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- History -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74208 R210682 (Thomason 669.f.4[39]). civilwar no A letter directed to Master Bridgeman, the fourth of January, and a letter enclosed in it, to one Master Anderton, were this day read, and o R. E 1641 717 8 0 0 0 0 0 112 F The rate of 112 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-10 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-10 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Letter directed to Master Bridgeman , the fourth of January , and a Letter enclosed in it , to one Master Anderton , were this day read , and ordered to be entred . To the Worshipfull , and my much honoured friend , Orlando Bridgeman Esquire , and a Burgesse of the Parliament , at his Chamber , at the Inner-Temple , These present . SIR , WE are your friends , These are to advise you , to look to your self , and to advise others of my Lord of Straffords friends to take heed , lest they be involved in the common Calamity , our advise is , to be gone , to pretend businesse till the great Hubbub be passed , withdraw , lest you suffer among the Puritans , We entreat you to send away this inclosed Letter to Master Anderton inclosed , to some trusty friend , that it may be carried safely without suspition , for it concerns the Common safety ; So desire your friends in Coven-Garden , January 4. To the Worshipfull , and my much honoured friend , Master Anderton , These present . SIR , ALthough many designes have been defeated , yet that of Ireland holds well . And now our last plot works as hopefully as that of Ireland , we must bear with something in the Man , His will is strong enough , as long as he is sed with hopes : the Woman is true to us , and reall , Her Councell about Her is very good : I doubt not but to send you by the next very joyfull news , for the present , our rich Enemies , Pym , Hampden , Strode , Hollis , and Hasterigg , are blemisht , challenged for no lesse then Treason : before I write next , we doubt not but to have them in the Tower , or their heads from their shoulders . The Soliciter , and Fynes , and Earl we must serve with the same sauce : And in the House of the Lords , Mandevill is touched , but Essex , Warwick , Say , Brook , and Paget , must follow , or else we shall not be quiet Faulkland and Culepepper , are friends to our side , at leastwise they will do us no hurt . The Protestants and Puritans are so divided , that we need not fear them ; the Protestants in a greater part , will joyn with us , o● stand Neuters , while the Puritan is suppressed , if we can bring them under ; the Protestant will either fall i● with us generally , or else , if they do not , they are so indifferent , that either by fair , or foul means , we shall be able to command them . The mischievous Londoners , and Apprentices , may do us some hurt for present , but we need not much fear them , they do nothing orderly but tumultuously : Therefore we doubt not but to have them under command after one brunt , for our Party is strong in the City , especially Holborne , the new Buildings , and Wes●minster : we are afraid of nothing , but the Scots appearing again . But we have made a party there , at the King last being there , which will hold their hands behinde them , while we Act our Parts at home ; Let us acqu●● our selves like men , for our Religion and Countrey , now or never . The Kings heart is Protestant , but ou● friends can perswade Him , and make Him beleeve any thing . He hates the Puritan party , and is made irr● concileable to that side ; so that the Sunne , the Moon , and Starres , are for us : There are no lesse then twent● thousand Ministers in England , the greater half will in their places , be our friends , to avenge the Bishops di●honour . Let our friends be incouraged , the work is more then half done . Your servant , R. E. London , Printed for Joseph Hunscott . 1641. 
A53453	----	The answer of a person of quality to a scandalous letter lately printed and subscribed by P.W. intituled, A letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, 1621-1679. 1662 Approx. 157 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53453 Wing O472 ESTC R21915 12362302 ocm 12362302 60274 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53453) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60274) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 218:5) The answer of a person of quality to a scandalous letter lately printed and subscribed by P.W. intituled, A letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, 1621-1679. [2], 93 p. Printed by J.C., Dublin : 1662. Written by Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery. Cf. BM; DNB. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Walsh, Peter, 1618?-1688. -- Letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland. Catholics -- Ireland. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ANSWER OF A PERSON of QUALITY , To a Scandalous LETTER Lately Printed and Subscribed by P. W. Intituled , [ A Letter desiring a just and merciful Regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland , given about the end of October , 1660. to the then Marquess , now Duke of Ormond , and the second time L. Lievtenant of that Kingdom . ] DVBLIN . Printed by I. C. Anno Dom. 1662. The Answer , &c. HAving lately seen a Printed Paper , the Title whereof is , [ A Letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland , given about the end of October , 1660. to the then Marquess , now Duke of Ormond , and the second time L. Lievtenant of that Kingdom : ] Subscribed by P. W. And finding it in effect , whatever the words of it are , extremely undutiful to his sacred Majesty , very disrespectful to the Duke of Ormond L. Lievtenant of Ireland , and most scandalous not onely to the Protestants of Ireland , but also to those of the same Religion in his sacred Majesties other Kingdoms : I have esteemed my self obliged , as a faithful subject to the King , as an humble servant to the L. Lievtenant , and as a son of the Protestant Church , whose Members are as highly as falsly asperst by it , to expose in print an Answer to that Letter , which before I enter upon , I will onely say , P. W. professing not a little to be his Graces servant , if he meant not this Letter as a respect to his Grace , why was it written ? if he did , why was it printed ? But P. W. despairing to receive from his Grace the effects of his unjust desires for his Countrey-men , chose this way to acquaint them , 't was not for want of his sollicitation . He would let them see , since he could not make them beholding to My L. Lievtenant , that they were so to him . Since I shall often have occasion to name IRISH PAPISTS , I have thought fit here , once for all , to declare , That I mean not thereby in all , or any part of my Answer , any of those Worthy Persons of that Nation and Religion who have still faithfully served the King , whose merit I highly respect , and the more , because it has been preserved from infection even in a very Pest-house ; nor any of those , who having been truly sorrowful for it , and in the constancy of their subsequent services to his Majesty , have washt themselves clean : For I take a perfect delight in any change from bad to good ; and I heartily wish , that every one of them had not so much indangered their being polluted again , as interceding and pleading for their guilty Countrey-men does amount unto . Having thus made this necessary digression , I shall now proceed . The parts separate of this Letter are three . First , a Preface . Secondly , a Petition . Thirdly , a Conclusion or concluding Wish . P. W. prefaceth ; First , the Fears and Iealousies of those whom he calls the Catholicks of Ireland . Secondly , His own affection to , and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond . Fears and Iealousies are no less than must in reason be expected in the Generality of the Irish Papists ; For though the goodness and indulgence of the best of Kings may make their condition safe : yet the conscience of their own guilt will never suffer them to be secure . Pretended Fears and Iealousies were the Forerunners , if not Causers of Troubles past ; I hope P. W. intends them not as such , for Troubles to come . Fear is founded on , at least attended with Hatred ; and if one of the Best of his Majesties Servants , one of the chiefest of his Ministers , be thus 1. Vniversally , 2. Intensly fear'd , and therefore 3. hated , 4. as P. W. says , by his own Countrey-men : ( but let all that P. W. prints , stand or fall , as this last particular is true or false ; for his Grace is neither his Countrey-man by birth , Religion , or any other relation to which that Name is appliable ; ) yea 5. by his own Fiduciares ( as is expressed in the Printed Letter . ) If , I say , all this be not true , why does P. W. say it ? if it be true , what can others expect ? For if the flame be so in the green Tree ▪ what will it be in the dry ? The Irish Papists in their former and later Apologies for the horridest of Rebellions , have not to this very day ( within any of his Majesties Dominions ) even pretended publickly any other cause for their Rapines , Murthers , Massacres and Treasons , but what resolves it self into Fears and Ielousies . And if their Passions be the same , it is to be fear'd their Wills are not alter'd . And if their Wills be the same , nothing under God , can prevent the effects , but want of strength . Especially considering that 1. in 1641. no such antecedent animosities or hatreds had prepared matters for Fears and Ielousies , as by the worst of Rebellions is now become even nationally violent , ( but by the way , it seems to me somewhat hard , that those which give the rise for the Cause , should first cry out in the Effects . ) 2. In 1641. these Fears and Ielousies ( if really in any ) were but in a Few ; but now P. W. confesseth , That they have seized upon almost all the Nobility , Gentry and others , yea the Generality of the Catholicks of Ireland , even the constant Believers of , passionate Sticklers for , and fastest Friends to his Grace the Duke of Ormond ; and this so intensly , that it produceth the loss both of Faith and Hope . Here it may well be observed what temper they are of , whom P. W. pleads for ; Ielousies , Fears and want of faith are so inseparable from them , that those in 1641 were onely said to be derived from his Majesties Enemies , but now ( all such by the mercy of God being blown away ) they are derived from his Majesties chief Minister of State of this Kingdom ; and who is made such , as P. W. saith , and as I most heartily acknowledg , by his own great deserts . What is it can suppress the Fears and Ielousies of P. W's . Countrey-men , when his Majesties free Election of a chief Governor , and such a one as the Duke of Ormond is , cannot do it ? This acknowledgment of P. W's . fully proves , that the Irish Papists Fears and Ielousies of the chief Governors of this Kingdom in 1641 , were onely taken up by those , and not cause given for them by these . The plain English is this , though his Majesty should from time to time nominate for Lord Lieutenant of this Kingdom , the wisest and the faithfullest of his Subjects ; yet because the King commissionates them , or because they are such , or both , many ( I wish I could not say most ) of the Irish Papists will be jealous and fearful of them . Concerning P. W's . affection to , and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond , exprest by several instances of free and frequent access to him , of his and others reliance on his word , of his daily care and trouble to support his esteem , and of blaming distrusters as guilty of ignorance of State affairs , and the Intrigues obstructing , as yet ; or of inconsideration of those wiser ways , though slower , than folly or rashness could chalk out , or of prejudice and evil Passion . I will onely say , That though P. W. would make us believe , as if some word in secret had post by his Grace to the Irish Papists , which they dare thus mention to himself , and publish to the world ; at least that he who is a profest Enemy to the English Interest , and Protestant Religion , is his Graces intimate and familiar Confident ; and by such as visible , as false arts , endeavour to infect the Protestants with the disease of him , and his Country-men ; Ielousies and fears of the L. Lieutenant . Yet I dare as truly , as confidently aver , though P. W's . Oratory were as great as his malice , his insinuations could not shake , much less overthrow that irremoveable confidence his Majesties Protestant Subjects of Ireland , ●ave built with great reason and experience upon his Grace , even on the double Accompts , of his Principles and Practises . To attempt to betray with a Kiss , is neither a new art nor a new sin . But he that would destroy by undermining , would do it by open force , if his power proportion'd his will. Concerning P. W's . affection to his Grace , he says no more for that in particular , than he says in general for his Countrey-mens having a right to the Peace made in 1648. Therefore I believe his Grace will take his measure of the former , by his knowledg of the later . After this Preface , P. W. petitions , That his Grace would no longer delay , than shall be necessary , yea that he would in this present conjuncture , effectually demonstrate that justice and favor he intended to the Catholicks of Ireland , in the Articles of Peace made in 1648. Though P. W. in the first clause , petitions onely that his Grace would no longer delay than shall be necessary ; yet as if struck with the Fears and Jealousies of his Countrey-men , and not daring to submit the determination of that period of necessity to his Graces judgment , he petitions limitedly , if not positively , in the later clause , for the present conjuncture . If the subject matter of that Justice and Favor petition'd for , may be measur'd ( as is exprest ) by his Graces intendment , I am confident the Protestants of Ireland , should his Majesty think fit ) will freely submit their All , to that Decision ; without either Articling with him first ; or breaking Articles after the guilt of making them . P. W. inforceth his Petition by Arguments pretending to Justice Distributive In the common case consider'd Absolutely . comparatively Justice Commutative In some special cases of the Transplantation . Corporation . In respect of the common Case considered absolutely , P. W. argues , That the Irish Papists in 1648. FREELY put themselves and their power into his Graces hands . But Freely in this instance , if it signifies ought meritoriously , it signifies the same as gratis ; when as it was made , 1. upon Articles ; 2. even upon such Articles , as forced from his Majesty all the Regalia , both Ecclesiastical and Temporal ; 3. when as at such a season , and in such a Tempest every good Subject should freely have cast his Goods over-board , to prevent the common Wrack , even then the Irish Papists would not contribute to prevent one Leak , but at a Rate unproportionate , and as the Tempest or Leaks increased , so increased their Rates . But to show how freely the Irish put themselves and their power into his Majesties hands , I need but rehearse his sacred Majesties own words , in the preamble of his Majesties Gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660. page 3. viz. We well remember the Cessation of the Peace , which Our Royal Father of blessed Memory had been FORCED , during the late Troubles , to make with his Irish Subjects of that Our Kingdom , and by which he was COMPELLED to give them a full pardon for what they had before done amiss , upon their return to their duty , and their promise of giving his Majesty a vigorous assistance . In the same page of the same Declaration , soon after follow these words , viz. We could not forget the Peace which Our selves was afterwards NECESSITATED to make with our said Subjects , in the time when they who wickedly usurped the Authority , had erected that odious Court for the taking away the life of Our dear Father , &c. That which his Majesty calls Forced , Compelled and Necessitated , P. W. calls Freely putting themselves into his Graces hands ; so that that untrue suggestion of his needs no other refutation as to the time past , and as to the time to come , I wish I had not cause to doubt , if ever they put themselves into his Graces hands , that which they will call Freely , will be an effect of compulsion , force and necessity . Whatever the Submission was in 1648. and how free soever pretended ; yet the express letter of those Articles , ( Article 18. ) precludes all offences which shall be committed or done after their Date ; and after that , the Irish Papists instead of freely putting themselves and their powers in the L. Lievtenants hands , signally declared their Contempt of him , Disobedience to him , and Opposition against him . For proofs whereof , among many , I shall set down one undeniable instance of each . 1. For their Contempt : In April 1650. by a Message they desired the L. Lieutenant to Leave the Kingdom , and commit the Government to one of their own election , in whom they could confide . That which Now P. W. varnisheth with a modester phrase of Fears and Iealousies , was Then contempt and diffidence . At the same time that they own'd the L. Lievtenants Authority , they desire him to resign it , without his Majesties consent , nay so much as his knowledg ; yet this is but consonant to the whole Series of their practises , never to acknowledg the Kings Right , but to affront it , or to get their ends by it . 2. For their Disobedience when the L. Lieutenant refused upon weighty reasons of Piety , Duty and State , to conform to this Message , and leave the Kingdom ; in August following they by their publick Declaration professed their Disobedience in these very words : We do hereby manifest to the People , that they are no longer oblig'd to obey the Orders or Commands of the Marquess of Ormond . Words which so clearly evidence their Rebellion , and the vastness of it , that they need no Comment , nor ought but the Text it self to prove both those Truths . Nor is there need of any other proof to evince their intire breach of those Articles , which they now so fiercely plead for the benefit of . They are so far from giving proofs of their duty to the King , and of their gratitude for his mercy extended in those Articles ; that least any should suspect them guilty of those , they declare their power paramount to his Majesties authority . 3. They proceed from bad to worse , from worse to worst ; from Contempt to Disobedience , from disobedience to down-right Opposition . And accordingly the very next month they cause their Clergie to excommunicate not onely the L. Lievtenant , but all that should feed , or adhere to him . That which Christ commands us to do to our Enemies ; ( if thy Enemy hunger , feed him ; ) and that which even common Charity makes us do to the very beggers at our gates , they not onely refuse to do to him they so recently acknowledged to have his Majesties Authority , nay who had the honor to represent his person : but also they prohibit all others to do it , and upon no less penalty than Excommunication ; and that nothing may be wanting to sublimate their wickedness to the highest , Religion is made the instrument of their iniquity . The Notoriety whereof , and of many other acts diametrically opposite to that free submission immediately pretended , is so undeniable , that P. W's . own Conscience squeezeth out this confession , I am not ignorant that some have after transgressed in a high nature . But first , the aforementioned Declaration runs in the name of the Catholicks of Ireland ; now some , was then all . Secondly , All the premised instances of Contempt , Disobedience and Opposition were not the acts of private , but of publick persons , even of those publick persons into whose hands the Irish Papists may truly be said to have gratis put themselves and their power . Thirdly , The general silence and submission of the Body of the Irish Papists to the premised instances , conclusively argues , a general consent thereunto , at least subsequent , if not antecedent ; for either they were generally consenting , or dissenting ; if dissenting , why did not that Generality punish the Transgressors , or even oppose and deny the Transgression ? if generally consenting , that extenuating particle some , declares more affection in P. W. to those Consenters , than either to his Majesty or his Viceroy . The next Argument respecting the General Case , is propounded by way of Comparison , and that as frequent as untrue , charging , ( 1 ) Protestants , ( 2 ) Many Protestants , ( 3 ) Many thousand Protestants , ( 4 ) In the three Kingdoms ; 1. To have been more hainously criminal ; 2. To have contributed , or intended as little for the bringing home of his Majesty , as the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland . If ever any , this Comparison is odious , between Many thousands Protestants in the three Kingdoms , and not barely the Irish Papists , but the most wickedly principled of them : So that if P. W. may hold the scale , the Crimes of those Protestants shall weigh more , and their Services for his Majestie , at least their intendments , less . But let P. W. prove any one of those many Thousands thus wickedly principled to be a Protestant , and and he will with the same labour disprove his charge . Let him prove his charge in any one particular , and he will with the same labour disprove his instance to be a Protestant . I believe most in the three Kingdoms have been first or last hainously criminal , so that every Mouth must be stopped . But certainly their guilt gradually differs , and the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland deserve not the lowest degrees in it . Yet possibly some others in the three Kingdoms may run parallel with them ; But I assume , such are more closely allied both in Principle and Practise , to the Irish Papist , than English Protestant . Suppose all be involved in one Common guilt , is the eye of P. W. evil , because his Majesties is good ? or , is there any necessity to extend the same Grace to all ; or to render a Reason , where onely Grace makes the difference ? I presume P. W. expects a greater degree of favor than many others of his Countrey-men , and therefore his Fears and Iealousies are less ; his affection and confidence more ; and may not his Majesties Grace make a general as well as personal difference ? Lastly , As God who is glorious in all perfections , doth magnifie his Mercy above all his works : so his Majesty who abounds in all Royal virtues , doth above all abound in Grace and Goodness , and from that Grace and Goodness , without the least pretension of merit ( the Popish tenent ) or Articling , ( the Irish practise ) the English Protestants confess to derive their All. Yet they humbly conceive , there are rational inducements for his Majesty in the degrees of his Grace , to discriminate between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants . 1. In all Societies the publick acts of FREE Representatives , virtually and interpretatively include all , who declaratively oppose not . But the English Representative , though under a Force , would never consent to cast off his Majesties Authority , and as soon as freed from Force , brought home his Majesty ; the Irish when at most freedom , and after a submission pretended , distrusted , disobeyed , opposed his Majesties Authority ; yea banish'd and excommunicated ( him in effigie in ) his Viceroy ; and his , namely , all that should feed him or adhere to him ; nor did they ever as a publick Representative , either witness their repentance , or contribute to his Majesties Restoration . 2. The English Protestants , as became Subjects , submitted to his Majesty freely and absolutely ; but the Irish Papists as became Enemies , not onely Articled with his Majesty , but compelled him in the day of their height and his necessity , to such Articles , as they knew nothing but necessity could compell him to . The English Protestants may therefore claim his Majesties Grace , which is as great as their Guilt ; the Irish Papists can onely claim what is due by Articles , the foundation whereof being dissolv'd on their parts , they can justly claim nothing by them , though his Majesties Mercy has given them much . 3. The forfeited Estates of the English Protestants were fully at his Majesties dispose , and might be freely remitted ; but the forfeited estates of the Irish Papists were sold by his late Majesty of blessed memory , and that sale , for the satisfaction of the Adventurers , countenanced and declared in Parliament , and therefore the forfeited Estate of the Irish Papists could not be remitted without satisfaction to the innocent Purchasers . 4. His Majesty may rationally expect more future obedience and loyalty from English Protestants , than Irish Papists ; For ( 1 ) the English Protestants are the Conquerors , the Irish Papists the conquered ; and antient as well as modern experience has made it appear , the conquered never did ( some think morally never will ) love the Conqueror ; and though his Majesty should give the Irish Papists not the half onely , but the whole of this Kingdom : yet they will never probably forgive the English Protestants for conquering them , nor consequently heartily love that Royal Authority which first commissionated the Protestants to do it . 5. Untill these last unhappy and unnatural troubles , the English Protestants in Ireland were never charg'd as guilty of any Rebellion ; but the Irish Papists in all opportunities never other than rebellious . Queen Elizabeth was the mirror of her age , yet during all her Reign the Rebellions of the Irish Papists in Ireland were very frequent . King Iames was another Solomon , a Prince of peace , yet was his peace interrupted by the Rebellion of Irish Papists , and by that onely . King Charls the First was a greater than that Solomon , and the wisest of men thought the Irish Papists fasten'd in 1641. to his Majesty by the best of Governments ; and to the English Protestants , by the strictest Ties of interess , friendship , marriage and ( which is more in their esteem ) Gossiping , & fostering ; to the Publick Peace , by their as flourishing , so free condition ; and to all , by those Royal Graces which his sacred Majesty at that time indulg'd their Commissioners , such as themselves could desire ; 't was then but ask and have : yet all this honey turn'd into gall ; for at that very time in which the King was exercising such high acts of Grace to them , the Irish Papists plotted , and soon after perpetrated the worst of Rebellions ; the worst extensivè , exulcerating generally ; and intensivè , breaking forth with more perfidy , barbarism and cruelty than can be parallel'd in any History . 6. Principles of Religion ingage English Protestants to submit to the King as Supreme ; but Principles of Religion ingage Irish Papists to advance as Supreme a Forreign Prince , and limits all their obedience , with a Saving to the pretended Apostolick See. Certainly his Majesty may expect more future obedience from Protestants , whose consciences ingage them to Loyalty ; than from Irish Papists , whose consciences are ingaged to the Pope . Can his Majesty trust them , if they be not faithful to their Conscience-ingagement ? and if they be , can he trust them when their Consciences ingage them to his Enemy ? The next sort of Arguments respect some special Cases , as ( 1 ) of the Transplantation , ( 2 ) of the Corporation . Concerning the Transplantation , P. W. peremptorily concludes , That it cannot be continued on account of their Crimes since 1648. nor stand with the Articles , or with the equity of the Laws , much less with the Iustice of the Prince . 1. This Conclusion without any proof , with the same facility as it is said , may be gainsaid . 2. The foundation of those Articles , and consequently the Articles themselves are thrown down by the Irish Papists ; wherefore it matters not as to his Majesty , what can or cannot stand with them . 3. Many other Countreys and Ages have formerly on less grounds used Transplantation , and been justified therein as just and equal , by Lawyers and Casuists . 4. Observe his Sacred Majesties Royal and Fatherly indulgence even to those Irish Papists , who being Innocent , sued out Decrees , and obtained possession of Lands in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare . First , Positively ; for though they had bound themselves up therein by their own Act , in which though his Majesty saith in the 14 page of his Gracious Declaration of the 30 of November 1660. We might without any injustice deny to relieve them ; yet his Clemencie is so great , That in the same 14 page of his said Declaration , he breaks those fetters which they had bound themselves in , and orders them to be restored unto their former estates . Secondly , Comparatively ; his Majesty uses those innocent Irish Papists with more tenderness than even those which He honors with the high Title of his Friends in England and Ireland , as appears in the 18 and 19 pages of the said Declaration : For though such are not to expect that his Majesty should pay back to them the Moneys they were compelled in the evil times to disburse for their Compositions , the payment whereof they would have avoiden had it been in their power , as much as the Irish Papists would have avoided their Transplantation : yet his Majesties Friends are not relieved from their own Act , when the innocent Irish Papists are relieved from theirs . 5. Observe the insolency of P. W. for though his Sacred Majesty in Council , by his said Declaration published to the world in print , declared that some other transplanted Irish are to stand bound by their own Act , and not to be relieved against it ; yet P. W. is so far from acknowledging and magnifying his Majesties Mercy in using the innocent Irish Papists with more favor , than even those happy persons whom his Majesty honors with the high title of being his Friends , that P. W. peremptorily says , viz. The Transplantation cannot be continued on account of their crimes since 1648. nor can it stand with the Articles , or with the equity of the Laws , much less with the Iustice of the Prince . 6. That the Justice of his Sacred Majesty in Council may appear to be such , in not breaking so much of the Transplantation , as is confirmed by the said Declaration , I desire these following particulars may be throughly considered : ( 1 ) If such transplanted Irish Papists into Connaught and Clare should plead that the Force of the late horrid Usurpers constrained them to go thither in person ; I answer , yet no Force lay upon them to sue out Decrees , and obtain possessions of Lands there in liew of their former forfeited Estates in the other Provinces . And it is onely in point of Land that the said Transplantation is continued : so that their doing of what they could not avoid , is not made conclusive to them , but onely their doing of that which they could avoid , and yet sollicited and brought to effect , is made binding to some of them . To which I shall add , that those to whom it is made obliging , are onely such as having no title to innocency , ( for all Innocents are freed from Transplantation ) have no title to any of their former Estates . And therefore this confirming of them in the compensation of that , to which they had no right , should invite them to acknowledg his Majesties Mercy , which yet P. W. in their behalf exclaims against as injustice . ( 2 ) Though all these guilty Transplanted Irish have forfeited their right to the Articles extorted from his Majesty in 1648. and though by those Articles ( had they been as punctually observed by them , as they have been generally and often violated by themselves yet ) his Majesty was not obliged to hinder them from making an unequal bargain or exchange for those their forfeited Lands , which by his mercy they were restored unto , nor to confirm to them those Lands which they sued for in satisfaction of their former Estates ; yet his sacred Majesty confirms to them , in confirming their Transplantation , those Lands which they themselves had obtained from the Usurpers , as a compensation for the Lands they left , and to which they had not the least shadow of a Title , because they had broken , yea often , if not always , the said Articles of peace vouchsaved to , and extorted by them , in the year 1648. ( 3 ) The persons themselves who are transplanted , have by their publick Agents made the continuance and settlement of the Transplantation the subject matter of several Petitions and Addresses to the RVMP : therefore as for them to decry it now , argues in them a fuller readiness to obey Force , than Right : so the continuance of it being in effect but a granting of their own desires and petitions , they can justly blame none but Themselves . To prove the truth of this , I shall set down the Titles and chief Heads of two petitons presented to the RVMP . The one is in print , and thus addressed : To the Supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England , &c. The humble Petition of Sir Robert Talbot Baronet and Garrot Moor Esq on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Irish , Submittees upon Articles of War , and others who are to have a certain proportion of their estates by the Act for the settling of Ireland , held forth in the year 1652. Wherein , to use their own words , They humbly show , That the Petitioners upon confidence of enjoying the benefit of several Declarations and Articles of War held forth unto them by Authority of this Parliament , &c. did readily subject and put their Consciences , Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of this Commonwealth , having ever since walked peaceably and in due conformity to the Government , without the least defection therein ; That since the Interruption given to the sitting of this Parliament in the year 1653. No Christian Nation can parallel the sufferings of the Petitioners , &c. which render the Petitioners as fit Objects of your Honors piety , justice and compassion , as any who may challenge your protection . Notwithstanding the Petitioners withered hopes , and former confidence , being afresh revived by your Honors return to the management of the present Government , and their propensions so great to peace and quietness , that rather than ravel into the settlement , They do willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation , albeit it was not executed by any legal power , as not being derived from your Honors . Soon after in the same Petition follow these words : They do apprehend that contrary to your Honors pious intentions manifested in the said Act for settling of Ireland , they may be postponed or neglected , unless provided for in the Act of settlement now to be established : And therefore the Petitioners humbly pray , &c. This Petition was delivered by the said two Agents for the Irish Papists at the door of the House of Commons in England , and entered by the Clerk of the Rump . The other Petition was in writing , and subscribed Robert Talbot , Garret Moor : the Title of it is , To the Supreme Authority , the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England , &c. Supplications humbly tendered by Sir Robert Talbot Bar. and Garret Moor Esq for and on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Roman Catholicks of Ireland , in order to be therein relieved by the Act of Settlement now to be passed . Their second Supplication in this Petition is set down in these words , viz. That the estates assigned unto the Petitioners in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare be confirm'd unto them . The third Supplication in the said Petition is in these words , viz. That the Decrees obtained by any of the Petitioners pursuant to the Articles and Qualifications be put in a way of satisfaction and for the time past put in equal condition with others who have had the benefit of their Decrees . The fourth Supplication of this Petition is expressed in these words , viz. That there having been no time limited by this Parliament for the Petitioners to enter and prosecute the claims according to their respective Qualifications , and the interruption given to the sitting thereof soon after the Act of Settlement , having hinderd many from doing the same ; and that others through absence , poverty , and the short sitting of the Court for the adjudication of Claims , appointed since the said Interruption , could not do it , That a farther time be allowed unto such to enter and prosecute ( as aforesaid ) their Claims . The fifth Supplication is expressed in these words , viz. That several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Common-wealth , for whom a competent time to be allowed to make out the same , is humbly supplicated , and that these and such of the Petitioners as have already done the same , may have the benefit held forth unto them by the Act for settling of Ireland . These expressions being verbatim in the said two Petitions , I shall onely observe from thence what follows , 1. The persons who presented these Requests to the RVMP , did it not onely for themselves , but for the Papists of Ireland , in whose behalf they own themselves to be Sollicitors . 2. Those two Gentlemen ( their publick Agents ) were persons of too much knowledg and discretion to have done any thing , especially of so high a nature as this , for so great a body of people , without sufficient power from themselves so to do 3. That these their Agents Addresses to the RVMP were by allowance and command from themselves , needs not better to be proved , than by the Irish Papists ever since continuing those their two Agents in publick employment for them , even to this day . 4. To that very RVMP by whose immediate Commission the horridest of Murthers was acted , they scruple not to make their application , and even by the stile of the Supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England , &c. and that twice . If P. W. should say they were necessitated to petition , and that their petition would not be received without it were so directed , I answer , No consequence of their suffering could be so great , as the guilt of owning the RVMP by the twice before mentioned Titles . The single Advocate of the Irish Papists , viz. P. W. lays it as a guilt upon all the Protestants of Ireland , that some of them fought under one of the Regicides to recover their own Estates , and punish the guilt of the first Rebellion , and their often violation of their Articles ; and yet their publick Agents in behalf of all the Papists of Ireland , own all those Regicides to be that Supreme Authority . 5. But if the Consciences of the Irish Papists were hardened enough to run into a certain sin , but in the expectancy of an uncertain advantage , why yet in their printed Petition did they use these guilty expressions , viz. They did readily subject and put their CONSCIENCES , Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of that Commonwealth . Though if they would petition , they may say there was a necessity to stile the RUMP , the Supreme Authority ; yet sure they cannot say there was a necessity in the body of the Petition to insert such criminal words : therefore since the Body of the Petition is more than consonant to the Title of it , it is but reasonable to believe , the Title they gave the RVMP , was as voluntary as the expressions with which they treat them . If they would but make his Sacred Majesty , what in print they acknowledged the RVMP was to them , viz. A secure Sanctuary to put their Consciences , Lives and Fortunes in ; if what is past could not be remedied , yet the mischiefs to come might perhaps be prevented . 6. But as if the immediate before mentioned respects to the RVMP had not been sufficient , they pay them others , professing in these words , viz. Their withered hopes and former confidences are a fresh revived by the RVMPS return to the management of the Government , under which their propensions to peace and quietness are so great , that they willingly ACQVIESCE in the TRANSPLANTATION . Would they be but as joyful for his Sacred Majesties restauration , as they say they were for the RVMPS , and had they been as willing to express their propensity to the peace and quietness of this Kingdom , under his Majesties undoubted Authority , as under the RVMPS usurped power , P. W. had been exempt from the Guilts of writing and printing his Letter , and I from the trouble of answering it . The Irish Papists are not onely content to declare , They willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation ; but to heighten the merit of that performance , they add these words , viz. Albeit it was not executed by any legal power : yet had they stop'd there , those their last words had been true , and sure the RVMP would have had arrogancy enough to have assumed to themselves , without an explanation from the Petitioners , that thereby was meant , what their Agents positively say in the immediate next following words , viz. As not derived from your Honors . Though the Irish Papists in their ingagements , nay Oaths to others , are not without their Equivocations and Mental reservations , &c. yet to the RVMP , when they might have left themselves , ( as to the last expression , ) to a fair explanation , they voluntarily cast it behind them , in these clear words , As not derived from your Honors . Those which now pretend to such Loyalty to his Majesty , voluntarily confess , No execution was legal that was not derived from the RVMP ; is not this implicitely , if not explicitely , an owning in the Irish Papists the legality of the RUMPS power , even in the Bloudy Murther of his Sacred Majesty , that being derived from those the Irish Papists call Their Honors . But it is no wonder , that those to whom the Irish Papists did rerdily subject themselves , and put their Consciences , lives and fortunes as into a secure sanctuary , should have so much plainness , kindness and obedience for them . May we not too from thence inferr , till they consider his Sacred Majesty , as they profess'd they considered the RUMP , his Majesty may not well expect from them , that ready subjection and propensity to peace , which in their said Addresses they promised to those Usurpers . 7. Observe , all this is said and done since the Peace of 1648. yea part of it , and that the most criminal too , but some few months before his Majesties blessed restauration ; with what face could the Irish Papists by the same Agents plead for the Articles of peace before his Majesty , as inviolable observers of them ; who but a few weeks before owned the RUMP for the Supreme Authority : owned that they readily did subject and put their Consciences , Lives and Fortunes , as in a secure sanctuary , under their protection : owned their withered hopes and former confidence was afresh reviv'd by the RUMPS return to the management of the Government : owned , their propensions to peace and quietness under the RUMP to be so great , that as one evidence thereof , they willingly did acquiesce in the Transplantation ; with these superlative expressions , Albeit it was not executed by any legal power , as not being derived from their Honors . The very Murtherers of his late Majesty of Glorious Memory are the elected Sanctuary of the Irish Papists , not onely for their lives and fortunes , but even for their CONSCIENCES also . That bloudy Power which made the Royal Line of England , and all good Subjects of England , Scotland and Ireland so long wither , is by their return to Government , that onely which makes the hopes of the Irish Papists to revive and spring . That Power is by the Irish Papists owned to be the onely legal one , by which all our Laws and Liberties were cut up even by the very roots . Were there nothing but this to make them forfeit the Articles they so plead for , it were but too much ; if this be their observance of their Recognition of his Majesty , though the Pope may absolve them , God will not . Sure P. W. cannot prove any one of the Protestants whose whole number he so calumniates , to be so criminal , as I have proved even the Generality of the Irish Papists to be , in this one particular ; I bate him many others . And doubtless 't was a less sin in the seduced Protestants to submit for a while to him , who cast down those English Murtherers , and helped them against these Irish Murtherers , than readily to subject their Consciences , Lives and Fortunes to those Parricides , yea to own them as their secure Sanctuary for all , and so pathetically to exult in their second Usurpation . 8. In the many forementioned passages , both of the written and the printed Petition , they press for the Confirmation of the Transplantation , and the benefit of the Rules for adjudging of Qualifications , and make the granting thereof to be effects of the RUMPS Piety , Iustice and Compassion . The Irish Papists are pleased to beg that Grant , as an act of piety , justice and compassion in the RUMP , which his Sacred Majesty confirming , ( and much more to the advantage of the Irish ) P. W. calls an Injustice . And in the 6. and 7. Paragraphs of the said written Petition , they set forth that several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Commonwealth , that some have already actually done it : And in effect , That the number of those so adhering and of constant good affection to the Commonwealth was so great , that they sue even for a longer time than had been allowed , for the proving thereof ; they being so many , that they were streightned in time to make out that Truth . There are other clear observations and inferences which I could make out of those two Petitions , which I decline ; enough having been said to evince what I promised to prove upon this Head : and I have much behind to answer , to which I hasten . The Guilt of the Corporations in part instanced . The 2. special Case concerns the Irish Corporations which P. W. with his usual confidence determines , cannot be excluded on any account that may stand with his Majesties Gracious Concessions ; nor can there be any reasons of State which may accord with a good conscience to exclude them ; yet he confesseth with a paradventure , That two or three of them deserved punishment , and Limerick a severe one . The Corporations of Ireland that P. W. mentions were so notoriously guilty in overthrowing the foundation of that peace wrested from His Majesty , that it seems strange how any one can be found to plead for them , especially to his Grace the Duke of Ormond , who knows their actings . Their Education rendered them most able of any know their duty ; their Incorporation most capable of any to deliberate concerning their duty ; their Fortifications and men most secure to discharge their duty ; yet these above all other persons and places , put forth with greatest Arguments of choice and freedom , the highest acts of Treachery and Rebellion . The evidences whereof amount to much more than P. W's . paradventure , and the subject reacheth much farther than P. W's . two or three Corporations , it being the general practice of all such , into which his Majesties L. Lieutenant desired admiss●ion . P. W. confesseth , That Limerick deserved a severe punishment , and certainly the demerit must be great , which extorts this confession even from their Advocate ; nor was their crime less than laesae Majestatis , for they insolently opposed the admission of his Majesties Viceroy : though 1. their Mayor had invited him , 2. Iretons storm threatned their wrack , 3. the L. Lieutenant offered to steer that Vessel , and to adventure his person and Fortune in the same bottom with them . But surely if Limerick deserves many stripes , Gallway and Waterford proportionally to their crimes deserve more . Gallway after the Articles of 1648. ( so much and groundlesly pleaded ) 1. searched ( to use his Graces own words ) with force and arms for the L. Lieutenant , as if they judged him a Traitor . 2. They treated with the Duke of Lorrain to be Protector of Ireland , as if they judged themselves Lords of all . 3. They refused to admit any Garrison commissionated by his Majesty's authority , and surrendred that Town ( as if they esteem'd themselves a Free State ) without consulting the Marquess of Clanrickard then L. Deputy , though resident within few miles thereof , and though he were of P. W's . own Nation and Religion . But I will not say that even those double Ties were less powerful to beget a respect for him , than his representing the Kings person , and his own worth , were incitements to P. W's . Countreymen so highly to affront him . Waterford likewise after those Articles of 1648. deny'd a passage to the L. Lieutenant and his Army , though at that time his Lordship was strengthned with the conjunction of the Vlster Forces , in pursuit of the Enemy , who were weakned by a long Winter-March , multiplicity of Garrisons , want of necessaries , and sickness of the Souldiers ; nay offered himself to become an hostage , and to commit the Army to anothers conduct ; yea so horrid was their perfidie , that when afterwards the L. Lieutenant and seven more were occasionally received into that City , the Citizens combin'd either to take away his life , or deliver him up prisoner to the Vsurpers ; for the prevention whereof , he was forc'd suddenly and secretly to withdraw thence . What falsehood will P. W. be affraid to suggest to Strangers , and what wickedness will he be affraid to patronize at home , when he shall dare thus to assert to the L. Lieutenant himself , and publish it in print to the world , That no reasons of State can accord with the dictates of a good Conscience , to exclude these Corporations from the future capacity of repeating such signal acts of Rebellion . But P. W. as farther motives of favor to the said Corporations , adds and says , 1. The hand of God hath punished them ; 2. Some were faithful amomg them ; 3. The English Protestants are more criminal . First , The hand of God hath punished them : But that the Magistrate should spare , because God punishes , is a non sequitur . Though the Lord sent hornets before Israel to drive out the Hivite and the Canaanite , and the Hittites ; yet he commands Israel to destroy those Nations , and their name from under heaven . 2. P.W. says , There have been many faithful subjects in those Towns , even in the most criminal of them ; and God was so far from involving the just in the destruction of the wicked Sodomites , that if he could find there but ten just men , he would for their sake pardon all the rest . 1. The sin of Apostacy seems worse in some respect than other sins ; and therefore on this sin , Lots wife , whom God had rescued from the destruction of Sodom , though but for looking back to it , is immediately turned into a pillar of Salt. I heartily wish the Irish Apostates would remember Lots wife . 2. Though God would not involve the righteous in the punishment of the wicked but delivered just Lot ; yet he transplanted him into Zoar , and condemned Sodom and Gomorra with an overthrow , making them an Example to those that after should live ungodly . Even so his Majesty hath taken care for the innocent , in his Gracious Declaration , without justifying the wicked , and for the innocent has provided a Zoar , whether their souls may escape and live . 3. Since P. W. professeth his thoughts to be far from desiring to obstruct the securing the peace of the Countrey ; let him consider how adviseable it is to put a sword into a Madmans hand , or to capacitate such rebellious spirits to hurt themselves and others . Since Limerick , nothwithstanding the hand of God , and mixture of good , deserved a severe punishment ; and since Gallway and Waterford are not less deserving ; ought not those Corporations and their Advocate rather to acknowledg his Majesties gracious indulgence and mercy , in remitting the severity of the Laws : than to exclaim thus insolently against his Royal proceedings as unjust , unequal , and such as cannot accord with a good Conscience . The Guilt of English Protestants and Irish Papists compared . Thirdly , P. W. returns to his former Comparison between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants ; and in prosecution thereof , urgeth , 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were never Regicides ; 2. That they fought against such men , when England , Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royal Cause . As to the first , That the Irish Papists are not Regicides ; let it be considered , That the Doctrine of Regicide is common in the Romish Schools , and the Practise in their Courts . 2. That to touch the Annointing , is virtually to touch the Annointed . Take away the Regalia , and in effect you tak away the King. The Irish Papists were so guilty hereof , that they not onely usurped all the Royal peculiars , but also set up a Government distinct from , and opposite to his Majesty 's in a General Assembly ; yea therein they Enacted , viz. That no Temporal Government or Iurisdiction should be assumed , kept or executed in Ireland , or in any Province or County thereof , other than what should be approved or instituted by their General Assembly . Had the Devil had leave to touch Iob's person , he would not have spared him , when he touched all that was his . 3. Did not the Irish Papists , distrust , disobey , oppose and excommunicate the L. Lievtenant , and absolutely disclaim his Majesties authority in him ; did they not conspire to Murther Him , or which is worse ( if worse can be ) to deliver him to the worst sort of Murtherers ? Surely those who dealt thus with such a Servant , if the Son had been sent to them , would not have scrupled his Murther , that the inheritance might wholly be theirs . As to the 2. That when England , Scotland and the the Protestants of Ireland wholly deserted the Royal Cause , the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defense of his Majesties right . 1. It is no less calumnious than false , to charge England , Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause : and it is amazing to consider how any Irish Papist ( I am loath to say Rebel ) dare thus by a Letter even to the Duke of Ormond , and printed paper to the whole World , impeach the Nations of England and Scotland , and all the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause : what may not Forreigners credit against us abroad , if P. W. dare thus to charge us at home ? But a Narrative of the matter of Fact is the clearest expedient to refute this slander : wherein let England and Scotland answer for themselves ; ( if any Answer seem necessary to so palpable a falsehood ) and let the Protestants of of Ireland excuse my zeal , if I urge some clear instances ( though I pretermit many ) for their vindication . Those which P. W. slanders with having deserted the Royal Cause , when the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesties Rights , were even the very first in Ireland which proclaimed his Majesty , my L. Lieutenant also at the head of them ; and that duty was performd by the Protestant Army in the Province of Munster , the same year in which by giving the Irish Papists some considerable defeats , the said Papists were reduced to a real necessity of submitting to his Majesty , which yet they but seemingly did . But possibly P. W. was at that time so busie in preparing those Articles of Peace which were to fetter his Majesty , that he had not leisure to hear how his Protestant Subjects freely proclaim'd him . It is also undeniably true , that a considerable Body of the Protestants of Ireland under the L. Lieutenant , though mingled with the Irish Papists , fought constantly against the Regicides , nay after the said Irish Papists would have been Kegicides themselves , at least so far such as conspiring to murther his Majesty in effigie at Waterford &c. did amount unto , and never declin'd that quarrel , till by the infidelity of their Accusers , they were not onely disabled to prosecute it , but as several of themselves have confest , were reduc'd at last , even for the preservation of their lives , to keep as strict Guards against the Irish Papists as against Cromwell . All which his Grace having found was but too true , he withdrew himself at last out of the Kingdom and permitted those Protestants to withdraw them selves from the Irish : Therefore let any unbyassed person judg whether the Irish Papists or all the Prtestants were wholly the deserters of the Koyal Cause ; or which of them fought longest against the Kegicides : if the insolence and disloyalty of the Irish Papists were such , even when Cromwell was at their gates , what would it not have been without that Curb . But I see though P. W. remembers what he should not , yet he can forget what he should remember . In the years 1641 and 1642 , the Protestants in Ireland not onely fought as his Majesties Subjects , but by his command and with his Commission against the Irish Rebels ; in the year 1643 , a Cessation was concluded by his Majesties Authority , and the Irish engaged by Articles ; both English and Irish by duty , to transport their Armies to England for his Majesties service . The English did it , the Irish onely made a show ( till the English were gone ) of doing of it , and then plotted and attempted the destruction of the few English remaining in Munster , whereby the Lord of Inchiquin , who then commanded in that Province by the Kings Commission ; and the English with him were necessitated to stand on their own defence , yet this is the first pretence which the Irish Papists make , that the English Protestants deserted the Royal Cause . Can even Malice it self judg , the Protestants designed the deserting of the Kings Service , when they sent their Army to the King , by which onely they were capable of disserving him : nay sent it in that very Juncture of time , wherein they had as much cause to fear the ruine of themselves and Families , from the often Violations of the Cessation by the Irish Papists , after that Cessation was made , as from their inhumanities before . But yet , when his Majesties Service required it , though the answering thereof , by transporting their Armies into England , threatned more than a probable ruine to them at home from the Irish Papists , who then delayed , and indeed never after would send an Army to the King into England ; yet the Protestants did not so much as hesitate , but cheerfully exposed themselves to the danger , to pay the duty , and receive the honor of their obedience . The same infidelity and Treachery which Munster , and the parts more remote first experienced , the L. Lieutenant and the Protestants with him at Dublin at last tasted : And his Grace was thereby compelled in the year 1647. ( with his Majesties permission , if not Order ) to resign Dublin and all the adjoyning Garrisons into the hands of the Parliament , which is the second pretension for this slander . On these occasions the English Protestants of Ireland ( not by choice but necessity , ( and a necessity onely created by the Irish Papists themselves ) not by the Protestants own private acts , but the necessitated acts of those that were set over them by his Majesties authority ) came into the Stream , with the violence whereof they confess themselves afterwards hurried into such miscarriages as made their hearts ake ; yet ( they hope ) less criminal than those in the Irish Rebellion , or to any degree of Apostacy , which deserves the scandal that P. W. lays on them , of wholly deserting the Royal Cause . For 1. Notwithstanding the violent endeavors of both Papists and Anabaptists , not many of the Protestants of Ireland have declined the Church of England , in her greatest Tryals , whose principles are not onely most consonant to Truth , but also most useful and dutiful to the Royal Cause : and for that reason were opposed most by the two extremes . So that Old Protestants in the Anabaptist dialect , was the same with Royalist , and by them the Protestants of Ireland were dealt with accordingly . And 2. as the principles , so the practises of the Protestants vindicate their loyalty . 1. They submitted this Kingdom to his Majesty ; not as England and Scotland , by the concurrence of the General and General Officers , but without them , nay against them , 2. Though they saw the difficulty of that attempt , and foresaw the hazard from Anabaptists ( who then in chief commanded the Army in Ireland ) if they succeeded not ; and from Irish Papist pretenders ( whose necessities had driven them to serve themselves by his Majesty in Flanders ) if they succeeded ; yet were they early ( if not the first ) and free without Articling in the duty of their submissions . And least P. W. who says many things that are not true , should deny this , which is so signally true , I will cite the undeniable Testimony of his Sacred Majesty himself , which follows in these words in the 2. page of his Majesties gracious Declaration for the settlement of Ireland : We acknowledg that our good Subjects of the Kingdom of Ireland have born a very good part in procuring this happiness , that they were EARLY in their dutiful Addresses to us , and made the same professions of a resolution to return to their duty and obedience to us , during the time of our being beyond the seas , which they have since so EMINENTLY made good and put in practise . Here is not onely a profession of duty , but a making of it good , and putting it in practise . Here is not onely an early owning of his Majesties Authority , but an owning it when he was devested from the actual exercize of it , and that too ( as to Ireland ) by the Irish Papists . And this is also the first fruits of the Protestants having recovered the power of Ireland , and that with no less hazard than loyalty . 3. To make the Discrimination yet clearer : The Irish Papists at first murther'd and fought against his Majesties good Subjects , to take from him his Crown . The Protestants of Ireland fought aganst his Enemies to restore him to it . The Papists of Ireland were seemingly good Subjects , but to become more dangerous Rebels . But the Protestants of Ireland if seemingly Rebels , were such , but to become more useful Subjects . The last action of the Irish Papists , when they had the power , was to expell his Majesties Authority , with circumstances as wicked as the very sin : but the first action of the English Protestants , when they were in power , was to restore his Majesties Authority , with circumstances almost as dutiful as the Action it self . Lastly , Not to hold a candle longer to the Sun , I will but instance one other experiment , and against an experiment there is no arguing ; and the instance of this experiment is even in the very Case now controverted , and in which also my L. Duke of Ormond himself was the Iudg. In the year 1650. when it came in Question , which were the worst , the Irish Papists , or the seduced Protestants . He permitted all those worthy Protestants which till then he served under him , to come off to the rest of the Protestants , though then headed by Iret●n himself ; esteeming them safer with that real Regicide so accompanied , than with those pretended Antiregicides , so principled . Certainly he esteems those less ill to whom he sends his Friends , than from whom he sends them . If so wise and so faithful a Servant to his Majesty , as the L. Lieutenant is , had had any hope that the Irish Papists would ever have return'd to their Loyalty , doubtless he would never have sent away from them , so many powerful helpers of it , and friends unto it : and if his Grace had not had more than hopes that the English Protestants would have return'd to their obedience as soon as they had got the power of doing it , he would never have sent his friends unto them . The Wisdom of his Grace's foresight has been happily justified in the Result . For all the Protestants which then came off , were eminently instrumental and concurring in the duty of accomplishing that blessed Event . I dare as truly as confidently say , the most of the Protestants of Ireland onely served under the Usurpers , but to bring the Irish Papists to those terms which without the force of English swords they would never have been brought unto . The Antient and Modern often breaches of Faith which the Irish Papists were guilty of , made it too evident to many of the Protestants , that nothing could bind them but steel and iron . The truth of both these positions is clearly read in that issue which the Providence of God has effected . However the once Seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves , and give glory to God , in confessing their Guilt such , ( though not by causing , yet by complying with the late Vsurpation , though to a good end ) that they readily acknowledg they ow their lives and estates wholly to his Majesties Grace and indulgence ; and will be more joyful to employ both in the honor and duty of his service , than now they are in having received both from his mercy and goodness . For 't is fitter to discharge obligations , than to contract them . The lively sense the once seduced Protestants of Ireland have of their failings , and of his Majesties Clemencie , so justly humbles them , that they can take no pleasure to recriminate others , farther than by shewing the Injustice of P.W's. comparisons ; which they are more troubled he gave them a rise to do , than after the rise was given they were troubled to find out what fully has done it . But in regard the Irish Papists in all their discourses , as well as their Papers , pretend to the defense of his Majesties Right ; it seems even necessary , by way of answer to the other branch of this proposition , to rub up their memories . 1. That in 1641 the Irish Papists unprovok'd ( 1 ) rebelled , ( 2 ) robbed the Protestants of more personal Estate , than the Fee-simple of all the forfeited Lands in Ireland is worth ; ( 3 ) in a few Months murthered about two hundred thousand innocents ; ( 4 ) with a sin next to Blasphemie , as now they pretend his Majesties defense , so then they pretended his Authority . The PRETENDING whereof having been so horrid a sin , ( for it was no less than to have intitled his then Sacred Majesty to all their unparallel'd crimes , nay to have made him the Author of them ) I think it a duty to the memory of that Glorious MARTYR , to present the Reader in this place with what will clearly evince their malice therein to be as great , as his then Majesties Innocence ; and nothing can better illustrate the vastness of this , but by proving 't is a parallel to that . I could instance many signal and clear evidences of this Truth , besides that memorable one which follows : But since I have in most of my Answer made use of their own writings , and prints , to make out their guilt : in this very particular I will pursue that method , and onely cite the Preamble of their own Remonstrance , deliver'd by the L. Viscount Gormanston , Sir Lucas Dillon , and Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , to his Majesties Commissioners at rhe Town of Trim in the County of Meath , on the 17 of March 1642. In which Remonstrance of Grievances ( for so they call it ) after they have taken notice that his Majesty had authorized Commissioners to hear what they should say , or propound , these very words follow , viz. Which your Majesties gracious and Princely Favor we find to be accompanied with these words , viz. Albeit we do extremely detest the odious Rebellion which the Recusants of Ireland have , without ground or colour , raised against Vs , Our Crown and Dignity . Words which deserve to be written with a Beam of the Sun , as eternal monuments of his Majesties Iustice , and their Guilt ; nor were they spoken in a corner , but spoken under the Great Seal , and even in that Commission which those False-accusers were to see and hear read ; and by those expressions they were sufficiently provoked to have pleaded that Authority they so falsely pretended , had they had the least shadow for that black calumny . In these Royal expressions also ( if at least the Irish Papists have the Modesty ( I bate them the Justice ) to acknowledg the King was a fitter Judge of their Crimes , than they themselves were ) the actings of the chief Governors of Ireland , when that horrid Rebellion brake out , are fully vindicated : for the said Irish were so far from being provoked unto it by those , that no less a testimony than the word of that great , just and wise Prince proves , they had no ground , nay not so much as a colour for it . 2. In the year 1646 , and after a peace concluded with them , they attempted , by a Treachery not to be parallel'd by any but themselves , to cut off the Lord Lieutenant and Army with him , who marched out of Dublin on security and confidence of that peace . 3. The same year , the Council and Congregation of the confederate Catholicks of Ireland , obliged their General Preston by a solemn Oath , in these very words , viz. To exercize all acts of Hostility against the L. Marquess of Ormond by name , and his party ; and to help , advise with counsel , and assist in that service the L. General of Vlster employed in the same expedition . This Oath is a fruitful Theme to declame upon , but I will limit my observations upon it , onely to these following particulars . 1. Least any should doubt they are his Majesties Subjects ; least any of themselves should repent the sin of not having been such , they swear ( that they may raise their crimes above pardon ) to exercize all acts of Hostility against his Majesty , in the person of that noble Lord who had then , as now , the high honor to represent him ; If killing be an act of hostility , they in this Oath swear to kill him ; if this be not actual Regicide , I am sure 't is not their fault that it is not . This horrid Oath takes off all disguises , and makes their sin as visible as great . And if such a Crime be capable of accession , it did contract it by the same persons engaging privately , about the same time , ( as I have been assur'd by an undeniable Testimony ) That he would serve the King , which he afterwards endeavour'd to excuse onely by saying , His Army was not Nuntio-proof . By which it appears indisputably whether the Irish Papists are Subjects to the King , or to the Pope . ( 2 ) Instead of repenting and making amends for the late violated peace in the year 1646 , they swear to destroy him , with whom they had made it . ( 3 ) This Oath reduc'd the taker of it to a sad Dilemma , either to Rebellion or Perjury . ( 4 ) This Oath evidences that nothing is so powerful with the Irish Papists , as to destroy his Majesties Government ; since the uniting of the Old Irish Papists and the Old English Papists , which the Pope himself could not effect : the dethroning of his Sacred Majesty has accomplish'd . They that could never agree in any thing else , agree in this , and 't is made the very Bond of their iniquity . I will say no more on this subject , but that Herod and Pilate could be friends , when it was to crucifie Christ. 4. In the year 1647 , from Kilkenny Ian. 18. the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholicks of Ireland employ Commissioners to Rome , France and Spain , to invite a forreign power into Ireland , particularly to Rome their titular Bishop of Ferns and Nicolas Plunket Esq ( who was Knighted by the Pope for his good service therein , and is now one of the confident Advocates for the Irish Papists as defenders of his Majesties Rights , and against the Protestants of Ireland as deserters of the Royal Cause ) these , I say , were authorized to declare , viz. That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholick Religion , which are their own very words in the third Article of those their Instructions . In their Remonstrance in the begining of the Rebellion , whatever they said necessitated some few discontents to take up arms , then they took off the vail , and positively said , That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholick Religion . Certainly if ever they may be believed to speak true , it is when they speak to the POPE ; and if ever any thing may be believed to be the voice of all the Irish Papists , it is when the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholicks speak in one Assembly . What is meant by the Freedom of the Catholick Religion has been practically expounded by the Professors of it in Ireland ; not onely affirmatively , that those which are of it , should enjoy the publick and undisturbed exercize thereof themselves ; but negatively , to be an exclusion of the publick , if not private , exercize of the True Religion . Many instances I could present the Reader of this , but I shall onely set down two : The 1. is Dean York a reverend Minister of Gods word , during his residence at Gallway , was not allowed to pay the last duties of Christian burial to those Protestants which died in that Town ; but was forced to bury them , nay his own children privately in his Garden . The 2. is , That my L. Duke of Ormond , though owned by the Irish Papists to be the Kings L. Lieutenant , and consequently representing his Sacred Majesties person , was still denied the use of so much as one Church or Chappel , wherever the said Papists had the power ; nay one of the Generals of the Irish PAPISTS , now living , told my L. Lieutenant at Kilkenny , That if the King in person came into Ireland , he should not be allowed by them One Church to celebrate his Devotions in : to whom his Grace made a return , proportionate to the disloyalty of that Declaration , and part of that return being prophetical , and since fulfilled , I shall here insert the words , viz. I hope to live to soe all of that mind to be without one Church in Ireland to say Mass in . By these two instances it is evident , That the direct meaning of those words , The Freedom of the Catholick Religion , is no other than the total banishing out of this Kingdom the exercize of the Religion established in it , by Truth it self , and by the good and wholsom Laws of the Land. 5. In another part of the third Article of the said Instructions , these very words are inserted , viz. The cofederate Catholicks do intend that you let his Holiness know , their resolution to insist upon such Concessions and Agreements in matters of Religion , and for the security thereof , as his Holiness shall approve of , and be satisfied with . This palpably evinceth , that the Papists of Ireland being Subjects , or Rebels , depends wholly upon the Popes pleasure : For let his Majesty grant them what he will , yet his pretended Holiness's approbation must be the rule by which onely they will be bound . And this is made most evident by the words of the nineth Article in the said Instructions , which follow in these words , viz. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to descend to such Conditions , as might be granted in matters of Religion , then you are to sollicit for considerable aids , whereby to maintain a war , and to ascertain and secure the same &c. And soon after in the same nineth Article , these words follow , viz. You are to make application to his Holiness for his being Protector of this Kingdom ; and by special instance to endeavor his acceptance thereof , &c. Still the Pope is their King ; and that he may be so almost in name as well as in power , they sollicit him by special instance to accept that Title , under which he might act that power : so that it is not the Confederate Catholicks fault , if a PROTECTOR were not in Ireland , before the Sectaries had set up one in England . Nay their Commissioners then sent to France and Spain , were required in case of the Popes refusal of being their Protector , to offer it to either of those Kings , nay to any Popish Prince , from whom ( to use their own words ) they might have most considerable aids . In effect , they are willing any one should govern them , but he who onely had the Right to do it . But yet as becomes obedient sons of the Church of Rome , the Pope has the advantage of the preemption . It appears the Irish Papists hang , as their Faith in God , so their Loyalty to their Prince , on the Popes sleeve ; and certainly it is not probable that those should defend his Majesties Right , over whom ( 1 ) a forreign Prince , ( 2 ) such a forreign Prince as considers His Majesty as an Heretick , and consequently an enemy , hath full power ; and ( 3 ) That power on the strongest account , even that of Conscience and Religion . In the year 1648 another Peace was concluded with the Irish Papists , but after that , they disowned , disobeyed , opposed , conspired to murther , excommunicated , and banished his Majesties Viceroy , as appears by the former instances . In sum , when the power of Ireland was in the hands of the Irish Papists , they design'd and endeavour'd to betray it to Forreigners : But when in the hands of the Protestants of Ireland , they absolutely , and without antecedent conditions , submitted it and themselves to his Sacred Majesty . As to their fighting against the Regicides , I answer , 1. Vitious extremes are not onely opposite to virtue , but also one to the other ; Papists and Sectaries oppose each other , and both the Protestants . 2. The Spaniard and the Dutch fought against the Regicides , yet neither of them in the day of Tryal , proved themselves friends to his Majesties Rights . 3. 'T is the Cause , not the Suffering onely , which makes the Martyr ; 't is not the fighting , but the ground and end of the fighting , which proves which is the good Subject , and of that , let even P. W. judg by the former Instances . The last Argument pretends to commutative Justice , and is usher'd in by a comparison and preoccupation . The former thrice pressed way of comparison , is yet propounded here again , but with less injustice here , than before ; the comparison before was between Papists and Protestants , here between Papists and Presbyterians , Anabaptists , Quakers , Fifth Monarchy men , Independents . To which I shall onely say , Whatever tenents opposit to Regal power may be found among any Sectaries , are , if not learn'd from , I am sure taught by the Romish Schools . Papists and Sectaries like Sampsons Foxes , are tyed by their tails , though their heads be divided ; their way may seem contrary , but they all tend to the same end , the ruine of the Corn-field . As P. W. ushers in his Arguments on one side with a comparison : so on the other with a preoccupation , relating to the power of those which he calls Adversaries , and declareth it to be no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it . To the truth of this Declaration the Protestants of Ireland freely consent ; professing to the world , that though their Army is such , as sufficed to subdue the Irish Rebels when universally confederated throughout the Kingdom , and supplied by Forreigners with Money , Arms and Ammunition , and strengthen'd with no less than the Popes blessing and Nuntio : yet their power consists not in Arms or Armies , Fortifications or Men ; but in loyalty and obedience to his Sacred Majesties Commission and Authority ; and is consequently , as P. W. says , no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it . And since this is the true State of the Protestant , both principle and interest , As in truth it is , even their Adversary being their Judg , 't is likely therefore that P. W. declares they are his Adversaries , ( for I believe his Friends are other guess men ) But doubtless those are fittest to be trusted with power , who are no stronger by it , even by their enemies acknowledgments , than He which gives it , is willing to make it ; than those who never had power , but what they forc'd from his Majesty , and who never employ'd that power ( the whole stream of their own actions being their Judges ) but against that Sacred Majesty from whom they wrested it . The Arguments following plead Iustice , and that Iustice grounded on the Articles of 1648. and judged by the sad consequences threatned on the breach thereof , whether we regard men or God. Though concerning the Articles of 1648 , enough hath been instanced already , yet to leave P. W. without occasion of Cavil , it will not be unfit to add somewhat more here . 1. The Contents of those Articles are in themselves unwarrantable , except in case of Necessity which hath no Law. 2. The Condition of those Articles whereon they were principally , if not onely founded , hath been often and intirely violated by the Irish Papists . The Contents of those Articles are unwarrantable unless in case of necessity , because they are contrary to an higher obligation , according to the Rule both of publick and private justice . 1. His Majesty at his Coronation , binds himself to God , to govern these Kingdoms according to their respective Laws ; and let P. W. himself consider , how agreable it is to Law or publick Justice , that the Militia , Treasury , an Army of fifteen thousand Foot , two thousand five hundred Horse , of Irish Papists , and even in effect the Legislative power it self , should be in the hands of twelve men to be chosen by Irish Papists ; or that there should be no alteration in England of what they in Ireland should think fit to transmit to his Majesty for the settlement of that Kingdom ; or even that the Irish Rebels should be pardoned without the consent of Parliament , when his Majesty in Parliament the seventeenth year of his Reign , adjudged such pardon before conviction to be null and void ; hereby even when they treated with his Majesty concerning the affairs of this Kingdom , assuming the Legislative authority of it , by repealing the Statute made the 10. of Henry the VII . ( commonly called Poynings Law ) and the explanatory Law thereof , in 3. and 4. of Philip and Mary . And though hitherto they chiefly pleaded before his Sacred Majesty in Council , but for so much benefit of the Articles of peace in 1648 , as would restore them to their forfeited Estates : yet if they had prevailed therein , upon the score of that plea , it must in consequence have adjudged for them the benefit of all the other Articles , as a right . For if any of those Articles are due to them by an obligation of Iustice , all are then due to them by the same obligation ; and since , as appears by his Majesties Gracious Declaration in Council , of the 30 of November 1660. that they have no right to any of their forfeited estates , nor any title but what his Majesties mercy and bounty hath vouchsafed safed to diverse of them ; it thence follows , That his Majesty in Council has adjudg'd , They have no right to those Articles . For as an adjudication of his Sacred Majesty of their title to any one of the said Articles , had entitled them to all : so an adjudication of his Majesty in Council , That they had not a right to that one they pleaded for , has adjudg'd them to have no right to any . 2. Was not his late Majesty of glorious memory before those Articles , ( 1 ) preingaged to the Adventurers for many of the forfeited Lands in Ireland ; ( 2 ) in the strictest form of ingagement , even by an ingagement in Parliament ; ( 3 ) on the account of strictest justice , even by way of sale ; ( 4 ) on the best account of sale , the end thereof being to reduce the Irish Rebels : therefore might not these Arguments which P. W. urgeth in this instance against the breach of publick Faith , be at least more appliable to this engagement of his late Majesty , to his now Majesties Declaration at Breda , and his gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660 ; which were all Acts of choice , premeditation and freedom : than to those Articles of 1648 , which was an act of necessity and rebellious force . The Casuists and School-men will easily resolve P. W. that the later and lesser obligation , ought to give place to the elder and greater . But if P. W. object , that if his Majesty were under an obligation preceding and opposite to theirs , why did he enter into an obligation unto them ? To that I answer , 1. That then it was not Res integra ; for his Majesties Rebellious Subjects , even some of the Adventurers themselves had superinduc'd a necessity upon his Majesty , which as he could not foresee when he made his first contract : so by all the ties of natural preservation , he was bound to take away , when they were brought upon him ; and it could not be a breach of Faith in the King to them , who made it ( as things then stood ) impossible to perform it . 2. Though necessity be an unhappy plea , yet when 't is a true , it is an allowable one . ( 3 ) . That very necessity which constrain'd his Majesty to those Articles , had they been observed by those with whom they were made , would have invited all honest Englishmen to have cheerfully waited , till by the expected fruits and effects of that Peace , his Majesty might have been enabled to have satisfied them ; nay they would rather have lost their money , than his Majesty should have broken his Faith with them , that had kept it with him , and would have been so serviceable to him ; besides his Majesty might have been so soon reseated in his throne , that the debts of the Crown would have been so small , & his Subjects ability and affections so great ; that he might and would easily have satisfied the Adventurers desires , without forfeited Land in Ireland , even by their own consent . But the breach on the Irish Papists side , has occasion'd so long and chargeable a War , that their forfeitures , together with the vast sums sent out of England into Ireland , and raised in Ireland it self , are scarse able to defray that expence , which their own violation of Faith has engag'd the Crown in : so that it is but just , that the Bear-skin ( as far as it will go ) should contribute to pay for the healing of those wounds , which the Bear it self had given . His Sacred Majesty in the 3. page of his Declaration , speaking upon these Articles , uses these very words : viz. When they who wickedly usurped the Authority in this Kingdom , had erected that odious Court , for the taking away the life of Our dear Father ; no body can wonder that we were desirous , though upon DIFFICVLT CONDITIONS , to get such an united power of our own Subjects , as might have been able , with Gods blessing , to have prevented that infamous and horrible Parricide . In these clear and Royal expressions the world may see what was the onely incentive to his Majesty , for his granting of that Peace , even no less than the preventing of the Murther of his blessed Father , and the bloudy consequences of it : And therefore if that were the hopeful effect of those Concessions , had they been observed on the Irish side ; may not we ( without too much straining ) inferr , that the breach on their side , contributed to , if not acted that unparallel'd Crime . To commit the sin , and not to prevent the sin , when men have the preventative power of it , are very near ally'd , if not the same Crimes . I shall also here again observe , that what P. W. calls Freely putting themselves and their power into my L. Lievtenants hands ; his Sacred Majesty justly marks with these observable expressions , [ upon difficult Conditions ; ] may I not therefore from thence also well infer , That P. W's . Clients , do nothing so freely as when they put difficult Conditions on His Majesty . Though I have said and prov'd by undeniable evidences , That the Irish Papists have violated and broken the Articles they extorted in 1648 ; yet because P. W's . Tenents obliges him to believe Works of supererrogation , I will gratifie him in practicing in this particular , one of his own principles , by adding farther what follows , to evince the Irish Papists have egregiously broken the said Peace ; the foundation of which , is the Recognition made by them of his Majesties Soveraignty , and their Obligation to obey and uphold it , with their Lives and Fortunes , which is therefore not onely inserted after the Title , as a part of the Agreement , but premised to all the rest , as the Ground and Principle of the following Graces and Securities , which without it , are like a Castle in the air , that has no foundation , and therefore cannot stand . Besides the 18th Article of the said Peace expresly excludes from the benefit thereof , such as should after offend . The doubt then that remains , turns on these two Hinges , 1. Whether this Condition or Recognition were broken . 2. By whom it was broken . The first appears affirmatively , beyond contradiction , in the many former instances ; for after the conclusion of those Articles , the Irish Papists despised , disowned , rejected , expelled , banished and excommunicated the L. Lieutenant , and all adhering to him , and in him , his Majesties Authority . Secondly , It clearly appears , That even those who made these Articles with the Lord Lieutenant , were guilty of their Breach : For if they were not able to keep this Condition inviolable , they transgressed that duty express'd in the Recognition , and were Abusers both of His Majesties Authority and Service . And if they were able to keep this Condition inviolable , they are guilty for not accordingly keeping it . Thirdly , These Articles were not made with any individuals singly consider'd , but with the then Ruling Power of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland , for accordingly the phrase in the Title is , viz. [ Articles of Peace , made and concluded with the General Assembly . ] And in the Conclusion , [ Signed by Sir Richard Blake Knight , in the Chair of the General Assembly , by Order , Command and unanimous Consent of the said Catholicks in full Assembly . ] Seeing then their Ruling Power made the said Recognition , and that their Ruling Power published the Breach thereof to the world , as is evident by their Declaration of the twelfth of August 1650. so by many other insolent violations , though His Majesties Grace and Mercy hath indulg'd to the particular actings of many Individuals , yet in relation to those Articles , or an account of any Obligation in Iustice due to them , they are not to be regarded . Yet his sacred Majesties justice to , and tenderness of the said Irish Papists has abundantly appeared , not only in his having in person still heard them upon the said Articles of Peace , but also in giving them near 2 years time to prove all they pleaded , and so long left the Kingdom unsettled , that they might be fully heard in all their Allegations ; nay , even by his giving Them a liberty which never yet was given to any , even a free sight of the Bill of Settlement , which was humbly presented to Him by the Lords Justices and Council , pursuant to Poynings Law , and a full liberty to make all the objections they could against it ; which yet they have been so far from acknowledging as an effect of his Royal Care and Indulgence , that in all their Answers ( which I have diligently perused ) I do not find so much as a bare taking notice of that unpresidented Favour . But possibly since by that Indulgence their guilt has been but the more evidenced , they untruly consider the consequences of that mercy to be , what only was intended in the extending of it , and therefore were loth to pay his Majesty thanks for what has but more discover'd their Crimes . But yet this is but proportionate to the rest of their proceedings : for since they call his sacred Majesties mercy an injustice , they may at the same rate decline paying Acknowledgments for his condescentions to them . Having thus proved that the Peace was broken by the Irish Papists after it was made , I shall now say something to prove that it was DESIGNEDLY broken BEFORE IT WAS MADE . If by a previous Ingagement and Oath the Irish Papists confirmed their first confederacie not to be dissolved by the Peace which then they seemingly pursued . If they combin'd to make themselves IVDGES of his Majesties Actions , and to appeal to themselves upon every Occurrence that they should be inclinable to misinterpret ; notwithstanding their Protestations of obedience to his Majesties Authority , then I conceive the whole peace thereby is on their part made void and null . But that they did so , is clearly evident , and that by an OATH solemnly taken ( not by private men , or a factious party , but ) by all the Prelates , Noblemen , and Gentlemen that were the Grand Committee , upon concluding the said Peace , That in case of non-performing of the Articles thereof , ( that is to say , If all the particulars therein were not carried on according to their liking ) they were to continue the Association and Vnion of Confederate Catholicks , and to do ALL Acts preservative thereunto . In this place it seems to me requisite to let the Reader know what that Vnion and Association of the Confederate Catholicks was , which they swear to continue ; which I shall instane in somce particulars , out of their own Originals now remaining on Record . In the first Roll they swear in these very words , viz. I A. B. do promise , protest and swear before God and his Saints and his Angels , That I will during my life bear true Faith and Allegiance to my Soveraign Lord Charles by the grace of God , King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , and to his HEIRS and lawful Successors , and that I will to my power , during my life , defend , uphold and maintain all his and their IVST PREROGATIVES , Estate and Rights , the Power and Priviledges of Parliament of this Realm , the Fundamental Laws of Ireland , and the FREE EXERCISE OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICK FAITH AND RELIGION THROUGHOUT THIS LAND , and the Lives , just Liberties , Possessions , Estate and Right of all those that have taken , or shall take this Oath , and perform the Contents thereof ; and that I will OBEY and RATIFIE all the ORDERS and the DECREES MADE and TO BE MADE by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom concerning the said publick Cause . And that I will not SEEK or RECEIVE directly or indirectly ANY PARDON or protection for any Act DONE or TO BE DONE touching the General Cause , without the consent of the Major Part of the said Council ; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts that shall prejudice the said Cause ; but will to the hazard of my life and estate , assist , prosecute , and MAINTAIN the same . Moreover I do further swear , That I will not accept of , or submit unto ANY PEACE made or to be made with the said Confederate Catholicks , without consent and approbation of the General Assembly of the said Confederate Catholicks , and for the preservation and strengthning of the Association and Vnion of the Kingdom , that upon any peace or accommodation to be made or concluded with the said Confederate Catholicks as aforesaid , I will to the uttermost of my power insist upon , and maintain the ensuing propositions , until a peace as aforesaid be made , and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace be ESTABLISHED and SECURED by PARLIAMENT . So help me God and his holy Gospel . In this their first Confederacie Oath , they swear flat and known contradictions : for they swear to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King , and with the same breath they swear they will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees made and to be made by their supreme Council , who had then actually cast off the Kings Authority , and set up a Government in opposition to his Majesties . It had sure been at least enough to swear to obey and ratifie all Orders and Decrees they had made , without increasing that guilt by the high accession of swearing to obey and ratifie all to be made by the Supreme Council . Herein they show , what the POPE is to them in Spirituals , their Supreme Council is in Temporals , whom they obey with a blinde and implicite Faith. They swear also to maintain the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom , and in the same breath they swear to maintain the free exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion , which is expresly against Law ; as it is , that any should govern the Kingdom , but by his Majesties Authority ; which they assumed and usurped in all the essentials of it : nay not onely the matter of the Oath is against those Laws they swear to maintain ; but even the taking or imposing of any Oath which by Law is not warranted , is a violation of the Laws : But they are so far from owning these their Crimes , that they swear they will not seek or receive directly or indirectly any pardon or protection for any thing done or to be done , touch-this General Cause , &c. They can be content to seek and receive a Pardon from the POPE for sins to come , but they swear they neither will seek or receive directly or indirectly a Pardon for , nay not so much as a Protection from his Majesty , for sins past , without the consent of their Supreme Council . This is a fine bearing Faith and Allegiance to the King , this is a good upholding and maintaining the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom . They swear too , that these Acts of highest Rebellion , they will to the hazard of their Lives , and Estates assist , prosecute , and maintain . But they proceed further , for they swear not to accept of , or submit to ANY PEACE made or to be made without the consent and approbation of the General Assembly of the said Catholicks : ANY PEACE , that is , let the Conditions be never so good , let the Person that grants them be the King Himself , they will not accept of it , they will not submit unto it , without , &c. If the King would so far forget those signal Crimes which made them need his Pardon and Protection , and would not so much as name them , but make a Peace with them , as if they had never done any offence , yet they swear , that not one of them shall accept of , or submit to such a Peace , but as is before expressed ; nay , to show how perfect a ROMISH Confederacie it is , if any Individual should be struck with the horrour of his Crimes , he cannot fly to the Kings Mercy for Pardon or Protection , without Perjury : And to inveagle such as had not then been polluted with those sins , they swear to protect all such as shall enter into their guilt ; and thereby in consequence threaten to ruine such as shall not : This is admirable bearing true Faith and Allegiance to the King , and maintaining the Laws of the Kingdom ! But this is not all , for they further swear in these words , viz. For the preservation and strengthening of the Vnion of the Kingdom upon any peace to be made or concluded with the said confederate Catholicks as aforesaid , They will to the uttermost of their Power , insist upon and maintain the ensuing Propositions , until a peace as aforesaid be made , and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace be established and secured by Parliament . The first Proposition to which this Oath relates , and to which it is annexed , is expressed in these words , viz. That the Roman Catholicks both Clergy and Laity in their several capacities have the free and publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom , in as full lustre and splendor as it was in the Reign of King Henry the Seventh , or other Catholick King his Predecessours , Kings of England and Lords of Ireland , or in England . That is to say , That none should be admitted to live in Ireland but Papists : for none or very few but such ; were in the Reign of those Kings in Ireland . The second Proposition mentioned , follows in these words , viz. That the secular Clergy of Ireland , viz. Primates , Archbishops , Ordinaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Prebendaries , and all other Dignitaries , Parsons , Vicars , and all persons of the secular Clergy , and their respective successours , shall have and enjoy all , and all manner of Iurisdictions , Priviledges and Immunities in as full and ample manner as the Roman Catholicks secular Clergy had or enjoyed the same within this Realm , at any time during the Reign of the late King Henry the Seventh , sometime King of England , and Lord of Ireland , any Law , Declaration of Law , Statute , Power , or Authority whatever , to the contrary notwithstanding . That is to say , Their Wills must be the Law ; and since they think fit to set up POPERY in Ireland , and to banish the true Religion out of it , it is but requisite they should take the maintenance from the Legal , and give it to the Titular Clergy . And least we should doubt this to be the true meaning of the second Proposal , they clearly explain it in the fourth , which follows in these words , viz. That the Primates , Archbishops , Bishops , Ordinaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Chancelours , Treasurers , Chaunters , Provosts , Wardens of Collegiate Churches , Prebendaries and other Dignitaries , Parsons , Vicars , and other Pastors of the Roman Catholick secular Clergy , and their respective successors , shall have , hold enjoy all the Churches and Church-Livings , in as large and ample manner , as the LATE PROTESTANT CLERGY respectively enjoyed the same , on the first day of October in the year of our Lord 1641. together with all the profits , emoluments , perquisites , liberties , and the rights of their respective Sees , and Churches belonging ; as well in places now in possession of the Confederate Catholicks , as also in all other places that shall be recovered by the said Confederate Catholicks from the adverse Party , within the Kingdom , SAVING to the said Roman Catholick Laity their Rights , according to the Laws of the Land. That is to say , Our Clergy shall have All , therefore yours can have nothing ; this is a perfect Fifth-Monarchy Principle , for here Dominion is onely founded in pretended Grace , none being to have the benefit of the Laws of the Land , but the Papists . Nay , his Sacred Majesty , because a PROTESTANT , is as such , denied any one of those Rights , which the meanest of the Irish Rebels , because a PAPIST , is to enjoy , as such ; and lest their words for it should not be taken , they confirm it with an OATH . The Legal and Orthodox Clergy of Ireland may see in this , what goodly Provision had been made for them , and their respective Successours , if this pious Roman Catholick Confederacy had succeeded . But least this their first Oath of Confederacie might be thought a thing they were surprized into , in the first heat and fury of the Rebellion ; and least the takers of it should forget what the Imposers of it would have them believe they were bound unto by it ; some time after , premeditately , and in cool blood , they caus'd it a second time to be taken in terminis , and subscribed with a preamble to it , the close whereof , runs in these Words , viz. And for that it is requisite that there should be an unanimous consent and real union between all the Catholicks of this Realm , to maintain the premises and strengthen them against their adversaries , it is thought fit by them , that they , and whosoever shall adhere unto their party , as a Confederate , should for their better assurance of their adhering fidelity and constancy to the publick Cause , take the ensuing Oath ▪ viz. I A. B. &c. In the begining of the said Preamble , they give the priority and precedency of place to the Defence of their own Estates and Liberties , to that of the defence of his Majesties Regal Power , Prerogatives , Honour , State , and Rights ; That is to say , They will mind themselves before the King , which they fully explain in the third Oath of their Union and Confederacie , which after their rejection of the Peace concluded with them by his Majesties Authority , they entered into , took and subscribed , and which follows in these words , viz. I do swear and protest that I will adhere to the present Vnion of the Confederate Roman Catholicks that REJECTED THE PEACE lately agreed and proclaimed at Dublin ; and do nothing by Word or Deed , Writing , Advice , or otherwise , to the prejudice of that Vnion , and will to the uttermost of my power , advance and further the good and preservation of it , and of his Majesties Rights , and the priviledges of free born Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom . The two former Oaths seem to them to be onely the THEORY of Rebellion , and they were loth to stop there , therefore they proceed in this third Oath , to the PRACTISE of it . In the first and second Oath , they swear they will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees made , and to be made by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks ; and in this third Oath , they very abundantly observe what they swore in the two precedent ones ; but although in both those they swore as positively , I am sure much more justly ( though not justifiably ) du rig their Lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King , and though that just part of the Oath hath the priority of place , in both Oaths , yet the priority of obedience , when it came in competition which should be most binding , viz. either those parts which related to their obedience to his Majesty , or those which related to their obedience to their General Assembly , they practically interpret it for , and adjudge it to the latter . In their two first Oaths , they swear they will not accept of , or submit unto any Peace made or to be made with the said confederate Catholicks , without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly . But either this Peace which they swear to reject , was made with the consent and approbation of their General Assembly , or without their consent or approbation : If the latter , how can the Generality of the Irish Papists plead for the benefit of what their Governing Power was against ; If the former , then against their two preceding Oaths , they reject that Peace which by their General Assembly's consent and approbation had been concluded , and which ( at least by a strong implication ) they were sworn to observe . I know of no Oath of theirs which bound them to more then not to accept of peace from his Majesty without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly , till this third was taken and subscribed . When they are not guilty enough by old Oaths , they will make themselves guilty enough by entering into new Oaths . Doubtless the guilt of two solemn Oaths , not to make peace with their King , without the approbation and consent of their own fellow Subjects , even of their own setting up , and that too , as one of the products of a bloody Rebellion , was guilt enough ; but in their third Oath , they proceed farther , and reject that peace which even themselves had sollicited , and which was highly advantagious for them , onely because the HEADS of the Catholick Confederacie had then hopes of getting more from the King ( whose condition then began to decline ) by Rebellion , then by Peace . Nay , that which their two former Oaths did not oblige them unto , viz. To reject a Peace made with his Majesty when CONSENTED TO , and APPROVED BY their General Assembly , They SWEAR TO OBSERVE ; and that which their two former Oaths obliged them unto , viz. During their lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King , they WILL NOT OBSERVE , though the rate of that crime amounts to no less then to a double , if not a treble Perjury . I must here acquaint the Reader , That this third Oath of Vnion and Confederacie , whereby they rejected the Peace , is , as the two former Oaths , without a date in its Original now on Record ; possibly it was their intention thereby to insinuate to the people , that the Ingagement they entered into , was a duty incumbent on them from the first , and was to have no end . But if P. W. should say that this Oath had onely reference to the rejected Peace in Anno 1646. I will onely answer , The same Inferences are of the same force in reference to the rejected Peace in Anno 1648. and therefore if they be not rightly applied as to the time , yet they be as to the thing . Certainly no written wickedness can ascend higher then in that same Oath , in which they swear to reject , and actually do reject his Majesties Authority , when cloathed with peace , even a peace of their own seeking , and highly advantagious to them , they also swear to preserve his Majesties Rights . I can finde no consistencie in the said Oath , unless they mean it to be his Majesties Right , to be governed and used according to the pleasure of the Roman Catholick Vnion and Confederacy ; nor can I tell what they mean by preserving the Priviledges of free-born Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom , unless thereby they mean , that those Priviledges are parramount to his Majesties Authority , and they the onely Judges and Preservers of them . But because the Irish Papists endeavour to extenuate the sins of entring into their first and second Confederacie-Oath , by pleading that their ingagements in them were but temporary , and were not to be conclusive , but as they should be established and secured by Parliament ; I think it necessary least by that specious pretence the Reader might be deluded , to set down here how they designed that Parliament should be constituted : which I shall do out of the Original of their Instructions remaining in my hands . The Title of those Instructions is , viz. Instructions for the Lord Viscount Mountgarret , Lord President of our Council , &c. And the rest of the Commissioners imployed by the General Assembly of his Majesties most faithful and dutiful Subjects , the Confederate Catholicks of his Highness Kingdom of Ireland , &c. unto the Lord Marquess of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , &c. The words of the 22. Article of these Instructions , are these , viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty to have a Parliament helden before the Lord Marquess of Ormond , or a CATHOLICK , or a NATIVE well-affected . I doubt if these Commissioners had not been immediately imployed to the then Lord Marquess of Ormond ( now Duke of Ormond ) they would scarcely have named him to be the person before whom the desired Parliament should have been holden ; for since even while they made a direct address to his Lordship , they had the presumption to add , viz. Or a Catholick , or a Native well-affected , if his Grace were not to have seen what they desired , they would not have mentioned Him. And the truth of this appears clearly in the Paper intituled , The sence of the Congregation of the Clergy upon the Instructions presented to them , to be given the Agents to be now employed to France . Dated the 21 of December 1647. wherein to use their own words , they say , viz. We offer the ensuing Articles , which we desire may be drawn up into Instructions with the rest , to be given to the said Agents , with Order to insist on them , and in no sort to recede from them . The first of those Instructions are in these words , viz. First , that an Instruction be given the said Agents for getting the Lord Deputy , or other chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom to be A ROMAN CATHOLICK . In this the Reader may evidently find , though when the Irish Papists make Addresses to the Lord of Ormond they are so discreet as to name Him for the person before whom the Parliament shall be holden , yet when they may write what he is not to see , they absolutely leave Him out , and desire that the Parliament may be holden before a chief Governour that is a Roman Catholick , with this addition , viz. AND IN NO SORT TO RECEDE FROM THIS INSTRUCTION . The second Particular which the said Congregation of the Clergy desire may be added to the Instructions to be given to their Agents , then designed to be sent to the Queen and Prince , then in France , and which they are to INSIST UPON , and IN NO SORT to recede from , is express'd in these very words , viz. 2 d. Instruction . That the particular Articles or Concessions to be obtained for Religion , may be published together with the Temporal Articles ; and that until both be published together , THE PEACE MAY NOT OBLIGE NOR BE ACCEPTED BY THE CONFEDERATE ROMAN CATHOLICKS : And that the QUEEN NOR PRINCE come not to this Kingdom till the Peace be published as aforesaid , and accepted by the Nation . By this it undoubtedly appears that no peace would be accepted of by the Irish Papists , but such a one as even by the Royal Assent , was to give them the whole Kingdom in Fact and Power , if not in name : Nor was the QUEEN and PRINCE , his now Majesty , so much as to come into Ireland , till Ireland was in effect given away to the Crown . Although this Paper intituled The sense of the Congregation of the Clergy , have many Particulars as full of Disloyalty and Rebellion , as those I have already mentioned , yet I shall set down no more but the seventh Paragraph , which they desire may be past into an Instruction ; which follows in these words , viz. That if a PROTECTOR must be chosen for the Nation , it may be his HOLINESS . And that the Nation may not by choosing Spain or France for Protector , be necessitated to make the other of them not chosen their Enemy abroad , and thereby rend the Kingdom at home into division . This in my opinion evinceth , that as bad as the Papist Clergy in Ireland were , yet the Original design of choosing a PROTECTOR was the Act of the LAY PAPISTS , but indeed when a forraign Protector was resolved upon , the Popish Clergy as became true Sons of the Romish Church , were singly for the Popes having the Protectorship , and fortifie that their desire with a very material and politick consideration , if not threatning , viz. That unless it were so , it might rend the Kingdom into Divisions . But I desire the Reader woul observe that rending of the Kingdom would not have proceeded from the casting off of his Majesties Authority , but from the PAPAL , FRENCH AND SPANISH FACTIONS , who would have contended for the Soveraignty of this Kingdom : But not so much as the least word mentioned that the Kingdom would have been rent by the resistance of any party in his Majesties behalf : Though three forraign Powers would have found Friends to have countenanced their respective designes , yet his Majesties lawful Right could not find any numerous Assertors of it . Having thus done with the Paper intituled The sense of the Congregation , I shall now proceed to acquaint the Reader with the residue of those Instructions , which will let him plainly see how they projected that Parliament should be constituted which was to establish and secure the Articles of Peace insisted on . One of which I have already particularized , and now shall proceed to the rest . The 24th Instruction is set down in these words , viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty , that all Indictments , Out-Lawries , Attainders , and other Acts , made , published , or done , in the Courts of Dublin , or elsewhere in this Kingdom , or the Kingdom of England , in prejudice of the said Catholicks , or any of them , since the seventh day of August 1641. shall be before he sitting of the Parliament here , taken off the file , and vacated ; and so declared by his Majesties publick Proclamation . This is a good preparation for composing a fit Parliament for the ends of the Confederate Catholicks . Before they did any thing for the King , they press the King would by a Proclamation vacat the legal proceedings of the Court of Justice . They desire to be put in a capacity to act new crimes , by a forgiveness of the old . The 11th Instruction runs in these words , viz. You are to be humble Suitors to his Majesty , That such as are already employed or appoynted , or that shall now be appoynted to execute the Office of Sheriff by our party , in the several Counties of the Kingdom shall stand : and the said Offices to be conferred upon them by Letters Patents . Though the Sheriffs of Ireland are pricked by the chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom , yet they will themselves name those Sheriffs , that thereby they might be in a condition to be sure the respective Knights of the Shires for their intended Parliament should be Roman Catholick Confederacie-Men . The close of the 26 Instruction is in these words , You are to procure that no new Corporations shall send Burgesses to Parliament , without the allowance of Parliament first had . The 13th Instruction runs in these words , viz. You are desire that such Corporations as anciently sent Burgesses to the Parliament , be now admitted , notwithstanding that by the power of some late Governours , they were of later days debar'd of this priviledge . By these three Instructions the Reader may see how well they would have constituted the House of Commons for the Catholick Confederacie ; first , Sheriffs who are to be Judges of the Elections of the Knights of the Shires they would nominate , and have his Majesty commissionate by Letters Patents . Secondly , some old Burroughs who had scarce an Inhabitant in them , and who therefore for several preceding Parliaments had no Writs sent unto them to make Elections , they desire now may send Burgesses to their intended Parliament : And Burroughs who are by the Kings Charter to send Burgesses to Parliament , and who are numerously planted with Protestants , were to send none to serve for them in Parliament . Thus far the Confederates had well provided for themselves in the constitution of the House of Commons , now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in the constitution of the House of Lords : For the 23 Instruction is in these words , viz. That no Lord not estated in this Kingdom , or estated in this Kingdom , and not resident here , shall have vote in the said Parliament of this Realm , by PROXY or OTHERWISE . The King is the Fountain of Honour ; but here the Confederate Catholicks will stop the Stream of it ; as they think sit ; voting by Proxy , which is the undoubted Right of the Peers , they will not admit ; and those Peers who by the Rebellion of the Confederates were expelled out of Ireland , must be denied their Rights , even when a peace is concluded ; Nay possibly those Peers might not be considered as estated Lords , whose Estates the said Confederates had possest themselves of ; so that by the Acts of the Rebellion they were to lose their Lands , and by the Desires of the Rebels to lose their Votes : And perhaps if Protestant Peers which the Rebellion had forc'd into England would have returned into Ireland to vote in this intended Parliament , they might ( had this Instruction took place ) been denied to vote in Person , as well as by Proxy , on account that they were not estated persons by reason their Lands were then in the possession of the Rebels , who had taken good care that the Peace should not oblige , nor be accepted by the confederate Catholicks , till all the Articles of it were established & secured by Parliament . The Confederates rest not here , but to make all things surer , the 44th Instruction is set down in these words , viz. That such as shall be recommended by the supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks , shall be by his Majesty called by Writ to sit in the Vpper House . In the 23d Instruction before mentioned , they attempt to hinder the constitution of the House of Peers to be as by Law and Custom it ought to be ; and in this 44th Instruction they attempt to constitute it as it ought not to be . In the foregoing Instruction they endeavor to stop the true Fountain of Honour , and in this Instruction they would make themselves to be the Fountain of Honour . Nor does this Instruction run with the introductive words of the former , viz. You are to be Suitors , or humble Suitors to his Majesty , but positively set down , as if what they demanded were rather a Right , then a Favour ; neither do they limit their recommendation of such as are to be called to sit in the Upper House , to such onely as were his Majesties Subjects , or his Rebels , but indefinitely , viz. all that shall be recommended by the Supreme Council of the confederate Catholicks ; so that the forming of the House of Peers , the great and inseparable Right and Prerogative of the Crown , they not onely desire to WREST from the King , but also they desire to VEST IT IN THEMSELVES : Nor do they stop there , but by this Instruction ( had it been granted ) they would have had the power to have constituted the House of Lords OF FORRAIGNERS , and doubtless amongst those , his HOLINESS's NUNTIO , then amongst them , would scarcely have been forgotten . Thus far the Catholick Confederacie had well provided for the composition of the House of Commons and the House of Peers , as far as concern'd the Temporal Lords ; Now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in providing that the House of Peers should be as well constituted for the Spiritual Lords , which they manifest in their 25th Instruction , which follows in these very words , viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty , that the Writs of summons be issued to the ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS WITHIN OVR QVARTERS , and they to have PLACE AND VOTE in Parliament . This is a Request INDEED , here is not onely a taking away of the Right of the Protestant Archbishops and Bishops , but a giving of it to the Papists : Nay , would not this have been ( if granted ) an owning that the POPE by his Consecration had the Right to send Peers into the House of Lords , if not to create them . But since they were sworn by their Confederacy to have the free and publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout this Kingdom in its full lustre and splendor , as it was in the Reign of King Henry the seventh , or any other Catholick King his Predecessor , Kings of England and Lords of Ireland , 't is no wonder they take the surest Ways to reach that End. But yet the wisdom of the Kings of England , and their experience of the Irish Papists has been such , that had all these Instructions been granted to them , yet they could not have reach'd their Design , which the said Papists well knew , and therefore to throw down ALL Impediments , in their 21th Instruction , which follows in these very words , they further desire , viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty , That upon the first sitting of the next Parliament , That an Act may be transmitted for the suspension of POYNINGS HIS ACT , intituled , An Act that no Parliament shall be holden in this Land , until the Acts be certified into England , and all other Acts inlarging or explaining the same . And that it be afterwards left to the consideration of the Parliament , whether the same shall be ALL TOGETHER REPEALED or continued . In these Instructions the Confederates show a Catholick Care of the Roman Catholick Cause : They were not contented to attempt by force and open Rebellion to wrest this Kingdom from the Crown of England , but having failed thereof in that way , they endeavour to effect it in this : first they will have a PAPIST chief Governour , and that ( to use their own words ) the Commissioners must not onely INSIST UPON , but must IN NO SORT RECEDE FROM ; Then they must have a Parliament , and that not onely to be constituted against the Kings undoubted prerogative , the known and ancient Laws of the Land , and Priviledges and Rights of both Houses , but also must be compos'd according to the desires and inventions of the Irish Papists : and because by Poynings's Act no Bill or Bills could be transmitted into England till first they had past the chief Governour or Governours and privy Council of this Kingdom , and then were certified to his Majesty and privy Council in England , by the said chief Governor or Governors , and privy Council to be good and expedient for this Kingdom , and then were not to pass in Parliament here , but as approved of by his Majesty and Council in England , and remitted hither under the Great Seal of England ; whereby the Crown of England was wisely secured that nothing should be enacted here to the prejudice of it : The said Irish Papists desire that in their said next Parliament Poynings's Act might be suspended , and all other Acts enlarging and explaining the same ; and then that it may be left to the consideration of the Parliament , SO CONSTITUTED , whether the same shall be ALTOGETHER REPEALED , or continued ; that is to say , That the LAMB be put into the Claws of the WOLF , and then leave it to the consideration of the Wolf whether or no he would devour him . If it should be said , That the fore-mentioned Instructions were onely the Confederates desires to his Majesty ; I onely desire to know whether they made those desires with an intention to have them denyed or granted : If the first it was ridiculous , if the last it was rebellious . But by all this it undeniably appears , If the providence of God , and His Sacred Majesties Wisdom and Care had not disappointed the boundless designes of the said Irish Papists , not onely the Protestant Religion and the Professors of it in Ireland had been LOST , but also this Kingdom had been LOST to the Crown of England , for the said Irish Papists were to have held what they then rebelliously possest till their Articles of Peace had been establish'd and secured by Parliament , and if they could have had a Parliament such as they designed , all the Kingdom would in effect have been theirs by Authority of Parliament ; so that either way they had secured themselves as much as their CONFEDERATED WISDOMS could project . But since the most essential parts of the Articles of Peace were to be finally obliging but as they were to be confirm'd by Act of Parliament in the next Parliament which should be assembled after the perfecting the said Articles ; let P. W. remember this present Parliament is the first that has been call'd together in Ireland since the conclusion of the Peace , and let him see in the GREAT BILL OF SETTLEMENT how far the Parliament thinks fit to put their sanction to those Articles . If P. W. should say , This is not such a Parliament as his Countrymen intended at and before the making of those Articles ; I shall joyn with him in his saying thereof , and shall onely add , That GOD AND HIS SACRED MAJESTY be praised , it is not such a Parliament . I must desire the Readers excuse for these digression● which I thought necessary , that he might the better know , even out of the Originals of the Papers of the Irish Papists , what kinde of Parliament that was , by which they had designed to establish and secure the Articles of their Peace , as also what that Association and Vnion of the Confederate Roman Catholicks is , which their Grand Committee swore to continue , and to return unto upon the concluding of the Peace in 1648. in case they themselves judged the Articles thereof at any time unobserved unto them . I wish the said Irish Papists think not themselves TO THIS DAY bound by it ; nay ; I wish they do not think it INDISSOLVEABLE . This horrid Oath of the Grand Committee before-mentioned , is now so undeniable , ( though it was then manag'd in the dark , and carried on with all possible secreeie ) that it was by all their Titular Bishops in their published Excommunications against the Lord Lieutenant , interpreted and insisted on , as a most CONSCIENTIOVS engagement to invite all their Nation to a disobedience of his Majesties Authority ; whereby they have not onely argued themselves guilty of the greatest unworthiness and treachery , men could possibly be faulty in ; they have not onely forfeited all that Grace and Favour which could be intended them by that Peace , and invalidated all the Articles of it ; but they have likewise continu'd to themselves the guilt of their Rebellion and Confederacie to this present DAY , and lie obnoxious to the utmost penalty of the Law for the same , unless his Majesties Mercy be greater then their Crimes ; and consequently P. W's causeless curses and threatnings are not to be feared . Those Threatnings respect MEN The Irish Papists . The Judicious Protestants . Those Threatnings respect GOD. First P. W. tells us that the hearts of the Irish Papists would by such proceedings be estranged from his Majesty : The sense whereof is , that the Irish will follow the King for nought but the LOAVES ; nay , it had been happy for Ireland if the very Loaves themselves would have prevented their hearts from being estranged ; but 't is morally impossible while such a National and Religional distinction continues : The experience of the last Rebellion , if no other proof thereof had been , evinceth the estrangedness of the Irish Papists to be such , that the Interest in them of the greatest Nobleman in Ireland when for the Crown , is not so considerable , as a popish priests against it . Wherefore the estrangedness P. W. mentions must still be expected , but with this difference , That the BEAST if pamper'd , will Kick , if kept low , OBEY . Secondly , P. W. fore-tells that the Iudicious Protestants will on such proceedings be perpeturlly jealous , notwithstanding any Declaration from Breda , or Acts from Westminster . Though P. W. may be a true Seer of the estranged hearts of the Irish papists , yet I dare charge him to be a false Prophet concerning judicious protestants ; for though they duly value his Majesties Declarations and Acts of Grace , as signal Expresses of his Goodness ; yet their confidence rests on the inward principle in his Majesties Brest , whereto without such Expresses , or Articling , or capitulating for such ( as the Irish papists did ) they freely submitted , and are more confirm'd by their late experience to continue in that duty . But if in P. W's judgement the ungrounded apprehension of any violation or breach of promise may estrange the hearts of the Irish papists from his Majesty , whom they are bound in conscience to love , honour and obey , notwithstanding miscarriages in Government ; and if the like apprehensions may cause jealousies in judicious protestants notwithstanding Declarations and Acts of Parliament , let it not seem strange or hard ( at least to P. W. and his Countrymen ) if a continued Series of Covenant-Breaches , Rapines , Murthers , Massacres , Crueltys , Perfidies , Treasons and Rebellions exercised by the Irish papists against the Crown and protestant Religion , raise jealousies in the hearts of all judicious Protestants . Or if his Majesty be pleas'd on these accompts in his great Iustice , Wisdom and Goodnsss to restrain them from further ruining others first , and then themselves . The Crown hath often lost by Credulity what it hath got by Valour ; it hath lost by pretence of Peace what it had gain'd in open War : The Kings interest in France was thus lost , the GOD of peace prevent the like in Ireland . The consequence threatned in respect of God , are dreadful judgements , such as P. W. confesseth to have bin wonderfully inflicted on the Irish Nation for their breach of the peace in 1646. and such as were inflicted on Sauls house for his breach with the Gibeonites . I see the best Wits have not always the best Memories , else P. W. would have remembred the breach made by his Nation in 1641. and since 1648. as well as in 1646. for those doubtless were as criminal as this : but possibly he thinks it was more sin for his Country-men to violate what they oblig'd themselves to as a FREE STATE , then what they were oblig'd to do as SUBJECTS ; and therefore thinks their sins in 1646. were greater then in 1641. But if all were pardoned by the peace made in 1648. why does he remember the Judgements for the breaches in 1646 ? if he thinks all were not , why does he not remember the breaches made in 1641. and at least attribute some of those Judgements to that breach ? But I had almost forgot what perhaps P. W. may plead in answer to my Objection , and that is no less then the POPE's BULL of indulgence and pardon published in Latin in Ireland , and thus carefully ( for so much of it as follows ) translated into English. URBANUS OCTAVUS . Ad futuram rei memoriam . Having taken into our serious consideration the great Zeal of the Irish towards the propagating of the Catholick Faith , AND THE PIETY OF THE CATHOLICK WARRIORS IN THE SEVERAL ARMIES OF THAT KINGDOM ( which was for that singular fervency in the true worship of God , and notable care had formerly in the like case by the Inhabitants thereof , for the maintenance and preservation of the same Orthodox Faith , called of old , THE LAND OF SAINTS , ) and having got certain notice how IN IMITATION OF THEIR GODLY AND WORTHY ANCESTORS , they endeavour BY FORCE OF ARMS to deliver their thralled Nation from the Oppressions and grievous Injuries of the Hereticks , wherewith this long time it hath been afflicted , and heavily burthened , and GALLANTLY do what in them lyeth TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT those Workers of Iniquity , who in the Kingdom of Ireland had infected , and always striven to infect the Mass of Catholick purity , with the pestiferous Leaven of their Heretical contagion ; WE THEREFORE BEING WILLING TO CHERISH THEM with the gift of those Spiritual Graces whereof by God we are ordained the onely Disposers on earth , by the mercy of the same almighty GOD , trusting in the authority of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul , and by vertue of that power of binding and losing of souls , which GOD was pleased ( without our deserving ) to confer ' upon us : To ALL and EVERY ONE of the faithful Christians in the aforesaid Kingdom of Ireland , NOW and FOR THE TIME MILITATING AGAINST THE HERETICKS and other Enemies of the Catholick Faith ; they being truly and sincerely penitent , after confession , and the Spiritual refreshing of themselves with the sacred Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ , DO GRANT A FULL AND PLENARY INDULGENCE AND ABSOLUTE REMISSION FOR ALL THEIR SINS , and such as in the holy time of Iubilee is usual to be granted to those that devoutly visit a certain number of priviledged Churches within and without the walls of our City of Rome ; by the tenour of which present Letters for once only and no more , we freely bestow the favour of this absolution upon all and every one of them , and withal desiring heartily all the faithful in Christ now in Arms as aforesaid would be partakers of this most previous Treasure . To all and every one of the aforesaid FAITHFUL CHRISTIANS We grant licence and give power to chuse unto themselves for this effect any fit Confessor , whether a secular Priest , or a regular of some Order ; as likewise any other selected person approved of by the Ordinary of the place , who after a diligent hearing of their Confessions shall HAVE POWER TO LIBERATE AND ABSOLVE THEM from Excommunication , Suspension , and all other Ecclesiastical Sentences and Censures , by whomsoever , or for what cause soever pronounced or inflicted upon them , as also FROM ALL SINS , TRESPASSES , TRANSGRESSIONS , CRIMES AND DELINQUENCIES HOW HAINOUS AND ATROCIOUS SOEVER THEY BE , &c. Dated at Rome in the Vatican or St. Peters Palace , the 25th day of May , 1643. and in the 20th year of our Pontificate . M. A. MARALDUS . This BULL of Indulgence and Pardon of the Pope either is an answer to my question , or it is not ; if P. W. should say it is not an answer to my Question , then it remains still in force : if P. W. should say that it is an answer to my Question , then I desire the unbyass'd Reader to consider whose Subjects the Irish papists are : For His late Majesty of Glorious Memory under His Great Seal declares in these very words , viz. We do extremely detest the ODIOVS REBELLION which the Recusants of Ireland have without Ground or Colour raised against Vs , Our Crown and Dignity : But the Pope by his Bull calls that Rebellion of the Irish Papists , an imitation of their godly and worthy Ancestors , with this farther addition , That the said Irish Papist GALLANTLY do what in them lieth TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PROTESTANTS , who he is pleas'd to call Workers of Iniquity . Nay , his Holiness proceeds farther , for being willing to cherish them in their Rebellion , he dispenses to them the gift of spiritual Graces , of which he says he is under GOD the onely Disposer on earth , and therefore grants them a full & plenary indulgence and absolute remission for all their sins , trespasses , transgressions , crimes and delinquences , how hainous and atrocious soever they be . If the Pope's power over the Irish Papists be so great , I shall not wonder their obedience to the King is so little : neither shall I admire that Rebellions have been so frequent in Ireland for the time past , nor doubt they will be as frequent for the time to come , if the strength of the Irish Papists proportions their inclinations , & if the said Papists consider fighting against the Kings Authority is Merit , and dying in that Quarrel is MARTYRDOM . Their propensity to the sin of Rebellion needed not those two double incentives to it , viz. If they succeed , HEAVEN and IRELAND is theirs ; if they succeed not , HEAVEN is theirs : His Sacred Majesty will have but little hold of men who are acted by such Principles , and by such beliefs . I desire also it may observ'd , this BVLL was sent them in May 1643. at which time the Irish Papists were in the height of their Rebellion ; for they then had neither Cessation or Peace to plead , which might intitle them so much as to the Name of Subjects . It may be also this Pope's made them the more cheerfully swear neither to seek or receive directly or indirectly a pardon from a King. I hope the Reader will also observe that the designe of the Irish Papists by their Rebellion , what ever they pretended for it , was no less then TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PROTESTANTS , and this attested by the POPE himself , which he calls a GALLANT ACT , and an imitation of their GODLY ANCESTORS , which proves that General if not Vniversal Massacrings has not been onely the attempted sin of the Irish papists of this Age , but had descended to them by inherritance , and some wish it may not be convey'd to their Posterities . 'T is likewise worthy the Readers observation , Though his Sacred Majesty might warrantably have done unto those Irish papists what they would have done to the protestants , and though persons of such bloody principles and designes as the POPE owns the said Irish papists to be , and incourages them to persevere in , with assurance of pardon here , and Heaven hereafter , are not very likely to be obedient Subjects to the King , or good Neighbours to their fellow Subjects ; yet not one of them suffers meerly for his Religion , and many of them , though guilty , are pardon'd and restor'd . This practically and clearly shows the difference between the true mother and the false mother , as also how much more consonant to CHRIST's Doctrine and Practise the HEAD OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCH does act , then the HEAD OF THE POPISH CHURCH does act ; and MAN can in nothing be so well like unto GOD , as in being merciful as GOD is merciful . But for all P. W's fencing , I am confident were his Country-men as fully pardoned for their breaches of the Articles made in 1648. as by that peace P.W. says ( whatever he thinks ) they are pardon'd for their breaches in the year 1646. he would as well attribute his Countrymens sufferings to the breaches of 1648. as to any preceding . But I see it is easier for his Majesty to forgive TWO Rebellions , then for P. W. acknowledge ONE , which he is so far from doing , that upon a supposititious covenant-breach on the Kings side , he thereby insinuates a charge against the most faithfully indulgent of Princes . But the protestants of Ireland dare APPEAL CHEERFULLY even to the Tribunal of GOD HIMSELF , that the Iudgement may fall where the breach is . And since P. W. acknowledges that all the wonderful judgements fallen upon the Irish Nation is for the breach of the Articles of 1646. and that I have fully proved in many signal instances , the Articles ni 1648. were no less broken by them , let all men consider how visible the breach was which he CONFESSETH , when the breach in 1648. is so visible , which he DENYETH : And since all the past judgements on his Countrymen , he owneth , were onely inflicted for the breach in 1646. let him and them , if they please , ascribe the punishments to come in the Bill of Settlement , to their breaches in 1641. and to their breach of the Articles in 1648. for doubtless these deserve some judgements as well as that . I fully own Faith should be observed where-ever it is given , as long as the conditions for which it is given are observed : And I as heartily confess that a violation of Faith calls down the severest of Gods punishments ; for all promises made before the righteous Judge of heaven and earth , when broken , are not broken singly to those to whom , but even also to him before whom they are made ; and God will not be mocked : I wish those which now think such judgements on such breaches just and inevitable , had in 1641. in 1646. in 1648. and many times since , so well remembred the truth of that position , as not to have run into those sins , which must , as an inevitable consequence of them , draw down such punishments . But since what is past cannot be recall'd , I will pray they may avoid in the future , what for the time past they might have prevented . But because P.W. has instanc'd the case of Saul's children and the Gibeonites , I will endeavour to show how far it is parallel to that case to which he unjustly applies it , and how far it is not . First how far it is Parallel . 1. Ioshua knew not the persons of those with whom he made that league ; neither did the King know the hearts of those with whom he made that peace . 2. Those were neighbours , nay liv'd amongst the Israelites to whom Ioshua promised peace , though they said they were of a far Country ; the Irish were neighbours , at least locally ; nay they liv'd long amongst us , though at last they would not let us live among them ; but indeed they were from a very far Country , even from Rome it self . 3. Those deluded Ioshua into that league , and said they were his servants , when they were his Enemies ; the Irish Papists did also delude the King into that peace , and said they were Subjects , when indeed they were Rebels . Thus far the Parallel holds . Now I will show in what , and how much it differs . 1. The Gibeonites deluded Ioshua into a peace ; but the Irish Papists ( to use His Sacred Majesties own words ) forced , compelled , necessitated him into Cessations and Peaces . 2. The Gibeonites were Strangers , but the Irish Papists were ( at least ought to have been ) Subjects . 3. The Gibeonites never broke those Conditions granted to them , though by those conditions they were made in effect Slaves ; but the Irish Papists broke , yea often , if not always theirs , though after an unparallell'd Rebellion they were in effect made Lords of all Ireland , even the bloody Stage upon which they had acted their guilt . 4. Saul's children were not executed for their Father his having made the Gibeonites hewers of wood , and drawers of water , ( the utmost that the Protestants desire even to the worst principled of the Irish Papists ) but for killing the Gibeonites after they were peaceable Slaves : So that those judgements P. W. seems to threathen his Majesty with , if they have not the Articles of 1648. made good , he and his Countrymen have only reason to fear ; for his Majesty kept them , and they have broken them . Since the breach of Faith is so foul a Sin , and deserves such heavy Punishments , even by P. W's own confession , and since it is fully proved those for whom he pleads , have not onely once , but often , yea always broken their Agreements ; let them with patience bear what they have drawn upon themselves ; and let him henceforth imploy his Pen and his Press in inviting his Countrymen rather to acknowledge his Majesties mercy , that no more are punish'd , then that some are , and that so little too , comparatively to their crimes . I will from P. W's Parallel take a rise for the inserting of two particulars : The first is , If any of the children of P. W's Clients lose their Lands , though actually they were not guilty of their Fathers Rebellions , let him remember , even in the case which he instances , that the seven sons of Saul were hanged up unto the Lord in Gibeah of Saul , though they had not actually slain those Gibeonites for which they themselves were punished . Let him also remember that till Iustice was done , the famine lasted ; and after it was done , the famine ceased . Those lost theirs lives for their fathers sin ; but these ( if any ) lose but their fathers forfeited Lands for their Fathers crimes . The second is , Though even the Spirit of God it self witnesseth , That Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the children of Israel and Iuda ; yet that it self could not silence or suspend the Justice of God. And therefore let P. W. know , That though in the third Article of their Instructions to the titular Bishop of Fernes , and Sir Nicolas Plunket , ( their Commissioners to Rome ) they own to the Pope that in their zeal they rais'd Arms for the freedom of the Catholick Religion , yet no zeal in Religion can apologize for , or will hinder the effects of Gods Justice on his Countrymen for their unparallell'd murthers , and their often breaches against Nature , and against Stipulation : To do evil that good may come of it , may be the Doctrine of Rome , but is not the Doctrine of Christ ; and by the Fruit the Tree is best known . THE CONCLUSION . The Conclusion , or concluding Wish , [ That his Grace the Duke of Ormond may be as another Ioseph to his Brethren ] the Hearts of the Protestants of Ireland close with ; desiring that he may be a Ioseph not onely to the Israel of GOD , [ The Religious Protestants ] but also a Ioseph even to the Egyptians themselves , feeding and preserving them , yet so as becomes Pharaoh's Steward , reserving KINGS's free dispose , and removing , that is , TRANSPLANTING THE PEOPLE from one end of the borders of Egypt , to the other end thereof . May herein the Practise of Ioseph be his Pattern , and the Blessings of Ioseph be his Portion ! The Blessings of Heaven above , the Blessings of the Deep that lieth under , the Blessings of the Brests and the Womb ; these Blessings be on the Head of this Ioseph , and on the Crown of the HEAD of Him that was seperate from ( those which call themselves ) HIS BRETHREN . FINIS . 
A74209	----	To the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses of the Commons house in Parliament now assembled, Ianuary, 24, 1642 the humble petition of the lay-Catholiques recusants of England. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74209 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74209 Thomason 669.f.4[49] 50811862 ocm 50811862 160671 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74209) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160671) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[49]) To the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses of the Commons house in Parliament now assembled, Ianuary, 24, 1642 the humble petition of the lay-Catholiques recusants of England. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Geo. Baily, London : 1642. Caption title. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- England -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74209 (Thomason 669.f.4[49]). civilwar no To the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses of the Commons house in Parliament now assembled, Ianuary, 24, 1642: the humble peti England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 1033 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE HONOURABLE , THE KNIGHTS , CITIZENS AND BURGESSES OF THE COMMONS HOVSE IN PARLIAMENT NOW ASSEMBLED . Ianuary , 24. 1642. The humble Petition of the Lay-Catholiques Recusants of England . Sheweth , THat the chiefest and most glorious Attribute of power , being Mercy , the safest addresse thereto must be Submission , which makes us in all humility offer unto the consideration of this Honourable Assembly , the great and heavy burthen under which we grone , and though to Lawe ; we humbly shall submit , yet such is the weight of some that lye upon us , that nothing lesse then linity can let us live , nor can we any way find our reliefe , but by applying our selves unto this High Court , whereas Fathers and supreame Judges , you reside , retaining still full Power to frame , or change , according to the exigency of times , and occasions , and being prudent and mercifull , can afford us patience , and favour in this short Petition , wherein we shall yeeld our selves fit Subjects for your mercy , or obedient Submittees to your wills and resolutions . The many penall Lawes in force-against your humblest Petitioners are to this Honourable Assembly knowne , as is the ground on which they first were made not out of memory , haveing had their Birth but under Queen Elizabeth , when partly extraordinary proceedings from the See of Rome against her Person , and partly the claime our dread Soveraigns Grandmother , wholly devoted to that Religion , layd to the Immediate succession of the Crowne . Occasioned severall destractions , and even cast jealousies and suspitions upon all , that in Religion had relation to that See . Whereupon from emergent reason of State . And by way of prudent cautions , and preventing future disobedience ( and not to put restraint upon the conscience of the Subject or to punish contrariety of opinion or beliefe ) these Lawes as we conceive were made , and afterward much aggravated and made more heavie to us all , by occasion of that ever most detestable plot of those few decayed , turbulent , and desperately discontented persons , indeed Professors of the same Religion , but quite neglecting and transgressing , and most inhumanely therein forgetting all duty and obligation . If thus ( Right Noble Gentlemen ) these Lawes originally were oppropriated to these times , and no such reason now ( we hope ) appeares , and stil these Lawes overwhelmes us , It is either for the personal offences of other men , whose wicked facts we ( are no way guilty of ) with all good Christians utterly abhorre , or for supposed errors of our understanding and beliefe , which as in it selfe ( according to all Divines ) is an effect immediate of Grace , and therefore not to be enforced : So in its tenents , there is not any thing forbids , invites , or hinders the professors of it , from their due obedience to their Prince , and faithfull preservation of their Countries liberties . In prosecution of which truth , wee here objure as false and most erronious , both assasination of Princes , and Faith is not to be kept with all sorts of people , and do detest them both , as most oppugnant to humanity , and not to be allowed by any Religion whatsoever . We also shall and will be ever ready to maintaine and defend with all our power , lives , and fortunes , all our Countries liberties , the Right and Priviledges of the Parliaments , the Subjects lawfull Rights , liberty and propriety , the peace and unity of his Majesties three Kingdomes of England , Scotland and Ireland , and in all just and honourable waies , endeavour the punishment of all that seeke to worke the contrary : as dutifull , obedient , and Loyall Subjects are obliged , and as true borne lovers of their Countries good are bound ; All which ( under favour ) as the Lawes now stand we no waies are permitted , as having neither freedome , or fortunes of our own , for strictly are our actions , Judgements , and our Tongues tyed up . But the approaching storme that seemes to threaten her , moves us to take shelter under your mercies wings , most freely spread to comfort all agrieved , where we doe hope for shadow and protection . And humbly are Petitioners , that you will be pleased to ease our sufferings , by mitigating the rigor of those penall Lawes , that either ruine us and our posterity , or cast a thraledome on our Consciences , so as we meekly walking in our forefathers steps , aspiring unto nothing but possessing our selve in peace , as people that seeke ease , not honours , and that the crime of Catholiques before this Horourable Assembly now appeares , but onely different waies in serving the same God you serve , the same Christ which you beleeve ( for whosoever in any other sort offends , qui peccaverit ipse moriatur ) we most humbly in your prudence and your goodnesse trust , in this publique Jubilee ( when all 's intended to be joy and consolation ) we shall not be the onely Subject of sorrow and desolation , nor that the Lawes made for offenders in one time , should lay upon the innocent in another . And therefore humbly beg , you will cast your eye upon the Schedule of these Lawes annexed and then your mercifull repeale of what your wisedomes and mercy finde , shall give the Conscience reliefe that is afflicted , and not the minde content that is ambitious , and a thing we thirst not after . And for so great a charity your humble Petitioners shall ever ( as in duty bound ) pray for Your continuall prosperity and eternall happinesse . London , Printed for Geo. Baily , 1642. 
A78854	----	C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingham, Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78854 of text R210541 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[29]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78854 Wing C2393 Thomason 669.f.5[29] ESTC R210541 99869328 99869328 160742 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78854) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160742) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[29]) C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingham, Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for I.T., London : 1642. Includes: A proclamation for putting the laws against Popish recusants in due execution. Sir George Wentworth has been appointed receiver of the revenue from forfeitures of Popish recusants in the Northern counties. .. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78854 R210541 (Thomason 669.f.5[29]). civilwar no C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingha England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 678 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. A LETTER SENT FROM HIS MAJESTY To the high Sheriffes of the Counties of Yorke , Lincolne , Stafford , Derby , Chester , Lancaster , Nottingham , Westmorland , Cumberland , Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham , &c. WHereas by Letters Patents under Our great Seale of England , We have granted unto Sir George Wentworth the Office of Receiver of Our Revenew , arising by the forfeitures of Popish Recusants , in the Northerne Counties , thereby authorizing him to receive , and take up in Our name , and to Our use all the Rents and forfeitures due and payable to Us , for or in respect of Recusancy , or Conviction of any person or persons whatsoever , or by force of any Act or Acts of Parliament made against Recusants notwithstanding ; which , as we are informed , you have not onely taken upon you to discharge Recusants within that County , from paying their Rents and forfeitures into Our Receipt at Yorke , to our said Receiver , or his Deputy , but pretend they have no power to receive the same . thereby making Our Grant of no effect : Which having taken into Our Princely consideration , and foreseeing that by this meanes Our Revenew will not onely be impaired ; but if timely redresse be not applied , may be in danger to be destroyed and lost ; We have thought good , and by these presents require and command you , that from henceforth you forbeare , upon any pretence whatsoever , to receive the said Forfeitures or Compositions for Recusancy , or to hinder the said Sir George or his Deputies in receiving or collecting the same , according to his said Grant , untill Our pleasure therein be further made knowne . Given at Our Court at Yorke quinto die Maii , 1642. BY THE KING A Proclamation for putting the Laws against Popish Recusants in due execution . THE Kings most excellent Majesty , having been formerly moved by his Parliament , for putting the Laws in execution against Papists , whereto He hath from time to time still given His gracious Answers , expressing his willingnesse therunto : But now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer His Majesties expectation : His Majesty therefore , out of His Princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of Popery ; Hath thought fit to publish His Royall Pleasure therein : Wherefore His Majesty doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every His Judges and Justices of Assize , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , and other His Officers and Ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , That they , and every of them , according to the duties of the r severall Offices and Places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm , provided and made against Popish Recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; As they tender His Maiesties just and Royall Commands , the good of this Church and Kingdome , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . Die Martis , 20. Maii , 1642. IT is this day Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Magazines of the severall Counties in England and Wales , shall be forthwith put into the power of the Lord Lievtenants of the said Counties , respectively , ( being such as the Parliament doth confide in ) for the Service , and safety of His Majesty and his Kingdom . Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , That this Order shall be Printed and Published . Ioh. Brown , Cler. Parl. LONDON Printed for I.T. 1642. 
A78985	----	By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no Popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78985 of text R210980 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[69]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78985 Wing C2575 Thomason 669.f.5[69] ESTC R210980 99869724 99869724 160782 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78985) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160782) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[69]) By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no Popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printed to the Kings most excellent [Majestie, and by the assignes of John Bill], Imprinted by London : 1642. At bottom of text: Given at Our court at York the tenth day of August, in the eighteenth yeer of Our reign. 1642. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "August 15th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78985 R210980 (Thomason 669.f.5[69]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the t England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 885 2 0 0 0 0 0 23 C The rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse Command , That no Popish Recusant , nor any other , who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie , shall serve Him in His Army : And that the Souldiery commit no rapines upon the People , but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money . WHereas We have heretofore , by Our Proclamation , straightly charged and commanded , That the Laws should be put in due execution against Popish Recusants , and We have , and shall have it still in Our care , to suppresse and prevent the growth of Popery , and to use all good means that may tend thereunto , and not to countenance Papists , by any imployment or trust , by or for Vs . And whereas there are now at and neer London great Forces levied , and in levying , and Moneys raising , by way of contribution , and otherwise , towards the charge of raising , and maintaining an Army , or Forces , under pretence of the Order of Our two Houses of Parliament , not onely without Our consent , but contrary to Our severall expresse Commands , published by severall Proclamations , Letters , and otherwise . And the same Forces are actually in so much forwardnesse , as that t●ere are divers Horsemen daily Exercised , and Trained in places about London , and great numbers of Foot in raising ; and a Generall , and other principall Officers are nominated and declared , and they have accepted and taken upon them those places , and have already done severall Acts of Hostility against Vs , which cleerly appear to be a levying of War against Vs ; We have found it necessary , to raise and levy Forces , for the defence of the true Protestant Religion , Our Person , the two Houses of Parliament . And now , lest any Popish Recusants should presume to offer to serve Vs herein , or procure themselves to be listed , as Officers , or Souldiers in Our Army , without Our knowledge , and to the end that Our intention herein may be cleerly known , That whereas one principall aim of raising these Forces , is , for the defence and maintenance of the true Protestant Religion , We may not be served with Papists , as falsly and slanderously hath been objected against Vs , We do hereby declare Our expresse Will and Pleasure to be , and We do hereby straightly Command , That no Person or Persons soever being Popish Recusant , shall presume to come to Our Court , contrary to the Law in such Case provided , nor any Popish Recusant , or Papist take any Office , or Place , or List himself as a Souldier in this Service . And to the end there may be as full discovery as can be made of such as shall , contrary to this Our Proclamation , be 〈◊〉 listed into such Our service , We do straightly command and charge all Officers and Souldiers , who shall be entred or listed for this Our service , That upon the first Muster-day after they shall be so listed , they take the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance , both which We shall take care shall be tendered unto them according to the Law , thorowout Our Army . And if any shall continue his name in those Lists , and yet shall refuse the said Oathes , We shall not onely cashiere them , but also otherwise proceed against them , according to the Law . And as We shall be carefull that all Our Officers and Souldiers shall be duly paid , that there be no occasion or pretence of necessity amongst them to burden any of Our Subjects , So we do hereby straightly charge and command , That none of the said Officers , or Souldiers presume to take any thing from any of Our good Subiects , without due payment for the same , nor commit any unlawfull Violence or Outrage . And to all these Our Commands We expect a strict Obedience of all Our Subjects whom it may concern , as they will answer the contrary at their uttermost perill . And being thus carefull that by this Our necessary service , Our Subjects should not in any degree suffer or be wronged , so We do expect and require , That all Our Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Majors , Bayliffes , and all other Our Officers and Subjects , should use their best endeavours as there shall be occasion for the assistance and convenient supplies of Our said Officers , and Souldiers , with such things as shall be necessary and fit for them , at reasonable Rates and Prices . Given at Our Court at York the tenth day of August , in the eighteenth yeer of our Reign . 1642. August 15th God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most 〈…〉 
A80451	----	A copy of a commission under the Great Seale of Ireland, granted by the Right Honorable Sir William Parsons Knight and Barronet, and Sir John Borlase Knight, Lords Justices of that kingdom: for disarming all papists in and about the city of Dublin, and restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said city, and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order. Parsons, William, Sir, 1570?-1650. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80451 of text R3664 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E240_25). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80451 Wing C6111 Thomason E240_25 ESTC R3664 99872456 99872456 124893 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80451) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 124893) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 41:E240[25]) A copy of a commission under the Great Seale of Ireland, granted by the Right Honorable Sir William Parsons Knight and Barronet, and Sir John Borlase Knight, Lords Justices of that kingdom: for disarming all papists in and about the city of Dublin, and restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said city, and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order. Parsons, William, Sir, 1570?-1650. Borlase, John, Sir, 1576-1648. 7 [i.e. 8] p. Printed for E. Husbands and J. Franck, London, : October 6. 1642. Page 8 misnumbered 7. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A80451 R3664 (Thomason E240_25). civilwar no A copy of a commission under the Great Seale of Ireland, granted by the Right Honorable Sir William Parsons Knight and Barronet, and Sir Joh Parsons, William, Sir 1642 2783 7 0 0 0 0 0 25 C The rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Copy of a COMMISSION UNDER The Great Seale OF IRELAND , Granted by the Right Honorable Sir William Parsons Knight and Barronet , and Sir John Borlase Knight , Lords Justices of that Kingdom : FOR Disarming all Papists in and about the City of DVBLIN , And restraining the accesse of any suspitious persons unto the said City , and for the preservation of the same in safety and good order . London , Printed for E. Husbands and J. Franck ; October 6. 1642. CHARLES by the grace of God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , defender of the Faith , &c. To our we●beloved Our Major of the City of Dublin for the time being , Sir William Anderson Knight , Sir Christopher Forster Knight , Sir William Vsher Knight , Sir Philip Percival Knight , J●hn Bysse Esq Recorder of our City of Dublin , Richard Barry of Dublin Alderman , Charles Forster of Dublin Alderman , William Smith of Dublin Alderman , William Bladen of Dublin Alderman , William Plunket Esquire , Captaine Theodore Sc●out , Robert Savill Serjeant at Armes , Mathew Ford , Anthony Dopping , Captaine Philip Fernely , Robert Kenedy , John Woodcock , John Pue , Sankey Sulliard , Josua Carpenter , Brian Jones , Thomas Tallis , William Rowlls , Thomas Leigh , Thomaas Hill , William Scott , Daniel Forster , Richard Francis , Joseph H●ll , Daniel Adrian , Thomas Hooke , Frederick Panchart , Captaine Balthazar Creamer , John Wogan , Randall Becket , James Smith , John Fisher , Ralph Bryen , Richard Stone , Robert Davies , Ralph Wallis , Daniel Hutchison , Peter Wybrant , John Hill Merchant , John Norris , Thomas Haukins , Thomas Windall , Nathaniel Neve and Robert Scarborow greeting . WHEREAS We have taken into our Princely consideration the strange and unusual Concourse of Papists to our City of Dublin , and the Suburbs thereof , some of them not having formerly dwelt there . And others of them aswel Masters of Families as Servants , having formerly dwelt there , but withdrew themselves into the Country for a time since the present Rebellion began , and of late returned again to the said City and Suburbs , and there all of them now continue as Inhabitanas or Sojourners , not onely to the needlesse and exceeding great burden of the Inhabitants , and disappointment of the Souldiers , aswel in their lodging , as in the raysing of the price of meate and other needfull provisions , but also to the terrour of many of Our good and loyal Subjects inhabiting in this City and Suburbs thereof , aswel in respect of the numbers of those Papists , as in the advantages observed to be dayly thereby gayned to the Rebels , aswel in frequent intelligences from Our sayd City as in Supplies of needfull provisions from thence from time to time . AND forasmuch as in these times of open Rebellion , when the Rebells appeare in all parts of this Our Kingdom in open Arms , with Banners displayed against Us and Our Royall Authority , We are necessitated to take some extraordinary way whereby to free Our said City and good Subjects therin from the fears & dangers threatned against Us and them , and against the peace & safety of this Our Kingdom , by that unlimitted concourse of people flocking so dangerously to Our sayd City and Suburbs , and for reformation of sundry other abuses and disorders in Our said City of Dublin and the Suburbs thereof . KNOW yee therefore that We reposing speciall trust and confidence in your fidelity and circumspection , have nomin●ted , constituted and appointed , and by these presents doe nominate , constitute and appoint you to be Our Commissioners . And doe hereby give unto you or any two or more of you ful power and authority from time to time , and as often as you or any two or more of you shall think fit to repaire to all and every part of the said City and Suburbs , and there aswell by Examination of Witnesses upon Oath , which oath and oaths We hereby authorize you or any two or more of you to administer , wh●n , and as often as you or any two or more of you shall from time to time think fit , as by all other lawfull wayes and means whatsoever to examine , search far , inquire and finde out what Arms or Munion are or shal be remaining in any house , houses , or other place or places in the said City or Suburbs belonging to any Papists , or in the house or houses of Protestants , whose wives and children are Papists . And the same so found out , to inquire how when and where 〈◊〉 they came by them , and all other matters touching and concerning the same , which you or any two or more of you shall think fit . And it is Our pleasure , and We doe accordingly require and authorize you or any two or more of you to seize upon , and take into your hands , or the hands of any two or more of you all the said Arms and Munition , as also al the Arms of what kind soever which you or any two or more of you shal finde any Papist carrying about him either in his house or dwelling , or abroad in the streets , whether he or they be commorant in Town , or Traveller to or from the said City or Suburbs . Giving the party from whom the same shall bee so taken , a note in writing under the hands of you or any two or more of you mentioning the particulars and quantity of Arms or Munition or both so to be taken from him , her , or them to Our use , and that thereupon you or any two or more of you cause the same to be delivered forthwith after you shal so seize the same into Our store of Arms and Munition at our castle of Dublin , taking the clark of the store's hand for receipt thereof , which shall be a good discharge for you against your said note or notes formerly given . And We also require and authorize you or any two or more of you aswel by examination of witnesses upon Oath , as by all other lawful waies and means whatsoever to examine , search , inquire , and finde out what titulary popish Archbishops , Bishops , Vicars-generall , Jesuits , Priests , or Friars , or other superstitious Orders of the popish pretended Clergy are or shall be in and about the said City or Suburbs . And them to apprehend & commit to prison there to remaine until further direction from Us , or Our said Justices , or other Our chiefe Governour ▪ or Governours and Councell of this Our Kingdome . And in like manner to examine , search , inquire and finde out , what men and women that are Papists , and what Papists children of what quality or degree soever he or they be , have come to the sayd City or Suburbs to reside , sojourne , or any way to continue therein since Easter last ? Where they now lodge , and since their coming to Town have lodged either in the houses of Papists or Protestants ? What their names and sirnames are , and of what sept or kindred they be ? Whence they came ? What occasions called them thither ? What now deteynes them there ? And all other matters concerning their being there , Which you or any two or more of you shall thinke fit . And then that you or any two or more of you do comand so many of them as you or any two or more of you shal think fit to depart from the said City and Suburbs within so many hours , as to you or any two or more of you shal be thought fit , and not to returne back to the said City or Suhurbs without special licence from Us , or Our Justices , or other chiefe Governour or Governours of this our Kingdom for the time being ; And to enjoyne all those in whose house or houses either Papists or Protestants such person or persons so to be commanded away doe , or shall lodge , so journe or live , that they or any of them presume not thereafter to entertaine them , or any of them into his or their house or houses , as they will answer their so doing at their extreame perill . And We doe also require you or any two or more of you to cause two Books to be made up , and in one of them to cause to be inserted in writing , the names , strnames , and qualities of all men and women ordinarily Town-dwellers in Our sayd City or Suburbs aswel Masters of Families as Servants that are Papists . And in the other Booke to cause to be inserted the names , sirnames , and qualities of all men and women whom you shall so command to depart from this City and Suburbs . And in another part of that Book to insert the names , sirnames and qualities of all such men and women that are Papists whom you admit to stay , and expressing at their nams for what time their stay is admitted ; that so you may upon a new search ( wherein Wee require you to be diligent and frequent ) finde out whether or no they have exceeded the time limited for their stay . We do also require and authorize you or any two or more of you to charge and command all person or persons whatsoever in the said City and Subburbs in whose houses any such person or persons formerly lodged , soiourned or lived , and to publish and declare to all others whom it may concern that in case any of the said persons so to be cōmanded away shall return again at any time to the said City or Suburbs , or any other men or women whatsoever that are Papists , and not resident continually in the said City and Suburbs , without any late intermission since the first of October last shall hereafter come to the said City or Suburbs ; that then the person or persons to whose house or houses , he , she , or they so returning , shall return or come , do from time to time , and as often as any such shall happen within two hours after the receipt or entertainment into his , her , or their house or houses of any such person or persons return under his , her , or their hands unto two or more of you the names , sirnames , qualities and conditions of all and every such person and persons so received , lodged , or entertained . We likewise require and authorize you or any two or more of you in like manner to examine what Victualls , Cloaths , Arms , Munition , or other provisions whatsoever have been carryed ; or shall be carryed out of the said Citie or Suburbs for the relief of the Rebells , and by whom , and who were furtherers and privy thereunto , and what Towns-men , or their Servants that are Papists , have been since Easter last , admitted into any Horse Troop or Foot company or Ward in Our pay ? And by whom ? And in whose Troop , Company , or Ward so admitted ? And what Arms of any kind have , are , or shall be sold by any Souldier Horse-man or Foot-man to any Towns-man , or other Inhabitant in the said Citie and Suburbs ? And where the said Arms now are ? And what Masters or Mistresses of Families or Servants that are Papists that formerly resided in the said Citie & Suburbs , have between the three and twentieth of October and the first of Aprill last withdrawn themselves into the Country , and having continued there a while , returned again to live in the said City and Suburbs ? And if upon examination you or any two or more of you shall find them , or any of them , to have been with the Rebells , to cause all such to be apprehended and committed to prison , and to certifie their names under the hands of you or any two or more of you to our Justices , or other Our chief Governour or Governours , and Councell of this Our Kingdom . And what else shall appear unto you concerning them . AND We also require and authorize you or any twelve or more of you , to view all thatched Houses and Cabins in and about the said City and Suburbs , and to give six dayes warning to the possessors of such of the said thatched houses and Cabines , as you or any twelve or more of you shall finde to be dangerous to the safety of the said City and suburbs , and therefore ought necessarily to be removed or pulled down , to remove or pull them down ; wherein if they faile , then and in such case you or any twelve or more of you are to cause such of the thatched houses and Cabines to be removed and pulled down , as you or twelve or more of you shall finde not to have been pulled down by the possessors within the said six dayes according to the said warning given . AND in case you or any two or more of you shall finde any person or persons disobedient to your commands in and concerning the Execution of the premises , or any part thereof . We do in such case authorize you or any two or more of you to commit to prison such person or persons , when , and as often as there shall be just cause , and afterwards to release such person or persons , when you or any two or more of you shrll think fit . And for the better and more full and due performance of these services , It is Our pleasure , and we do hereby authorize you or any two or more of you as aforesaid to administer from time to time an Oath or Oaths to any person or persons , witnesses touching or concerning all or any the points , Clauses , Articles , Authorities or Commands in these presents above mentioned . And that you Our Commissioners do divide your selves in and throughout the said City & suburbs into severall limits , streets and parishes ; and so to proceed in the execution of the premises either altogether or severally as you shall finde cause . And that you be frequent at least weekly , or oftner if you find cause in the searches , examinations , and other services by these presents committed to your trust . AND we require all Maiors , Sherriffs , Justices of the peace , and all other our Officers , Ministers , and loving subjects whom it may concern , and particularly all Colonells , Commanders , officers and souldiers of our Army to be unto you or any two or more of you alwayes aiding , helping and assisting in the due execution of the premises from time to time , as there may be occasion . And we require you from time to time to give an account of your proceedings to our Justices , or other Our chief Governour or Governours of this Our Kingdom for the time being . And this Our Commission is to continue in force during Our pleasure . Witnesses Our right trusty and welbeloved Councellors , Sir William Parsons Knight and Baronet , and Sir John Borelase Knight , Our Justices of Our said Realm of Ireland . At Dubin the ninth day of September in the eighteenth yeer of Our Raign . Carleton & Exham , FINIS . 
A31234	----	A reply to the ansvver of the Catholiqve apology, or, A cleere vindication of the Catholiques of England from all matter of fact charg'd against them by their enemyes Castlemaine, Roger Palmer, Earl of, 1634-1705. 1668 Approx. 377 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 145 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31234 Wing C1246 ESTC R38734 17960171 ocm 17960171 106777 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31234) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106777) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1121:2) A reply to the ansvver of the Catholiqve apology, or, A cleere vindication of the Catholiques of England from all matter of fact charg'd against them by their enemyes Castlemaine, Roger Palmer, Earl of, 1634-1705. Pugh, Robert, 1609-1679. 288 p. s.n.], [London? : M. DC. LXVIII [1668] Attributed to Roger Palmer, Earl of Castlemaine by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints; also attributed to Robert Pugh. "...The humble apology of the English Catholicks ...": p. 24-41. "A catologve [sic] of those Catholicks that died and svffered for theire loyalty": p. 175 [i.e. 275]-288. Reproduction of the original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. -- Late apology in behalf of the papists. Catholic Church -- Apologetic works. Catholics -- England. 2006-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A REPLY TO THE ANSVVER OF THE CATHOLIQVE APOLOGY . Or a cleere vindication of the Catholiques of England from all matter of fact charg'd against them by their Enemyes . M. DC . LXVIII . PREFACE TO ALL THE ROYALLISTS that suffered for HIS MAJESTY : AND To all the rest of the Good People of ENGLAND . My Lords and Gentlemen : IF formerly the English Catholiques by their Apology did in treat your Intercession to our Gratious Monarch , in suspending the execution of those severities then proclaimed : I ( a member of that faithful Body ) must now beseech your Iustice against the malice of a Parson , who not only strives to oppress the Loyal , but also ( by the inferences of his Discourse ) would stifle hereafter zeal , and mitigate , if he could , the fire , that resides in the breasts of all generous Subjects . Can any thing touch men of Honour more , then after the loss of so many Lives and Estates , insultingly to have it said , It was but your Duty ? Nay , to go yet farther , even in a barbarous falsity , that Necessity only forc'd us to what we did , and that at all times you would rather far have had our room then Company . What Preacher preacht this in the days of old ? Or who told us when Cromwel lived , Be gone , you are no friends to Caesar ? It was our Duty , I confess , and a Duty which no good man can refuse his Soveraign , neither shall we ever be shockt in the fervour of it , by the Doctrine of such a Rabby . The reason why I now take up the Gantlet of this Goliah , is to shew the candour of our Actions , being yet purer then his words are black : which though many could do far better then I , yet here I appear challenged into the List , as Author of the late Apology . Author I can call my self , if plain words may create that Title ; but the Duty and Submission is the sence of the whole Catholique Party ; and for the matter of Fact , Books are the preservers of it , which will for ever record our Innocence , in despite of such detraction and calumny . A Jesuit , the Minister is pleas'd to call me , though I had not the happiness to be bred in their learned Schools : but the trick of this poor man plainly appears , that thus he hopes to make Truth it self suspected , because by the Preaching of such Pastors , the ignorant ( as children consider Sarazens ) have most fond Ideas of the Society and of all Priests in general . My Lords and Gentlemen , Before I go any farther , I think it most necessary to tell you what moved me to write that Pamphlet ; which wken you have well weighed , you will find in the intention , perchance that Piety , which is usually lodged in an English Heart : and that you may assure your selves of the sincerity of my thoughts , Know , that if my Arm was too weak to weild a Sword in the late just War , I had then a passion to wish my years greater . But though I thus lost the Honour of laying my life at the feet of the injured Father , I had yet the satisfaction to hazard it for the Son , even before and since his happy Restauration . For my neer Relations , they all suffered in the Common Cause , which as it brought death to some , so to others the sale of their cōsiderable Estates , and the best Fortune that any could expect , was to be crowded into the dreadful List for Cōposition . I am sure my zeal to the Royal Family has been as forward ( to my power ) as the best , more then which no body certainly can do ; nor have I ever been farther Satyrical against those that stand at Helm , then by innocently saying , We Catholiques are always most unfortunate . This is the Profession I have lived in , and in the same loyal Faith will I end my days . Doubtless then I could have no sinister design in publishing the Apology ; the good end I had , let the World consider . My first Motive was the Law of Nature , which gives the Needy leave to call for Mercy : nor was there at any time a Nation so cruel , that ever yet denied this favour . Could there be a more frightful sight , then to see the whole English World on a sudden , point and cry , Fie on them , Fie on them ? What scoffing Blasphemies did the Seditious utter ? How did Tenants begin to confront their Landlords ? Nay , ( omitting several insolencies of the Rabble ) I knew some Justices , by reason of private spleen to their Neighbours , seize on a Servant , threatning his commitment , unless he made Oath what his Master daily did . Thus then in a trice we became an Eye-sore to our Friends , and a by-word among the Common Ennemies . But now my Minister will nimbly demand , Is not this accusing the King , and blaming the whole Parliament for their Advice and Counsel ? To which I answer , first , with the great Embassador of Heaven , God forbid : Nor is it possible for a man , who would hazard whatever is dear to him on Earth for the glory of his Country , to harbour such thoughts against lawful and just Authority . Pray , Master Parson , let me ask you , Whether Laws in all places are executed by inferiour Officers , according to the intent of the Legislator ? Remember , Sir , the infinitely wise Bill of purging Corporations , and you will find how private revenge converted it into quite another thing . This is a Flayl , against which perchance no wisdom can make defence ; but nevertheless , 't is Vineger , and may force a shriek from the opprest , without offence to Government . My Lords and Gentlemen , I do with all submission acknowledge that Counsellors ( especially the Supream ) may advise their Soveraign to put Laws in force , without giving a reason to the Publick ; and moreover , I do farther say , that it was mercy that they were till then suspended : yet it is no crime , even when they are revived , humbly to beg for favour . And to illustrate this , consider , I beseech you , an Example . Imagine that his Majesty being returned , an honest Cavalier was restored to his House , which with two parts of his Lands lay round about a City , the prime Jewel in the Royal-Diadem . Here the good man sitting now under his own vine , daily blesses God for the happiness of the Nation ; and here each moment he conceives fresh joys , by considering how superlative his late sufferings were . If now on a sudden both Houses ( upon mature deliberation ) should beseech his Majesty to make use of old Laws , to new fortifie this his most considerable place ( which consequently would destroy this Subjects Estate ) no body , I think , could wonder to see him amazed and troubled . Suppose then , to diuert this ruine , the poor mā should beseech his friends to intercede , should shew his sufferings , should urge reasons that his house would be a strength to the Town , and that the Kings Enemies have certainly some bad design by his calamity . For all this the Prince is no way necessitated to grant his request , Because reasons which seem strong to a Party concerned , may yet in themselves be frivolous , when they are weighed by judgments who know far better the state of things , then private men can be conceived to do . But yet , it were severe to indite this man for a Libeller , or say ( because he begs ) that he mutinies against Obedience and Rule . Niniveh might call for mercy without affronting Heaven , even after sentence was given ; nor has ever the King of Kings , when he punishes , forbad his children to cry , Remember Abraham , Remember Isaac , Remember Jacob ; O Lord remember the promises that thou hast made of old . My second Reason , was as a Subject to keep the Peace , and to the utmost of my power to prevent all strife and division . This is an obligation which no son of Adam can plead exemption from : for seeing all men are under somme Government or other , and Quiet the sole end of that , everybody must use the best means he can ( so it contradict not Laws ) to preserve the thing for which Magistracy it self was established . No Creature , I am sure , can be ignorant of the distraction then in England : for he that was in the City , fled to his Farm , frightned with the noise of a new fire ; and he that got into the Country , poasted again to Town , to escape the Massacre , which designed whispers dayly threatned . If this disorder was amongst Protestants , what dreadful confusion must you imagine amongst Catholiques , who are but a handful comparatively to the whole , and yet the famed Authors of these two Conspiracies ! Was it unbeseeming then an English Christian to wish a better understanding among his Countrymen , and to desire the Royal-Party should not be disjoyned , especially when an Invasion was menaced by our Confederate Neighbours ; and a Rebellion newly broke out within the Circuit of our own Island ? If remedies were needful , what Medicament could be better applied then the gentle balm of true perswasion ? By this men saw the Tares which the Enemy sowed whilst they slept ; and thus they began to reknow their often tried friends , descended ( according to Nature and Grace ) from those Ancestors , who like so many Atlas's upheld the Grandeur of our Kings , whilst the whole World from East to West admired their Victories . Consider then , I beseech you , ( Great Patriots ) in whom the Prince of darkness reigns ; whether in me that am termed a Jesuit , and would banish all discord from among my Brethren ; or in this strange Minister , who to sow Sedition , plows with perverted Storie , and then harrows with downright falsities and untruths . How does this poor man rip up old tales of Popes , and by discovering his passion and fancy , infer , that it is a check to the Glory of Kings , and utter loss of Soveraignty , to be under the spiritual Jurisdiction of this Universal Bishop ? Why do not the Kings of France , Spain , Portugal and Poland see this ? How comes it to pass also , that the Emperor ( who is Absolute Monarch of Hungary and Boheme ) and the other great Princes of Germany , are ignorant of a thing of so much concernment ? This I much wonder at indeed , especially since their Countries have so swarmed with these Reformed Evangelists : But it may be they are carelesse of their interest , and so is the simple Florentine , who with the Duke of Savoy , and the rest of the Italian Regulets , want as much wit as they do Authority and Power . These Princes , even these very last , live , as I may say , just under his Holiness his Nose ; and yet ( when they please ) dispute about Temporals , not only with Sword in hand , but are so absolute and arbitrary in their Dominiōs , that England would groan to bear once in many ages , what their Subjects daily suffer . Reflecting thus on the premises , might not I well wonder in our Apology , how so wild a calumny could be laid to our charge , as that our Principles are destructive to Soveraignty ? Truly , I did wonder , and that not a little , especially since our fore-fathers were so eminent in Religion , and yet our Kings rather Monarchs of Europe , then of half an Isle , giving Laws wheresoever they pleased . If some Popes have been exorbitant , 't is no more our Faith to believe their actions iust , then that humane transgressions are the true Precepts of Christianity . As some wicked mē dealt ill with Gods Anointed ; so on the other side , who defended these Princes against pretended illegal impositions of Rome ? were they not Papists ? Yes , and so fervent for that Truth , that the next day they would take the Croisado next against any forreign Hereticks . 'T is no breach in our Religion to say , that Popes in their private Determinations may erre , much less , that they sin like men . A Pope and Council in matters of Faith I confess Infallible ; and therefore I look upon the Decrees of Trent , as divine as those of Nice : nor were there , I am sure , more tricks against Protestants pretended in this , then in the former against the strong and numerous Arrians . No man abominates Prelatick insolencies more then I : Bring out then the Glorious Roll , and upon examination you will find , that our bravest Catholique Princes have been the best sons of the Church : nor is yet a King by our Tenets the worse Child for defending his Rights and Priviledges . Caesar must have what is Caesars , and to God we must ●●nder what is Gods. Shall Notions then convince Experience , when as Demonstration it self often gives way to Practice ? Let us now summon for witnesses to this great Truth , the present Kings of our Profession ; and though their thoughts towre far higher then Eagles , they will not only deride the contrary , but unanimously proclaim , that their people are not rebellious by reason of Ecclesiastical dependence abroad , nor do they think themselves less absolute then that very Prince , who cries , There ought to be no other Pope then Me. What shall I say then to such a man , who will yet affirm our Principles inconsistent with Obedience ? To advise him to Anticyra is vain , for no Ellebore can purge that madness , which first taking root by ignorance , has afterward been quite transformed , through interest , into an obstinate , and selfdeceiving wilfulness . My Lords and Gentlemen , As malice has forced the Answerer thus ill to apply his reading , so also it hath stained his face with so deep a dye , that now he blushes at nothing , nor regards any more whatever he says . Well might I have pardoned him his rude upbraiding , That our sufferings were but Duties , because it is a real Truth : yet no Subject takes pleasure in the sound , when in rancour and despite it is used against him . I say , well might I with silence have swallowed this , seeing afterwards I was to hear him with impudēce proclaim , That Papists were forc'd to their bravery , and like a hard-hunted-Deer , we threw our selves into the Herd , glad to be sheltered under the Royal covert . Glad , we cōfess , as Loyal men grasp the occasion of expressing zeal ; but that we could not sit quietly at home , I flatly here deny : nay , day is not clearer then this , that had not our Loyalty forbad , we might with triumph have been received even into the very embraces of the Enemy . Had this Minister perused Books any farther then their Indices against Catholiques , he would have seen , that let Rebels declare what they will , they 'll soon find excuses , and publickly make use of those very things ( when t is for their advantage ) against which in the beginning they openly profest . Was not Godliness , Godliness , the cry of all the Saints ? yet because dexterity was needful , they admitted into their league H. Martin and others , who were then as notorious for their Vices , as afterwards eminent in all the abominations of the Land. Again , if the Papists were pursued , against Bishops there was as fierce a Chase ; and ever after , Popery and Prelacy were continually plac'd in the same Parenthesis . For my part , I believe the English Episcopacie stuck more in their stomacks then we ; because Hereticks hate most that Religion which is but one remove above them , and from which they are ever iustly taxt rebelliously to have gone out . Besides , the Catholikes ( being of a Faith for which the People had a prejudice ) could no ways obstruct the Reformation , which they so earnestly intended . 'T is plain then , against Prelats they had as great , if not a greater Pique : yet when it conduced to the reducing of North Wales , and subduing of Sir John Owen , they made commander of their Forces not onely a Bishop , but an Arch - bishop also , I mean ( that real Chimaera ) his graceless Grace of York . But why do I trouble you with these probable arguments to prove the possibility of our reception , when as the matter of fact is certain , not done in a corner , but in the Palace of a King , and in the sight of all his Nobles ? Sir Arthur Aston , a Catholick of Quality and Experience , offered our late Souveraign his service , and the service of many more , upon the first preparations of War. The good Prince sincerely gave him thanks ; but told him , that by reason of their Religion , he durst not admit them into the Army : for the Rebels ( who never omitted a pretence ) , would make use of this , to discredit him among the people . This Knight being refused thus , rode in all haste to London , and made the like tender to Essex . The Earl upon the proposal consults the Cabal , who presently advised him to accept the offer ; and so a formal Commission was given Sir Arthur . He immediately posted back to the Court , and there shewed the Commission to his Majestie ; which when he saw , and together with it the Intrigue of these Juglers , he not onely gave Sir Arthur a Command , but from that time declared all Catholicks welcome , who thereupon from every Quarter hastned to his help and succour . The Designes which the Rebels had herein , were many : for by this they not onely hoped to get to themselves a Party well versed in War , great in Bloud , and of Estates answerable to that Bloud ; but also were sure at the same instant to weaken as much the King , as they brought strength to themselves : and besides , they farther considered , that this might adde a gloss to their proceedings abroad , because all Neighbouring Princes ( being Catholiques ) would then probably look on their actions with a more partial eye . Scripture also , which is the stalking-horse of all Sects , could not be wanting to them , who had already , with a Curse ye Meroz , invited all to Rebellion . That very Example might have been a Warrant , that the Godly & Profane may joyn in a Confederation . At least 't was evident , that the children of Israel , who went to fight the battels of the Lord , used a Rahabs assistance , a Harlot of Jericho ; for which service they shew'd favour to all her fathers house : And why then might not the Elect ( when the Cause required it ▪ ) receive aid from us , though children of the Whore of Babylon ? Doubtless , in Conscience this advantage could not have been omitted by the Saints , since it might have been a means towards our Conversion , as Cromwel afterwards urged , when he so passionately stickled to bring in the Jews . My Lords and Gentlemen , Thus stood our Case , and thus are we now reviled by a Minister , after such true and faithful Services : Yes , so Loyal have we been , that I defie all mankinde to shew one that was false , unless perchance those that renouncing their God , and shaking hands with Religion , were owned as Converts by the people . Nay , let any man read but the Account of the a Pyrenaean Treaty , printed by the Dutch and others , and there he shall see , that Cromwel esteemed us the greatest of his enemies : for so he told the Duke of Crequi , when he desired him ( as a request of his Mistress the Queen Mother of France ) to cease his notorious persecutions against us . Certainly , nothing can more fully proue the sincere and disinterested meaning of the Catholiques , then the Kings miraculous Escape from Worcester : for he fell not there into the hands of men of Qualitie onely , but among Papists of all ranks and conditions . There were Priests , there were Trades-men , there were Labourers , there were old women , there were young , fully acquainted with his misery : and though at the same time death was proclaimed to the Concealer , and to the Discoverer a reward ( able to make a poor man Emperour in his own thoughts ) yet no danger , no gain could make them betray him , whom by their Faith they were commanded to conceal . Men of education and parts may sometimes have by designes , even in the best of their doings ; but they of low degree ( being unacquainted with the artifices of the World ) declare the full reality of their hearts , having nothing lodged there , but the religious Principles , which from their youth they received from their Ghostly Father . My Lords and Gentlemen , I must here conjure you not to put any forc'd interpretation upon my words : for I do not now Apologize for any Extravagancies done by our Predecessours in the beginning of the Reformation ; onely let me beseech you to look on their Case at that time with the gentlest aspect that may be . Height of temptation may perchance move pitie in Magistrates , though not pervert their Justice : and let me desire him that will judge , to lay his hand on his owne brest , and truly examine there , what he himself would do in this condition . Suppose he were of a Religion which he thought the visible Church from age to age delivered , which he knew his ancestors to have happily lived under , and which he saw profest by all the Kingdoms about him : suppose then on a sudden , by the preaching of two or three men ( base in their rank , and taxt in Moralities obyne another ) a flame should break out through all Europe , and turn topsie-turvie this venerable Building , to make way for divers unlike Fabricks , every on of which , each Architect affirmed , was according to Gods own Word and Model . I ask him then in such a devastation , ( which , to use a Camden's own phrase , The world stood amaz'd , and England groan'd at ) what would flesh and bloud move him to ? 'T is an Article of my Faith , that neither Heresie nor Turcism ( because ill must not be done that good may come of it ) can be opposed by Rebellion ; though many of the Reformed Divines are ( b as I shal shew you ) of another sentiment . Yet even those that do agree with me , will nevertheless confess , that ( by reason of carnal passions ) Grace must be predominant to resist so strong a torrent . Was it not strange in the beginning , to behold c Abbies destroyed , Bishopricks gelded , Chanteries , Hospitals and Colledges turned to profane uses ? Nay , ( after a change of Liturgies and Rites ) to see people renounce their pious Vows , and out of Godliness grow more licentious and loose . a These and the like unexpected alterations ( it being a pitiful thing ( as b Stow says ) to hear the lamentations in the Country for Religious houses ) spurred men forward to resist : for people saw the Conflagration , and none knew in what it would determine or end . But now , Noble Country-men , the Scene is quite altered : for now we know the full scope of your designe , now we are inured to the gentle . Yoak of Protestant Kings , and now we are so incorporated by our long acquaintance and joynt sufferings that all humane proneness to contend ( which our Enemies called Principles of Faith ) is wholly eradicated and taken away . Having thus shew'd you that our Principles are not dangerous to Kings , that our actions have been zealous for Kings , and moreover that it is impossible we should again fall into those misdemeanours , into which natural frailtie and misusage drove the foregoing age : I will now , with your permission , examine the Answer of our Minister to each particular Paragraph , and by it shall still farther let you see , as well his pernicious ill nature , as his detestable Positions and Designes . But , my Lords and Gentlemen , I shall beseech you , first throughly to peruse the Apologie it self , it being the ground of the whole Dispute : and because it hath been mangled by him into many imperfect Sections , I have thought fit to print it here entire , to the end you might run it over with the more ease ; and that by the whole connexion and dependance ( which mutilation spoils ) you may the better consider the real integritie I had , in putting out that true and submissive Vindication . TO ALL THE ROYALLISTS that suffered for HIS MAJESTY : AND To all the rest of the Good People of ENGLAND . The Humble APOLOGIE of the ENGLISH CATHOLICKS My Lords and Gentlemen : THe Arms which Christians can use against Lawful Powers in their Severity , are only Prayers & Tears . Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed , but the Cause , viz. to see our dearest Friends forsake us ; we hope it will not offend you , if ( after we have a little wip'd our eyes ) we sigh out our Complaints to you . We had spoken much sooner , had we not been silent through consternation to see you so enflam'd ( whom with reverence we honour ) and also to shew our submissive patience , which used no slights or tricks to divert the debates of Parliament . For no body can imagine , where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concern'd , but something might have been done ; whenas in all ages we see things of Publick advantage by the managers dexterity nipt in the bud , even in the very Houses themselves . Far be it from Catholicks to perplex Parliaments , who have been the Founders of their Priviledges , and all Ancient Lawes . Nay , Mâgna Charta it self had its rise from us ; which we do the less boast of , since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble manner . We sung our Nunc dimittis , when we saw our Master in his Throne , and you in your deserved Authority and Rule : nor could any thing have ever grieved us more , then to have our Loyalty called into Question by you , even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries . If we must suffer , let it be by you alone : for that 's a double death to men of Honour , to have their Enemies not onely Accusers , but their insulting Judges also . These are they , that by beginning with us , murthered their Prince , and wounded you : And shall the same Method continue by your approbation ? We are sure you mean well , though their designe be wicked . But let it never be recorded in Story , that you forgot your often Vows to us , in joyning with them that have been the cause of so great calamity to the Nation . Of all Calumnies against Catholicks , we have admired at none so much , as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government , and they themselves thought ever prone to Rebellion . My Lords and Gentlemen , Had this been a new Sect not known before , something perchance might have been doubted : but to lay this at their doors , that have governed the Civilized World , is the Miracle of Miracles to us . Did Richard the First , or Edward Longshanks , suspect his Catholicks that served in Palestine , and made our Countries Fame big in the Chronicle of all Ages ? Or did they mistrust ( in their dangerous absence ) their Subjects at home , because they were of this Profession ? Could Edward the Third imagine those to be Trayterous in their Doctrine , that had that care and duty for their Prince , as to make them ( by Statute ) guilty of death in the highest degree , that had the least thought of ill against the King ? Be pleased that Henry the Fifth be remembred also , who did those Wonders of which the whole World does still resound ; and certainly all History will agree in this , that 't was Old Castle he feared , and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church . We will no longer trouble you with putting you in minde of any more of our mighty Kings , who have been feared abroad , and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion . We shall onely adde this , that if Popery be the enslaving of Princes , France still believes it self as absolute as Denmark or Sweden : nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope , to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subiects . We shall always acknowledge to the whole World , that there have been as many brave English in this last Century , as in any other place whatsoever . Yet since the exclusion of the Catholick Faith , there has been that committed by those , who would be fain called Protestants , that the wickedest Papist never dreamt of 'T was never heard of before , that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects , and those stiled her Peers ; or that a King was publickly tried and executed by his own people and servants . My Lords and Gentlemen , We know who were the Authors of this last Abomination , and how generously you strove against the raging Torrent ; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it , but to shew that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn , and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion which our progenitors never saw , to convince you perchance ( whom for ever may he prosper ) that Popery is not the only Source of Treason . Little did we think ( when your Prayers and ours were offered up to beg a Blessing on the Kings Affairs ) ever to see that day , in which Carlos , Gifford , Whitgrave , and the Pendrels should be punished by your desires for that Religion , which obliged them to save their forlorn Prince ; and a stigmatized man ( for his offences against King and Church ) a chief promoter of it . Nay , less did we imagine , that by your Votes Hudlestone might be hanged , who again secured our Soveraign ; and others free in their fat possessions , that sat as Judges , and sealed the Execution of that great Prince of happy Memory . We confess , we are unfortunate , & you just Judges , whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so ; nor are we ignorant the necessity of affairs made the King and you do things , which formerly you could not so much as fancy : yet give us leave to say we are still Loyal ; nay , to desire you to believe so , and to remember how synonymous ( under the late Rebellion ) was the word Papist and Cavalier ; for there was no Papist that was not deemed a Caualier , nor no Caualier that was not call'd a Papist , or at least thought to be Popishly affected . We know , though we differ something in Religion , ( the truth of which let the last day judge ) yet none can agree with your inclinations , or are fitter for your converse then we ; for as we have as much birth among us as England can boast of , so our breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp. And therefore had not our late Sufferings united us in that firm tie , yet our like humors must needs have joyned our hearts . If we erre , pity our condition , and remember what your great Ancestors were ; and make some difference between us that have twice converted England from Paganism , and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority . But 't is generally said , That Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach . We confess , where the name of Protestant is unknown , the Catholick Magistrates ( believing it erronious ) do use all endeavours to keep it out : Yet in those Countreys where Liberty is given , they have far more Priviledges then we under any Reformed Government whatsoever . To be short , we will only instance France for all , where they have publick Churches , where they can make what Proselytes they please , and where 't is not against Law to be in any Charge or Imployment . Now Holland , which permits every thing gives us 't is true our Lives and Estates , but takes away alle Trust and Rule , and leaves us also in danger of the Scout , whensoever he pleases to molest our Meetings . Because we have named France , the Massacre will perchance be urged against us . But the World must know that was a Cabinet-Plot , condemned as wicked by Catholick Writers there , and of other Countries also . Besides , it cannot be thought they were murthered for being Protestants , since 't was their powerful Rebellion ( let their Faith have been what it would ) that drew them into that ill-machinated destruction . May it not as well be said in the next Catholick Kings Reign , that the Duke of Guise , ande Cardinal ( Heads of the League ) were killed for their Religion also ? Now no body is ignorant , that 't was their factious Authority , which made that jealous Prince design their deaths , though by unwarrantable means . If it were for Doctrine that the Hugonots suffered in France , this haughty Monaroh would soon destroy them now , having neither Force nor Towns to resist his Might and Puissance . They yet live free enough , being even Members of Parliament ; and may convert the Kings Brother too , if he thinks fit to be so . Thus you may see how well Protestants live in a Popish Country under a Popish King : Nor was Charlemaign more Catholick then this ; for though he contends sometimes with the Pope , 't is not of Faith , but about Gallicane Priviledges , which perchance he may very lawfully do . Judge then , Worthy Patriots , who are the best used , and consider our hardship here in England , where 't is not only a Fine for hearing Mass , but death to the Master for having a Priest in his house ; and so far we are from preferment , that by Law we cannot come within ten miles of London ; all which we know your great Mercy will never permit you to exact . It has been often urged , that our misdemeanours in Queen Elizabeths and King James's time , were the cause of our punishment . We earnestly wish that the Party had had more patience under that Princess : But pray consider ( though we excuse not their faults ) whether it was not a Question harder then that of York and Lancaster ( the cause of a War of such length , and death of so many Princes ) who had most right , Queen Elizabeth or Mary Stuart . For since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegeance to Queen Mary , they owned her as the legitimate daughter to Henry the Eighth ; and therefore 't was thought necessarily to follow by many , that if Mary was the true Child , Elizabeth was the Natural , which must needs give way to the thrice noble Queen of Scots . 'T was for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days , and 't is for the same illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion . Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill , if a Henry the Eighth ( whom Sir W. Rawleigh and my Lord Cherbury , two famous Protestants , have so homely characterized ) should after twenty years co-habitation , turn away his wife , and this out of scruple of Conscience ( as he said ) when as History declares , that he never spared woman in his lust , nor man his fury . Now for the fifth of Novēber , with hāds lifted up to Heaven , we abominate and detest , and from the bottō of our hearts , say , may they fall into irrecoverable perdition , who propagate that faith by the blood of Kings , which is to be planted in truth and meekness only . But let it not displease ( Men , Brethren , and Fathers ) if we ask whether Ulysses be no better known ? or who has forgot the Plots of Cromwel , framed in his Closet , not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers ; but also to put a lustre upon his Intelligence , as if nothing could be done without his knowledge ? Even so did the then great Minister , who drew some few ambitious , men into this conjuration , and then discovered it by a Miracle . This will easily appear , viz. how little the Catholique Party understood the design , seeing there were not a score of guilty found , though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons , Lords , and Privy Councel too . But suppose ( my Lords and Gentlemen , which never can be granted ) that all the Papists of that age were consenting , Will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for their Fathers faults ? Nay , such Children that so unanimously joyned with you in that glorious Quarrel , wherein you and we underwent such sufferings , that needs we must have all sunk , had not our mutual love assisted . What have we done , that we should now deserve your Anger ? Has the Indiscretion of some few incenst you ? 'T is true , that is the thing Objected . Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell , for that which calls to Dinner ; or a Sequestrator glad to be affronted being Constable ? when 't was the hatred to his person , and not present Office , which perchance egg'd a rash man to folly . We dare with submission say , let a publick Invitation be put up against any Party whatsoever ; nay , against the Reverend Bishops themselves , and some malicious Informer or other will alledge that which may be far better to conceal . Yet all mankind by a Manifesto on the House-door are encouraged to accuse us ; Nor are they upon Oath , though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true . It cannot be imagined , where there are so many men of heat and youth ( overjoy'd with the happy Restauration of their Prince , and remembring the Insolencies of the former Grandees ) that they should all , at all times prudently carry themselves ; for this would be more then men : And truly we esteem it as a particular blessing , that God has not suffer'd many , through vanitie or frailty to fall into greater faults , ther are yet as we understand laid to our charge . Can we chuse but be dismay'd ( when all things fail ) that extravagant Crimes are fathered on us ? It is we that must be the Authors , some say , of firing the Citie , even we that have lost so vastly by it . Yet truly in this our ingenuity is great , since we think it no Plot , though our Enemie , an Hugonot Protestant acknowledged the fact , and was iustly executed for his vain Confession . Again , if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade , this also presently is a Popish contriuance to destroy the well-affected . We must a little complain , finding it by experience , that by reason you discontenance us , the people rage : and again , because they rage , we are the more forsaken by you . Assured we are that our Conversation is affable , and our Houses so many hospitable receipts to our Neighbours . Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time , but it is the stranger we dread ( that taking all on hear say ) zealously wounds , and then examines the business when 't is too late , or is perchance confirmed by another , that knows no more of us then he himself . 'T is to you we must make our applications , beseeching you ( as Subjects tender of our King ) to intercede for us in the execution , and weigh the Dilemma , which doubtless he is in , either to deny so good a Parliament their request , or else run counter to his Royal inclinations , when he punishes the weak and harmless . Why may not we , Noble Country-men , hope for favour from you , as well as the French Protestants find from theirs ? A greater duty then ours none could express , we are sure . Or why should the United Provinces , and other Magistrates ( that are harsh both in mind and manners ) refrain from violence against our Religion , and your , tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity ? These neighboring people sequestrer none for their Faith , but for transgression against the State ; Nor is the whole party involved in the crime of a few , but every man suffers for his own and proper fault . Do you then the like , and he that offends let him die without mercy , And think always ( we beseech you ) of Cromwels injustice , who for the actions of some against his pretended Laws , drew thousands into Decimation ( even ignorant of the thing ) after they had vastlie paid for their securitie and quiet . We have no studie but the Glory of our Soveraign , and just libertie of the Subjects ; nor was it a mean argument of our dutie , when every Catholique Lord gave his voice for the Restoration of Bishops ; by which we could pretend no other advantage , but that 26. Votes ( subsisting wholly by the Crown ) were added to the defence of Kingship , and consequently a check to all Anarchy and confusion . 'T is morally impossible , but that we , who approve of Monarhy in the Church , must ever be fond of it in the State also . Yet this is a misfortune we now plainly feel , that the longer the late transgressors live , the more forgotten are their crimes , whilst distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance , and buries our own Allegeance in eternal Oblivion and forgetfulness . My Lords and Gentlemen , Consider we beseech you , the sad condition of the Irish Souldiers now in England , the worst of which Nation could be but intentionallie so wicked , as the acted villanie of many English , whom your admired Clemencie pardoned . Remember how they left the Spanish service when they heard their King was in France ; and how they forsook the emploiment of that unnatural Prince , after he had committed that never to be forgotten act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions . These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home , and shall they then he forgotten by You ? Or , shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts ; who scorn'd to receive Wages of those that have declared War against England ? How commonly is it said , That the Oath of renouncing their Religion is intended for these ? which will needs bring this loss to the King and you , that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms ( though by experience , of great integrity and worth ) or else , if some few you retain , they are such whom Necessity has made to swear against Conscience , and who therefore will certainly betray you , when a greater advantage shall be offered . By this test then , you can have none but whom with caution you ought to shun , and thus must you drive away those that truly would serve you ; for had they the least thought of being false , they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay , to deceive you . We know your wisdom and generosity , and therefore cannot imagine such a thing . Nor do we doubt when you shew favour to these , but you will use mercy to us , who are both fellow-Subjects , and your owen flesh and blood also . If you forsake us , we must say , the world decays , and its final transmutation must needs quickly follow . Little do you think the insolencies we shall suffer by Committee-men , &c. whom chance and lot has put in to petty power . Nor will it chuse but grieve you , to see them abused ( whom formerly you loved . ) even by the Common Enemy of us both . When they punish , how will they triumph and say . Take this ( poor Romanists ) for your love to King ship ; and again , this for your long doating on the Royal Party ; all which you shall receive from us , Commissioned by your dearest friends , and under this cloak we will gladly vent our private spleen and malice . We know , My Lords and Gentlemen , that from your hearts you do deplore our condition ; yet permit us to tell you , your bravery must extend thus far , as not to sit still with pity only , but each is to labour for the distressed , as far as in reality his ablity will reach : some must beseech our Gracious Soveraign for us , others must again undeceive the Good , though deluded Multitude . Therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the Storm , and how through our sides they would wound both the KING and You ; for though their hatred to our selves is great , yet the enmity out of all measure encreases , because we have been yours ( and so shall continue ) even in the fiery day of trial . Protect us we entreat you then upon all your former Promises , or if that be not sufficient , for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you ; many of which are now fallen a sleep . But if this be still too weak , we must conjure you by the sight of this Bloody Catalogue , which contains the Names of your murthered Friends and Relations , who in the heat of Battail , perchance saved many of your Lives , even with the joyful loss of their own . The Catalogue of Names is at the end of the Book . A material Advertisement to the Reader both concerning the Answerer of the Apology , and the Method of this Reply . READER , ABout the middle of Novem. 1666. when the known Enemies of the Kingdom had enflamed the minds of several honest and well-meaning people , I put out this sincere Apology . The Reasons therein ( having nothing but truth and reallity in them ) satisfied many : for every body of themselves saw there was no ground , and most confest they were disordered because they saw others so . 'T was after Christmas before I left London ; and truly , I suppos'd that if any body could be so malitiously impertinent , as by an Answer to cavil at so innocent a thing , he would have done it in two moneths , it being but a sheet of Paper against which he was to write ; and then ( being neer at hand ) I should have been as quick in my Reply . Though the worthy Answerer took much more time for his solid Piece , yet in the interval mine was egregiously confuted : Nor was ever Gonvil's plain Testament so tore and repiec'd as this Pamphlet , by the wise and numerous Assailants . One said , that the whole thing was harmless and reasonable ; but that Magna Charta seemed to be struck at . His fellow answered , that Magna Charta was Magna Farta , and of it self Popish ; and that all was well , had not Queen Elizabeth been abused . To this a third answered , that Q. Elizabeth was now no more to them then William Rufus , and all that was said was out of Protestant History ; but the only thing he blamed was , that the fifth of Nov. ( which was still a Festival ) was defamed , and consequently they themselves jeer'd at in their Annual observation . At him another presently laugh'd , and askt , whether any people ever reverenc'd a Solemnity against themselves : for his own part , he cared not whether the Papists were guilty or not , let them look to that ; therefore he was sufficiently satisfied with the Apology , had the Catalogue been omitted of those that died in the War : for by it , it seemed , as if the whole Royal Army were Papists , because so many Popish Officers , and men of great Condition , were killed in that Service . To this a Neighbour said , that he knew many more of the Party , then were mentioned , that thus fell for their Allegiance ; and that it was hard , that so cheap recompence should be denied men for their lives : but the sole thing which he stumbled at , was the timing & publication of it . Against whom the whole Company concluded , that if ever the time was fit , 't was then when the flame appeared , and that 't would have been ridiculous to Apologize , when there was no stir or clamour . Thus have I been vindicated by my Reprehenders , and thus have I both read and seen in matters of Religion , where the several Antagonists have solved the Popish difficulties themselves . After Christmas , Reader ( as I said before ) I not only went out of Town , but have ever since been many score of miles distant from it , which is the cause I saw not this Answer so soon as otherwise I should have done : at last it was sent me by a Protestant Gentleman who had seen the Apology before it was printed . When I had read it , I began to admire , not only at the malice of the thing , but also at the weakness of the man , that thus needlesly took up the Cudgels . Who the Author is , to this day I know not ; nor can any man desire his Acquaintance , unless it be to say , they have seen the Eighth Wise man ▪ I do not say , that he may not be a man of Wit ; but nevertheless , I am sure , he is neither of Judgment nor Principles . For had he been a Royallist , he would have had more Gratitude and good Nature , then to have forgotten faithful friends in a storm , and added ( as he hoped ) fuel to the flame , when we were underhand bespattred by Enemies to us both . Nor was there any drift in the Apology , but to settle a Distemper , raised without either cause or reason . A Presbyterian I can never think him , because they being men of depth and prudence , know that the effects of their crying against Papists in 1640. are too fresh in memory ; nor can it be an advantage for them to harass mens Consciences , while their own are within reach of Law. I can also as little fancy that an Independant , or any real member of that many-headed and uncompacted Body , could soberly by writing wish a Persecution for Religion , being them selves obnoxious upon all accounts ; and if severity should universally fall , they cannot imagine but that men of Birth , men of Breeding , men of Loyalty , must needs at all times find more friends then they . Who he is , God knows , a man of Principles ( as I said ) I am sure he is not , nor do I doubt but his officiousness will at last find its reward : and since he has called me Turk , and worse , as you shall see by and by , I suppose he will not take it amiss , if I speak my thoughts , viz. that though he carps in a Ministers Dialect , yet doubtless he is a Jew of the Dukes Place . Reader , When I received this Answer , both by my Letters and Friends neer me , I was perswaded not to reply , because it had no force in it self , nor had any applause at London . I could not upon this information but assent ; but now lately I have been awak'd by a new occasion . I had some days ago sent me a Pamphlet , called ▪ A Discourse of the Religion of England ; a simpler thing was never yet writ , I am sure ; and take this for a proof , for he says among many hundred of his silly things , that Holland , Scotland and Geneva brought in the Reformed Religion without Rebellion . He has been well whipt by a Protestant , but deserves much more . For Scroop was excepted out of the Act of Oblivion , and hanged , for excusing to Sir Richard Brown after mercy , instead of being contrite for his crime : yet this man that owns himself a Presbyterian ( which I believe as much as that my Minister was a Cavalier ) says , The a Non-conformists were only eager Assertors of Legal Liberties . Seven Chapters of his Treatise are against Papists , and all taken out of the Answerer of the Apology : therefore since I find it hath weight in the opinion of one , lest more weak Brethren should fall , I thought fit to take some pains thus to remove the cause . I was forced to go the insipid way of Section by Section , well knowing that some people not finding the Solution to follow the Objection , would sooner haesitate and doubt Insipid ; I call this Method , because there is no art or contrivance in it ; nor is it possible but the best Reply in the World must be then frigidly stiff , when the Adversary in the Paragraph has no Spirit in him . I have not Printed the Answer verbatim , for that would be too tedious , but have so contracted it ▪ that I challenge the Author himself to find any thing left out , that might have added force to the Argument . The Books I use in Citations are all Protestant , except Davilah , impartial , as the reformed confess : for though he is acknowledged to be a Creature and adorer of Katherine de Medices , yet concerning her he speaks home , even in many private intrigues , which might have been well omitted . Him only I quote about the Hugonots Rebellion ; but their actions are so villanously notorious , that any Author shall be-sufficient for that purpose . I must needs say , I have had no little trouble in this Composition , fearing the Bulk would be voluminous ; for by Nature I hate superfluities and always strive to crowd my matter into the narrowest room imaginable . In this Work I had still the disgustful vexation , how to omit , and yet be still intelligible : For I dare affirm , had I writ all I could upon this Subject ▪ and followed to the utmost the disingenious digressions of the Answerer , I should have swell'd to the bigness of any Folio extant . I have nevertheless past by nothing material ; and hope this thin Octavo will be both useful and satisfactory to you , since it contains the whole accusation in practice , charged upon the English Catholicks ; I have urged nothing ( as I said before ) but what I prove out of the Record of a violent Protestant , or a natural deduction from it : and that you may upon occasion find each particular matter , here follow the Contents themselves in order . 1. Whether Papists were necessitated farther then in Duty to fight for their Soveraign . Pref. 2. Concerning stirs by Papists in the beginning of the Reformation . Pref. 3. Concerning the Irish Rebellion Rep. 1. 4. Mr. Du Molins Canonical french integrity in his allegations agains Papist's , Rep. 3. He is endanger'd by his owne baite . Rep. 35. 5. Whether Papists die in England for their Conscience or for Treason ? Rep. 4. 6. About the Oath of Allegeance and dispensing with Vows . Rep. 5. 7. Whether their General Councils , Decretals and Divines teach Papists Rebellion and deposing Kings ? And in the Theory and Practise , whether Papists or Protestants have been most in fault . Rep. 6. 8. Whither Papist's govern'd the civiliz'd world ? And of theire Ignorance . Rep. 7. 9. Whether Protestant Princes are more absolute then the Popish ? Pref. and Rep. 9. 10. 10. About Q. Maries Persecution , and whether she or the Reformed Government , spilt most Blood for Religion ? Rep. 11. 11. Whither Papist's caus'd the war in the three Kingdomes ? Rep. 13. 12. Whether Papists were connivers in the late Troubles . Rep. 15. 13. Whether Papists twice converted England from Paganism ? Rep. 16. 14. Whether Popish or Protestant Governments are kinder to their dissenting Subjects ? Rep. 17. Postscript . 15. Concerning the French Massacre . Rep. 18. 19. 20. 16. The Popish misdemeanors in Q. Elizabeths Reign , and their then Plea. Rep. 22. 17. How Protestants have used their Popish Princes here in England . Rep. 22. 18. About the Powder-Treason . Rep. 28. 19. About Hubert the Frenchman , who was hang'd for burning London . Rep. 35. 20. Concerning the Catalogue of the Papists that died for their King , and of the Protestants also that died in that bed of Honour . Rep. 48. 21. Of the Papist's that leave their Religion , & why ? Rep. 48. Sect. 5. Many other things of note are here handled in several places . The Printer to the Reader . I Had directions to add Figures to the Apology ( here before Printed intire ) which might correspond to each Answer , to the end you might know what the Answerer strives to confute . But because this would be no little trouble to you , to turn and return in the reading of the Book , I have therefore reprinted the Apology , dividing it into several Sections corresponding both with the Answer and Reply . This will be , I am sure , of no little conveniency to you : and so farewel . THe Title which the Minister has prefixt to his Book , is The late Apology in behalf of the Papists reprinted , and answered in behalf of the Royallists . Now , I beseech you , Reader ( having read the Apology through ) what injury has any good man done him by it ? But besides , how extravagant is that beginning ? for to write against Papists in Vindication of the Royallists , is like the defending of King Charles , by the opposing of Charles Stuart . Did not the Protestants and Catholicks make up one Body , viz. the Royal Party ? I am sure , they that distinguish them at present , hated both formerly , and would willingly divide them now , in hopes to weaken the King , and put the whole Kingdom in new confusions . He therefore that thus impertinently begins with wicked intentions , can never without doubt end either well or wisely . SECT . I. APOLOGY . The Arms which Christians can use against Lawful Powers in their Severity , are onely Prayers and Tears . Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed , but the Cause , viz. To see our dearest Friends forsake us ; we hope it will not offend you , if ( after we have a little wip'd our eyes ) we sigh out our Complaints to you . I. ANSWER . The minister directs his Answer to the Author of the Apology , and says thus to the foregoing words : That in the Conspiracy of Babington against Q. Elizabeth , such a Declaration was made about Prayers and Tears that the expression infinity of tears is in it self improper , and the sence more applicable to Q. Maries days , the Irish Rebellion , or our own faboulous Purgatory . But we Iesuites , whether ranting , or whining , cannot speak like other men . REPLY I. Is not this great malice , to make a parity between them who considered Q. Elizabeth as an Usurper , and us that ( in words and sufferings ) acknowledge no Prince had ever a more unquestionable Title then ours ? To this I need not say more , having in the latter end of the Preface shewed , that time and accidents have quite altered the Scene , and doubtless our obedience to the Government is now apparently so great , that t is as probable the Heptarchy may be revived , or the Welsh rebel ( which were high folly to imagine ) as that disorders or tumults can be again occasioned by the Catholiques . Concerning the Irish Rebellion , I never so much as once mentioned it in the Apology , believing there could not be found a man so inhumane , that would charge a thing upon us , which for 26 years together we were all acknowledged to be clear of , though the late Enemies of the Kingdom had made strict inquisition about it ; and every body knows they wanted not will ( had there been probability ) to make us Partizans in all detestable and odious contrivances . 'T was evident the English Catholicks abhorred it , that several fought against the Rebels , that we all decried their proceedings ; nor did I ever hear any of our Party in the least excuse the fact , though to my knowledge Protestants have often done it . My Lord Macquire ( who being a prime Actor , knew the whole Conspiracy ) at his Execution at Tyborn was conjured as a dying man to declare if the English Papists had any knowledge or hand in the Design : a He took it on his death , that not a man in England knew of it but one , and he was an Irishman , and a Protestant also . But who is ignorant ( unless wilfully opinionated ) that , that which produced this wickedness , was both a National animosity , and a particular hatred of the Conquered to the Conqueror ? Nor would less have been done ; had any English Catholique King been their Governour . Religion is no tie between Nations when great hatreds arise , or great advantages for freedom ( as they term it ) offer themselves , as we experimentally find by the Sicilian Vespers abroad , and at home by the total Massacre in one night of the , a Danes by the English. The Protestant Irishman you see also was so willing to have the English out of Ireland , that he never discovered the Plot , though he knew what was intended against his own Religion . For his Criticism about the word infinitie , 't is as ridiculous as his poor quibble about Purgatory ; and for Queen Maries days , I shal by and by speak of them at large in a more b proper place . SECT . 2. APOLOGY . We had spoken much sooner , had we not been silent through consternation to see you so inflam'd ( whom with reverence we Honour ) and also to shew our submissive patience , which used no slights or tricks to divert the debates of Parliament . For no body can imagine , where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concern'd , but some thing might have been done ; when as in all ages we see things of Publick advantage by the managers dexterity nipt in the bud , even in the very Houses themselves . Far be it from Catholicks to perplex Parliaments , who have been the Founders of their Priviledges , and all Antient Laws . Nay , Magna Charta it self had its rise from us ; Which we do the less boast of , since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble a manner . ANSWER II. That men of the Popish Religion were the Founders of our good Laws and Priviledges of Parliament , the Minister cannot allow : for those of our Ancestors that stood for the Nation were , he says , of his Religion , as much as ours ; but those particularly ours , that sided with the Pope . REPLY . II. Judge whether this man be not madde then Fox ; for Fox never thought any fit for Kalendar-Saints and Martyrs , but those that denied Popery ; as a Roger Only , ali● Bullingbroke , whom Fox hath Canonized though condemned ( as Stow says ) to di● for b Necromancy . Sir c Roger Acton also hanged for d Rebellion ; and many score of the like Gang. Now the Minister by his Argument will have Protestant all the Parliaments that made Magna Charta and ou● other Priviledges , all people that acknowledged them , and all Officers that from time to time have executed these ancient Laws : Yet these transactions were in the darkest times of Popery ; nor did the Waldenses , Albigenses , Wi●kliffians , Lollards , &c. look on the Government then as Protestant , as you may seè in Mr. Fox hi● voluminous Story . And since I have named this famous Author , who is call'd a sound new writer in the much celebrated Practice of piety , in the eight reason for the morality of the Sabbath ; Mr. Heylin also rank's him as the prime modern Ecclesiasticall Writer . I say since I have nam'd this once famous Mr Fox . I cannot but condole his misfortune , that instead of having his Book in Churches as formerly it was wont , 't is now thought fit onely to cramp sleepers , according to Mrs. Abigails Practice . And truly a like fate attends all the first Champions of Reformation ; for in tract of time their Principles being found by theyr followers impossible to be maintained , new ones ( sometimes opposite to the former ) are therefore invented , which hereafter will also fail as the others did before them . SECT . III. APOLOGY . We sung our Nunc. Dimittis , when we saw our Master in his Throne , and you in your deserved Authority and Rule . ANSWER III. If we sang our Dimittis at the present Kings return , he says some of us rejoyc'd , and sang an Exultemus at the beheading of the former . REPLY . III. Who would now think that a man could be so abominable as to lay such a thing to our charge without any proof at all ? Reader , this Godly Minister has done it , and that he might show his utmost malice , he cites only in the Margent the Answerer of Philanax , as if we were undoubtedly found guilty of the fact . But because my Minister durst not for shame set dowd Du Moulins words , I will here present you with his Accusation verbatim ; nor will Christ himself be innocent , if such evidence as this be sufficient . a When the business of the late bad times are once ripe for an History , and time the bringer forth of truth hath discovered the mysteries of Iniquity , and the depths of Satan which have wrought so much crime and mischief , it will be found that the late Rebellion was raised and fostered by the arts of the Court of Rome . That Jesuits profest themselves Independents , as not depending on the Church of England ; and Fifth-Monarchy-men , that they might pull down the English Monarchy ; and that in the Committees , for the King and Church , they had their Spies and their Agents . The Roman Priest and Confessour is known , who when he saw the fatal stroke given to our Holy King and Martyr , flourished with his Sword and said , Now the greatest Enemy ▪ we have in the World is gone . Now , Reader , let me ask you when will the business of our times be ripe for History ? or what discoveries can there be made against us , if in six and twenty years after the beginning of the War , if in twenty years after the end of it , and perpetration of that most accursed Murther , we have not only been owned as Loyal Subjects , but still embrac'd by the Protestant Cavaliers as true Partizans with them in all their glorious Sufferings ? I am sure the Press was free both in the Rumps and Olivers Tyranny ; and if it were possible to suppose those times had been unseasonable , why have not the grave Historians since the Kings restauration made our late perfidiousness appear ? I am sure Protestants a both Lay and Clergy , for their Treason in his Majesties absence have been convicted since his return , when as no Papist could ever yet be suspected for the least defection from our Soveraing . Can this man think himself Canon of Canterbury ) and dare say , that the Priest is known who flourisht his Sword at the fatal stroke , when as no body knows him , no not he himsef ? Doubtless he means some Hugonot Minister : for what Cavalier was ever in France , and knows not how those Saints adored Cromwel ? hating from the beginning to the end both our King and his Party . Let the World judge of this Story concerning this nameless Priest , by him whom he names , viz. Mr. White whose Book of Obedience and Government he lays as a a blot on all of our Religion ; when as this Mr. White has not only been sharply used by the Catholicks of England , but he and this very Book were openly condemned by the Pope himself ; nor durst he since shew his head in any Catholique Countrey . Thus may be seen the Conscience of this Monsieur who would charge us with a crime , which at the writing he knew was false ; & from this son of Darkness has my Minister and others owned to have received their light ; and what kind of light it is , pray be pleased farther to observe . He tells us , b That a year before the Kings death a select Company of English Jesuits were sent from their whole Party to consult with the Faculty of Sorbon ( who you must know Reader , are the greatest Catholick Enemies the Society has in France ) whether they might lawfully make away the King. The Doctors answered affirmavely to the Question , being then stated in writing ; but afterwards when the Pope saw that the Kings Murther was decried by every body , he commanded tha Jesuits to burn all the Papers about the Question ; but one of them was shewed by a Papist to a Protestant . Yet for all this secrecy commanded by the Pope , Du Moulin tells us ( p. 58. ) that at Roan many Jesuited persons told a Protestant openly on the news of the Kings death , That they having often admonished the King from time to time to remember his promise at Marriage of becoming a Papist , were forc'd to take these courses for his destruction . After this History , he says ( p. 61. ) That the Friers at Dunkirk ) and by the way , there was never in that Town a House of English , Scotch , or Irish Friers ) told a Protestant Gentleman , that had a mind to pump them , That the Jesuits would fain engross the Honour of the Kings death to themselves ; but the truth was , they had laboured as effectually as the Jesuits to compass it . Then he tells , ( pag. 60. ) That thirty Jesuits neer Diep met a stranger ( a Protestant Gentleman ) on the Road and told him that they were going into England to be Agitators in the Independent Army . Good Protestant Reader , I am quite tired with this senceless stuff ; and if you think it false , consider what a jewel you have got from France ; but if you can deem it true , let me entreat you hereafter never to fear Jesuite or Priest ; for I am sure such prating fools can never do you harm . Besides , I wonder how it came to pass that all the Great Cavaliers caress't the Jesuits , and always employ'd them in much business during the Kings exile ; neither were they then , or the rest of the Popish Priests , less welcome to the Royallists of England , But pardon me , I beseech you Reader , if I use so many words about a matter that deserves so little ; yet I cannot but confess ▪ I am engaged to the Frenche Divine for being so notoriously malitious and foolish : nor did I ever think that Sir Walters discovery of the Plot in 1641. of blowing up the Thames to drown the City , could ever be parallell'd ; but here I now find it outdone . Have we not seen , Good Reader , that such ridiculous Stories as these have lately ruined the Kingdom ? and can any man believe if they once come in fashion again , they will end with Papists ? No doubtless , for both Church and Court will soon find the smart ; as by experience we begin to feel . For my own part , I should never have taken notice of Sieur du Moulin or his Book ; had not my Minister owned him , as I said , for his informer ; and now I see he has imitated him also in his method ; for my worthy Answerer calls me a Jesuite , and so the Dr. does Philanax , though I am confident he knows him to be a Lay-man , and a married man also . But now , Reader , it will not be amiss to tell you why this Mr. du Moulin is so angry with the Jesuites . You must know , that Petra Sancta ( a famous Writer in the Society ) a taxes the Drs Father for jugling , viz. for being in France a Presbyterian , and in England Episcopal , and so complying for gain with those Ceremonies which his Calvinistical Brethren abominated as superstitious . This old du Moulin ( his reverend father ; as the Dr. calls him ) writ a a Letter forsooth , as his son says , to the Rebels at Rochel , to exhort them to obey the King in breaking up their Assembly , which was then hatching the Rebellion that presently after broke out ; and yet ( though it has been lickt and amended , I doubt not , by the Doctor ) you may find , That a b ground of his perswasion was , because they were not strong enough to resist the King. and besides , the Reverend Divine in that perswasion to Loyalty , concludes , c Notwithstanding all he had said , they ought to look after their safety ; fort'was unreasonable for them to separate their Assembly with the peril of their persons . Of the same Loyal judgment also I find the Dr. himself ; for after all his rayling against Jesuites for Sedition , he confesses the Term was expired of the grant of the strong Places to the Hugonots ; Nevertheless , he says , they seem to d be justified for keeping those Towns , by the reason of the first Grant , which was to preserve them from their bitter Enemies . This was the Doctrine , you see , of this worthy Divine , who also vindicated the actions of the Reformed in Geneva , Holland , Germany , &c. and therefore I wonder not at his aspersing us for our service to our King and Country . 'T is not my business to run over all his Book in order , having one of his Disciples already to deal with ; but this I must tell him and the rest of his Tribe , That since they steal one from the other , none of their Fopperies shall go unanswered : and this they may find in some part or other of the present treatise . SECT . V. APOLOGY . Nor could any thing have ever grieved us more , then to have our Loyalty called into Question by you , even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries . If we must suffer , let it be by you alone ; for that 's a double death to men of Honour , to have their Enemies not only accusers , but for their insulting Iudges also . ANSWER IV. His Objection here is , Men of Honour have no cause to fear either single or double Deaths ; and that Catholicks were never put to death in England for Religion , but for Treason . REPLY IV. Is not this pretty , that no body died in England for Religion , but for Treason ? and yet many hundred of Priests have been executed for no other crime , but being Priests . Nay , Lay-men have been hanged for being converted , and others for letting a Priest say Mass in their houses ; when as to hear Mass on Festivals every Catholique is in Conscience obliged , if he can . Besides , have not many Catholiques also suffered for believing the Pope to be Head of the Church ? By this Argument then , if the Parliament should make it Treason ( as who knows but they may ? ) to hold Episcopal Ordination only valid , or that the King cannot give Orders ; it might then be as well said , that they ( that are executed in pursuance of that Law ) died for Treason , and not for their Religion . But lest the Minister ( that has the boldness in almost every Paragraph to deny apparently known things ) might to deceive his Acquaintance still say , I have not proved what I assert : Not to trouble my Reader with many citations , take this one example out of a John Stow , that downright & plain Historian . He tells us , That fourteen Papists were at a clap executed ; six only for being made Priests beyond Sea , and remaining here ; four Lay-men only for being reconciled ; and four more , only for abetting or relieving the others . Now if that be sufficient for the justice of the procedure , to say there are Laws to this purpose enacted , then most certain it is , that the Primitive Christians were all Traytors , being banisht by the lawful Magistrate from several places where they taught , and knowing also many particular Injunctions against their Preaching and seducing the Emperors Subjects , as the Ethnicks were pleased to call it . Nay , the Great St. Alban our famous Proto-Martyr was executed ( as may be seen in the Martyrology ) for being ( contrary to Dioclesians Laws ) converted to the Faith , and abetting or entertaining in his House the Priest Amphibalus , which Priest was his Spiritual Instructor , according to Mr. Cambden in his famous Treatise b of Brittain . SECT . IV. APOLOGY . These are they that by beginning with us , Murthered their Prince , and wounded you : And shall the same method continue by your approbation ? We are sure you mean well , though their Design be wicked . But let it never be recorded in Story , that you forgot your often Vows to us ▪ in joyning with them that have been the cause of so great calamity to the Nation . ANSWER V. He urges , that by saying the Kings Murtherers began with us Catholicks , we take liberty of bestowing Characters on whom we please ; so that no body must act against us , lest they be thought to continue the Method of the Kings Murtherers . For Vows , he says , we Catholicks are more sure of those of Protestants to us , then they of ours to them , because they want a Pope to dispence with them . REPLY V. Pray , Reader , upon mature consideration tell me now , whether they were not the Kings Murtherers that pursued Papists in the beginning of the War ? Their design afterward , I am sure plainly appeared ; and pray God those were not of the same Tribe , who first promoted our late troubles . Let me ask also , whether you find not us at home and abroad as strict to our promises as any other you converse with . But since this Minister upbraids us with our dispensing with Vows , be pleased to consider who has been most busy , the Romish or Protestant Pope herein . The Papists have from the beninning refused the Oath of Allegeance as 't is now worded , but the Reformed took it in all the degrees of preferment , viz. when graduated in the Universities , when admitted into Orders , when Justices of Peace , when Parlimament-men ; and in short , when any Dignity either in Church or State is conferred . Yet for all the often repetition of it , half the Kingdom were in Rebellion against the King , even directly contrary to what they had sworn . Now on the other side , there was no Papist that declared not for the King , though all the Party ( as I said ) refused the Oath , and for this refusal severely suffered both in their Estates and Persons . Besides , if it were a Doctrine amongst us ( as the Protestants state it ) that the Pope can when he pleases absolve us from our Oaths , why should we then ( do you think ) refuse the taking of this ? Doubtless a Dispensation ( if it could be granted ) might be procured at less charge then two thirds of our Estates , omitting all corporal punishments . Oaths by our Tenets are not in themselves unlawful , nor can it be out of want of zeal for our Prince that we refuse them ; since 't is plain , that we all , like one man , stood by him in his great affliction and misery . You must know , Reader , this Oath was framed by one Perkins an Apostate Jesuite , who knowing what we could take , and what not , purposely mingled certain truths with uncertain speculative points , to make us fall within the Law of refusal ▪ T would be tedious to shew all the real exceptions we have to it , nor do any of them truly relate to our obedience to the King ; for as to the Allegeance , I would be bound to word an Oath , which no Papist shall scruple at , and yet it shall be more strong then this . But , Reader , to give you my opinion of Oaths ( though nevertheless I am not for taking away that laudable Custome of swearing Subjects ) I think them really useless , where without them ( as in Allegeance ) we are naturally bound : for honest men will be punctual in duty , though they never swore ; when as the wicked can at no time be obliged , let the Bond be never so Sacred . SECT . 6. APOLOGY . Of all Calumnies against Catholicks , we have admired at none so much , as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government , and they themselves thought ever prone to Rebellion . ANSWER VI. On this short Paragraph he makes a wonderful long Discourse , saying , That 't is a calumny of ours to call that a calumny , which is true : for first , our Councels ; secondly , our Decretals ; thirdly , our Divines teach , that the Pope has Power to depose Kings , and to discharge Subjects of their Allegeance , which Doctrines are inconsistent with Government . But every Papist is bound to beleive their Councels , Decretals , and Divines : Ergo , we may well be thought prone to Rebellion . REPLY . 6. To answer to these things perspicuously , I shall treat of them singly . Object . 1. That our General Councels decree this , he proves by the Lateran Councel under Innocent the III. which expresly ordains , he says , That in case any Prince be a favourer of Hereticks , after admonition given , the Pope shall discharge his Subjects from their Allegeance , and shall give away the Kingdome to some Catholique , that may root out these Heretiques . I grant that the sense of the words is in the Councel , and that in determinations of Faith Councels are infallible . But as for other matters , we say not , that Councels are infallible in every point , even in matter of Fact. Besides , Councel's ordinations are to be taken according to the prudent meaning of the Legislators , and oftentimes beare another sense then the bare words taken as they lie , and weighed out of due circumstances seeme to signifie . Nor will this seem strange to an English University man , since they grant , that in some matters God is not pleas'd that the Scripture it self should in it's obvious sense be taken as infallible , for no body will there say , that all the Philosophy in the Bible is unquestionable , or that the Mathematicks of it is to a Tittle just . The Molten Sea is described to be a ten Cubits ( in diameter ) from brim to brim , and that it was round , and that a line of thirty cubits did compass it . Now who is it ( having read less then the first six Books of Euclid ) but can demonstrate that this is not altogether exact ? The Blood is not now thought by their learn'd Physitians to be the b life of a Creature but the Vehicle . Nor do their Astronomers believe that the Stars are less then the Sun or Moon , though in Genesis they are called the two c great Lights . The solution to these Objections is easie , and in every Sophisters mouth , viz. that the Holy Pen-men writ of such matters , either briefly ( as that measure of a Circle is to this day ordinarily express'd ) or else according to the Hypothesis or Opinion then assented to by the World. But where this Sacred Word speaks to us doctrinally , 't is to be believed on pain of Damnation : so a Councel when it determines of faith , we are to reverence those determinations as coming from the Holy Ghost . Neverthelesse it 's other Constitutions , being but humain lawes , are changeable , and oftentimes admit several exceptions ; nor doe they alwais bring with them such an inevitable obligation , that there is not possible way to avoid it's bond . For Promulgation &c must precede . This plainely appeares by the Councel of Trent , to the doctrine whereof all Catholiques whatsoever submit though the rest of it's Decrees bind not in France , no in any place els , where they are yet unreceived . But the case now in controversie needs not all this : for I suppose the Minister will not deny , but that the Emperors of the East and West , the Kings of England , Frāce , Hungary , Jerusalem , Cyprus , Arragon , &c. may agree together ( if they please ) to purge their Kingdoms of Heresie , and upon failure , that the Church shall give their Dominions to another that will perform the compact . These Princes , Reader , that I have named were a present ( by their Embassadors ) at this Councel and what was there done , was by their consent , the Albigensian Heresie beginning then to be somewhat numerous . Nor did those Monarchs thinke themselves in a worse condition for this Ordination . Moreover we never heard that any Catholique King since ever did Protest , or exclaim against the Councel ; which doubtless they would have done , had they been in any dangerby it . On the cōtrary we know , that Mariana ( as the Minister confesses ) was condemned , for barely inclining to the opinion of thus deposing Kings ; which judgmēt could not have pass'd against him , had this been by any Councel adjudged an Article of Faith. 'T were a mortal sin in me , and I should presently incur all Ecclesiastical censure , if I did deny Transubstantiation , by reason it is an Article of Faith , and so declared by this very Lateran Councel : but as for the absolute powre of deposing Kings , it is held by severall as a meere opiniō , and opposed by many as fals , nor wil Divines say , they are the worse Catholicks for it . Certāly it were not unlawful , if the Princes and States ( that own themselves Christians ) should now in an Assembly agree ( by reason they saw Judaism or Turcism encreasing ) that every one of them must do what he could to hinder this growth , and in case any was found favouring it , his Dominions should be given to another . This , I say , without doubt is lawful ; and though it were not made to bind our Posterity , yet it might be hoped that the zeal of so sacred an Assembly would make Governours hereafter diligent to weed out all Infidelity . What therefore was here ordered , was to oblige the Kings , who by compact acknowledg'd the procedure ; and 't was also imagined , that succeeding Catholique Princes would be more careful to keep their people from error , when they should call to mind that this was agreed to in a Councel where the East and West met , ( a for the Patriarch's of Constantinople and Hierusalem were present , Antioch and Alexandria sent deputies ) and which consisted of 77. Primates , 412. Bishops , and above 800. Abbots and Priors ; besides the Embassadors of so many Monarchs ; all which put together , makes this to be the greatest Councel that ever was . Much more could I say concerning this Councel , and many other considerations ( for brevities sake ) I am forced to pass by . But Pray , Reader , before I end , let me mind you of this , That the Popes never give away ( as men call it ) a Kingdom from a Prince simply Heretical , but from one that is an Apostate , and so revolted from the Church . For we see that Hen. 8. was condemned , yet nothing was done to his Son Edw. 6. And again , though Queen Elizabeth , ( who went to Mass in Queen Maries time , and also had actually owned the Pope , by keeping her Embassadour in the beginning at Rome ) was deprived of Soveraignty by the Bull of Pius Quintus ; yet no censure past against King James , K. Charles the first , or this present Monarch : and the reason is , because they always professed themselves Protestants , and never acknowledged his Holiness as their Bishop and Pastor . Therefore Protestāt Magistrates have no reasō to fear either Pope or Papists . The Answerer having urged this Councel , to vilisie it the more , tells us , 't was Innocent the III. who there presided , that deposed our K. John , and Otho IV. : and then runs extravaganly to a forraign thing , in hopes to make it more disgustful , viz. that this Councel which made Rebellion a duty , made Transubstantiation an Article of Faith. Concerning King John , I have told you before , that Popes as private Doctors may err , nay it is not certaine , that without a Councel they are infallible even in their interpretations of faith ; much more therfore they are liable to err in their actions . Neither doe I canonize or approve whatsoever Popes have done in deposing Kings . And if some Popes have transgress'd , it follows not that all have , no more then because some Princes have been Tyrants , their Predecessors and Successors must be so too . Differences between Kings and Popes , I consider as between Man and Wife ▪ for in all Quarrels the right can be but on one side ; yet it happens through humane imbecility , and revenge , that the most injured often commits some absurdity or other , by which the Peccant party may gain a very seeming advātage . No brave English King needed to have more feared Popes , then they needed to have feared their other gaping Neighbours . This Prince , Protestant Historians conclude to be the least deserving of all our Governours ; for ( passing by his a youthful Rebellion , the b Murthering of his Nephew , his c Atheism , &c. which they record ) 't is he that lost our whole interest ( either by Conquest or Matches ) in d France , and discontenting all his People , never obliged any body that I heard of , unless the Mayor and Corporation of e Lynne . This yet is no excuse to the Pope , but shews only the unhappiness of the Nation , that it had not a more generous Prince ( for Sr. Rob : Cotton f call's him a licentious soueraigne ) to defend our Rights and Priviledges . Now for Transubstantiation , it is true that in this Councel the word was first made Authoritatively use of , as in the Councel of Nice , the word Trinity ; but the sence and meaning of both Trinity and Transubstantiation was in the Scripture , and held from age to age : Nay , the word Transubstantiation it self was used by g grave Authors in Writings before . Object . 2. Concerning the Decrees and Bulls of Popes , he says , that from Gregory VII , they made such a trade of deposing Kings , that no weak King could wear his Crown , but at the Popes curtesie ; and that Boniface VIII . declares in these words ▪ We say , and define , and pronounce , that it is absolutely necessary to salvation for every creature to be subject to the Bishop of Rome . To this I answer , that in the next Century ( or a little more ) after K. John , there were more weak Kings in England then eiher before or since , viz. Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Ric. and yet the Popes did not offer to take away their Crowns , or ever stirred to perplex them , though their wicked Subjects gave the Pope opportunity enough . Nay , though Hen. 3. denied any acknowledgment upon the gift of King John , yet the Pope assisted him against the Rebellious Barons . And for the composition of Edward the Seconds troubles , his Holiness sent him two a Cardinals , but the Rebels would not accept of their Mediation , as knowing them too much of the Kings Party . Besides , I told you again and again , that the Popes Decrees and Bulls are not alwayes held infallible : and may be opposed , as they often have been by stiff and Religious Papists ; nor will good Catholiques scruple to do it , especially about Temporal affairs . And if Popes should speak in such a Dialect ( as the Minister urges ) they mean subjection in Spiritual matters . 3. Object . Among the Divines that agree to the deposing of Kings , he mentions some Jesuites , as Bellarmine , Suarez , Valentia , Parsons or Creswel ; Mariana also he names , though he confesses him cōdemned . Out of these he cites several places to this purpose viz. As Jehojada deposed Athaliah , so may Popes deal with Kings . To this I say , Let the Jesuites answer for their own Doctrine , for I am sure they are of age , and able also ; neither did they ever tell me otherwise , but that I might reject such and the like opinions , they being only the private fancies of some of their Order . It has never been my study to pore upon Schoolmen , nor is it worth my pains now to search Libraries , whether they have said so or no ; which truly I do very much doubt of . For my part , I cannot think Jesuites such King-haters , because Kings would then hate them ; when as on the contrary we see all Princes caress them , and make them their Confessors . At this time the Jesuites are in this Office to the Emperor , the Queen of England , the King of France , the Queen Regent of Spain , the King of Poland , and as I take it , to the now King of Portugal ; for they belonged thus to the late old King and Queen of that Kingdom : the Dukes of Bavary , Newburgh , and many other great Princes of Germany are also their Penitents ; all which considered , I must look upon Jesuites in general to be faithfuller Subjects then Protestants imagine ; for Kings though Papists are not always fools . But , suppose Jesuites were Villains ; what is that to the Catholick Faith ? must Cambridge be Babylon , and the English Religion false , because the Mēbers of one Colledge ( suppose Emanuel ) were thought knaves and hypocrites ? The other Divines and Canonists whom the Minister urges , are Baronius , Bertrand ; Lancelotus , Peron , Rossaeus , who say ( according to his citations ) things to the same purpose about deposing of Kings . All this put together , Reader , is the force of his Argument . The Objection about Councels and Bulls , you see is nothing ; about Divines I have already given you a touch , but now I will handle it a little fuller . You must know ( the Soul of man being so sublime and towring ) there is no profession in the world , but that the wits of it aim to resolve all difficulties that can be proposed in the Science . This makes Philosophers Metaphysicians , and Schoolmen run into those seeming odd subtleties , with which their writings are cram'd . In the like manner Casuists ( thinking it a disgrace not to be able to answer something to whatever can be proposed ) treat in their Books about all Cases which their nimble fancies can start . Among many impertinent niceties and curious Questions , this of deposing Apostatizing Princes comes to be handled ; some perchance are for it others in may be against it . Now ▪ because some have adjudged , That upon a notorious falling away , the Church may give to the sound the Dominions of the infected sheep , lest the whole slock might be tainted : immediately the Minister and other Protestants declare , that the dethroning of Kings is the Catholique Doctrine . I am sure this was not so absolutely agreed to by the English Protestāts themselves ( at least in discourse ) that there could be none found among them , who have favoured the opinion which we are said to hold : how many well-meaning men fought against Charles the I , only because they falsely thought him a Papist ? and I my self have heard those of condition say , when the King was abroad , that should the Pope and his crew peruert him , they would oppose his return . There was no danger of this , because his Majesty ( like his Father and Grādfather ) has so great a veneration for Protestantism ; but yet this that I urge was frequently spoke of and no body that reads this , but has heard such discourses often ▪ What has been done about Religion in this our Country , I shall tell you a hereafter ; and at present I shall shew you that we Papists are not the only Rebel-teachers , but that there are Reformists that profess this Divinity also . b Luther says , You complain that by our Gospel the World is become tumultous . I answer , God be thanked ; these things I would have be , and wo me miserable , if they were not . a Zwinglius . If the Roman Empire , or what other Soveraignty soever , should oppress the sincere Religion , and we negligently suffer the same , we shall be charged with contempt no less then the oppressors themselves ; whereof we have an example in 15. Jer. where the destruction of the people is Prophesied , because they suffered their K. Manasses , being ungodly , to be unpunisht . b Calvin . Earthly Princes do hereave themselves of Authority when they erect themselves against God : yea , they are unworthy to be accounted in the number of men , therefore we must rather spit in their faces then obey them , Passing by what c Beza did in France ( Davila often mentions . ) He writ a Book of the Power of Magistrates , which Mr. Sutcliffe confesses , armed Subjects against their Prince . d Sundry Englishmen writ wholly of this Argument : That the Councellors , and rather then fail , the very people were bound to reform Religion whether the Queen would or no , though it were by putting her to death . I shall trouble you , Reader , with no more Citations ( of which our Books are full ) for I content my self with naming these of the greatest eminency : and certainly the opinions of these Doctors may be more justly charged upon Protestants in general , then the opinions of private Catholicks upon us ; because Luther , Zwinglius , Calvin and Beza were the first Reformers : and if the Spirit of God taught them so much truth ; as they are said to preach , why should this be more questionable then the rest ? Therefore the Pope being Pharaoh , and Popery Egypt ( as Ministers daily affirm in their Pulpits ) we may well say , These are thy Gods , O Israel , which brought thee out of the land of Egypt . These Apostles rested not in the Theory , but fell to the Practice also : for whereas the Popes since the first rise of the Reformation , never gave away ( evenby word ) but two Crowns , viz. England and France ; the Reformed have actually deposed the absolute Princes of Scotland , Denmark , Swedeland and Geneva ; have ravisht also from their lawful Governours , the Low-Countreys , Transylvania , and many Towns , which are now called Free. And for Rebellion and Tumults , they have been eminent in Poland , Boheme , Hungary , France , Germany ? and in short , in all places where this Gospel has been preacht . This every Historian can tell you ; nay , blind Mr. Heylin plainly saw it , therefore did all he could ( when these Countries in his Geography were to be handled ) to purge the Reformed from the Rebellion truly laid to their charge : but finding that washing a Blackmore was labour in vain , he was forced ( with his Brother Sleidan ) to fly for shelter to this abominable and prodigious Argument , a viz. That Christ foretold , that Fathers should be against their sons , and brothers against brothers for his sake ; and that we find not in any Story , the true Religion was induc'd , or corrupt about to be amended without War and Bloodshed . It is true , the lawful Protestant Church of England teaches no such Doctrine ; but this I do not much wonder at , for why should men ( the King being so absolute in Spirituals ) run the risk to be undone for venting such notions , when as their Monarchs have been so strict Professors of their Religion ? The test of this would be , if the Prince and people were different , or like to be so in Faith and Worship . 〈◊〉 what the English have done herein wh●● this has happened , I will shew you , 〈◊〉 said , a by and by . For my part , I look upon the English to be the most well-meaning and most Religious people in the World ; and it is that ▪ which makes them all so violent in what their Conscience tells them is true . This made Papists so earnest for their Religion , which had governed England so long in glory . This made Protestants fierce to root out what they thought Idolatry . This made Presbyterians desire to have Prelatick Superstition reformed ; and this made Independents and their brood cry down every thing , standing stiffly ( as they imagined ) for the Kingdom of Iesus Christ . I say , this great sincerity and zeal , makes all our Countrymen so violent : which good intention , wicked people taking advantage of , have caused so many disturbances among us ; nor can Sectaries ever be quiet , till they are convinc'd that some Church or other is infallible . Thus , Reader , have I answered to this strange Calumny against us , That our Principles are inconsistent with Govenment ; by shewing that deposing of Kings is no part of the Catholick Faith ( which Catholique Princes do very well know ) and also , that in Doctrine and Practice , the Reformed have been ( wheresoever they came ) far more faulty then we . SECT . VII . APOLOGY . My Lords and Gentlemen , Had this been a new Sect not known before , something perchance might have been doubted ; but to lay this at their doors that have governed the civilized World , is the Miracle of Miracles to us . ANSWER VII . Here he says , that they that have read most , and have had the most experience , can best cure ●s of the wonder ; and that K. Iames ( who had reason to know us ) said in the Parliament , That there were some that might be honest of the Party , being ignorātly seduced ; but they that truly knew our Doctrines , could never be good Subjects . Then he asks when it was that we governed the civilized World ? For he says , the Eastern , and Southern Churches never were under our Government , nor the Western neither , but when ignorant and barbarous . REPLY VII . Now I plainly see the design of this Minister is ( to the end his flock may believe every thing answered ) to say something to each Paragragh , let it be never so frivolous . Who is it , Reader , that having read History is ignorant of the great power the Bishop of Rome had over the East , as the Greek Fathers tell us ? for wee read in Eusebius that Pope Victor ( about anno 200. ) Excomunicated the Eastern Church for not keeping Easter the Roman way . and this Grimston also has in his account of Popes . Or who knows not of the Appeals from Africk , when matters of moment arose , even in the most acknowledged Primitive times ? But I ask your pardon for asserting this , because in the Primitive times , they say , the Popes themselves were Protestants . Yet though this were so , I wonder the Minister should be so forgetful of the Great Antichrist Boniface the III , who is baited by every Shoolboy . This arrant Pope lived above a 1000. years aago , and not only called himself Universal Bishop , but was owned so too by Phocas the Universal Emperor as all Protestants declare . Might not then a man modestly say , that Popery governed the civilized World , when it governed the whole World ? But I ▪ d of willingly forgive a man this , that has the confidence to say that we did not govern the Western World , till it grew ignorant and barbarous . It may be he means that those Parts have been so ever since Christs time , otherwise ( till this late Reformation ) there was never any Government on this side Greece , that denied the Popes Jurisdiction ; and Greece it self owned it in the Councel of Lateran , and in Hen. 3. time also , as Protestant b Sir Richard Baker testifies . Ever since Rome made het self Mistress of all Arts and Sciences , the West took the name of the only civilized place : Therefore had he understood civility , he would not have made so simple a cavil ; and I dare say , he is the first Protestāt Writer ( though they have been as bold as Hectors in their denials ) that has affirmed the Church of Rome never governed the civilized World. But since this Minister mentions here Popish ignorance , I must desire the Reader , if he knows any of our Profession in the Country , to tell me , whether generally speaking , they are not esteemed more learned then their Neighbours of the same rank and degree . I am sure they that live at London , are thought by their Protestant Acquaintance as well bred , and as greate scholars as any of their condition with whom they usually converse . Concerning our Priests , consult their Books , and tell me then , whether they have been out done or no : and if any English man would know how they are abroad , let them go but to his next Neighbours the French , and there in every Diocess , he shall find a Clergy not only learned to admiration , but so far outgoing the Hugonot-Ministers , that one would think they lived not in the same Clime or Region . Nay , what is yet more , there is neither private nor publick Library in this very Island , but seven of ten of the choice Books in all Sciences were writ by Catholicks . Is not this , Good Reader , strange ignorance , for Protestants to be thus deceived , and implicitly led on by their Pastors contrary to what they hear and see ? This , I must say , is incredible blindness , and exceeds that of the silliest Papists , who if they are cozened , it must be in things beyond their capacity , or by distance far remote from them . But now in England nothing is more common , then to have wise Protestants run into this and the like fond fancies ; and at last when they can say no more , they are fain to shift it off with this Phanatical evasion , That it is true , Papists are carnally , but not spiritually learned . SECT . V. APOLOGY . Did Richard the first , or Edward Longshanks suspect his Catholicks that served in Palestine , and made our Countries Fame big in the Chronicles of all ages ? or did they mistrust ( in their dangerous absence ) their Subjects at home because they were of this Profession ? Could Edward the third imagine those to be Trayterous in their Doctrine , that had that care and duty for their Prince , as to make them ( by Statute ) guilty of death in the highest degree , that had the least thought of ill against the King ? Be pleased that Henry the fifth be remembred also , who did those Wonders of which the whole World does still resound ; and certainly all History will agree in this , that 't was Old-Castle he feared , and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church . ANSWER VIII . To this he says , the Reigns of these Kings were in the dark times of corruption ; yet that Richard I. bequeathed his Pride and Lechery to the Clergy and Monks . That Edward I. outlawed the Clergy , for obeying the Pope in not paying Taxes . That Edward III , and Hen. V. made good Laws against the Popes usurpation : and Becket vext Hen. II more ▪ then Hen. V feared Oldcastle . Moreover , that all these Kings did not differ so much from Protestants , as the Papists now do : and to conclude , he asks , did not the Pope force K. Iohn to do homage for England , wrestle with Edward the first for Scotland , and often lay claim to Ireland ? REPLY . 8. Certainly , Reader , the Minister is besides himself , since he can say the English differed not so much from the Protestants then ▪ as we do now . Has the man railed all this while against the Tyranny of Popes , and urged those times as the height of their Authority ; and then comes to this evasion ? I would fain know , if the Clergy and Religious were since ever more in power then in those days ? was there ever more of Pilgrimages and all sorts of Devotion , which Protestants call Superstitious ? were not Schoolmen then most in their splendor ? And lastly , could any Publican Lollard , Wickliffian , or new Sect stir , but the whole Kingdom presently detested them ? Who then will ever believe a word more he says , when he is so strangely impudent to no purpose ? But these are the worthy tricks used to keep the poor people in ignorance ; and just with as ▪ much truth are the Fathers called defenders of the Protestant Religion : for the Fathers stiled them always Hereticks that ran out of the visible Church . For the Laws that have been made by any of our Kings if they made any against Ecclesiastical usurpations , God reward them ; and to this all Catholicks will say , Amen . Concerning K. John we have already spoke enough . And for the Popes claim to Scotland , judge , Reader , whether any man can be fuller of falsity and malice then this Minister , my Adversary . For here he would have the World think ( by his placing this Accusation after King Johns business , and by calling it the Popes wrestling with Edward I. for the Soveraignty of Scotland ) there was some notorious injustice done by the Sea of Rome . In short , the business was only this , as you may find in Hollingshead , the most violent English Historian against Papists that ever yet writ . The Scots having always an animosity against the English , and not knowing how to resist the Victorious Arms of Edward , who was again coming with a great Army against them , surrendred the Kingdom , ( or so pretended ) to Boniface . 8. He thereupon sent to the King to desist , because the Crown belonged to the Church . Edward immediately returned an Answer , and so did all the Barons of England , to manifest the Kings right , and the invalidity of the new pretence . The Pope ( says a Hollingshead ) when he deliberately pondered the Kings Answer , with the Letter from the English Barons , waxt cold in the matter , and followed it no farther . Thus , Reader , you see how the case stood , and how Catholiques are wronged by ill men ; nor is there any difference between a false aggravation , and a downright lye . In the same manner are we used in this Accusation of Ireland ; for the Pope never medled with Ireland but since the Reformation , and so invaded it in the time of Queen Elizabeth , of which you shall see farther in the a Section of Popish misdemeanors in her Reign . The parity between S. Th. Becket and Oldcastle is doubtless very odd ; the last being a Rebel ( with Complices in arms ) against b Henry the fifth : the other disputing only about Priviledges , which he said were grāted to Priests . Just as if our Peers should stād upon the freedome of their Persons , were there a design to have them imprisoned as other Subjects , or tried by a common Jury . Besides , all Princes of Christendome then , owned Becket for a Saint ; when as no body ( unless such a man as Fox ) thought Oldcastle deserved any thing but the Gallows . SECT . IX . APOLOGY . We will no longer trouble you with putting you in mind of any more of our mighty Kings , who have been feared abroad , and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion . We shall only add this , that if Popery be the enslaving of Princes , France still believes it self as absolute as Denmarck or Sweden . ANSWER IX . He says , the King of France will believe what he pleases . For his Majesty well knows the Pope gave away France formerly , fomented War against Hen. 4. and would do the same against him , were it not for his Power and Religion . REPLY IX . I shewed you before in the sixth Reply , that though the Reformed have actually taken away from their lawful Governours so many Dominions , yet the Pope never gave away but England and France which nevertheless are still under their proper Soveraigns . Consider then , whether ( since the light of the Gospel appeared ) the Protestant or Popish manner of dealing has been most destructive to Princes : and judge if this be an Answer to my demand , which was , Whether France acknowledging the Pope , be not as absolute as Sweden or Denmark that are Protestants ? If so , it follows then , that Popery does not enslave a King. We are beholden to the Minister , for confessing the King of France is of the same Religion with the Pope : for I have heard some in England say , he was a Protestant . Thanks be to God , there is no danger of a breach between Rome and France in matters of Faith ; for ( as the very Gazets told us An. 1664 ) when the French Army was in Italy , The King ( having owned the condemnation of Jansenius ) even then sent to the Pope to prosecute the Jansenists in France . Henry the Eighth will be a warning to his Neighbours for revolting hereafter from the Church ; for instead of a little Ecclesiastical dependence on the Sea of Rome , he has embroiled England in perpetual confusion about Religion ; millions of Sects daily dividing and subdividing , each of which pretend they are in the right , and each quote Scripture for their Opinions . And by the way , Reader , be pleased to remember , that had not this King of ours destroyed Religious Houses , all the truly devout Sectaries at present would have voluntarily been cloister'd there , who now distract both the Kingdom & themselves ; for having no quiet place to vent that zeal which boyls within , they become a prey to a few wicked men , that blow up their well-meaning Piety into disorders and sedition . Nay , many of the discontented Factious ▪ themselves , who now lie open to the sway and hurry of their own passions , would have been glad of such a retreat , honorable to all , even from the Monarch to the Pesant . Therefore I see now why a Speed a Protestant ( when he made an end of his Catalogue of the destroyed Abbies ) spoke in this manner : We have laid to your view a great part of King Henry's ill , the waste of so much of Gods revenue , however abused , But Cambden is yet more tart , for he b says That many Religious places , Monuments of our Forefathers Piety and Devotion , to the honour of God , and Propagation of Christian faith , &c. were in a moment prophaned , c and the Riches disperst ▪ which had been consecrated to God since the English Nation first profest Christianity . SECT . X. APOLOGY . Nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope , to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subjects . ANSWER X. To this he says , the Austrian Family being so linckt to the Pope ( by possessing Naples , Sicily , and Navar by his Gift ) and theire Subjects also being Papists , it were a mad way to secure themselves by changing Religion . But what is that , says he , to England , where since the extrusion of that trash ( we call the Catholick Faith ) the King and people are no more Papists ; and having been often troubled by us , have reason by experience to fear our designs ? REPLY . V 10. To this I reply , That the Spaniard being now in actual possession , can as well defend these places ( were he a Protestant ) as Millan , Flanders , &c. which are not the Popes gift ; or as well as other Reformed Princes have done their Countries . And for the Subjects being Papists , that is nothing , For all subjects before Luthers time were Papists also . The Minister therefore grants me here all that from the first I desired . For if our former Kings were considerable abroad , and as safe at home , as since the change of Religion : If the King of France be as absolute as Denmarck or Sweden ; and if the House of Austria cannot better secure the fidelity of their Subjects by becoming Protestants , then by continuing Papists : I say , it must necessarily follow , That Kings and Kingdoms by being Papists are not less absolute then if Reformed : and by the same Consequence , their Subjects not one whit faithfuller to their Lords by being Protestants , then if they were Papists . Tell me then , where is the Temporal advantage of Reformation ? and whether our Answerer has not bauld long in vain ; since he now by this grants me , that Kings may be absolute , and Subjects faithful under Popery : and yet lately he affirmed , That Popery is inconsistent with Government , by reason of Princes dependence on the Pope in Ecclesiastical matters ; and that all Papists are prone to Rebellion , by the Determination of our Councels , Bulls and Divines . But the Minister says , What is all this to England , where Prince and people are Protestants ? I answer , 't is thus much to England , That now it is plain , 't is an errour that Popery is inconsistent with Government ; and it also shews that Princes get no power ( in the long-run ) by reforming , but on the contrary , perpetual disorders follow . How dangerous we have been to our Protestant Princes , shall be discust in the Reflexion on the Popish a misdemeanours in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James : But how faithful and serviceable we were to King Charles the First and Second , all Europe has sufficiently declared in our behalves . SECT . XI . APOLOGY . We shall always acknowledge to the whole World , that there have been as many brave English in this last Century , as in any other place whatsoever . Yet since the exclusion of the Catholick Faith , there has been that committed by those , who would be fain called Protestants , that the wickedest Papist at no time dreamt of . ANSWER XI . Here he asks what may that be ? for four or five of our Kings of our own Religion have been murthered by Papists : that lately Hen. 4. of France was killed by Ravillac ; and. Hen. 3. by Frier Clement . And besides this , we have killed by whole Townships in England , Ireland , France , and Piedmont . REPLY 11. What a Volume might there be here writ , if every matter mentioned were to be fully discust ? But these are the artifices of the Brethren , that when they know not what to say , run to another thing , in hopes to puzzle an ordinary Reader , who cannot imagine ( hearing so great a buzze ) but that there must be something at least of real . My assertion in the Apology was , That our former English Papists never did such villanies as have been committed since the Reformation . To this he answers nothing , but impertinently runs to the private Murthers of some of our Kings . Is this proportionable , Good Reader ? Who knows not that the Murtherers of Ed. 2. Ric. 2. and Hen. 6. were so conscious of their wickedness , that all was done in the dark ; nor would they ever own otherwise then that they dyed without violence . For t was given out that the death of the first of these Princes came by extreame a Griefe . That the other b Starved himselfe , and that the last died of a Naturall c sicknesse But the execution of the Queen of Scots was bare-fac'd in the sight of the World , and which was more , under the cloak of Law. My Lord of Leicester was sensible of the dishonour that would accrew to the Nation , and therefore sent Walsinhham d a godly Divine to satisfie his conscience , that it was lawful to poyson her ; but the Minister could no more convince his penitent , then the Saints could Harrison about the clandestine Murther of the Grandchild . And doubtless the whole intrigue against . Q. Mary gave precedent and boldness to our execrable Parricides , openly to do their detestable villany in a formal method and manner . This procedure against the Queen , contrary , as 't was imagined , to the Law of Nations ( she being both a Guest and an absolute Princess ) drew an universal odium upon the Kingdom , a for the Reproach was entailed on the whole nation by the apparition of a mimicall and Counterfeit justice , as Osborne call's it : nor did any Englishman , either Papist or Protestant ever misse to be upbraided with it abroad ; till the greatness of the abomination against King Charles made them leave off a little speaking of the first , to remember us more piquantly of the last . Is it to excuse the two unheard of 〈◊〉 that he tell ; me of four or five Kings since the Conquest made away by Papists ? It may be it is that I should again retort , that ( since Hen. 8. Reign ) there were but b four Protestestant Monarchs , and three of them were said to come to violent deaths . But what is Ravillac's murther of Hen. 4. to us in England , more then to Saxony , the poysoning of Edw. 6. by the Lord Robert Dudly , for so a Sir Richard Baker conceives he hid . I know Clement the Frier destroyed Hen 3. so did Judas his Master ; and yet neither the Disciples , nor Christian Religion were ever thought the worse for it . For the Murther of the Protestants in Irelād I shew'd you in the b beginning , how we detested it . Cōcerning the Blood spilt in Frāce , I shall speak at large in the Paragraph about that c Massacre . But I wonder the Piemōthusiness should be unged by Royallist ; for I remēber when Crōwel made a Collectiō for thē in pretence , but for himself in reality , the Cavaliers ever stiled them Rebels , and said , the Duke of Savoy was necessitated for his quiet to subdue them thus by Arms. Yet for all their hard usage , I wish we had as much freedome as they . Now for Queen Maries Reign , which this man so often calls the Bloody days , I will here speak a little , eternally to stop his mouth hereafter . First , d Reformed Historians agree , that the Queen her self was a marveillous good woman , therefore it was not she , but her Bishops that were cruel . Again , every Englishman knows , that no man can be put to death amongst us without Law ; therefore they were not the Bishops , but the Laws that were cruel : which Laws still continue , and have been made use of since the Reformation by Q. Elez. & K. ●ames to burne Hereticks . Yet for all these Laws there died of Protestants in the whole , but a 277. as Baker and b other Protestant Writers record . Besides , were these 277. now alive , 200. at least , in stead of pity , would be thrown into prison , and there rot for Non-conformists : but all things were called Saints in the dawning of the light even so much as Collins and his dog for Fox in his Act 's , and Monuments say's that Collins beeing mad , and seeing a Priest hold up the Host to the people , tooke a dog and held it up , as the Priest did the Host , for wch he and the dog were c burnt . Yet though this Collins be own'd by Fox to be mad , never the less he places him as a Martyr on the 10. of Octob. as may be seen in his Calendar . In the next place , let me know whether a man may be executed for this Tenets in Religion , or no ? If it be lawful , why might not Papists put to death men ( who they thought deserved it ) as well as Protestants ? If no man ought to suffer for his Conscience , why did a Edward 6. and Q. Eliz. condemn so many Hereticks in their time ? all which were executed , but some few that recanted ▪ and so saved their lives . Or why did K. James put to death b Legat and Wightman , but because he religiously thought it was unfit they should longer live to blaspheme ? Over and above these ( that died for a Religion of their own making ) I saw a Roll at Doway , wherein to the year 1632. there suffered out of that one House 105. Priests ; since which there died many out of the same Colledge . Add to these many out of the Portugal , Spanish , and Roman Seminaries , many of other Orders , and many Laymen also , who have been executed for owning the Pope in Spirituals , or for having a Priest say Mass in their Houses according to the obligation of their Consciences . If these were then all numbred , I am sure , there suffered many more Catholicks ( omitting the innumerable Confiscations ) by the Protestant Government , then ever there did Protestants by the Catholick . Nay , if together with Catholicks I should reckon all sorts of people that died for their Conscience though enemyes to Popery ( which may be found in Fox , Stow and others in the Reignes of Hen. 8. Ed. 6. and Queen Elizabeth ) it is evident , there has been more Blood spilt on a Religious account under our Princes that disowned the Pope , then by the Papists from St. Augustins Conversion to Luthers time . Iudge then , if Catholicks be so bloody as they are reported and thought . SECT . XII . APOLOGY . 'T was never heard of before , that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects , and those stiled her Peers ; or that a King was publiquely tried and executed by his own people and servants . ANSWER XII . Here he says , That the Q. of Scots was beheaded under Elizabeth by the same colour of right that Wallis suffered under Edw. 1. ( whom I call , he says , a brave Prince ) namely that of Soveraignty , which our Princes challenged over Scotland : but that King James and King Charles never imputed this to Q. Elizabeths Religion . Concerning King Charles's Murther , he says , that I would take it ill , a Turk should charge the Ministers faults and his Parties upon me ; but I do worse then a Turk , in charging these mens faults upon the Protestants : for the Murtherers were neither then , nor since of the Ministers Communion . He sayes , King Charles declared , he died for the Protestant Religion and Laws of the Land : that also in his Letter to the Prince , he says , none of the Rebels were Professors or Practicers of the Church of England , which gives no such Rules . REPLY XII . Nay , now I have quite geven over my Minister ; for though he had no regard of himself me thinks he might have had more respect for our King , then to parallel his Grand-mother with Wallis . You must know Reader that Edward the First by his valour conquered Scotland , and made all the Nobles swear Fealty to him . About Ann. 1300. ( when all things were thus at quiet ) up starts Wallis a a poore private Gentlemen , who though he had distressed the English a while , yet never so much as once pretended to the Crown , either by Sword , or Birth . Afterwards he was taken by our King , and b executed for his Insurrections . Is this man then a fit parallel with Mary Stuart , owned not only as Queen of Scots abroad , but by Queen Elizabeth her self also , who often sent and received Embassadors from her , with the same state , as was used to the King of France , or any other Potentate ? What King Iames and King Charles thought of the action , I know not ; but I wish it had never been done . Concerning the other part of his Answer : First , I did never charge the Kings Murther on any body , but those that were the Authors of it ; he knows best whether he was one of them or no : this I am sure of , he can falsifie , and ( to use Harrisons words ) blacken as well as the best of them , as you may see all a long , and especially in the next Section . Secondly , I do verily believe that King Charles died a sincere Protestant . And lastly , I am so far from laying any crime upon the Cavalier Protestants , that I think them as brave and as worthy Gentlemen , as any Nation bears . But this I must say , that the English Church ( though of an honest intention ) is built upon such Principles , that as long as it lasts , it will hatch a dissenting brood : and these graceless Children , upon every advantage will be ready to Rebel . This is then the benefit entailed by Hen. 8. Reformation ; which has ( as a Baker confesses ) so shaken the Church that it has stood indistraction ever since . SECT . XIII . APOLOGY . My Lords and Gentlemen , We know who were the Authors of this last abomination , and how generously you strove against the raging torrent ; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it , but to show that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn ; and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion , which our Progenitors never saw , to convince you perchance ( whom for ever may he prosper ) that Popery is not the only source of Treason . ANSWER XIII . Here he says , since we do know who were the Authors of the Abomination ; he desires us to be plain , for he thinks I have spoke more truth then every man is aware . Cardinal Richelieu , he says , began the Rebellion in Scotland : then it broke out in Ireland , blest with his Holiness Letters and Nuntio . Lastly , England we unsettled , by giving occasion of jealousies , which the Phanaticks made use of for their purposes . Besides all this , he says , the Murther of the King also was agreed on in the Councels of our Clergy and therefore in vain could the Royallists resist the raging Torrent . REPLY XIII . Lord , what blasphemies are here ! and what a heap of unsorted falsities are put together , without any probability or proof ! Because Richelieu a great Minister of State ( who intrigued in every Nation ▪ ) is supposed to have dealt with the Presbyterians of Scotland , the Papists of England were the cause of the Rebellion . This is rare Logick , especially every body knowing that fire and water agreed better then those Saints and we . I wonder the Papists were not guilty of the dangerous commotion anno 1666 in that Kingdom . But this is so ridiculous , that I should be more abominable then he , if I made more words of it ; Nor does that great Anti-Papist H. L. in his a Reigne of Ch. 1. scruple to write , that the Liturgy ( or Common Prayer ) was the Originall of the Scotch troubles . In the next place if the flame break out in Ireland , ( which Heath a Protestant historian b sayes can be noe where more imputable then to the Parliament's unwarantable proceedure against my Lord Strafford ) we in England are again the cause of it ; so that if forraign Catholicks , or forraign Protestants Rebel , still we must be the Authors , that never had any correspondence with either of these Nations , nor have to this day , as all the World sees . Well then may this man falsely charge the Pope who is remote , when he dares say thus of us who can so easily contradict his calumnies . Lastly , for England , he urges we were the occasion of jealousies , and they made the War. O ridiculous impudence ! If the majority of both Houses conspire against the King , suggest in open Debates fears of their own hatching , and at the same time with all violence persecute Papists , yet we are to be blamed , and causers of the Commotions . Certainly , this is like him that cursed the Lord Chancellour , because his horse stumbled . I am sure many grave men of your Coat ( Mr. Parson ) ingenuously confest , that it was the Translation of the Bible , or the too frequent reading of it by the ignorant ( which is a consequent of the Translation ) that caused our disorders . Consider now , Reader , this strange man : for if his malice had not exceeded all bounds , he would have told you , That the Non-conformists took root assoon as the Reformation : That Queen Elizabeths prudence kept them a little down : That in King James his Reign they grew much stronger ; and that great Statesmen have often blamed that wise Prince , because ( to keep things quiet in his Reign ) he occasioned the Tide to rush in with such irresistable force in our late unhappy times . Thus was this storm by knowing Pilots foreseen long ago . But would not a man now think this Minister had abused us sufficiently ? No , he must yet go farther , even The Kings death was agreed to in the Councels of our Clergy . Doubtelss he cannot mean our Priests by the word , for what did their agreeing signifie more , then if the Mayor of Quinborough and his Brethren agreed , that the Janizaries should strangle the Grand Seignior ? Had our Priests any power in England ? Were they not forced to skulk always in holes , and hanged as often as taken ? I am sure Iesuites , Seculars , and Friers were executed , no Order escaping , al being fish that came to net . But now I remember my self , Mr. Parson pretends to be skilled in Rhetorick , and perchance he uses a Trope of his own making ; that is , That because two Negatives make an affirmative , or a thing contrary to themselves ; therefore his four falsities in this one Section , shall dubb an irrefragable truth opposite to each single assertion . The Ministers meaning then it seems is this , That in stead of our being false to the State , We have been most intirely faithful to our King and Country . Good Reader , I must ask you pardon , for saying any thing against these vain and groundless cavils ; seeing the whole World knows , that never were men more earnestly Loyal then we . Beware therefore of this man , for it was he , or some of the like Principles , that ( out of malice against the late King ) wickedly ▪ divulged , That his Majesty had underhand caused the Irish Rebellion : that he had a mind to bring in Popery , and to enslave the Nation , had sent for an Outlandish Guard. Thus cried the English Rebels against their glorious Prince ; and thus now invents this Minister Stories , to mischief , if he can , his innocent fellow-Subjects and Country-men . And who can be guiltless , if assertions without any shadow of proof shall be received against him ? SECT . XIV . APOLOGY . Little did we think ( when your Prayers and ours were offered up to beg a blessing on the Kings Affairs ( ever to see that day , in which Carlos , Gifford , Whitgrave , and the Pendrels should be punished by your desires for that Religion , which obliged them to save their forlorn Prince ; and a stigmatized man for his offences against King and Church , chief promoter of it . Nay , less did we imagine , that by your Votes Hudlestone might be hanged , who again secured our Soveraign ; and others free in their fat possessions , that sat as Juddes , and sealed the Execution of that Great Prince of happy Memory . ANSWER XIV . He says , That many of my Church were not of my Party ; and that if some of them did the King eminent service in the Critical day of danger , so did the Protestants too : therefore it is not to be ascribed to our Religion . Nor is it reasonable to requite particular men , by having those Laws abandoned , which secure us against as great a danger . 'T is barbarity for any Christian ( but those of our Sect ) to question his life that exposed it for his Prince , or to do this in any age , except Queen Maries ; for then Sir Nich. Throgmorton was so dealt with : But the Minister detests such times and such examples ; and he knows the King will reward deserving persons without trespassing on his Laws . Lastly , he desires me to be favourable to the stigmatized man ( whom I do not hate , he knows , for his offences ) because the King whom he formerly displeased bears with him : for he contributed much against the Phanaticks to his Majesties restauration , and would not willingly live to see the Pope turn him out again . REPLY XIV . What is the meaning of this distinction , That many of my Church were not of my Party ? Have we not been all of the same Party , or can there he named a Papist that was not for the King , even in te worst of times ? But , Good Mr. Parson , have you all this while cut our throats , and do you now come with your insignificant flatteries , that there were some eminent among us for Loyalty ? I fear not the worst you can say , and for the best I scorn it . Did I ever say otherwise , then that the Protestants were to be honoured for their wonderful service to the King ? Was not the Apology directed to them ? and have I not always declared , that his Majesty ows as much to them , as ever Prince can owe to Subjects ? Certainly , 't is no lessning of their worth , because we did our endeavours , and have been fellow-sufferers with them in that Glorious Quarrel . I never prest in the Apology to have any particular body exempted : We only say there , Little did we once think that the necessity of affairs would occasion the Royal Party to advise the punishment of us all , and in the crowd those worthy Preservers of the King at Worcester . Yet , Sir ( with your permission ) it were not so unreasonable neither , as you would have it , for the service of some few to suspend the Laws against a Party . You have read , I know , the Scripture , and therefore may remember Mordecay's case , who by saving the Kings life , not only preserved himself and his Nation from Ruine , but obtained also honour and freedom for them all . But what do you drive at by Throgmortons usage ? Will you never leave perverting History , or at best betraying your own ignorance ? First , you must know , Reader , that Throgmorton by none of our Historians is mētioned to have done any service for Queen Mary ; Yet a Hollins head has his trial at large ( which John Lilburn afterwards copied out to the life ) where no evasion is omitted ; and certainly it had been then a fit time to urge merits , had he had any . But suppose he was as eminent and faithful as Bedin field , Jerningham , &c. Must that excuse a man from being fairly tried for Treason ? This Sir Nicholas Throgmorton ( you must know ) with others , was accused as a a Conspirator with Wyat , for which he had a Tryal and was acquitted by his Jury . Why , distempered Sir , 't is so far from our business , that we do earnestly desire in the Apology ( upon the least offence against the State ) the Transgressour may die without mercy ; and this I 'le be bound Col. Carlos and the rest of those brave men shall willingly subscribe . But will you , worthy Country-man ( that know his Majesties thoughts so well ) engage that none of the factious shall murmure at him for rewarding those that have done well ? Now for the stigmatized , I find , Mr. Parson , you pretend to be very well acquainted with their actions : If they have done any thing ( which God knows is little , and not to the hundreth part of their transgression ) let them thank God for the grace he has given them to do the King at length service : but I am sure if they really meant well , they would never promote the harassing of a faithful Party , till they found them machinating against their Prince . I have no particular spleen to any man , yet cannot look on those men , as either of wit or honesty , who needlesly disoblige , and who strive with violence to have Christians persecuted for Religion ; when as they themselves are the first that rail against all mankind , if their own Consciences be toucht , though it be by the establisht Laws of the Nation . SECT . XV. APOLOGY . We confess , we are unfortunate , and you just Judges , whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so ; nor are we ignorant the necessity of affairs made the King and you do things , which formerly you could not so much as fancy : yet give us leave to say we are still Loyal ; nay , to desire you to believe so , and to remember how synonymous ( under the late Rebellion ) was the word Papist and Cavalier ; for there was no Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier , nor no Cavalier that was not counted a Papist , or at least thought to Popishly affected . ANSWER XV. He will pass over our fawning on the Parliament , and commending our selves , and believes us , as we did the Sectaries that called the Cavaliers Papists . He wonders why these Royallists should be termed Popishly affected ▪ but if the Papists were judged Cavaliers , they afterwards were ashamed of it . In Ireland whole Armies were up against the King. In England some came in voluntarily to serve him , but more were hunted into Garrisons ; it being well known we should bring his Majesty more hatred then service . The greatest part of us that fought for him when his fortunes stood , fell off when he declined . Then he asks us , where we were from that time forward , in all those weak efforts of a gasping Loyalty ? We were flattering , he says , and giving sugered words to the Rebels , as now we do to the Royallists : for we addrest our Petitions , To the Supream Authority of the Nation , the Commonwealth of England : that we had generally taken , and punctually kept the engagement : We promist if we might enjoy our Religion , we would be most faithful and useful Subjects of England . We proved it in these words : b The Papists of England would be bound by their interest to live peacefully and thankfully in the exercise of their Conscience ; and becoming gainers by such compassions , they could not so easily be distrusted , as the Prelatick Party that were loosers . Moreover ( the Minister on his own word , says ) we farther proved all this by real testimonies , which not to shame us toe much , he will pass by in silence . Now if after all this we were deemed Cavaliers , we were much wronged . REPLY 15. Good , Mr. Parson , speak truth , and you will shame no body but your self : have you bespattered us all this while with falsities ; and will you now do it farther by your Pedantick Rhetorick ? Pray , Reader , to speak moderately , is not this man the archest wrangler that ever was ? for if he dares disown a thing which all men know , how will he then cavil , do you think , at what is known but only to the Wise ? was ever any thing so evident , as that the Rebels deemed all Papists Cavaliers , and all Cavaliers Papists ? I do not infer that therefore all Cavaliers were Papists , only , I say , they were generally so called ; nor is any body ignorant , that the reason was , to make them more hated by the people , as this Minister by his false glosses would at this instant serve us . Concerning our frankness to serve the King , it is so fully treated in the Preface , that no truth was ever more plainly made manifest . But what made this mad man ask where we were in all those weak efforts of gaspink Loyalty ? Were not we where the rest of the Royal party were ? Some of us were in London , some with the King , some about dispatches , some in the Tower , some sold to the Islands ; and in fine , was there any Plot but the Catholicks were as numerous in it proportionably as any other Subjects ? Was ever man so impudent as to deny this ? Yes , the Minister does it , and farther says , we were flattering the Rebels wich Addresses , and owning them the Supream Power of the Nation . Reader , lest this should be a stumbling-block to the weak , I wille give you some account of the matter . After the Rebels had trampled down Monarchy , and enslaved the whole Nation by force ; it happened that a Lay-Gentleman ( with whom I have no manner of acquaintance , but have heard him ever esteemed of much wit and integrity ) seeing the then ruling Grandees pretend by their Principles to be against all Persecution for Conscience ; thought it would not disoblige the Catholiques or any body else , if he stickled a little for a private Toleration . The Protestant Cavaliers had many daily Congregations at London , which , the constancy and courage of Dr. Wild , Dr. Gunning , Dr. Thriscross , &c. ( with some sweet words also ) forc'd the Rebels to a kind of connivence at ; but the Papists could not follow the same Method : For whereas the Protestant Ministers ( if the Governement had on a sudden fell to severity ) knew they should be but carried to the White Hart , or at most imprisoned for a day or two ; a Popish Priest was sure to be hanged , and all his Auditory fineable also by the known Laws of the Land. This Gentleman therefore , to try the pulse of the Rebels , that juggled in all their Professions , writ two Books , called the First and Second Moderators : the thing in it self could not be discommended ; but for the wording , he ( I mean the Author ) is to answer for it . The Books I have not by me , but you may be sure the Minister has quoted the worst things in them ; and I question not a little whether all be true he mentions , having already found him false , as you see in many particulars . I need not vindicate the Gentleman , for he can do it himself to the purpose : My business at present only is to admire the folly of my Adversary , who hand over head lays as a crime , the indiscretion ( which is the most that can be said of it ) of a private man to all his Party . Would not this Logick then make the whole Church of England guilty of Phanatick Principles , because Dr. Taylor writ for liberty of Prophesie ? And if our Gentleman may be thought to have shewed his Papers to some Catholiques before they were published , 't is every jot as probable , the Dr. made Protestants acquainted with his Book before it was sent to the Press . It is very severe doubtless , if the inconsiderateness of one , should not only be fathered on us all , but urged against us , equal to the Treason of the late Transgressors . No people on Earth can be safe at this rate : nay , all the Protestant Cavaliers themselves ( those great patterns of Loyalty ) would be involved , if such consequences were allowed . Every body knows , that some Great men got out of Decimation by favour , and that many Gentlemen ( it may be out of prudence , knowing the end of Plots ) refused to receive Letters , much less Commissions from the King. How many Souldiers also were there that served Cromwel at Jamaica and other Places : neither failed there a compliance in Poets too , as in Cowly and Cleveland themselves : and for Lawyers there was no want of them in Westminster-Hall , wsensoever a Cavalier had need . The Ministry also of the Nation had some among them that were not able to resist Temptation ; for there were not a few that took the Covenant ; and Dr. Martin in his printed Letters taxes a great One for complying with the Presbyterians abroad . But why does my Minister lay the taking of the Engagement as a crime against us , seeing it was generally taken through the whole Kingdom , no body being capable of Law that had not done it ? Nor did any body fail of calling the Parliament the Supream Authority of the Nation , if they had Law-suits Petitions or any thing else of that Nature . Is this a blemish to the Cavaliers in general ? No , 't is so far from it , that even the most of these I mention , when occasion served , were ever forward in the Kings concerns . But all things perchance are lawful to all men , so they be not Catholicks . SECT . XVI . APOLOGY . We know , though we differ something in Religion , the truth of which , let the last day judge , yet none can agree with your inclination , or are fitter for your converse then we ; for as we have as much birth among us as England can boast of , so our breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp. And therefore had not our late Sufferings united us in that firm tie , yet our like humors must needs have joyned our hearts . If we erre , pity our condition , and remember what your great Ancestors were ; and make some difference between us that have twice converted England from Paganism , and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority . ANSWER XVI . He says , he aggrees with me in all that is truly Catholick , and differs only in what we have innovated : he respects our breeding , but suspects whatever leans to forreign jurisdiction . 'T is a flam that we have twice converted England ; and that sure we mean it has been twice converted by persons sent from Rome ; which we will never perswade any one to believe , that has tasted Church-History , without our Fathers chewing it for him . But supposing this true , he asks whether we wouldt infer , that because they received good from the Primitive Christians of that place , they must lay themselves open to receive any ill , that my happen to them from their dangerous Successours . REPLY XVI . Concerning his saying , that he agrees with me in all that is truly Catholick , I kiss his hands , for so said Jacob Behmen , and so I dare say will Mr. Woodcock , this being the old Song of all Hereticks . I have proved before , that forreign Jurisdiction in Spirituals may well agree in all Governments ; and no Kingdoms have been more happy at home , or glorious abroad , then when the Pope was their Spiritual Pastor . But methinks my Gentleman might have acknowledged tha the last Conversion at least was Popish , it being performed Ann. 596. in the time of Pope Gregory , whom a Fox calls the basest of all his Predecessours ; and it was done also by Austin a b Monck , which very name is enough to tell a Protestant , the Missioner was Popishly perswaded . Moreover , this Austin survived his Master Gregory , and consequently was according to Fox ( who dreames that he lived in England 16. yeares ) not only obedient to Boniface the 3. ( the Great Antichrist ) but made his Companion Lawrence his a Successour , who had the like veneration for Popes , though they then stiled themselves Universal Bishops as all Protestants affirme ; nor did ever Canterbury deny the Roman Sea , till Cranmer in the time of Hen. 8. If any man yet shall not think Austin Papist enough , let him read St. Bedes History , or rather some Protestants about it , among which let J. Bale an Apostate b Frier be one , who will tell you , That Austin was sent to convert the Saxons to a Popish Faith , and that he taught false Doctrine , and minded more the getting oblations for Masses , then the Preaching of the Gospel . Yet c Fox , though he call St. Austin Pharisaical , says , nevertheless , that those Missioners did Miracles before King Ethelbert . For the Conversion under King Lucius , all Reformed Historians confess that Pope Eleutherius sent Damianus and Fugatius ( two Ministers forsooth as d Heylin calls them ) who preacht Christ to the Britains . No man can doubt then , if these were sent from Rome , but that they taught the Faith of Rome . Now when Austin ( whom you see the Protestants already confess Popish ) came to convert the Saxons , he had conference with Dinoth the Abbot , and several of the Monks at Bangor , who still preserved Christian Religion among the British . In all their Dispute we finde no debate but about the Customes of the Church ; nor did Austin demand of them any more , then the a alteration in keeping of Easter , and some Ceremonies in Baptism : but had there been any difference in Faith , and doctrine ( as Speed b sayes positwely there was none ) Historians would not have failed to remember that , seeing they take notice of things of l●ss moment : and besides , every body knows how scrupulous the Church was in Doctrine , having condemned the Arrians , Eutychians , Nestorians and the like , for some things which to ordinary and humane capacities seemed but meer niceties . This then proves plainly that Austin the Popish Monck ( who also according to b Hollingshead infected us with the poyson of Romish Errours . ) preacht no other Doctrine then what the British had received afore : but the the British , according to Fox and others of our Protestant Authors , were the uncorrupt preservers of Gods word , having received from their King Lucius , who lived about 180. years after Christ . Let any man therefore judge , who are most Primative , & whether he that has the face to deny that Papists twice converted England , would not also deny our Saviour , were it as much for his advantage as we see this to be . SECT . XVII . APOLOGY . But it is generally said , That Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach . We confess , where the name of Protestant is unknown , the Catholick Magistrates ( believing it erronious ) do use all endeavours to keep ▪ it out . Yet in those Countreys where Liberty is given , they have far more Priviledges then we under any Reformed Government whatsoever . To be short , we will only instance France for all , where they have publick Churches , where they can make what Proselytes they please , and where it is not against Law to be in any charge or Imployment . Now Holland , which permits every thing , gives us 't is true our Lives and Estates , but takes away all Trust and Rule , and leaves us also in danger of the Scout , whensoever he pleases to molest our Meetings . ANSWER XVII . He says , That what is generally said of Popish persecutions , is also generally believed ; and that I answer deceitfully , in mentioning those Countreys only where the name of Protestant is unknown , and no liberty given them ; but omit those where it is known , and no liberty given ; as in Flanders now , and in England when it was Catholick . I instance , he says , in France , because I could find no other place ; but I should have considered how the Edicts of the Protestants liberty were obtained , and how they are observed . But if the Edicts were observed , he says it is no argument , that because a Liberty not against the Law is allowed them , it should be granted us against the Law. The Papists in Holland , he says , lent the chief help to fling of the Spanish yoak , and therefore deserve more then we , who would have brought it on our Country again . REPLY XVII . I could not imagine the Minister would have discover'd so great a Truth : for now , Reader , you see that he confesses that whatsoever is said of Papists is generally believed . How are Papists traduced ! What Stories are told of Popes ! How many things of the whole body of Papists ! and all taken for Gospel , as the adversary himself acknowledges . Thus people are possest with a horrour of Qu. Mary's days , as if all were really true ; and yet , as I have treated before , there has been more bloud Judicially spilt about Religion by those that have excluded the Pope , then has been by Papists from the Conversion of the Nation to its fall . What does the Minister mean by Protestants known , and no liberty given ? Italy and Spain know Protestants ; nay , the Turk himself knows them , and is obliged to the disturbances made by Luther and his fellows in Germany . For were the Government of that Country united , an not so rent into factions with diversities of Religions ( as a Sir Edwin Sandys observes ) breeding endless jealousies , heart-burnings and hatred , it needed no other help to affront the Great Turk , and to repulse all his forces , to the security of Christendom . This therefore was one of the advantages which the Reformation brought . Certainly I spoke plain enough , and that without deceit , viz. Where the name of Protestant is unknown , ( that is , where it has not been yet planted ) the Catholike Magistrates take care to keep it out : But where their number or rebellion has moued their natural Prince to grant them terms , in those places I say they live with more liberty then Catholikes under any Protestant Government . Flanders , was never compelled to let the Reformed have extraordinary priviledges ; Neverthelesse there are many Protestants in that Province , and particularly in the Wallon Countries : nor have they their Ministers hanged , though these places are under the obedience of the most Catholike King. What reason has the Minister to say I could ▪ name no other Country But France , where Protestants have open Churches ? has he forgot Poland , even Crakaw it self , where theire Orthodox Socinian Cathechism was made ? Let him also think on Hungary , both which are Popish Kingdoms , under Popish Kings . Nay , in Piedmont it self they have open Churches ; yet a man may legally be hanged in England , if he have but a private Chappel . Besides this , Reader , there is much difference between Papists and Protestants , because all Countries were possest by us , and the Reformed had no pretence to Government , ( except in England , and in a small Province or two in Germany ) but what they got by Rebellion . Therefore , as a man that is turned out of his house by a stranger , may expect more then the stranger being dispossest can do from the right o●ner : so Papists may justly expect more liberty from Protestants , then they can upon any pretence from Papists ; yet Protestants live to this day freer in Catholique Kingdoms , then we do under them : For Protestants may have employment in Poppish Countreys , but Papists are debarred from Offices in all Countries , I except none , that are of the Reformed Faith. I know not what the Minister would be at , that the Low-Country Papists were the chief cause why the Spanish yoak was thrown off . 'T is true , there were many factious Catholikes there at that time stirr'd up by the insinuation of the Reformed , as Saints enflame honest men now adays . Yet for all this not only the first insurrections & tumults were ( according to a Strada ) acted by the Calvinists at Tournay , Lisle , and Valencien ; but also in the year 1581 ( as the b Protestant Author of Europae Modernae Speculum will tell you ) by a publick Instrument they declared their King Philip to have rightfully fallen from the Dominion of those Provinces , then united under the profession of the Reformed Religion : neither would they ever afterwards suffer the Papists to have any share in the Government , for fear they should bring all things back again to their true Lord an Master . But now suppose , Reader , I had not proved the Dutch villany by the testimony of a Writer of the Protestant Religion , I hope 't is no excuse to their Rebellion , though some Papists did by accident facilitate their work : For if so , then the Murther of Charles the First by the Independents , and their erecting a Government without King or Lords , were not Rebellion , because the whole body of the Presbyterians began the play ; which afterwards ( but 't was too late ) they seemed to detest , and openly to exclaim against . How the Edicts of France were obtained , you shall hear in this next Section . SECT . XVIII . APOLOGY . Because we have named France , the Massacre will perchance be urged against us . But the World must know that was a Cabinet-Plot , condemned as wicked by Catholick Writhers there , and of other Countries also . Besides , it cannot be thought they were murthered for being Protestants , since 't was their powerful Rebellion ( let their Faith have been what it would ) that drew them in to that ill-machinated destruction . ANSWER XVIII . Here he says the French Massacre was so horrid a cruelty , that Thuanus tells us , That considering men , and having turned over the Annals of Nations , he could find no example for it in Antiquity ; that it was cloakt with shews of Amity , and a Marriage between the Houses of Valois and Burbon ; to which the chief Protestants being invited , were after their jollity of mirth , in the dead of night butchered in their Houses , without distinction of Sex or Age , till the channels ran with blood , none escaping but the Bridegroom : and the Prince of Conde , who were afterwards the one poysoned , the other stab'd by men of our Religion . He proceeds , that this which I say was condemned by Catholick Writers , was also extolled as glorious by others of them ; and that one may guess at my meaning , and that I am of their sentiment , since first I call it a Cabinet-Plot ( a fine soft word for the Butchery of 30000. persons . ) Secondly , in answer to them that call it murther , I seem to blame it as done by halves , in terming it an ill-machinated destruction . Lastly , in saying , that it was their Rebellion drew it on them , let their Faith have been what it would ; when indeed it was their Faith , let their Obedience have been what id would : for the King never had better Subjects then those that were Massacred , no● worse Rebels then the Massacrers . Then he tells us , that the brave Coligni was the first killed , and his head was sent to Rome , and his Body dragged about Paris ; and besides , he says , that the Duke of Guises factious Authority ( as I sweetly stile it ) was a black Rebellion ; and to decide whether they were massacred for Protestant Religion or Rebellion , because both himself and I may be partial , he desires to take judges between us . To make it appear it was not for Rebellion they were massacred , he cites K. James , who says , I could never learn by any good and true intelligence , that in France those of the Religion took Arms against their King. In the first Civil War they stood only upon their Guard , &c. To prove that they were massacred for their Religion ( since I will admit no judge but the Pope ) he undertakes to shew us that it was his judgment , from Thuanus , a Catholick Writer , who tells us , The Pope having an account of the Massacre , read the Letter in the Consistory , there decreed to go directly to St. Marks , and solemnly give thanks for so great a blessing conferred on the Roman Sea , and the Christian World : That soon after a Jubilee should be publisht throughout the whole Christian World ; and these causes were exprest for at , viz. To give thanks to God for destroying in France the Enemies of the Truth and of the Church : That in the evening the Guns were fired at St. Angelo , Bonfires made , and all things performed usual in the greatest Victories of the Church : That some days after , there was a solemn Procession to St. Louis , and an Inscription set over the Church-door by the Cardinal of Lorrain , to congratulate his Holiness and the Colledge in the Kings name , for the stupendious effects and incredible events of their Counsels given him , and of their assistance sent , and of their twelve years wishes and prayers . Soon after , he says , the Pope sent Cardinal Ursini to congratulate the King , to commend and bless them that had to do in the Massacre , and to perswade the reception of the Councel of Trent , by this Argument ; That the memory of the late glorious action ( to be magnified in all ages , as conducing to the Glory of God and Dignity of the Holy Roman Church ) might be sealed by the approbation of the Holy Synod ; for so it would be manifest , that the King consented to the destruction of so many , not of hatred or revenge , but ardent desire to propagate the Glory of God ( which could not be expected while the Protestants stood ) through all the Provinces of France . The Answerer then concludes this Paragrah with commending the Head of the Church for his judgment in cutting throats , & not mincing the matter like me ( whom he is pleased to call an English limb of him ) who durst not say what I desired , for fear of provoking the Protestants ; nor what the thing deserved , for contradicting the Pope . REPLY XVIII . Can Thuanus , or any man else , look upon that action with more horrour then I ? Certainly no : yet , Reader , I must tell you , Thuanus is esteemed as malitiously partial a Writer as ever undertook the writing of a History . Nay , Heylin ( that other Hanibal , that sworn enemy of Rome ) says , That a Thuanus savours more of the party , then of the Historian . Now for his professing to be a Catholick , it adds nothing to his Authority , because in every Religion there are those that write out of spleen and Faction . To a stranger abroad , Milton would go for a Protestant , because he calls himself so ; yet in his Books the true matter of Fact is so perverted by his malice , that it becomes at last as false , as the rest of those damnable lies , with which his Papers are stufft . But though Thuanus be thus reputed , yet this Minister will pervert the Divel himself to do us a mischief . He has told us that the Pope ordered a Jubilee through Christendom , to give God thanks for destroying in France the Enemies of the Church ; by which he would have the Reader believe , that the Massacre was the cause of this Jubilee ; when as a Thuanus tells us , That the Jubilee was to thank God for the Victory at Lepanto against the Turk , for the success of Spain against the Rebels in Belgium , and to beseech God for the election of a Catholick King in Poland ; as well as for the business in France . But truly , I need not complain , for such Preachers of Gods word may say any thing ( so it discredit the Papists ) let it be never so improbable in it self . For my part I can believe not , that the Pope and Consistory ( who are by Protestants reputed dexterous and subtle ) would make publike Procession and Triumph for Murther in cold blood , which could bring them no farther good ( for the advantages were already obtained ) but might occasion much scandal , which , by reason it was the cause of Luthers revolt , was the more carefully to be avoided for the future . It may be they were not sorry in their hearts : For what men are so at the death of their Enemies ? Yet we see often , that those which have a titillation the thing being done , would nevertheless loose rather their own lives , then give the least consent to the fact . Davila tells us in one place of his Fifth Book , That the King and Queen-Mother contrived the destruction of the Rebels ; and communicated their design only to the Duke of Anjou , the Guises , and the Count of Rhetz , and this resolution to Massacre , we see there was , a pretty while before Pius V. died . In another place of this Book , I find this Pope died some three months before the execution . In another place of this Book I find that this Pope would never consent to the marriage of Margaret to the King of Navar , by reason of his Religion ; and yet in the time of this Marriage Ch. 9. had determined this Butchery : Therefore putting all this together , it was plain the Pope had no hand in the wicked contrivance . Gregory 13. who succeeded , and before whose Election this Massacre was designed , was at last brought to dispence with the Match , it being made appear to him how dangerous it might be in those Schismatical times , if the King should in anger solemnize the Marriage without leave ; for so this a King had threatned the aforesaid Pius V. and daily gave more symptoms of his resolution in the Wedding , and anger for being contradicted in it at Rome . Reader , We have no other way to discover the errors of Historians , but by conjectures , after we have compared times and circumstances . The reasons that I have therefore last mentioned , assure me that the Pope had no hand in the design : yet suppose he had been of the Plot with the King , as 't is plain he was not , I am sure that can be no excuse to the Hugonots for their former Rebellion , and unspeakable abominations , as you shall presently see . But let the Pope have what design he would , 't is still evident ( according to the Apology ) that the King and Queen-Mother ( who could only perform this Murther ) were moved to this Massacre for Interest of State , and not Religion . For the King was not such a Bigot or Pious man , upon a Spiritual account to draw such a hazard , or at least a scandal on his own person : and for the Queen-Mother ( that great intriguer ) she valued Religion little ; for sometimes she favoured Protestants , sometimes again persecuted them : Nay , when it was for her advantage , she gave great and suspitious signs that she would be of the Reformed Religion also , as may be seen in Davila in the second Book . My Minister will not perchance be yet satisfied that I call it a Cabinet-Plot , but says they died for their Religion , and that the King had not better Subjects then those that were massacred . Brave Coligni being the first that fell . Now , Reader , that you may see what kind of Subject our Minister is ( and such a one I always doubted him ) I will briefly shew you how these Hugonots behaved themselves , among whom Coligni was a Principal , and who is honoured with the title of Brave , by this most Loyal Parson . In the time of Francis the First Calvin appeared , and dedicated his Institutions to him . The preaching , of this man pleased the changeable humor of many French ; but the Sect was kept under by the King , and especially by his Son Hen. 2. who like wise Governours were unwilling to let an unheard-of Religion get root in their Country , well knowing that Rebellion would follow , as afterwards it happened to the purpose . Francis the 2. succeeded Hen. who was althogether governed by the House of Guise , by reason of the great power they had in the late Kings Reign , and more especially now , because the Queen-Consort was the glorious Mary of Scotland , daughter to the Sister of this ambitious Duke . The House of Burbon ( being the first Princes of the Blood ) were greatly troubled they had no interest in affairs , and tried all manner of ways to get into play . The Prince of Conde ( a hot-headed man ) seeing he could not ruine the Guises by ordinary means , calls all his partizās together ( `among whom Coligni was the Chief ) to la Ferte an Apennage of his , and there he told them , they must take Arms to free themselves from the slavery they were in by the ruling Party . The fiery youth were all of the Princes opinion , to begin the War without delay : But , Brave Coligni ( as the Minister calls him ) replied , That this were to ruine them all , seeing that though their pretences were fair , yet few of the Nation would follow them ; and on the other side , all forreign Princes were in amity with France by the late agreement of the Kings Father . If they had a mind , he said , to do their business home , the sole way were to pretend Religion , which in it self had an honourable appearance ; and besides , the Calvinists in France were many , hating the Guises , and wanting only a Head ; nor would the Princes of Germany or Q. Elizabeth fail to assist them on this score , which otherwise could not be done on any account . Thus the Brave man not only consented to Rebellion , but put them in a holy method effectually to perform it . All the Assembly applauded the Counsel of this Achitophel , and there-upon Andelot his Brother ( a most turbulent man ) and the Vicedame of Chartres ( rich and debauch ) were apponted to execute their determinations . The manner of the Plot was this : To get a great company of unarmed Hugonots to go to Court , and there clamour for Liberty of Conscience , and free Temples : these poor men ( they imagined ) should presently be ill treated by the Duke of Guise ; whereupon the Protestant Souldiers ( which for that purpose they were to provide ) would immediately come to their assistance ; and under pretence that the Hugonots were abused , they might fall on the Court , and wholly destroy their Enemies . Besides this , 't was reported , that in the disorder the King and his three Brethren were to be made away , and God knows whether this last part were not as true as the first , seeing after the death of these Children , the House of Bourbon ( Heads of the design ) should succeed in the Throne . But now see how far the Conspiracy succeeded : The Provinces were divided to several of the most considerable in each division , who were to make ready their Levies against the 15. of March 1560. at Blois , a Town unfortified , where then the Court resided . Godfry de la Barre ( a Gentleman of Perigort , who had left his Country by reason of forgery in a Law-suit and turned Calvinist ) was made Commander in Chief ; and according to their success , the Prince , Admiral , and the rest would order affairs . The Kings Councel , having at last notice of this , carries the King without noise to Amboise , the better to secure him on a sudden , with the present little force they had in readiness . On the day appointed the Conspirators come , and finding the King gone , follow him to Amboise , and assault the Castle ; which being too strong to be presently their's , they were by the Mareschal of St. Andrew , and others wholly defeated and taken . Upon this trayterous attempt , the King summons an Assembly of the Nobles at Fountain-Bleau , where the brave Coligni grave the King a Paper , and said , That the Protestants ( hearing by his Majesties Edict , that every Subject might make known his Grievance in this Assembly ) did present that Petition to him ; & though it were not signed , yet when his Majesty pleased , it should be by 150000. hands . The Assembly , for all this arrogance , advised against a Toleration ; but the Hugonots encouraged by these proceedings , rose in Arms in ▪ several places , and filled the Court with complaints of their many insolencies ; and on the other side , the Prince with his Complices set upon Lyons . After this the three Estates met at Orleans , where the Prince was condemned to be executed and in this disorder the King died . Charles the 9 was about eleven years old when he began his Reign ; so that in his minority ( the faction of the Protestants being so great ) the Prince was acquitted , and liberty granted for publike preaching . Then the Hugonots became so insolent , that they massacred many people in Paris , burnt the Church of St. Medard , rifled Monasteries , and committed many such exorbitances . The Prince would have ▪ seised on the Kings Person at Fountain-Bleau , but the Duke of Guise got the King of Navar ( first Prince of the Blood , and prime Commander of State ) to bring him and the Queen-Regent to Paris ; which when the Prince of Conde understood , and saw himself defeated of his design , he told brave Coligni , that he had plunged himself so deep , that now he must drink or drown ; and thereupon attackt Orleans and took it , using all the inhumane barbarities that can be thought of . After this ( as Rebels are accustomed ) a Manifesto is set out , That he took up Arms to free the Kings Person from the slavery in which the Catholick Lords held him . This was directed to the Parliament ; who again answered , That they wondered how it could be said , the King was prisoner , being in his own Capital City , of which Charles of Bourbon the Princes own Brother was Governour ; where was present the King of Navar Chief Administrator of the Kingdom , where the Parliament sat ; and in fine ; where all the great Officers of the Crown resided . But why do I go to the particulars of this notorious Rebellion ? To be short , Coligni's own words ( a little before his death ) will sufficiently declare how great a Traytor he was ; for just before the Marriage ( like another Nebuchadnezzar in his pride ) he said to some of his confidents , That neither Alexander nor Caesar could be compared to him , because Fortune was their friend , but that he dad lost four Battles , yet by his wit , he stil became more formidable to his Enemies . If then this brave man , that began the Rebellion , as you have heard , that lost four Battels against his Prince , that seised on so many Towns , that disswaded Peace so often when desired , and that did so many infamous actions all along , shall pass and not be thought a Rebel , then I will aver there was never Rebel since the Creation of the World. The things , Reader , which I have here laid down , you many find disperst in the first five Books of Davila's History , who is an Author thought by Protestants so Authentick and so impartial ( sparing no body of what Rank or Faction soever ) that among Historians none hath a clearer fame . Having given you a short occount how these Potent Hugonots plagued these two Kings , be pleased now to tell me , whether it was not their powerful Rebellion ( let their Religion have been what it would ) that drew them into this ill-machinated destruction . And by the way , see how simple the cavil of this Minister is , who says , I call it ill-machinated , because it was done by halves . The action was wicked , and a Cabinet-Plot , or else there is no such thing in Nature : neither did it want condemning by several famous Catholiques themselves ; who would doubtless have been silent , had the Pope so publickly rejoyced at the news , as the Minister would fain have us believe . The King in Vindication of the cruelty laid to his charge , gives these Reasons to the World : That though every body saw how horribly the Rebels had used him , yet it was not his design to Massacre so many Hugonots , but only to cut off some Heads of the Party , who so highly fomented the Sedition : this made him cause Coligni to be shot , the chief Rebel of thē all ; but the bullet only breaking his arm , his Partizans grew to such a rage , that they threatned a present War , and destruction to him and his ; therefore he was necessitated to what he did , viz. immediately to destroy those that had vowed his ruine . Now to demonstrate that is was not his intention , the Kings friends farther said , That had he intended a general Massacre from the beginning , it had been folly to a shoot the Admiral so many days before the total execution , because this would have alarmed the Party , and given occasion to many to get away as in truth not a few did , the day before the bloody night . Reader , I know not whether this Declaration of the King be true or not ; but this I am sure , the action was unchristian , though there were never greater Rebels then these Hugonots : for they not only fought many Battles with their Prince , and fortified many of his Towns against him ; but besides all this , brought forreign Forces into France , as Ruyters from Germany , and English from us ▪ and because all things are lawful to the Saints , they delivered up Havre de Grace to Queen Elizabeth , by which we had a new footing in France , even we , the profest enemies of the Nation . Nay , they began first to a Massacre Catholiques in Paris ; and also Coligni and Beza got Poltrot to murther the Duke of b Guise , father to him that was Killed at Blois . This the Assassine openly confest at his death , being after executed for the fact . By force then , and such tricks , tyring out their Kings , they got several Priviledges and Edicts : but God send me and my Relations to live for ever in servitude , rather then to obtain liberty by such strange and dissalowable courses . And truly , I doubt not ( since this Minister can justifie these Agreements ) but he would , if the Four Bills had passed at the Isle of Wight , vindicate the proceedinghs , and cite those Acts with as much confidence , as if they had been obtained without Force in time of Peace and quiet . Had King James lived in our days , and seen how the same pretences with those of the Hugonots , viz. Conscience , and the Liberty of the Subject , had like to have ruined his Family , I do believe they would have found small comfort from any Vindication of his . I do therefore openly affirm , that if any Englishman ( who has considered the villany of our times ) does still justifie Brave Coligni and his Hugonots , he has either been an apparent Rebel , or is so in his heart , and will shew his Teeth upon the first advantage that shall be offered . SECT . 19. APOLOGY . May it not as well be said in the next Catholick Kings Reign , that the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal ( Heads of the League ) were killed for their Religion also ? Now no body is ignorant , that 't was their factious Authority , which made the jealous Prince design their deaths , though by unwarrantable means . ANSWER XIX . He says the Guises were not killed for their Religion , for they were killed by one of their own Religion , as much bent against Protestants as they . That Papists hated Hen. 3. only for sparing the Blood of Protestants , and not declaring his Protestant Heir uncapable of Succession . That for these causes the Guises by the Popes consent ( who calls them the Macchabees of the Church ) entred into the Holy League , and called in the Spaniards and Savoyards to maintain War against him , and deprive him of his Kingdom and Life . Whereupon the jealous Prince , as I favourably call him , dealt with them , as they had done with the Protestants . But their case , he says , was so different from the Protestants , that he wonders I should mention it . Then he tells us , the Pope excommunicated the King for this action , and gave nine years Indulgence to his Subiects to fight against him , foretelling , as a Pope might do without Astrology , that ere long he should come to a fearful end ; and this he says hapned : for the Subjects earned the Indulgence , and a Frier fulfilled the Prophesie . This action the Pope in a Speech called the work of God , and ( for its wonderfulness ) compared it with the Incarnation or Resurrection ; preferring his courage before Eleazars or Iudiths , and declaring the King ( who profest he died in the Faith of the Roman Catholick Church ) to have died in the sin against the Holy Ghost . Lastly , He asks , whether it may not be said , Papists cannot live without persecuting Protestāts , whē a Popish King is stab'd and damned for not persecuting them enough . REPLY 19. Here is a great deal of cry , and little wool ; for I have often said , the Pope may have his frailties , as well as other men ; and does not the Minister know he is a Temporal Prince also , and in that capacity may have intrigues with his Neighbours ? What is this to our Religion , more then if the King of Spain should make use ▪ of the Politicks too far ? Again , if the Pope as our Archbishop ( all Countries being in his Province ) should commit humane indiscretions , Why were we to be more blamed for it , then Durham , Chester and Carlisle ought to be for their Religion , because their Metropolitan Williams joyned with the Rebels against King Charles of happy Memory ? I never approved the procedure of the Guises in their League , and have always said they were most insolent Ministers of State to Hen. 3. but when the Duke and Cardinal were murthered at Blois by the King , their Successors learnt of the Hugonots to run into a formal and open War. And truly , my inference , I conceive , was pertinent concerning the Massacre of the one , and murther of the other , though the Parson thinks it something strange . For in this Example the Outers and the Outees ( the Hugonots and Guises ) were killed by their Kings . Now since both Parties were prodigious in power , able to cope with the Prince ; 't would be as ridiculous to say , that ( because the Hugonots were destroyed ) they suffered for their Faith , as that the Heads of the League were killed for their Religion . Davila tells us , That the Pope only refused to absolve Henry the Third , saying , that he could not be contrite for killing a Cardinal , since he kept another still in prison . Nor does this famous Author say any thing of giving nine years Indulgence to his Subjects that should fight against him ; and yet if the Pope had done so , he must answer for his own actions to God Almighty , and not all the Members of the Catholique Church . But why does this poor Minister continually harp upon James Clement , whom the Divel had seduced for this work ? The Minister would have called me worse then a Turk ( as he has already done ) if I should lay at his door the actions of Hugh Peters , who was as I think ordained , at least as bad as he were . Concerning the Popes Speech , you must know , Reader , that it was a thing forged ( as Tortus says ) and never heard of but at Paris , some Grandees having hopes thereby to animate their Party , and others a design to defame the Sea of Rome : and if you consider it , you will find the Pope had no reason to rejoyce at , but much to lament the death of this Prince . For Henry the Third was always a most firm son of the Church , and easily brought again to whatever could be desired . But when he was gone , an apparent Hugonot was to succeed , whom though for the present they might think they were able to deal with , yet necessarily at best there would be a perpetual distraction among them ; and besides , wise men know , that accidents are common in such cases ; and to be sure , the least success on Henry the Fourth's side , would have ruined the Popes interest . To his Conclusion I have answered before sufficiently , viz. That Protestants live better under Papist Governments , then Papists do under theirs : therefore , I say again , who the Persecutors are , let the World judge . SECT . 20. APOLOGY . If it were for Doctrine that the Hugonots suffered in France , this haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now , having neither Force nor Towns to resist his Might and Puissance . They yet live free enough , being even Members of Parliament , and may convert the Kings Brother too , if he thinks fit to be so . Thus you may see how well Protestants live in a Popish Country under a Popish King : Nor was Charlemaign more Catholick then this ; for though he contends sometimes with the Pope , 't is not of Faith , but about Gallicane Priviledges , which perchance he may very lawfully do . Iudge then , Worthy Patriots , who are the best used , and consider our hardship here in England , where 't is not only a Fine for hearing Mass , but death to the Master for having a Priest in his house ; and so far we are from preferment , that by Law we cannot come within ten miles of London ; all which we know your great Mercy will never permit you to exact . ANSWER XX. Here he denies the consequence , That if the Hugonots then suffered for Doctrine , this haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now : for he says , he may persecute and not destroy them , or destroy them , but not so soon . Nor is this Monarch , he says , as Catholick as Charlemaign ; for if he were , he would be Patron of all Bishopricks in his Empire , make the Pope know the difference between a Prelat and an Emperor , and not chop Logick about Gallicane Priviledges : he would also call a Councel ( as Charlemaign ded against Image-Worship ) to separate errours from the Faith. This he says were a good way to destroy the Hugonots , by taking away the causes of strife ; but any other way he cannot , without violation of his Laws . Then he says , we complain of hardships we feel not , and insult over the Hugonots , who would mend their condition with changing with us . Popish Peers , he says , sit in English Parliaments , as well as Protestants in French. That we have as free access to our Kings Brother , as they to theirs : and , that he knows not what we would have , unless we would Catechise his Highness , as the Abbot did the Duke of Glocester . He concludes , That we complain of those Laws we never knew executed , and which , I say , I know never will be . But the Laws , he says , were made to guard the lives of our Princes against our Trayterous practices . REPLY XX. I must here again , Reader , desire your judgment , whether this consequence in the Apology , be not as natural as can be : viz. If the Protestants suffered for Doctrine ( when by reason of their strength it was dangerous to disturb them ) then doubtless , this haughty Monarch ( being as much a Papist in Faith as any of his Ancestors ) would soon destroy them now , having neither Force nor Town to resist his might and puissance . Certainly , this is as impertinent a cavil , as his insisting upon Charlemagn , who was Emperour as well as King of France ; and therefore had more Authority , then if he had been but a single Monarch . Besides , I wonder he should urge him as Quarreller with the Pope , being as great a friend as ever that Sea had . For he grave to it the Exarchate of Ravenna , the Marca Anconitana , and the Dukedome of Spoleto , which are the greatest part of the Church-Lands in Italy . All the power the ancient Caesars had , I know not ; if it were great , I wish they had never parted with it ; but what they have granted , I think now as truly helongs to the Pope , as any Priuiledges that Towns or Royallty's can call theirs , by the Gracious concessions of our famous Princes . How shameless is this man , that can say , the Hugonots would mend their condition by changing with us ! and yet he cannot deny they have all the advantages before mentioned . How prettily also ( after his usual manner ) doth he pervert my meaning , in saying , we have free access to his Highness ; for my Argument runs thus : That the Hugonots may convert the Kings Brother without any prejudice to them by Law ; when as it is death to a Catholique to pervert ( as they call it ) the meanest of his Majesties Subjects . But God send the King may never find more unfaithful Servants then such ; nor the Duke those that shall wish him worse then the worthy Abbot , whom he is pleased to mention . He has a fling also at me , because the Catholique Peers sit in the House , which is quite besides the thing I urged . For I said , the Hugonots must needs think they live happily , enjoying not only their Religion in publike , but also being capable of any manner of Employment , even to be chosen Members of the three Estates ; nor is there any Parliament of France , but has many of their Religion in it . On the contrary , Catholikes are born with an incapacity of Employment , like the Villains as it were in Ancient times , who had no propriety in the Kingdom . If some few Lords sit in their House , 't is not any favour the Nobility bear to Popery , but because they have gravely considered , that it would be wonderful injustice to turn out a Party for difference in Religion , and permit other dissenters to continue . Now ( seeing there are so many Opinions in the World ) to turn out all , God knows upon whose Children the Lot may fall next : for the Church of England is no Manna , to relish in every palate ; and some wise men also think , that a man may do very well , though he has little Disputes with this his holy Mother . Why does this Gentleman say , we never knew the Laws executed ? I am sure , there have died by these Laws at least 300 Priests , besides Laymen : and how often we have been rackt in prison , and how infinitely our Estates have suffered for our Consciences , no body , I think , is ignorant . But , I hope , the brave people of England will intercede for us to his Majesty , that since he ( the Messiah & only expectation of the Nation ) is come , we may not feel in his days , what we suffered under Cromwel , even by virtue of those Acts which have been formerly made . Nor could Osborn a Protestant ( in his Memoires ) chuse but confess a That against the poor Catholiques nothing in relation to the generality remains upon due proof sufficient to justifie the severity of the Laws daily enacted & put in execution against them . SECT . XXI . APOLOGY . It has been often urged , that our misdemeanours in Queen Elizabeths and King James's time , were the cause of our punishment . ANSWER XXI . Your misdemeanors ? we cry you mercy , if they were no more ; but that comes next to be argued , whether they were misdemeanors or Treasons . REPLY . XXI . Reader , This is the subtlest Sophister that I ever met with ; for ( before this distinction ) I never knew but that Treasons were misdemeanors , and therefore I think the word misdemeanour is not improper . SECT . XXII . APOLOGY . We earnestly wish that the Party had had more patience under that Princess : But pray consider ( though we excuse not their faults ) whether it was not a harder Question then that of Yorck and Lancaster ( the cause of a War of such length and death of so many Princes ) who had most right , Queen Elizabeth or Mary Stuart . For since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegeance to Queen Mary , they owned her as the legitimate daughter to Henry , the Eighth ; and therefore it was thought necessarily to follow by many , that if Mary was the true Child , Elizabeth was the Natural , which must needs give way to the thrice-noble Queen of Scots . ANSWER XXII . He says , that I wish the Catholicks had had more patience under Q. Elizabeth ; but he thinks they needed none : for in the first ten years of her Reign ( though what the Papists had done in Queen Maries time was fresh in memory ) none of them fuffered death till the Northern Rebellion , raised against her meerly upon the account of her Religion : 't was she then that was persecuted , and had occasion for patience , and therefore I should have wisht them more Loyalty . But it appears I account Rebellion no fault , in saying , 't was a hard Question , whether the right lay in Queen Elizabeth , or the Queen of Scots , because many thought Queen Elizabeth illegitimate . Here he asks , Who thought so ? Or , when the Question arose ? For , says he , First , Archbishop Heath a Papist , said in his Speech , no body could doubt the justness of her Title . Secondly , the Kings of France , Spain , and the Emperour offered Marriage to her , and thereby hoped to get the Crown . Thirdly , the Queen of Scots and King James acknowledged her , and claimed nothing but to be her Heirs and Successours . Then he tells , that Paul the Fourth was the First that questioned her Title , because the Kingdom being a Fee of the Papacy , she had audaciously assumed it without his leave ; and secondly , because she was illegitimate . But his Successour Pius the Fourth would have owned her , if she would have owned him ; which because she would not , the next Pope Pius V. issued out his Bulls and deposed her , not for Bastardy , but for being a Protestant , upon which the Northern-men and others of her Subjects rebelled , and were every foot plotting against her . 'T is true , he says , the Queen of Scots Title was pretended ; but he demands what would we have done if that Queen had not been Catholick , or Queen Elizabeth ; not thought illegitimate ? He proceeds , That Gregory the Thirteenth had occasion to consider this , having a Bastard of his own , and another of the Emperours to provide for : to the first of which he gave Ireland , and sent Stukely to win it for him ; and to the other England , with leave to win it for himself . But what was this to the Q. of Scots ? who ( he says ) might perhaps have been preferred to marry one of them , upon condition her son Iames might have nothing to do with the Succession . For when she was dead , and her right in King Iames , Sixtus V. not only took no notice of him , but curst Queen Elizabeth again , and gave her Kingdom to Philip the Second of Spain . Pope Clement the Eighth seeing he could do no good upon Queen Elizabeth ( to take care another Heretick should not succeed her ) sent his Breves both to Clergy and Layity , forbidding them to admit any but a Catholique to the Succession , though never so neer in blood ; which was in plain words to exclude King James ; so that the Popes never stuck at the hard question . And now he asks , What our Country men did or suffered for it ? And answers himself , that they acted for the Papal interest , making use of the House of Scotland only for a cloak , while the Title was in Queen Mary ; but when it was in King James , none of them stirred or suffered for it : yet they were not idle , but as busie as Bees in contriving to hasten Queen Elizabeths death , and to put him by the Succession . To prove this , he urges the Spanish Invasion presently after his Mothers death , negotiated and defended by Papists : That the Jesuites procured Huntly to rebel in Scotland : That they persuaded the Earl of Darby to set up a Title to the Crown of England ; which he revealing , was poysoned soon after , as Hesket had threatned him : That when their single shot failed , F. Parsons gave a broad-side to the Royal House of Scotland , in a Book published under the name of Doleman , setting up divers Competitors ; and to provide a sure Enemy , he found a Title for the Earl of Essex ( to whom he dedicated the Book ) being the most ambitious and popular man in the Nation . But the the Book , he says , prefers the Title of the Infanta before all others . Then he concludes from this his Discourse , in which , he says , nothing material can be denied , that it appears , That this hard Question was not between the Parties themselves , in one of whom , we confess , the right was . For the Pope easily resolved it , who denied both sides of the Question , assuming the right to himself , and as concerning the English Catholiques , he says , they sided with the Pope against Queen Elizabeth and Queen of Scots also : and lastly , that their misdemeanours were inexcusable Treasons , if any Treasons befriended by such an Apologist can be inexcusable . REPLY 22. 'T is strange to me , that I must be denied the liberty , which all people else have . No man is forbid to declare their pretensions , when he speaks of the commotions of a Party : yet here I am accused , to think Rebellion no crime , and to excuse their faults , because I tell you what Papists in those days said for themselves . The Minister can call himself a Loyal Subject , and yet defend the Hugonots , who were the most notorious and insolent Rebels that any History can shew ; nor had they any other pretence for the a Massacres and continual ravages committed by them , but Mr. Calvin and Mr. Beza's telling them , God said thus and thus : and therefore , unless their respective Kings would suffer them to destroy a Religion in quiet possession since the Reign of Clouis , they would bring Armies into the field , and fortifie Towns against their Liege-Lords , as every body knows they did , till subdued in the time of Lewis the XIII . I think , good Mr. Parson , I am as well known in England as your self ; and am sure can find more Protestants of Quality that shall engage for my Loyalty , thē you can people of any sort . 'T is not this Minister , Reader , only , but others have called my narration of the matter of fact , a questioning of Queen Elizabeths Title : judge you by my words in the Apology , whether it be so or no ; nor could I omit in honour the Plea of the foregoing age , their misdemeanours being every day thrown in my dish . But suppose I had questioned her Title , there is no Treasonable intention in it I am sure , because the Title of our King has no dependance upon that Princesse : nor was she the first of our Monarchs against whose right Posterity has argued . No body is blamed for saying King Stephen was an usurper , or that Edward the Fourths Title was better then that of the three preceding Henry's . What is 't then , I beseech you ( were the fact proved against me ) I have committed , that Protestant Authors have not done and worse ? Sr. Walter Rawley in his Preface of the History of the world has not only something to say against almost all the Kings of Englād , but Buck in his Ric. 3 has bastardized Hen. 7 and all his offspring , and thereby invalidates theire title to the Crowne either as a Yorkists or b Lancastrians ; Nor does c Speed refraine from questioning the right of most of our Princes from the Conquest till Henry the fowrth's Reigne . Yet none of these have been branded with the Character of ill Subjects . 'T is he that is to be accounted wicked , who sedititiously descants on Titles , to breed Commotions and Disorders . The Minister says , I defend the calumny of those Catholicks , in saying , 'T was a very hard question , whether the right to the Crown lay in Queen Elizabeth , or in the Queen of Scots . Reader , that which I said was , That this was a harder Question , then the Dispute of York and Lancaster , which cost so much Blood and Treasure : and because I would know your opinion , I will state these two Questions to you . York had the interest of a third brother by Marriage ; Lancaster that of a fourth Brother ; and these two dispute about the Crown of England which women are capable of . The second Question is this : Henry the eighth married his brothers wife , who was said to be a Virgin ; for Prince Arthur was but fifteene and a little more wen he died . By this Princess K. Hen. had our Q. Mary , and after he had lived with her 20 years , he fell in love with a handsome young Lady , whereupon he had in short time a scruple of Conscience that it was unlawful to live longer with his old wife , because she had been-married to his brother . His Conscience being still tender , he caused the Scriptures to be searched , and found not only there the Marriage to be void , but that the Pope himself had no power in England ; and besides , that rich Abbies were also contrary to the word of God. Being thus truly informed , he threw away Wife , Pope and Monks , and married the other , by whom he had Queen Elizabeth , while his first Wife lived . 'T was thought by many curious wits , that there could be but one of the daughters legitimate , because both Mothers were contemporaries , and that to Christians the Scripture permits but one wife at a time . After the death of this King and his Son , 't was put to the Kingdom to decide , which of these children were lawfully begotten : both Lords and Commons acknowledged Mary for their Queen , which was as much to say she was born in true Wedlock . Nor did Luther himself fail to disapprove of Queen Elizabeths a birth . I doubt not , but the people were informed of the cause of the Kings scrupule , as also that this brother Arthur had never known his wife . Nay , before K. Henry married Queen Katherine , she protested she was a Virgin and offered to be tryed by b Matrons . The Bishop of Ely also c deposed , That the Queen ( whom all , even the King himself esteemed for a Saint ) had often in confession told him , she never carnally knew the Prince . Nor in the whole examination was there any colourable pretence produc'd , but the common vanity of all boys to be thought men before their time : For 't was affirmed , Arthur should say the next morning after Marriage , that he had been in Spain that night . Besides this there were those , I believe , that told the People , that though St. John forbad Herod to take his brother Philips wife , because his said Brother was then alive , ( for Josephus d sayes , Herodias parted from her husband Philip in his life time , and in contempt of the lawes married Herod ) yet he never prohibited by those words a Christian to marry his sister in-law if her Husband were dead . The Case being thus fancied by the Papists ( in the time of Queen Elizabeth ) they argued , that if Mary was the true Child , then the other was the Natural : but Mary was owned Legitimate : And my Lord Bacon a say's the ligitimation of Queen Mary and Elizabeth were incompatible . Ergo the Kingdom not being Elective , Mary Stuart ( the next Legal Heir ) must necessarily succeed her . Yet suppose these Papists were wrong in their conclusion , I am sure nevertheless , I am still in the right , viz. That it is a harder Question to resolve , whether the Marriage be Null , if a woman marries two Brothers , then whether a third or fourth brother has the better Title to the Crown ; for that was the contest betwixt York and Lancaster . But the Minister urges , if the Papists thought Queen Elizabeth an Usurper , why did not they stir sooner ? for there was no Rebellion , he says , in ten years : and when after ten it broke out in the North , there was not the least mention made of the Q. of Scots , or her Title . I wish the Catholicks had not only sat still ten years , but forty five years also ; yet to shew you that this Minister will be wrōg in every thing , I shall give you a most succinct account of this business . Queen Mary of England in , the latter part of her Reign was in a open war with France , and the Qu. of Scots was then b Wife to the Dauphin . This Hostility , and the private designs of Spain , hindred all intrigues of the Queen of Scots friends to secure the Succession . Things being in this condition , our Queen dies ; nor did the Dauphin make any present claim ; which together with the natural coolness of Englishmen to all strangers , especially the French , moved Archbishop Heath to what he did . About some six months after this , the Dauphin takes upon him the Title and Armes of c England ; and immediately also by the death of his Father , the Crown of France fell to him , which gave him the name of Francis the Second . But by that time Q. Elizabeth was too well setled to be deposed without blows ; and before things could be ordered for such an enterprize , the Hugonots lay so heavy on his shoulders , that he was necessitated to the d Treaty at Edenburgh , by which he was to relinquish his former pretences in relation to England : yet before these Articles were sealed , the King himself died , and so all things stood as they were before . The Q. of Scots being now a widow , returns with much ado to Scotland , which was all in a flame , by the seditious preaching of the new Reformists . Assoon as she arrived there , ( Q. Elizabeth having often sent to her to ratifie the Treaty with her Husband ) she a after consideration returned answer , That she was content to do so , upon condition she were by Parliament declared her Heir . This Proposition seemed not strange to her English well-willers , because our Histories could tell them , That Maud the Empress was necessitated to the like by King Stephen . But Queen Elizabeth would not harken to those terms ; whereupon presently Margaret Niece to Henry the Eighth , the Earl of Lenox her husband , Arthur Pool and his Brother , Grandchildren to George Duke of Clarence , Fortescue and others , were apprehended , for intending to b set up the Queen of Scots interest . The fact they confest ; but ( as all malefactors find something to extenuate their crimet ) hey pitcht upon the weakest excuse that ever was heard of ; viz That they intended not to depose Queen Elizabeth , but to be beforehand in Arms , because Conjurers had told them she would dy that year . After this , the vigilancy of Q. Elizab. was such , and the disasters of Scotland so great , that the Catholiques were forc'd to sit quiet for a while . Instead of Peace with the Rebels , the Queen of Scots was necessitated to seek for shelter in a England , where ( had she been used as the Honour of the Nation required ) she would have concluded an inviolable agreement between the Queen , and those Catholiques that stood for her Title . But when this Royal Guest had once trusted her self among her Enemies , she was both denied access to the Court , and also refused the liberty of retiring into another Kingdom . This inhumanity was quickly noised about the World ; whereupon Pius V. sent b Ridulph a Florentine to consult with the Catholiques about the Interest of their Queen . All Arguments were used which could possibly be thought of , to persuade her Enemies to let her go : and when no fair means would do , c the Rising in the North happened . 'T is true , the Declaration of those great Lords that were up , mentioned no other motive but Religion ; because this could not shock either the Queen or People so much , as the name of the Queen of Scots would have done ; for that implied ipso facto the altering both of Religion and Government also . Who is ignorant that that Great man our General ( whose memory all ages shall for ever honor ) concealed at first what he had long determined ? well knowing , that the once naming of the King would ruine that design , which his wit so well laid , and his conduct so happily executed . Besides this , Reader , you must know , before this Rebellion broke out , Leonard Dacres , second Son to the Lord Dacres of Gylsland , undertook the delivery of the Queen , being then in Darbyshire in my Lord Shrewsburie's custody . Of this design my a Lord Northumberland was complotter ; therefore 't was plain , he being Chief in the Northern Insurrection , intended her Title , though there was nothing of it in his Delaration . Consider therefore how notoriously false this Minister is , there having been Claims , Plots , and endeavours by the greatest of the Land before the rising in the North ; and when it happened , that also was on the Queen of Scots account . 'T were tedious , Reader , to tell you how many attempts followed this Insurrection ; for there scarce passed a day , till the death of the Queen of Scots , but something was contrived to prevent the machinations of her unkind Kinswoman . By all this you may see , that while Queen Elizabeth used her distressed Guest with any kindness , the piety of that Princess ( which moved her rather to be contented with the Succession , then put England in a perpetual broyl ) caused her to command the English Catholiques to lie still ; whom ( according to the Ministers own confession ) the prohibition of their Religion forten years had not exasperated to Commotions . But assoon as their Queen was imprisoned without hopes of liberty , and they left to the dictates of their own Loyal inclinations , they never ceased either at home or abroad to sollicite the destruction of their Enemies . Consider also , I beseech you , the carriage of the Popes , who used all fatherly and gentle means imaginable , because they saw the Queen of Scots , whose right they deemed it was , of her self inclining ( like another Maud ) to expect , till the death of her Cozen should put an end to all pretences . These Popes were sufficiently urged by the Duke of Guise and others ; yet upon the former considerations ( being desirous of peace ) they never had practices against Queen Elizabeth , till Mary Stuart was in prison ; nor ever publisht the Excomcommunication , till the Queen absolutely refused her liberty , even after the intercession of a the French and Spanish Embassadours . But the Minister says , the Popes owned Queen Elizabeths Title , and therefore Papists ought not to have disputed it . 'T is true he says so , and yet confesses , that Paul the IV. ( who governed the Church when she came first to the Crown ) would not acknowledge her Legitimate . But how comes the Gentleman to say , that the other cause of his Holiness's not acknowledging her , was , because she audaciously assumed the Crown without his leave ? Does he find any such record in our Histories ? Did Queen Mary ask his consent ? Did any Pope send in this manner to Edward the Sixth ? Or lastly , which of all our Kings used to entreat his favour to be Crowned ? Reader , this is a pretty capricchio of the Parson , as it had been unusuall if the Pope had made such a claim . Pius the Fourth succeeding the said Paul ( for the reasons aforesaid ) shewed as much prudence and good nature as ever man did , in hope to compose things without effusion of blood : and certainly after his death as much had been spilt , as ever was in any Reign , had not Queen Elizabeth been the wisest woman that ever swayed Scepter . Pius V. followed the method of his Predecessors , and would have continued it , had not the barbarous usage of the Queen of Scots provok'd him to an Excommunication , and all hostile endeavours . His Bull , I know , speaks not of Bastardy in plain terms ; yet with our Ministers good leave , the Pope in that very Bull calls our late Queen Mary a Legitimate ; which saying was as much against Q. Elizabeth , as if he had spoken in a bolder phrase . For as I urged before , my Lord Bacon b says , That the Legitimations of Q. Mary and Queen Elizabeth were incompatible . In this manner the Popes acknowledged her : and for the Marriages which were offered her ( & to very much purpose forsooth urged by the Minister ) from forreign Monarchs , it proves no more right , then that Mrs. Cleypole had been truly our Queen , if France , Spain , or the Emperor had made love to her ; and I believe no body doubts , but Suiters would have flockt , had she been unmarried , and sole Heir to her Father . Though Gregory XIII . sent to invade Ireland , and Sixtus V. gave England to the Spaniards , yet I do not see , that this can touch us Catholicks in the least , though the Minister thinks it a mighty Argument . For if the French King may invade St. Christophers , or any part of our Dominions , without drawing the Name of Villain on him or his people : Why may not the Pope ( being a Temporal Prince ) send forces to subdue what Country he pleases ? The Bishop of Munster , for his smart endeavours against the Hollanders , was never blamed , but on the contrary commended by us ; and certainly the Pope is as absolute , and as good a man as he . Kings , you see , may fall upon their Neigbours themselves , and without breach of Morality , incite others to do the like ; and while Popes are free Princes , they cannot be reproach'd for using that liberty , without great partiality and malice . This Minister foolishly handles all things , and you may see his intent is only to make a noise : for 't is no advantage ( in our present Dispute ) to him to shew , what Kingdoms Popes over-run , or give away . That which he ought to prove was , That it is Article of Faith amongst us , to assist the Pope in every such invasion , or Gift . That this is not so you may plainly see ; for one fifth of the Turks Army are of his Christian Subjects , and yet none of them are ever blamed as heritiques for defending the grād Seigniors Territories . In the next place , whē was it heard that any English Catholick was fain to do pennance like an accurst persō for assisting the Queen against the Spanish Invasion ? for there was no● Papist then in England for the a Spaniard . Or who in Ireland in her Reign , thought himself given to the Divel , for fighting against San Joseph , who came for the Kingdom upon his Holiness account ? For the b Bishop of Armath confesses , The English Papists in Ireland were faithfull in all the invasions by Spaine or Pope . Now whether Pope or Spaniard intended after Conquest to restore the Kingdom to the Queen of Scots or her Heirs , I know not ; but this I am sure of , that 't was as probable , as that the Hollanders ( who were assisted by the Arms of some Caualiers , and the good wishes of us all ) would have given King Charles the Second possession of England , had they got it from the Rump . If Clement the Eighth earnestly strove that Queen Elizabeths Successours should be Catholiques , I suppose no body can blame him for it ; but I would fain have it shewed me , that King James's admission to the Crown ( a Protestant from his Childhood ) was opposed by the Catholiks of this Kingdom . If they stickled not after his Mothers death for him as they did for her , this answer is sufficient , That he was not used like her , nor did he ( for fear of prejudicing his future admittance ) ever desire any body to stir in his behalf . I suppose , Reader , you wonder why I should challenge any man to shew me how the English Catholicks opposed King James his Succession , when as this Minister tells us out of Cambden , That the Papists negotiated the Spanish Invasion ; That afterwards they perswaded the Earl of Darby to pretend to the Crown ; That Doleman alias Parsons writ in the behalf of the Infanta's Title ; and to conclude his Accusation , de declares , That the Catholicks of Scotland ( Huntly and others ) raised a powerful Rebellion against this Prince . First , Concerning the Invasion , the Minister says more then the Author himself whom he quotes ; a for Cambden only says , that some English Fugitives did promote it ; and who knows not that Fugitives in all ages , and in all Religions , machinate against those whom they call their Oppressors ? and on the other side , who is ignorant , that many Papists , more considerable far then a few fugitive Priests ( for most of the chiefest were so ) assisted the Kingdom in that War , and in all its other contests abroad ? Secondly , If some of these Fugitives did perswade my Lord of Darby , it was , I say again , done like Fugitives , nor had they ever the consent of the Catholiques for it . It was certainly a very rediculous Plot in them to make a Protestant Nobleman ( that had so poor a Title ) their Soveraign ; and if it were really designed , It must , I am sure , have been performed by the Protestants themselves ; for the Papists had no power , not being able so much as to set up the Qu. of Scots , who had so plausible a right , though they wanted not the assistance of the Pope , Spaniard and all the Guisard Faction . And by the way this Earle was not poison'd ( as the Minister would have it ) for Stow has a Diary and the Particulars of his sicknesse and say's a The causes of all his deseases were thought by Phisitians , partly a surfet , and partly distempering himselfe with vehement excercise 4. days togeather in Easter weeke . Thirdly , For Dolemans Book , who writ it , God knows , Parsons denied it at his death ; and I believe he was not the Authour , because in some of his works he speaks so much to the advantage of a K. James . Moreover , he was a man of far more wit then to write so foolish a thing : for was not that man strangely simple , that would dedicate his Book to my L. of Essex ( as the Minister would have it , to prick forward an ambitious man ) and yet the whole matter of the Treatise is to prefer the Infanta's Title before all persons whatsoever . But Reader , if this kind of arguing be lawful , that the errours of some unknown men , must be laid to a whole Party , how miserable would the Protestants themselves be , when we come to try them by the same Touchstone ! I will not stoop to so mean and insignificant a Topick , but tell you what Protestants still alive can testifie , viz That in the latter end of the Queens Reing , My Lord of Hertfords Title was often cried up to Tumult in the streets : Nor had that a slight impression ( he being esteemed next to the Stuarts in blood ) on many a wellmeaning man , because the English have a reluctancy at first to the thoughts of a stranger . Nay some b Members of Parliament ( after his admission said openly in the House , Th●t no people endued with Natural desire of Preservation would admit a Prince of a beggerly Nation to Reign over them , how just soever his claim were , for fear of loosing their propriety , as dear as life it self , and as vigorously to be defended . By this therefore , Reader , may be seen the rancour of the Reformed against the Kings coming in , since they durst say such things even after his reception : and had not the last Earl of Pembrook wisely pocketted up Ramsey's switching at Newmarket ( when the people cried , Let us break-fast with the Scots here , and dine with the rest at London ) 't was feared that day would have been as fatal to the King as the fifth of November might have proved . Papists therefore it seems were not his only Enemies . Concerning Huntly's Rebellion , I am sure the man is doubly mad in mentioning it , for first ( according to a Cambden whom he cites ) The rising was to help the Spaniards against Queen Elizabeth , who had put to death their Queen : nor was there ever a formed insurrectiō so gently punisht by a King ; which argues they had no malice against him . Nay , his Majesty is pleased to say in his b Basilicon Doron , That the Puritans had put out many Libellous Invectives against all Christian Princes , and that no body answered them , but the Papists ; by which he said the scandal was doubled ; for they were the Reformed who calumniated , and the Catholiques were the only Vindicators . Secondly , If the Rebellion ( suppose it as bad as may be ) of these Lords of another Country , of another age , must touch us the present Catholicks of England , what a blow would this be to the Reformed Religion , should I repeat the Scots unparallel'd actions against their Queen ; The protecting of Bothwel ( who would have destroy'd King James ) by the a English : And lastly , ( omitting the continual slavery he was in ) the downright Conspiracie of the b Gowries against his life ! Having thus gone through the Paragraph , I must come to the nicest Question of all ; and nice , I may call it , because it is conjectural only . The proposal by the Minister is this : Whether if the Queen of Scots had been a Protestant , we should have stickled for her ? and if Queen Elizabeth had not been thought illegitimate , whether nevertheless we had not rebelled against her ? To the first , I say , viz. We had sided with the Q. of Scots , had she been Protestant . To the second , No , That the Papists would not have opposed Queen Elizabeth , had they thought her legitimate : and of the Ministers own assertions , I will make this plainly appear . For if according to him , the Papists would have set up two Protestants ( the Lords Darby and Essex ) who in reality had no right , then I say , 't is certain they would willingly have embraced the Title of the Stuarts , that carried so fair a shew . To the second , I answer , That they would never have opposed Queen Elizabeth had she been thought Legitimate : For if ( as the Minister urged in the beginning ) they obeyed her whom they thought an Usurper for ten years , though she had utterly destroyed their Religion , 't is then more then probable , had her Title been good in their opinion , they had submitted , let her Faith have been what it would . These doubts being thus resolved by the very Gentleman that proposed them ( who cares not , if he can wound us for the present , into what contradictions at last he runs himself ) I may , I hope [ since he hath shewed me the example ) propose a Query also ; and I shall thank him , if out of my Reply he gives the Solution . I will not urge my Question so far as to suppose the Queen of Scots had been a Protestant , but my demand shall be singly this , Whether the Reformed in those days would have quietly obeyed Queen Elizabeth , had she stood up for the Catholick Religion ? Reader , because the Parson is not ready to give his determination , I will tell you my opinion , which is , that I think they would not , and doubtless this cōjecture is not rash , when we consider what has been done here , and recorded by our Protestant Historians themselves . Have we not seen that ( for the safety of Religion ) Edward the Sixth gave away by the advice of his Councel the Kingdom to Jane Gray ? and what Bees could be so busie as Cranmer and Ridley , with many thousands more , to set up ( against their lawful Queen Mary ) that poor Lady , who had not right enough by blood , and much less if she depended wholly upon the Will , for that was void from the beginning , according to the known Laws of the Land ? How many treasonable Books were written against this Queen after she came to the Crown , by Mr. Goodman and others , asserting , That she ought to be put to death as a Tyrant , Monster and cruel Beast ? Will Thomas also conspired to murther her ; and when he was to be hanged for his Treason , he said , he died for his a Countrey . By all which may be gathered ( the Duke of Suffolke also with many more protestants being ready , and Wiat actually in an open and dangerous rebellion , ) how dangerous it was then in England for a Prince to be a Papist ; though to that day there had never sat but one through Protestant upon the Throne , and he a Child about sixteen when he died . But now I must descend to a far more tragical example , even to the death of the so often mentioned Qu. of Scots , who lost her life barely upon the account of her Religion . 'T is true Queen Elizabeth considered her own safety , but the fury of the Nobility and people , ( without whose incitement she durst not have been beheaded ) was purely for fear she might have survived Queen Elizabeth , and being then the undoubted Successour , might have changed Religion as the former Queen Mary had done before . If I should urge this barely upon my own word , I might be mistrusted ; therefore what I say shall be out of Cambden , who was not only a Protestant , but the acknowledged true Annalist of those times . He will tell you , that after Babingtons Conspiracy , in the consultation what should be done with the Royal Prisoner , some were for holding her in safe custody , but others ( out of care of a Religion ) would have her tried and exexecuted . In pursuance then of this advice , she was condemned , and the next Parliament the House petitioned for the execution of her Sentence . The first reason in their supplicate was , for the preservation of the true b Religion of Christ ; and after they had told Queen Elizabeth also of her own danger , they harpt again upō the former string , desiring her to remēber Gods fearful judgments upon Saul and Ahab , for their sparing Benhadad and Agag , two wicked and profane Idolaters . In fine , when the fatal day came , though they were so very severe as to deny her ( being a Guest , and a free Princess ) what all Embassadours have , viz. a Preist to assist her at her death , she was again recomforted , when she knew by the Earl of Kent , that she died for her Faith : for he told her , that her life would be the destruction of their c Religion . Reader , I must now here end , and cannot but ask this Question , If the Reformed have for defence of their Religion effected the death of their Queen , or at least undoubted Heir ; and if they have set up Jane Gray , that had no title , because their lawful Prince was Catholick ; who have been I would fain know in England more faulty in this case , they or we ? Pray what advantage has this Minister got by loading us with crimes , of which we are innocent ? And if , as he urges in the beginning , we obey'd Q. Elizabeth ten years without stir , it then shows that Papists can be obedient to a Prince of another Religion , though they doubt their right ; whenas the former Protestants would do any thing rather then permit a Catholick to govern , let the Title be never so just . Judge now , Reader whether it be not superlative injustice to incense the World against us , as if our Religion taught nothing but blood , and theirs all gentleness imaginable . I must invoke both Angels and Men to consider our wrong , who are termed trayterous in our Principles , even to this day . We in our own persons have shewed all the duty that men can fancy , and for our Ancestors you have seen what their Plea is ; if it be bad , they have justly suffred ; if other wise , let them then feel your anger , who would deceive you thus with lies ; and remember that 't is not possible a Religion which governed England with glory so many years , can teach a Doctrine destructive to Princes , or infuse Maxims that will breed commotions among the people . SECT . XXIII . APOLOGY . 'T was for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days , and 't is for the same illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion . ANSWER XXII . Sir , We have found you notoriously false in that which you affirm : Pray God you prove true in that which you promise . SECT . XXIV . APOLOGY . Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill , if a Henry the Eighth ( whom Sir Walter Rawleigh and my Lord Cherbury , two famous Protestants , have so homely characterized ) should after twenty years co-habitation , turn away his wife , and this out of scruple of Conscience ( as he said ) when as History declares , that he never spared woman in his lust , nor man in his fury . ANSWER XXIV . This Character , he says , agrees better with some Heads of the Church , then with King Henry the Eighth , of whom better Historians ( naming Thuanus ) say better things : but if he were such a Monster , 't was for want of a better Religion , for he was of ours , except in the point of Supremacy ; and therefore I have no reason to flurt at him , except having undertaken to colour Treasons , I think 't is something towards it to bespatter Kings . I use , he says , the same Art in the next Paragraph to excuse the Powder-Treason , calling it a misdemeanour , the fifth of November , a Conjuration , all soft words , but deal hardly with the great Minister of State , whom I make the Author of it , as if the State had conspired against the Traytors , not the Traytors against the State. Then he tells the old Story of the Gunpowder-Plot , and how discovered by my Lord Mounte●gles Letter , and also how the Jesuites Baldwin , Hammond . Tesmond and Gerrard were named by the Conspirators as privy with them . The Narration is in any Book that treats of King James , and well known by every body : therefore for brevities sake , I have omitted it here . REP. to ANSW . XXIV . Reader , If the Character do agree better with many heads of our Church , then , I say , in Gods name let it be given them . But I much admire how Thuanus comes to be esteemed a better historian in English affairs then Sir Walter Raleigh , or my Lord Cherbury , whom we poor English-men think very excellent . But why do I trouble you wi●● the extravagancies of this strange man , w●● when he finds ( as he fancies ) a present expedient , cares not though he be forc'd to deny it again in the next page . What I have said of Henry the Eighth , these two famous men have said it , and a a thousand times worse , though they were Protestants , and the first of them the great admirer of his Mrs. the daughter of this very Prince . Nay ( omitting the unexpressable foul Language of the Reformed at home and abroad , especially of Luther himself ) the Bishop of b Hereford ( a Member of the Church of England ) calls him , unsatiable glutted with one , and out of variety seeking to enjoy another . I shall speak no more to this , nor any thing separately to the next four Paragraphs , for they all concern the Powder-Treason . You shall see what he says to each of them , and then my Answer shall follow in one intire discourse . SECT . XXV . APOLOGY . Now for the fifth of November , with hands lifted up to Heaven , we abominate and detest . ANSWER XXV . Here he asks , Whether it be the Festival , 〈◊〉 the Treason we abominate and detest . If the 〈◊〉 , he says , he will believe us without lifting 〈◊〉 our hands . If the Treason , he asks why we do not call it so ; which while we cannot afford to do , lifting up our hands will never perswad 〈◊〉 we abominate and detest it . SECT . XXVI . APOLOGY . And from the bottom of our hearts , say , that may they fall into irrecoverable perdition , who propagate that faith by the blood of Kings , which is to be planted in truth and meekness only . ANSWER XXVI . He says , I should be cautious of throwing such Curses , for fear of hitting our Father the Pope ; as the Philosopher told the son of a common-woman , that threw stones among a multitude . SECT . XXVII . APOLOGY . But let it not displease you ( Men Brethren , and Fathers ) if we ask whether Ulisses be no better known ? or who has forgot the Plots of Cromwel , framed in his Closet , not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers , but also to ●ut a lustre upon his Intelligence , as if nothing could be done without his knowledge ? Even so did the then great Minister , who drew some few ambitious men into this conjuration , and then discovered it by a Miracle . ANSWER XXVII . Here he calls me Apostle and Poet , full of Gravity , and Fiction . Then he says , I would make the World believe they were drawn into this Plot by Cecil ; yet am so wise as not to offer to prove it , but would steal it in by the example of Cromwel . Again , he says ( admitting this for true ) they were Traytors nevertheless in doing what they did , had there been no Cecil in the World : and therefore the excuse only implies , they had not wit to invent it , though they wanted not malice to execute it ; for according to my illustration , as the Cavaliers whom Cromwel drew in , had their Loyalty abused , and were nevertheless faithful still ; so the Powder-Traytors ( whom Cecil drew in ) had their disloyalty out witted , and were nevertheless Traytors still : For 't is clear , by being drawn in , both parties were sufficiently disposed for it . What I lay upon Cecil , he says is a groundless and an impudent Fiction , which I am properly the author of for no body ever spoke it before but in railery . He asks by what Tradition or Revelation I received it sixty years after the fact , when as neither K. James , nor Bellarmine , nor the Apologists of that age knew any thing of it . He desires to know who were Cecils setters , that would be hanged , that his art might not be suspected , for none were saued ; and Garnet said , he would give all the World to clear his name and Conscience of the Treason . These are strong presumptions for the Negative of Cecils having no hand in the Plot : but he says , there is only my bare word for the affirmative ; which if it be enough , ●ere is a never-failing Topick to write Apologies for any Villany , viz. that the then great Ministers of State drew them in . In Queen Elizabeths days we had a higher game to fly at , to wit , her Title to the Crown ; but durst not make so bold with King James , otherwise we had not stoopt to a Minister of State. He says farther , that I strive to diminish the Plot , by calling the Plotters Desperadoes , who could not be called so by reason of Poverty , because their Estates were great ; nor by reason of discontents ; for there was not a man , as King James said , that could pretend a cause of grief . If the cause was , because they had not all they desired , it is so far from excusing them , that it gives occasion to suspect me . I ought , he says , to call the Discovery a Miracle , because King Iames named it so , and especially since Bellarmine acknowledged it so : but 't is no wonder , that I , who will not call the Plot , Treason , will not allow the Discovery to be a Miracle . SECT . XXVIII . APOLOGY . This will easily appear , viz. how little the Catholique Party understood the design , seeing there were not a score of guitlty found , though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons , Lords , and Privy-Councel too . ANSWER XXVIII . He says , few understood the very design , for 't was not safe to tell it many ; but Papists generally knew there was a design , and pray'd for the success of it . Though but a score were in the Plot , yet fourscore appeared in Rebellion ; nor is it probable so small a number could think to do much by surprizing Princess Elizabeth , unless they expected other assistance . But Treason , he says , is hated by all , when unsuccessful . REPLY to ANSW . XXVIII . 'T was never in my heart ( and so will all that know me testifie ) to think that the Conspirators in this Treason were not Traytors in the highest degree , or that any punishment could equal the blackness of their offence . In the Apology I am sure there are no words that can be rackt to this ; for my intent there was only to shew in short that the Catholick body was innocent , knowing nothing of the entreprize : That the Plot ( for which these were executed ) was made , or at least fomented by the Policy of a great Statesman . And lastly , though the design had been suggested by Papists alone , and unanimously approved by all , yet we that live now are guilty of no sin , and therefore 't were severe to be punisht for it . That the Catholick Body had no hand in the Treason , most plainly appears by the quality of the Actors , and by the number of them . I know there were four or five Gentlemen of Ancient blood engaged ; but I look upon that as no wonder : for out of the first twenty Catholicks accidentally met I 'll lay a considerable wager to find as great Families as any were there , unless that of the Percies : yet this Percy was a man of no fortune , nor am I certain ( though I well know my Lord Northumberlands Relations ) whether really he was a kinsman , or only for names sake called his Cozen. A Plot is lookt upon as general , when a good number of the Chief of a Party are intrigued in the design . The Catholick Noblemen were then not only as considerable as any , but also the considerablest of the Nation : for at that time there being no Duke , but the late King , the first Marquess , the first Earl , the first Viscount , and the first Baron were of our Profession ; and I believe 't will be granted , that the Lords Winchester , Arundel , Mentacute , and Abergavenny , ( and so proportionably the rest of the Papal Nobility ) had Estates able to be Partizans , if they thought fit , in any conjuration . Now none of these Noblemen , nay , not one of all the Peers , nor any more of the Gentry then the Traytors , whom I will by and by mention , had a hand in the design : therefore to call this , as the Minister and others do , an universal Popish Plot , is in it self a contradiction , or at least a riddle beyond my capacity to unfold . For the number of these Gunpowder Traytors , they were but thirteen Laymen in all : whereof four , viz. Catesby , Percy , and the two Wrights were killed in the apprehending . a Tresham died in the Tower. And eight suffered , as Faun , Keys , Ba●e● , Graunt , Rookwood , the two Winters , and Digby ; and 't is evident there were no more of the Cōspiracy , seeing that in all their examinations no Gentleman was discovered ; which could not happ● out of design to save their friends , because several secret particulars they a revealed ; and Baldwin , Hammond , Tesmond , and Gerard , being Jesuites , were ( as the Minister says ) found Actors in the Plot. If then the Malefactors did accuse their Confessors , ( as our Adversarys calls them ) certainly they would never have spared others , had there been any more guilty . Besides this of their accusing no-body , the Commons , Lords , and Privy Councel were so vigilant , that they left no stone unturn'd to find the depth of the Plot : and to shew how nice they were in all manner of suspitions , the Lords b Sturton and Mordant , two Catholicks , were fined , only because absent from the House that day ; by which 't is plain they were so far from finding positive proof , that there was not the least glimpse of any thing , otherwise they would never have descended to so slight a possibility ; for there is not a day wherein the Parliament sits , but there may be found more Catholicks out of the House , then were then . Nay , the circumspection was so great , that my a Lord Northumberland a protestant was imprisoned for many years , as thought perchance to know somewhat , because being Captain , he had admitted Percy into the Band of Pensioners . Thus , Reader , you see how impossible it is , that the Catholick Party were involved here in ; and for the fourscore that appeared with them in Rebellion , they were only Servants and Horse-boys , who ( as b Sanderson says ) were watcht hourly , for fear of quitting their Masters : and this also c Speed confirms , affirming , that these were ever ready to steal from the Conspirators ; and that more care was in keeping them , then trust reposed either in their faith or defence . Nor can any thing make this truth more evident , then that none but the thirteen aforefaid suffered either for the Plot or rising . Concerning the Plot it self , Reader , those that set it a working were the discoveres of it : for you must know it was a piece of wit in Queen Elizabeths days , to draw men into such devices ; nor were any more excellent in the Art then Burleigh and Walsingham , to the first of whom , this Cecil mentioned by the Minister , was son , and successor to the other in the very Secretariship . Making and ●omenting Plots was then , I say , in fashion ; for when Gifford discovered to Walsingham that Babington had a desing in the behalf of the Q. of Scots , the Secretary writ to Sir A. Pawlet her keeper , to let some of his Servants be d corrupted ; and thereupon the Brewer was considered as the fittest man ; by which means the Queen receiving and sending Letters , Walsingham had the perusal of them : and thus when many were drawn in ( as most loose people may , if Statesmen lay gins ) they were all at last taken and hanged . The same trap caught the Queen also ; for they first kept her in prison to make her earnest for liberty ; then opened her , as you see , a way for correspondency at home & abroad to procure her freedom ; and because of this she was condemned to die , there being a Law a year before on purpose prepared against her , on hopes of such and the like b Conspirations . But this Statute had been too weak , as Lawyers well know , to put a free Princess to death , had she not been a Papist , and not otherwise to be hindred from the Crown after the decease of Queen Elizabeth . Such a trick as this for our destruction was again invented by the Statesman , who bore as every body kn●w a particular hatred to all of our Profession ; and this increased to see the new King not only to receive into his Councel Henry Earl of a Northampton , a● eminent Catholick , but also to hear his Majesty speak to the two Houses a little against Persecution of b Papists , when as there had been nothing within those Walls but invectives against them for above forty years together . What could now destroy our hopes with this gratious Prince , but a seming Plot against his Life and Line ? Nor was it any hard thing for a Secretary to know turbulēt and ambitious spirits , who perchance had had designs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth . 'T is not possible to discover the whole trāsaction of a great Minister that died in prosperity : but 't is argument enough to assert this , that if a Person ( a famed Professor in c tricks , hating and envying us , as I said before ) contrived a most material part , he cōtrived also the rest : and certainly ( with some few considerations upon it ) this miraculous Letter which discovered the Gunpowder-Plot , will discover our Statesman to be the Author of it . The d Letter is thus . My Lords . Out of the love I bear some of your friends , I have a care of your preservation , therefore I could wish you ( as you tender your life ) to forbear the attendance at this Parliament , for God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time . Think not slightly of this advertisement ; for though there be no appearance of any stir , yet I say , they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament , and yet they shall not see who hurt them . This Counsel 〈◊〉 not to be contemned , because it may do you good , and can do you no harm : for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the Letter , and I hope you will make good use of it . Reader , I doubt not , but you have often heard in the Pulpit , as wel as from the Ministers relation , how the Papists plac'd 36. barrels of Powder under the Parliament-House , and that Faux with his dark-lanthorn was to set them on fire , and so at one clap blow up King , Lords and all . This you know was discovered by the Letter aforesaid , sent to my Lord Monteagle , and by it t●e whole design was found out the night a before the Parliament sat ; for great Adventures do always come to light just as they are to be executed . Now , Reader , let me entreat you seriously to consider , and tell me whether it could be a Popish Plotter that writ this Letter . For is it possible that any mans hould be so distracted ( after they had brought their Plot to that perfection , had so solemnly sworn , even a by the Trinity and Sacrament , never to disclose it directly or indirectly , by word or Circumstance , and resolved also to blow up all the Catholique Lords and the rest of their friends in both houses ) I say all this Considered , is it possible that a man should be soe distracted as to write a Letter , that had more in it of disclosing some Plot , then the bare saving of a friend . 'T was reported that Percy writ it ; but no body ever found there were such superlative endearments between those two , or between any other of the Conspirators and Monteagle , as that they could stumble at this Noblemans destructiō , and yet dispence with killing so many of their own Religion , and Relations ; for b Speed says , Father , Brother , Friend , Ally , Papist , &c. were to have been blown up by these Traytors . But suppose that little intimacies between my Lord and Percy ( c as Wilson says these were ) had produced so mighty a concern for his life , whereas my Lord Northumberland ( Percies Patron and only support ) was to be sacrificed without pity ; I say , suppose this , what need was there to write , That God and man would punish the Parliament , and this by a blow , and that they should not know who hurt them , and a hundred suspitious things to no purpose ? If it were out of a desire ( being an extraordinary friend ) to keep this Nobleman from the House that day , the Epistle-sender should have written in his own name and Character . That out of love to his preservation , he desired him to forbear the Parliament that day , because some were resolved to kill him : that as yet being under Oath , he could not tell him the particulars , but that shortly his promise would be void , and then he should know all things from him by word of mouth . Such a Letter as this would have certainly kept my Lord at home , when as the other must confound him and every body else , coming from an unknown person : nor could any thing in the world ( in the opinion of any fool ) more naturally have endangered a discovery then such needless circumstances , and notice also given so long before the execution . For , Reader , you must know , that the Letter was sent to Mounteagle a ten days before the fifth of November ; which no real Plotter would have done , since my Lord might have beē better keep 't at home , by advising him the night before . Nay , this long warning was so far from an appearance of advantage , that on the contrary it was quite opposite to all ▪ the designs of a Conspirator ; for 't was certain , either it would make my Lord carelesly contemn the admonition , since it came from an idle fellow in the street ; or else if he were apprehensive , he would necessarily shew it to friends , by which ( as I said ) there might be no little hazard to have all found out . Now on the other side , this interval was benecifial to a Machivilian , because he knew 't would not only be more grateful to the Privy-Councel to have time to consider on difficulties , but also foresaw , if the King and Lords ( through surprize or otherwise ) should not hit on the Plot , he must be forc'd to start hints ( the execution being so neer at hand ) which might easily have made him suspected for contriver ; and how ungrateful sulch a wickedness would have been to an upright Prince , he him self could not but well imagine . Thus , Reader , you see the intention of the Letter was to have the thing discover'd , and thus could he ruine his Enemies , and make his own vigilance appear ; for without such and the like remembrances , the wit of great Ministers is soon forgotten both by their Prince and People . Nor did Cecil miss of another reward also , for ( as a Sanderson says ) he was made Earl for his service in this business . That which I assert here , does not lessen the quickness of the Kings judgment ; for his insight as much appears , whether the Letter were writ by a Statesman or a Conspirator . Neither does this strike at the Festival enacted , because the Parliamēt finding by the prisoners taken there was such a Plot , could not but thank God , that theyr trayterous intention was discovered . And truly , if a score of wicked Christians had conspired against Nero himself , I would not gain say the remembrance of the delivery , in what Countrey soever it were observed . All that I here shew is , that the Catholique Party had no hand in the Treason , there being but thirteen Laymen in all , as you see plainly proved ; and these very thirteen were doubtless drawn in by their mortal Enemy ; for the Letter came by his contrivance , beeing ( as Osborn b confesses ) a neate devise of the Treasurer's , nor was he ignorant from time to time of all their actions . He that lived in our times has seen the Reign-of Queen Elizabeth reacted . For in those twelve years , from 1646. to 1658. you may remembrer the establisht Religion of the Nation altered ; an absolute Soveraign executed with formalities and pretences of Law , The French fond of our amity ; the Spaniard beaten ; and lastly , the zealous youth drawn into Plots with all ease imaginable . His Majesty had those about him that had learnt this Art in their old Mistress's Service ; and this the all-knowing King at last found out ; for 't was impossible that ever he would have been favourable to the Catholikes again , had he not in length of time , been assured thad they were innocent of all machinations against him . Reader , he was a constant Protestant , and yet so a kind to us the last half of his Reign ( of which Wilson complains ) that neither the Spanish Match , nor any other worldly hopes could have obtained this , had he not been convinc'd we never had a design of destroying him and His. Nay , the King in his own Declaration about it , says , That the generality of his Catholique Subjects did abhor such a detestable Conspiracy , no less then him self . Having thus replied to his Answer in the four last Paragraphs , there rests now a little to be said to some short jerks of his , which he loocks upon as witty and home . First , he is troubled that I call the Powder-Treason , Misdemeanor , Fifth of November , Conjuration , all of them being soft words . To this I say , I am very sorry I have offended him , and in my next Apology ( if that will content him ) I 'll speak in the longest sentence of the Cōmon Prayer about the matter : but my past errour grew from this , because significant brevity is aimed at by most ; and therefore when we speak of , or to the King , we say Sir , or your Majesty , and not at every word , Charles the Second by the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France & Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. so in handling this affair I use those short words that express the whole matter to the full ; for I think Treason is a Misdemeanor ; when more then one are in it , 't is a Conjuration ; and the Fifth of November , is the common phrase of the Kingdom . 2. ly He says , that K Iames's Male-Line were to have been all destroyed . Now a Baker says , That the late King then D. of York was only to have been suprized by Percy . But the matter is not material ; and I cite these Protestant Authors , only to shew that the malice of the Minister will make him erre in every thing . Thirdly , He thinks that my comparing of Cromwels drawing in the Cavaliers with this of Cecils , is very odd , and unequal : For the Cavaliers , he sayes , were cheated into a lawful Action , but the Powder-Traytors were out-witted into Treason . To this , I say , that my comparison was never intended ( as you may see if you look into the Apology ) to make an equality of Justice or Honour in their sufferings ; but to remember you how easie it is for Trapanners to draw people into Plots , and from thence to the Gallows . Fourthly , Concerning his desire to know who was Cecils setter to decoy in the rest ; I answer , I cannot tell : Nor should we ever have known who was Cromwels Instrument , had not Sir S. Morland most Loyally discovered him . There were three or four the Minister names discovered by the Conspirators , who knew of the Plot , and afterwards died obscurely abroad . Even so died Gifford the Priest ( Walsingham's — setter ) never visibly rewarded , who corrupted the Brewer , and so drew the Queen of Scots into the trap that ruined her , as has been already mentioned . Fifthly , Because he is angry with the word Desperadoes , I have altered it in this Edition , and put in lieu Ambitious men . I am sure the word in it self is proper enough , for most were poor ; and King James in his Proclamation against Percy a call's them men for the most part of desperate estates . But had they been never so rich , or in esteem , it would well have fitted with them also ; for my Lord of Essex and Marshal Byron were really Desperadoes , and yet wanted nothing , had they known their own happiness . Lastly , He says , few knew the manner , but most knew there was a design on foot , and prayed for the success of it . Suppose , Reader , this were true , that a design was recommended to the prayers of the Catholicks , what were they guilty of by it ? for at that time the Chief of them were solliciting at Court to get some little ease after their long misery ; and therefore the rest might well think their prayers were fit to be desired . But all this is a fiction . Thus , Reader , I have now left nothing unanswered that he has urged : and thus you see the Reasons I have to believe the Plot it self a Trick ; and besides , 't is plain the Body of the Catholicks had no hand , or inclination to the thing , which the wi●e K. James at last ( as I said ) well knew , & therefore was gratiously pleased to let the beams of his mercy shine again upon them . SECT . XXIX . APOLOGY . But suppose ( my Lords and Gentlemen , which never can be granted ) that all the Papists of that age were consenting ; Will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for their Fathers faults ? Nay , such Children that so unanimously joyned with you in that glorious Quarrel , wherein you and we underwēt such sufferings , that needs we must have all sunk , had not our mutual love assisted . ANSWER XXIX . He says , suppose falsly , to avoid truth ; for who says all Papists then were consenting , or who can deny there be some in this age of the same Principles with those Traytors ? and though we be not punisht for our Predecessors actions , yet we ought to be restrained , that we may not do like them . Though I would , he says , shuffle men of these Principles ( by the word unanimously ) among those that served the King , yet those good Servants are not so many , but the others may be easily distinguisht . Concerning those that only suffered with the Royallists , the Minister thanks them for their love , but not for their assistance ; for the Protestant Cavaliers could not sink lower , but some of us floated like cork , and others swam upon the bladders of dispensation ; and therefore as they received no help from our swimming , so they apprehend no assurance of us by our sufferings . REP. to ANSW . XXIX . Pray , Reader , what is in this Answer that confutes the Apology ? for what man of our Party did not faithfully serve the King to his power ? and who of us in his Majesties absence had not estimation among the rest of the Cavaliers , according to his ranck and quality ? was there any Party in England more deprest then we ? Were not Priests of all Orders hanged ? were not others imprisoned during life ? Had not we three times more Estates sold then any people else ? and were not the Laws put in force , so that to those that had something , two parts of it were also swept away ? Cromwel by is Maxims kept us poor , because we should not be service able to the King ; and now our Gratious Monarch being returned , this Godly Minister thinks fit to advise our restraint , as he calls it ( which in plain English is to desire we should beused as that Tyrant used us ) for fear we should do like our predecessors , i. e. assist his Majesty ; for I am sure all of them did so , and many confirmed that duty with their Blood. Can therefore be on Earth greater wickedness then this , not only to be forgetful in prosperity , but thus with calumny to asperse those , who were faithful fellow-sufferers with the Royall Party in the height of all theire misfortunes ? Reader , the hopes of this pitiless man is , that rigour and despair may stagger us in our Loyalty : but herin I defie him : for nothing can move them to contend , whom cōscience and Love have obliged to be obedient . SECT . XXX . APOLOGY . What have we done , that we should now deserve your Anger ? Has the Indiscretion of some few incenst you ? 'T is true , that is the thing Objected . ANSWER XXX . Sir , our anger is only a necessary care , that what you call your indiscretions , may not grow up to be such , as you lately called your misdemeanours . SECT . XXXI . APOLOGY . Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell , for that which calls to Dinner ? ANSWER XXXI . We know he may upon a Fast-day , for then you use to ring your Vesper-Bell before Dinner . And how can a simple Heretick tell , whether it call you to pray , or to eat Fish ? But we do not know , that ever any of you was brought into trouble about that Question . SECT . XXXII . APOLOGY . Or a Sequestrator be glad to be affronted being Constable ? when 't was the hatred to his person , and not present Office , which perchance egg'd a rash man to folly . ANSWER XXXII . Possibly he may be glad of it . For 't was the Jesuitical distinction between Person and Office , that first helpt him to be a Sequestrator ; and now he sees the distinction come in play , he may hope to have his place again . REPLY to ANS . XXXII . Reader , you see he will divide a Paragraph , and answer to each division ( as he hath done in these three last ) though it be gibbrish , and nothing to purpose . The ringing of a Mass-Bell in Lancashire , the affronting a Constable , and some other such things , were Accusations brought to London against us . But how impudent is the Minister , to say , we were never in trouble , as he knows , for this ? when as every body knows what a do there has been ever since these complaints were alleadged by the known Enemies of the Kingdom . SECT . XXXIII . APOLOGY . We dare with submission say , let a publick Invitation be put up against any Party what soever ; nay , against the Reverend Bishops them selves , and some malicious informer or other will alledge that , which may be far better to conceal . Yet all mankind by a Manifesto on the House-door are encouraged to accuse us . Nor are they upon Oath , though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true . ANSWER XXXIII . He says , here 's an ambush for Bishops to have them esteemed Popish , because I reverence them ; and obnoxious in such matters , as I say , it may be better far to conceal . But he knows my kindness , and defies my malice . They are Olympia's Bishops need concealment ; but the Bishops of England are of another make and hold not their credit at any ones courtesie . He farther says , what could the Parliament do less , then invite the People to bring in their grievances to the place of Redress ? and 't was great hardship , he says , that the House of Commons did not give Oaths to the Accusers , which no House of Commons ever did upon any occasion . REPLY . XXIII . If my respects to the Prelats of England have offended this Minister , I am sorry for it . We and the whole World know how zealous they are for Monarchy , and therefore I wish they had no greater Enemies then Papists : But if there be an ambush laid for them , Judge , Reader , whether we or the Cobler of Glocester have done it . 'T is an usual phrase among Catholicks when they shew the wickedness of Lyars , to say they are so abominable that they will not stick to calumniate the Church it self ; therefore I think kind expressions ought to have had a better requital . For Donna Olympia's Bishops , I suppose those of our Kingdom take them selves to be of the same make ; for hers received their Orders from Rome , and from the same Fountain , as I have read , the Church of England pretends to derive all Ordination whatsoever . The Minister needed not to have told me , that the Commons cannot administer Oaths , for I know the Orders of that House better then his Worship . I was not troubled that no Oath was given ; but seeing that no Oath could be given , 't was hard me thought , that the whole Town should take all things as unquestionable truths , though the Accusers were ( as I said ) profest enemies to us , and lately to the very Kingdom also . But now , I thank God , men understand themselves much better : for Lies can never long endure . SECT . XXXIV . APOLOGY . It cannot be imagined , where there 's so many men of heat and youth ( overjoy'd with the happy Restauration of their Prince , and remembring the Insolencies of the former Grandees ) that they should all , at all times prudently carry themselves ; for this would be to be more then men : And truly wee esteem it as a particular blessing , that God has not suffer'd many , through vanitie or frailty to fall into greater faults , then are yet as we understand laid to our charge . ANSWER XXIV . He says , If a Jesuite keep the reckoning ▪ the King will ever be in our debt : for our old Treasons were upon the account of his Family , and our late insolencies upon the score of his Restauration . Then he asks , whether I would seriously perswade men , that at six years distance we were still transported with that blessing . There were , he says , fresher causes of jollity suspected by many who saw our joy , while the fire raged in London , and two potent Enemies hovered on our Coasts . REPLY to ANSW . XXXIV . Many Accusations , Reader , were of two or three yaers standing and more , and no one thing amounted to a real Publick nuissance : let a man then cōsider this soberly , and he will find it no little wonder , that so many Catholiques of all Ranks , Sexes , Ages , and humours should for above six years together never so far indulge to their Passions , as to commit a fault fit to trouble Parliament with , though from all Countries the violentest of their Enemies came to offer up their complaints against them . For my part I do greatly admire at it , and must acknowledge a particular Providēce assisting ; nor can I but thank the Publisher of the Accusations , who malitiously intending us harm , has done us all the right imaginable . SECT . XXV . APOLOGY . Can we chuse but be dismay'd ( when all things fail ) that extravagant Crimes are fathered on us ? It is we that must be the Authors , some say , of firing the Citie , even we that have lost so vastly by it . Yet truly in this our ingenuity is great , since we think it no Plot , though our Enemie , an Hugonot Protestant acknowledged the fact , and was justly executed for his vain Confession . Again , if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade , this also presently is a Popish contrivance to destroy the well-affected . ANSWER XXXV . He says , Though we lost vastly by he fire of London , yet we may still be suspected by any body that considers Garnets determinations ▪ viz. that the innocent & guilty may be destroyed , so it be to a farther good . The loss it seems ( he says ) goes not to my heart , when I can be so pleasant to call Hubert my enemy , and a Hugonot Protestant , 't is true after that Hubert had been at confession with Father Harvey , he said he was a Protestant ; but ( it being beyond his instructions ) he denied he was a Hugonot , which he might well do , because he said ▪ he thought confession to a Priest necessary to salvation , and also repeated an Ave Mary which he said , was his usual Prayer . 'T is evident therefore that he was no Hugonot , nor Protestant ▪ nor enemy to Papists upon the account of Religion . REPLY to ANSW . XXXV . Concerning this Hubert a Frenchman that pretended to burn the City , you must know , He was son to a Protestant , a Protestant himself in France , had been of the French Church in England ; to the Committee , and to the Judge at the Bar , he profest then he was a Protestant , and died so at the Gallows . Certainly it was no Argument he was no Protestant , because he ( as the Minister says ) esteemed of Confession ; for I know many Protestants that have used it , some Divines have writ in behalf of it , and I remember Dr. Will was mightily for it , whem he governed his flock in Fleerstreet . An Ave Mary is Scripture , and whosoever reads the Salatation of the Angel and St. Elizab. does at that time actually say one , Besides , if no body is a Protestant that holds peculiar opinions , then I must conclude there are very few Protestants in the World : for Protestants in Religion agree only in Negatives , that is , they generally deny thé Pope , Purgatory , &c. but when they come to Positives , they jar , and then divide , and subdivide ( as we by experience see ) into a million of Sects and Factions . Reader , before I go farther , I must tell you who this Harvey is : by Nation he is a Low-Countryman , but admitted among the English Jesuites , as many Aliens are . He is an antient ; quiet , and pious man ; 't is lately I knew him , but found him to be of a very Angelical conversation . Many Priests being frō time to time imprisoned , brought him acquainted with Newgate , where sometimes he assisted those that went to die . This I call high charity in any man of any Sect , to take pains to make another of that Religion , which his Conscience tells him is most agreeable to God. Nor is there any humane interest or Policy in thus assisting Malefactours , for they are poor of themselves , and sure to die the next execution-day . By this occasion Mr. Harvey met with the French Hugonot [ the pretended firer of London ) with whom he had discourse about Religion ; and after he had instructed him in the Catholique Doctrine , he went to administer the Communion to the Company ; and then demanding of them , whether they received according to the Roman Catholick faith , Hubert said , He had nothing to do with Roman , and therefore the Sacrament was refused him ; nor did Mr. Harvey ever se him after . This is the truth of the Story . But , pray , what is the Frenchman to us , had he been Papist ? though ( as it happened ) he lived and died otherwise . For my part , I believe there are few Frenchmen now in London , but would be glad to see it afire again , either for an opportunity to steal , or for the advantage of their Prince , were he at War with us ; the like would the English wish at Paris , I dare say . Consider therefore , Reader ▪ I beseech you , my Answerer ; and though 't is at no time my humour to give foul language , yet I must say , I challenge all Englād to find out one that shall excel him in ill . He has accused us for the Murther of King Charles ; the cause of the English , Irish , and Scotish War ; the triumphing at ourmis fortunes at Sea ; the rejoycing for the Enemies being upon our Coast ; and then lastly the burning of Londō it self : yet all this urged without any manner of proof , no not so much as the least probability . Is one detraction against one onely man a sin , and punishable at the Judgment-seat of God hereafter ; and shall so various aspersions against so many of the best account in England pass for a toy ? I am sure , it is my belief , to think they shall die eternally ( if they repent not ) who defamed and did wrong even to those that crucified Christ . If then a woe be pronounc'd against such , what will become of them that asperse his Members ? and therefore if this Minister be a Christian be must know that without satis-factiō there is no forgiveness . Nay , the effects of his crimes have risen to this , to encourage other men to do the like ; for not long after , there was publisht ( as I just now mentioned ) a libell call'd the Committee of Parliaments enquiry about the firing the City ; and at last the wickedness of the Author laid it at the doors of the King , Duke , General , L. Craven , Chief Justice , and others of the chiefest account in the Nation . All that he said against Papists , was in truth to justifie them ; for no better Accusation could be found , then that several Frēchmen were busie about the fire : that a supposed Jesuite with a Bishop-sattin Suit ( over which was a frock ) came and firied a House ( the fire it self being , as the Libeller confesses , within six doors of it ) and when he was apprehended , he spake Latine without any necessity . Then he tells , that one Carpenter ( who is an Apostate Priest ) spoke for the Pope ; & that one or tws poor women were sollicited to be Papists , and told , Now was the time , for if they neglected this opportunity they should not be regarded hereafter . Nay , when nothing could be found against Papists , the Author cites Verses ( only found as he confesses in Westminster-Hal ) to threaten Protestants into Popery . And another Paper ( writ by a Papist , as he says , newly turned Protestant , and found in a Pew by a Templer ) in which he desired all Protestants to pursue Papists , for they had a design to cut their throats . This is the effect of the Pamphlet , which I would have every body read , for nothing can be a greater Vindication to us , then such inconsiderable and senceless Lies . And truly , when I consider these with the Stories against Papists in the Answer to Philanax , and how both are exactly made in the same mode and figure , I should not doubt but that Sieur du Moulin was the Author , were not the Libel so severe against his Countrymen the French. And pray Reader , consider here the Justice of God , who is a God of retaliation always : for as the Dr. strove to incite the people by his malitious falsities , which have not the least probability of truth , and which would involve all the Loyal Catholiques of England with one or two guilty men , if there had been any such ; so now there are spread such a number of Lies about our danger from the French , that people are ready to stone all they meet ; and should the rabble run into a sudden fury ( as God knows but they may ) Mr. du Moulin and his Family may perchance also go sharers with his Countrymen ; for his being a free Denizon would be thought a weak Argument by the outragious and overheated multitude . Concerning the Fire it self , Reader , I could never , as I said , think it a design , notwithstanding a Protestant Hugonot confest the fact ; and my reason was , because no body in his Senses would be so foolish with deliberation to venture his life , when 't was not only odds he should be found out , but the fire would be stopt before it came to the third house . How often have we seen it in the narrow places of London ? how often in the ill-building of Kings-street ? how often in the Paper-houses of Charing Cross , the Strand ? &c. and yet for all this ( whether it happened by night or by day ) it was quencht without any remarkable spoil . Besides , 't is impossible , if either Protestants , Papists , Presbyterians , or Phanatiques had effected so great a work but we should have seen some prosecution of their design , as either to be in Arms , or inviting in our forreing Enemies , or at leastwise raising tumults in the hurry . But on the contrary , there has not been since any preparation for a rising in England ; nay , which is more , for all that thirteen thousand Families were to seek new habitations , and all the rest of the Town disordered , yet there was not the least riot , though the accident it self might have occasioned a sedition , without being animated by Conspirators . In short , after a strict enquiry by the Parliament of England ( that Supream Court ) of the occasion of this dismal fire , 't was concluded to be the hand of God alone : and therefore I shall never think otherwise of it , though Hubert the Hugonot acknowledged himself the Author , and a Trig a Protestant brag 's that he foretold it in his Almanack printed almost a whole year before . Now because the Minister hath mentioned Garnet , I shall desire you , Reader , to peruse his b last words and confession , as you shall find them in How , who continued Stows History . He acknowledged his foul offence in concealing the Treason ; was sorry for it , asking God forgiveness for the same , beseeching a blessing for the King and his Issue ; and then exhorted all Catholiques never to attempt Rebellion , Treason or violent practises against his Majesty , for all such courses were utterly against the Catholick Faith. If then , Reader , a Jesuite known to be learned , and therefore not ignorant of the Doctrine of our Religion ; if also a Jesuite on the point of death , and so necessitated to speak truth , hath publiquely owned ( as a Protestant records ) that Rebellion is incompatible with Catholique Doctrine ; to affirm this still to be our Principle , is certainly a very high injustice : and if the practice of some few shall yet be urged against me as a Proof , then I must affirm , that the Church of England teaches Theft , because so many of their Members are monthly hanged for it at Tyborn . Reader , from hence to the end I shall still continue my first method of setting down the Ministers Answer to every Section of the Apology ; but I shall seldome Reply , because the poorness of the matter carries a cōfutation in it self , and therefore it would be a needless trouble both to you and me , if I should say something to each Paragraph . SECT . XXXVI . APOLOGY . We must a little complain , finding it by experience , that by reason you discountenance us , the people rage : and again , because they rage , we are the more forsaken by you . Assured we are , that our Conversation is affable , and our Houses so many hospitable receipts to our Neighbours . Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time , but it is the stranger we dread ( that taking all on hear-say ) zealously ▪ wounds , and then examines the business when 't is too late , or is perchance confirmed by another , that knows no more of us then he himself . 'T is to you we must make our applications , beseeching you ( as subjects tender of our King ) to intercede for us in the execution , and weight the Dilemma , which doubtless he is in , either to deny so good a Parliament their request , or else run counter to his Royal inclinations , when he punishes the weak and harmless . ANSWER XXXVI . He says , he desires only to be safe ; and against our dangerous Principles , neither our affability nor hospitality can defend them : for the Irish never treated Protestants better then the year a fore they cut their Throats . The best means of security is the execution of the Laws , by which those ( that renounce their disloyal Principles ) will be distinguisht , and the disloyal and seditious only kept weak . REPLY XXXVI . I have sufficiently treated the Irish Rebellion in the first Reply ; neither have I bin wanting to shew you , that a Protestāt Author , viz. a Heath , lays the cause of it on the English Long-Parliament , which occasioned so many mischeifes , & by their wicked beginings against that good Prince encouraged the designes of the rest of his seditious subjects : Nor had the Scots themselves bin then wanting ( by their actuall levying warr against their King , & corresponding with his forrain Enemies ) to prick forward ( seeing they were successefull ) all those who studied commotions & disorders . Judge then whither they were the Papists of England , or the Reformed in both Kingdomes of Great Brittain that farthered the Irish Rebellion . But now that the Irish never treated Protestants better then the yeare before they curt theire throats , is a foolish invention of this shamelesse Minister , & nonsense in it selfe ; Nor was it practicable , unlesse the English had ( like the Israelites in Egypt ) bin sojournours at will , & had nothing to doe with the Government . For would it not be a mad expression to say that the Hugonots of France better treated this yeare the Papists there , then they had done before ; or that the Round-heads treated the Cavaliers more kindly then they had done since the Kings Restauration . But this is un Coup d'esprit , a peice of witt of the Worthy Minister , & truely so great a one that I admire it , & should doe it much more , were it not soe common . SECT . XXXVII . APOLOGY . Why may not we , Noble Country-men , hope for favour from you , as well as the French Protestants find from theirs ? A greater duty then ours none could express , we are sure . Or why should the United Provinces , and other Magistrates ( that are harsh both in mind and manners ) refrain from violence against our Religion , and your tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity ? These neighboring people sequester none for their Faith , but for transgression against the State ; Nor is the whole party involved in the crime of a few , but every man suffers for his own and proper fault . Do you then the like , and he that offends let him die without mercy . And think always ( we beseech you ) of Cromwels injustice , who for the actions of some against his pretended Laws , drew thousands into Decimation ( even ignorant of the thing ) after they had vastlie paid for their securitie and quiet . ANSWER XXXVII . He says , he has answered our instances of French Protestants , and Dutch Papists . When we governed the civilized World , he says , we hanged and burnt men for no cause but Faith ; which proves Protestant Barbarity , better then Popish civility : yet these were little for their credit , unless they could say , that none of us suffered but by the known and necessary Laws of the Kingdom . 'T is necessary to maintain the Kings Authority , and Peace of the Nation ; and if we call Religion any thing contrary to these , whether ought they to alter their Laws , or we our Religion ? He says , as Inquisitors bedress one with Pictures of Devils , that is to be burnt for an Heretick , so I put Cromwel on any thing I would render odious , but they are weak , that see not the difference betwen Cromwels Edicts , that ruined men for Loyalty , and Laws that restrained them from Treason and Rebellion . REPLY . XXXVII . How childishly rediculous is this Ministers Allegation , That none of us suffered but by known Laws ? What does he mean ? Did we ever ( when we governed England ) put any to death but by the known Laws established many hundred years before the Malefactors were born , and which are still on foot , and used to this day by Protestants against Hereticks ? But fully to reply to this Answer , I cannot better do it , then by beseeching you to read over this short Section of the Apology again , and then tell me , whether any request can be more reasonable and Christian ; or whether this way of involving the whole in the crimes of a few , be not exactly the Procedure of Cromwel . SECT . XXXVIII . APOLOGY . We have no studie but the Glory of our Soveraingn , and just libertie of the Subjects . ANSWER XXXVIII . Sir , If we may judge by your works , there is nothing less studied in your Colledge . SECT . XXXVIIII . APOLOGY . Nor was it a mean argument of our dutie , when every Catholique Lord gave his voice for the Restauration of Bishops ; by which we could pretend no other advantage , but that 26. Votes ( subsisting wholly by the Crown ) were added to the defence of Kingship , and consequently a check to Anarchy and confusion . ANSWER XXXVIIII . This is no argument of your Duty , for sure you are it no Lord. Nor is it likely , that these Lords followed your direction in the doing of this Duty . REPLY to ANS . XXXIX . Good Mr. Parson , 't is more then you know but that I am a Lord ; yet whether I am or no , the Catholick Lords and I are of the same Loyal Principles , and what they did , any other Catholick would have done had he been Member of their House . SECT . XL. APOLOGY . 'T is morally impossible but that we who approve of Monarchy in the Church , must ever be fond of it in the State also . ANSWER XL. If you mean this of Papists in general , that which you mean morally impossible , is experimentally true . For in Venice , Genoa , Lucca , and other Popish Cantons of Switzerland , they very well approve of Monarchy in the Church , yet they are not fond of it in State also . But if you mean this of the Jesuitical Party , then it may be true , in this sence , that you would have the Pope to be sole Monarch , both in Spirituals and Temporals . REP. to ANSW . XL. I think I have been as lately at Lucca , Genoa , and Venice , and know the places as well as the Minister . 'T was not therefore my meaning , that there were no Popish States , but that generally Popery tends to Monarchy ; and on the contraty , Calvinism ( from which the Church of England differs only in Bishops ) leans altogether to a Democratical Government . Heretofore ( in the Civil Wars of our Country ) there was never the least mention of a Commonwealth ; but still the Rebels would have a King , and rather then fail , one of another Kingdom . I beseech God , that the present Principles have no other tendency but to Monarchy ; for , Reader , you must know that Principles may blindly lead men to a thing , which not only their judgments , but their inclinations loath : as for example , the Reformed both in judgment and inclination desire unitie ; but their Principles in spite of all endeavours will draw them ( as we see by a hundred years experience ) into perpetual confusion and discord . SECT . XXXXI . APOLOGY . Yet this is a mis fortune we now plainly feel , that the longer the late transgressors live , the more forgotten are their crimes whilst distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance , and buries our own allegeance in eternal Oblivion and forgetfulness . ANSWER XXXXI . We can now allow you to complain , and commend your selves without measure ; having proved already , that you do it without cause . SECT . XXXXII. APOLOGY . My Lords and Gentlemen , Consider we beseech you , the sad condition of the Irish Souldiers now in England , the worst of which Nation could be but intentionallie so wicked , as the acted villanie of many English , whom your admired Clemencie pardoned . Remember how they left the Spanish service when they heard their King was in France ; and kow they forsook the emploiment of that unnatural Prince , after he had committed that never to be forgotten act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions . These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home , and shall they then be forgotten by You ? Or shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts , who scorn'd to receive Wages of those that have declared War against England ? ANSWER XXXXII. He says , That to swell our Bill of Merits , I take in the Irish and Scotish Souldiers , as if they were a part of English Catholicks , and as if I were the first that thought of them . God forbid , he says , they should not be considered ; and he is neither good Christian , no , nor good Subject , that would not contribute his proportion to it . But , he says , I have a drift in mentioning the Irish , for I mingle them with the worst of that Nation , namely , with those infamous Butchers , that cut the throats of at least an hundred thousand Protestants . It was so black an action , that I knew not how to mention it , in its proper place , viz. after the French massacre , because I had not wherewith to colour it ; but being still conscious it was a blot on our cause , I thought fit to place it here , that these brave men might mend the hue of the action . He says further , I deal as ill with the English Royallists , by affirming they pardoned many English , whose acted villanies were so wicked , that the worst of the Irish could be but intentionally so wicked . REPLY to ANSW . XXXXII. Pray , Reader , consider the wicked folly of this man , for here he denies us a part in the good actions of the Irish ; and yet all along he has laid their ill actions at our door ; nay , in this very Paragraph he twits us with it , when he says , I was conscious it was a blot on our cause : but I will pass by this as usual , and go on . Truly , Reader , the case of the Irish in Arms , toucht me as neer as my own concerns ; and pray see the strange Hypocrisie also of this Minister , that says God forbid these poor Souldiers should not be considered , and that he is neither good Christian , nor Subject , that would not contribute to it ; and yet in the same exhortation , endeavours all he can to have the Laws executed , which must needs force these forlorn men either to beg or steal . By this we may find what his contribution is , and therefore God deliver all honest men from such a merciless creature : and was ever man so abominable ( knowing many of the Kings Judges were pardoned ) to reproach my assertion , that the worst of this Nation be but intentionally so wicked as the acted villany of many English , whom the clemencie of the Parliament pardoned ? Is not this in plain terms , to say , that the business of Ireland was greater then the Rebellion of England , and horrid Murther of our Gratious King , which has drawn an eternal disgrace upon the whole Nation in general ? If this man , who uses the word US at every turn , ( ranking himself thereby among the Royallists ) be a Royallist , then I 'll hereafter say , that Bradshaw was one also . SECT . XXXXIII . APOLOGY . How commonly is it said , That the Oath of renouncing their Religion is intended for these ? which will needs bring this loss to the King , and you , that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms ( though by experience , of great integrity and worth ) or else , if some few you retain , they are such whom Necessity has made to swear against Conscience , and therefore will certainly betray you , when a greater advantage shall be offered . By this test then , you can have none but whom with caution you ought to shun , and thus must you drive away those that truly would serve you ; for had they the least thought of being false , they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay , to deceive you . ANSWER XLIII . He asks me , who are said to intend this Oath , if it be those that have no Authority , 't is frivolous ; if such as have Authority , 't is false ; and he farther says , that he verily believes , 't was never said , thought , nor wisht by any one that loved either the King or Peace of the Nation . REP. to ANS . XLIII . The Minister is here just as he uses to be ; for many were upon this account disbanded before he put out his Answer ; and since , all the rest of the Catholiques have been cashiered , as 't was expected by every body when he writ . SECT . XLIV . APOLOGY . We know your wisdom and generosity , and therefore cannot imagine such a thing . Nor do we doubt when you shew favour to these , but you will use mercy to us , who are both fellow-Subjects , and your own flesh and blood also . If you forsake us , we must say , the world decays , and its final transmutation must needs quickly follow . ANSWER XLIV . Here you imagine for the Souldiers and imagine for your self : and as if you really thought your self in danger , you begg for mercy of the Royallists , in such words as your Predecessor the first Moderator used to the Rebels . Only for the last strain , we do not know that any one hit upon it before ; nor do believe , that any one will ever use it again . SECT . XLV . APOLOGY . Little do you think the insolencies we shall suffer by Committee-men , &c. whom chance and lot has put into petty power . Nor will it chuse but grieve you , to see them abused ( whom formerly you loved ) even by the Common Enemy of us both . ANSWER XLV . It seems Committee-men are intrusted with his Majesties Authority ; or none must use it against Papists , for fear of being accounted Committee-men . It is time to have done , when we are come to the dregs of your Rhetorick . SECT . XLVI . APOLOGY . When they punish , how will they triumph and say , Take this ( poor Romanists ) for your love to Kingship ; and again this , For your long doating on the Royal Party ; all which you shall receive from us , Commissioned by your dearest friends , and under this Cloak we will glady vent our private spleen and malice . ANSWER XXXXVI . Sir , though you set your self to speak Tragically , this does rather seem a piece of Drollery . But you have your design either way ; for no man can read it , but he must either laugh , or shake his Head. SECT . XXXXVII . APOLOGY . We know , My Lords and Gentlemen , that from your hearts you do deplore our condition ; yet permit us to tell you , your bravery must extend thus far , as not to sit still with pity only , but each is to labour for the distressed , as far as in reality his ability will reach : some must beseech our Gracious Soveraign for us , others must again undeceive the Good , though deluded Multitude . Therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the Storm , and how through our sides they would wound both the KING and You ; for though their hatred to our selves is great , yet the enmity out of all measure encreases , because we have been yours ( and so shall continue ) even in the fiery day of trial . Protect us we entreat you then upon all your former Promises ; or if that be not sufficient , for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you ; many of which are now fallen asleep . But if this be still to weak , we must conjure you by the sight of this Bloody Catalogue , which contains the Names of your murthered Friends and Relations , who in the heat of Battail , perchance saved many of your Lives , even with the joyful loss of their own . ANSWER XLVII . In answer to this last , he has nothing to say , but that the Rebels harrassed the Papists , to make the King odious , and enrich themselves . That we were necessitated to what we did either for Subsistance or Protection , but the Protestants had no such necessity . Concerning the Estates we lost ; the sum of his answer is , That after the Rebels had devoured ours , they fell upon the Protestants with more colour , and nevertheless appetite . REPLY to ANSW . XLVII . For our necessity ( other then our Duty ) to engage for his Maiestie , I have answered it at large in the Preface . For the loss of our Estates , I say here is an excelent encouragement for Subjects , according to this mans Doctrine . But I see by the whole manner of his writing , that he is some inconsiderable man , whose name would be as little known if prefixt , as it is now being concealed ; and therefore there is no wonder if what he writ be inconsiderable also . Concerning the Catalogue of those brave Catholicks that laid their lives down for their King , the Minister saith thus . ANSWER XLVIII . That he can reckon a far greater number of Protestants then I can pretend to do Papists . Secondly , that I have omitted many in my List , which he could name ; but this he thinks was out of design , that I might more excusably reckon some names , which I ought to have omitted , viz. My Lord of Carnarvan , who he says in his extremities refused a Priest , and ordered the Chaplain of his Regiment to pray with him . REPLY to ANSW . XLVIII . For my Lord Carnarvan , Reader , you must know , he was a Ward taken by my Lord Pembroke from his Catholique Mother , and then married to his Daughter . In the Army my Lord never marched without a Priest ; whē he was wounded to death , he sent for his Brother in law the Lord Herbert , late M. of Worster , and desired him to go tell the King , That he could do no more then die in his Quarrel ; and if he would grant him but this request , he would think his Majesty sufficiently recompenced him for his life . His petition was , That his Mother might have the breeding up of his Son ; and the end of this he said was , That the Child might be educated in the Catholick Religion . After this he received all the rites of the Roman Church , and died in the arms of a Priest now alive , that belonged to many of my Lords Relations . Concerning my Catalogue in general , you must know , Reader , I have been often chid at London for omitting so many considerable Catholicks ; but this I could not help , for the Catalogue was collected by Mr. Blunt ( as I take it ) who is to be much commended for his pains . When I printed the Apology , I was in such hast that I had not time to examine it nicely among my friends : I am now , Reader , also a great way from London , and therefore am forc'd to print it again without amendmēts ; all that I can do at present is , to desire a leaf or two of white paper be added , in which we may write down ( as we shall from time to time be informed ) the names of those Heroick men , that died in defence of their King and Country . I wonder very much that this Minister is not ashamed to urge such a foolish thing , viz. That more Protestants dyed in this War then of our Religion . This no body doubts of , and may well be , seeing we are not the hundredth part of the Nation , and yet by my imperfect List it appears , that there were killed 190. Catholiques of Quality ; when as ( by the List called the Royal-Martyr , and printed by Thomas Newcomb 1660. ) there died in the War but 212. Protestants , the rest there named being Papists , as you may see , if you compare their names with my Catologue . Let the Word then judge , whether we ought not to have some compassion shewed us , and not to be thus calumniated by every impertinent Scribler . Reader , those that follow are the Ministers exhortations , which are so like the Pedantry of his pulpit , that they alone without the rest would have assured me of the Authors calling . That you may see what they are , I have divided them into eight several Advices or Desires , for so he is pleased to call them . First Sect. He desires us to be content with our condition , and not under value the Liberty we now enjoy , if it exceed what was granted our Fathers . To this I say , Reader , that we are contented with any favour ; yet 't would be no arrogance if we require more them our Fathers had , because it seems the Minister counts them all Traytors , when as we ( as all the World knows ) have shewn the utmost duty that Subjects can do . Second Sect. Not to proclaim about the World for the paring of our nayls that we are persecuted . To this I will give a larger Answer in the Postscript ; and will only say here , that I defie any man , to shew me in Christendome a Party that bears their misfortunes with more submission then we . Third Sect. To abhor them that wish disturbances or Invasions to settle Popery . To this I say , I think that nothing can make it more manifest that we do abhor such men , then to see that all catholicks detested the French , evē then when we were forsakē by our friends , and they ( as most thought ) upō the point of landing . Fourth Sect. To keep our Religiō to our selves , and not expect such harvests as we had in the late confusions . I say , Truly we are like to keep it to our selves , for 't is too severe to be embraced by Worldlings : and if care be not taken , the same times will come again ; for I am sure , crying against Papists was then the former Prologue ; and though the aim of wicked people be still the same , I hope the Epilogue will be far different . Fifth Sect. Not to abuse the weakness of dying persons , nor convert the condemned Prisoners with drink , or by hopes of an easier way of salvation . To this I answer , The Minister ought not to call the condition of dying persons weak , because he and his brethren have always found them strong ; for I think no man ever heard that a Catholick was converted by them at his death ; and all have been able to resist that in their Agony , to which worldly ends made some in their healths yeild . But now , if Catholicks have reconciled dying persons , it must be wholly attributed to the truth of their Doctrine , for then all hopes of life being taken away , men will hearken to that reason , which during health ( through temporal advantages ) they earnestly opposed : Nay , few of these , if they recover , start back , but on the contrary persevere . I say , these Conversions must needs proceed from the conviction of the Truth , and not from hopes of any easier way of salvation , because the Protestant way is far easier , and naturally more sutable to the inclinatiōs of dying men ; For an ordinary trust in the merits of Christ , and an ordinary contrition ( usual to all people that are said not to die ill ) will , according to the Reformed Hypothesis , carry a man presently to Heaven : when as this , in the opinion of any Catholicks , and of the Agonising party himself , will bring him at farthest but to Purgatory . The entrance into Heaven is not so easie a passage with us ; for it must be obtained with long Mortifications , conflicts , and labours , far greater then those of Hercules ; or else in men of ill lives , by some unexpressible energy at the last gasp , like that of the Thief on the Cross . Vain therefore is the imagination of Protestants , for we have no other means to convert men , but , as I said , the force of truth on their Consciences , which truth in that state they can discern ( as men fallen into miserie , do oftentimes the vanities of the World ) when as in strength of body ( through humane designs ) like the adder , they stop their ears , let the Charmer charm never so sweetly . Many advantages more ( were it not time ho have done with the Minister ) could I shew , that the Protestants have naturally over Catholicks , in converting of dying people , but they never converted one ( as I heard of ) yet he confesses many have been by us . Besides this , I beseech you , Reader , to look upon the lives of those that leave the Protestant Religion to come to us , and then shew me any one of them , that lives worse then he did before . Some perchance there b● ( and those almost as rare as black swans themselves ) that mend not the depravity of their first manners , though none , as I said , fall to worse : but for the rest , they apparently cast off the old man , and shew the wonderful fruits of Grace by their holy life and conversation . On the other side , good Protestant Reader , name me that man amongst you , who left the Catholique Church , and fell not immediately into all licentiousness and vice ; call but to mind Gage , Cary , Rookwood , Carpenter , Macedo the late converted Portugeze , or any other whom you please , and see , if they had one unclean spirit in them when they were Papists , whether seven Divels , each worse then the former , afterward entered not into them . Truly , this is no wonder , because they , forsook their Religion for liberty , and followed the pattern of Luther their first Master and Teacher . For , he while he was a Monk punisht his body with watching and fasting , as a S. Voyon a Protestant cōfesses . But afterwards he lived otherwise , as another b Protestant affirms : for he says , That when Protestants would indulge their appetite , they would not be ashamed to use these words ; Let us live Luther - like to day . Sixth Sect. Not to hinder the course of Justice on Criminals because they are Papists . To this I say , I understand not what he means ; but if any Papist has sollicited for another of his Religion which was to die , I think 't is not unlawful : No man of any Religion being denied to use their endeavours to save their Friends and Relations , that fall by chance into these misfortunes . But herein we shall obey his advice , for ( unless it be by some unphappy duells ) the Catholicks come seldome within the the reach of Criminal Laws . Seventh Sect. That Priests disguize not themselves like Hectors , and poyson Clubs and Coffee houses with Phanatick discourses . To this I answer , that if Phanaticism be the discourse of a Priest , I doubt this Minister is one also ; for never did Jacob Behmen , Stifler , or any of the Fraternity write more malitious , self contradicting things then he ; or that have in them more inferences of confusion and disorder . In the next place , if Priests disguize themselves , I think 't is not their faults ; and if the Minister will get them liberty to wear their habit , I will be bound they shall never go more in Mascarade . Besides , being thus known by every body , we then shall plainly see , who they be that at Taverns and Meeting-places corrupt the Youth . And truly , Reader , I am very morally certain , that this Answerer is a haunter of them , for the old Proverb tells us who calls Whore first . Eighth Sect. That Priests and Iesuites fill not the World with Pamphlets , Philanaxes , Exhortations , Apologies , &c. which ser●● ( ●e says ) only to fermēt mens passiōs , and not to convince their Reasons . If we come into the fair field of Controversie , we shal not be declined ; and the Minister thinks his party not indebted to us upon that account . Good Mr. Parson , you very well know that the Philanaxes , Exhortations , Apologies , &c. were writ by Lay-m●n , and therefore you might have spared this last advice , since 't was as needless as the rest of your false and malitious writing . And by the way remember how you have perverted and falsely commented on a Loyal mans learned work , this very Exhortation which you mention . His words , Reader , are these : As for the Roman Pastors indirect power over Kings in ordine ad Spiritualia , by which the Sea Apostolical in some rare Cases hath ( at the request of all Christians ) proceeded to censure , and deprive Kings ( a thing so much talkt of , and so little understood by the Reformed Divines ) I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supream Powers when occasion shall be for it ' which may not happen to the end of the World : It being a very rare Case , in which it were not better that such matters were wholly left till the day of Judgment . Now the sum of this is , as the Minister says , that if the Pope should deprive our King , this Catholick would not meddle between them . When as his true meaning was , That this case between Popes and Kings will happē seldome , if ever ; and should it happen , he will not as to the right ( or , via juris ) determine the nice pretensions of each party ; yet this does not argue , but that he would side , as to action ( or , via facti ) with his Prince against any person whatsoever . And thus we daily see the French do , who swear they cannot tell whether the Law called Salique be forged ; or whether in Justice the now Male-Line , or the English ( because descended from the Heirs general ) ought to have the Kingdom ; but still they declare , they will fight for their present Monarch against all Mankind . This , I say , is the sense of the Author of the Exhortation , and this I dare ingage he shall subscribe to . Now concerning Philanax , how poorly it is answered , I believe the Minister would be ashamed to confess : and yet ( how poorly soever ) he has made use of it ; Nay of the most contemptible and groundless follies in the whole Book . I am sure , the man needed not to have challenged us into the fair field of Controversie , having there-in been more then Combatants , ever since the breaking out of Luther . Nor can there be any Argument of more generous bravery then this , That though our Priests in England have been hunted from hole to hole , their Papers often seized , some in the midst of their works hanged , no Library , no Press , and if to day well settled , perchance forc'd on the morrow to flie ; yet for all these disavantages ( which no Protestant feels ) they never omitted to write things of use , or to answer all sorts of Books , that durst appear against our Religion or manners . Fear not therefore , good Minister , that either Clergy or Laity will be behindhand with you in this affair ; and I think Dr. Pierce will tell you he found it to some purpose from both Nor shall you , Sir , whilst I live ( be ready again , as soon as you please ) want an humble Servant to shew you your many willful errors and mistakes . THE POSTSCRIPT . My Lords and Gentlemen : YOu have now had a short view of the malice of the Answerer , and of our condition ; nor have I troubled you with points of Divinity , it being out of my Road , and more particulary belonging to them , who are called to be Guides , and make it their Profession to studie Controversie . The search into History and Annals of Nations is the fit employement of men of Quality ; for by it ( having a view of all that is past ) we presently find what profits your Country , and how good men ( by false representations ) may pass for abominable , even in the thoughts of sober people . In this sort who have ever suffered more then we ? for often the best of our fellow-Subjects ( having drawn in with their first milk , an ill opinion of our manners ) have continued in the same sentiment , till by long experience they plainly found the contrary . How opposite is Popery noised to the Grandeur of Kings ! and yet we see , That a Kings were never greater than then . What exclamations are there to this day against us for our stirs in the beginning of Reformation ! though it is evident it proceeded not from precepts of Faith , but from a natural b impulse to oppose Novelties . Nay , the efforts of our Ancestors for the Royal c House of Scotland are laid to our charge as High-Treason ; but the putting up of d Iane Gray for the Protestāt Interest was justice , even by the preaching of Dr. Ridley . And moreover , though but thirteen Papists were drawn into the e powder Treason , by the dexterity of our Enemies , yet we all ( even the Children of many of the great Catholiques that were to have been destroyed by the Traytors ) are still held guilty of this Original sin . After our proneness to Rebellion ( in which how little we are faulty , and how f much others have been , let the World judge ) there 's no Principle possesses the imagination of Englishmen so fully , as that we delight in Blood , and that persecuting of men is a part of our Doctrine . What cries therefore have been against they days of Queen Mary , as if her cruelty were unparallell'd ! when as I have made it appear , that more Catholiques have died by a Protestants , then of them by us ; and that since the exclusion of the Pope , there has been a greater quantity of Blood iudicially spilt amongst us , then from the Conversion of England to the Reign of Henry the Eighth . The Massacre of France is prov'd ( you see ) to have beē no b effect of Religiō , but an indirect endeavour to suppress Rebelliō . Nor are we in England ( abominating the fact ) more guilty of the Irish Cruelties , then is the Protestant Faith for what was done at Amboyna . For my own part , I not only detest Blood , but find all Catholicks do ; for if in many Countries ( where the Prince and people , as I shewed you before , are Catholicks ) the Protestants have not only open Churches , but also publick employments , and in no place this is granted by the Reformed to Papists ; then must it needs follow , that we are much kinder to you , then you to us , even in the matters of Religion . Besides this , Catholicks are so tender , that the Inquisition it self is permitted in no Kingdom where Heresie is numerous : nor ought we to be blamed , if ( in a Country wholly obedient to the Church ) we strive to keep out all other Sects and opinions . This cannot be jniustice , because to all Mankind we grant the same liberty . Who is it , that morally blames the Moors of Affrick ( being of one Profession ) for keeping out even the Gospel it self ? Or who is it , that says the Swedes ar inhumane , because none except L●therans shall live among them ? God alone is to judge hereafter of mens neglecting means . In England therefore , where all fell not from Popery , there is not the same just motive for punishment ; and certainly it is severity in the highest degree , to prosecute us with fire and sword , as if we were an upstart people , that brought in a strange Religion , not finding it here before . Ethelbert the first English King that profest Christianity ( and converted also by a Monk ) never persecuted his Pagan Subjects , because their Religion was in possession : and yet no consideration is thought fit for Papists , though our most fundamental Laws have establisht this Faith ; and the maintenance of it sworn unto ( since the Conquest ) by at least twenty of our Monarchs . Catholicks consider Sectaries , as Magistrates do Rebels : for where they are but very few , they may perchāce all suffer according to the establishtt Laws of a Natiō , but if they grow numerous , pity causes us now to punish nobody with death , but thē prayers , thē preaching , then Books &c. are the fittest Arms to destroy thē . This makes us severe in Spain and Italy , and this merciful in Frāce , Germany , &c. yet here in our Country , there are Sanguinarie Laws against Lay-men , and our Priests have been handled with more seuerity then Iames Naylor , or any of his Disciples . What advātage will Persecutiō bring , but to make us glory that we suffer for Christ ? nor has it ever yet lessned our nomber . No good therefore , I am sure , can come to Protestants by it much harm perchance may ; since it will stir up Catholique Governours to use the like severity to dissenting Subjects , who otherwise might live in greater tranquillity and ease . 'T is not we that proclaim our persecution ( as this Minister taxes us ) in forreign parts , but the Agents of Princes , who comment as they please on things , and fill Europe with noise , that the English of all people are most ungrateful , being earnest to have that done against their tried friends , which Cromwel was almost ashamed to do , though we were his profes't and sworn Enemies . I shall never omit to render my thanks to Almighty God , that I know not one who staggers the least in duty for all this our reproach and suffering : Who is it that now loves the Dutch one whit the more ? or who is it that contemns not a Frenchman whilst he is an Enemy to England ? Nor did ever any Party in this Isle ( That deemed it self opprest by Laws ) before fail of favouring those , that were in hostility with the Kingdom . The Presbyterians in Scotland were up actually in a Arms when two the powerfullest Nations of Europe , assisted also with Denmark made the last War upon us . And for the Independants , all who were in pay in Holland , openly abjured their Countrey , and many of them headed by Doleman , did us the mischief at Chattam : for forreign Nations must never hope to foil the English , without the additional courage of English. Just contrary to this has been the procedure of Catholicks ; for not only the Scotish Papists with their Commander my Lord Douglas left France upon the breach , but valiantly also fought with the loss of many of their lives , when those Traytors ( as I said at Chattham ) assisted the Dutch last summer . I need not repeat how zealous the Popish Guards were in all these three years Wars , every body being an eye-witness of it ; and for the Papists abroad , I am sure they have been so earnest for the Honor of the Nation , that at Paris , Flandres , Rome , Liege , &c. they were still detecting the Dutch forgeries , and proclaiming our Victories to all People . Nay the Hollāders were ever so sensible of the fervour of the English Catholicks in behalf of their Country , that when De Wit was solliciting for a Guard , he caused it to be published in the Gazzets of Amsterdam , that he was in danger of his life , for that two of our Jesuits had undertaken to kill him . Consider therefore ( Loyal Sirs ) our services : and though in themselves they are but Duties , yet Duties may sometimes merit a reward , at least for the inciting of others . Nothing assuredly can ever settle more our Country in peace , then the free liberty of Religion : and if the tenderness of the Kings heart ( as all the world knows him merciful ) should move him to hear the cry of his late Enemies , and grant them the enjoyment of their Consciences ; certainly no body could think it strāge , if he gave the same freedom to us his friends , who never yet deserted him or his Father in their greatest misfortunes and sufferings . Nay , moreover , if there be still pity left amongst mankind , upon that score also ( had Papists no other Plea ) we might more justly pretend to Indulgence then any Nonconformist whatsoever For none of the Sects can in reality alledge more , then that the Protestant manner of worship is nauseous , and of no edification to them : my Reason is , because we see ●t least the Rich in all Countries go often to Church , and yet are owned still members by the Party . Now such a Conformity is diametrically opposite to the Conscience of a Catholick , and any such Communion is a deadly sin . We are not here to Dispute , whether Papists are not too scrupulous : for this Argument may be used against any one of a contrary Judgmēt . But supposing such and such things are the points of a Religion , and favour desired in the suspension of Laws ; I say , Mercy is fitter for them , that according to the profession of their Faith , cannot comply without sinning , then for those that do it without such offence : and truly , I am not so disingenious as to believe , that were this Conformity in their own Opinion a sin , that so many persons of all Orders amongst the Presbiterians and Independents would have gone to Church , or that their respective Congregations would have still received them as theirs . This favour I crave , I wish for all people as well as for my self : for I cannot be so partial as to think my Conscience ought not to be forced , and yet that my Neighbour may dispence with the scruples he finds in his . Punishment never lessens the Resolutiōs of Christiās , but always heightens Zeal , and draws sometimes wellmeaning men into those Leagued Factions , which ease and favour would assuredly have prevented . What thoughts can men have when they find not themselves opprest , but the publick interest of their Country ? It follows not also , that Toleration prejudices the establisht Religion of a Nation ; for experimentally we see , the Calvinists of France never had fewer Proselytes then when they were securest from Massacres , and the like . Whilst the House of Valois was in being , which used the great rigour they speake of , their History declares how numerous they grew ; but since those of Burbon were Kings , who toucht neither Life nor Estate ( only took away Garisons , the Nests of Rebellion ) I never found they much vaunted in theire Conversions and increase . My Lords and Gentlemen , Religion is God Almightie's own Cause , and ( for manifestation of the Elect ) Heresies are permitted . 'T is he only ( and that at the last day also ) that shall satisfactorily convince us all , who is in the right : Persecution therefore may easily disioint a Kingdom , but can never destroy this Hydra when she is fully rouz'd . But now afore I end , I must here declare , if any other ill men ( such as this Minister and his Momentous friend who writ the Discourse of the Religion of England ) hope by Persecution of Papists , to make us the less passionate for the Government when their Plots are ripe , they cozen themselves , and reckon without their Host : for the Travellers-Cloak ( which is our tried Allegeance to lawful Power ) can never be blown up by a Wind. And if Papists were so fleeting , as for affliction to renounce a duty , which they hold be the Command of God ; why should they , do you think , suffer for Conscience , since by going to Church , or taking Oaths , they may , when they please , enjoy the ample Priviledges of their Birthright ? Take this therefore for a certain Maxime , That be who is faithful to God , can never be unfaithful to his Country : and I am sure in all kinds of disorders about Religiō here at home , the Reformed in each of their respective Sects have been far more faulty then we ; if we consider ( as I said ) what was done against Queē Mary , the usage of the Queē of scots , or the late unparallel'd Rebelliō : neither for these many years have the Papists been struck at , but that the Bishops and Church of Englād felt also the blow : and how much Episcopacy is advātageous to Monarchy , none can be now ignorant . Who therefore , My Lords and Gentlemen , will be so little pitied as you , if you should be twice deceived after the same method and māner ? But to conclude , no Kingdom ( I dare say ) looses-so much as ours by their cry against Catholicks : for 't is very certainly true , were not this a Bar ( and he who doubts it , will soon be convinc'd , let him step but beyond Sea ) that the Spanish Provinces in the Netherlāds ( and for a small matter with their Kings consent , as his case lately stood ) would joyfully put themselves under the gentle yoak of our easie Government : nor are they in Normandy shie to say , that had not Papists been so harrassed with us , they would not have slipt so many late oportunities of returning to their Lawful Duke and Soveraign . FINIS . REader , I hope this Impressiō will be better thē the last , which was very falsely printed ; For the Printer not only Italicated where he should not , and omitted it where he should , but also left out some words , and changed others , as if there had been a private correspondency , betweene my Adversary and him ; for soe , I le assure yow , I am informed . The only alteration , I make , is putting the Citations out of the Margent into the body of the treatise , for I found that it distracted , or at least much interupted the Reader in often running from one place to another , especially if what I quoted were long . I have also added to the list more Catholiques of quality , that lost their lives for the King. The names I receiv'd from some Ladyes of their Relations , who are now become Religious at Paris . I have plac't them by themselves after all , to put the Readers in mind , that they forgett not to insert also those whom hereafter they shall have notice of ; and had I time to send to friends , I doubt not but the increase would be considerable . A CATOLOGUE OF THOSE CATHOLICKS THAT DIED AND SVFFERED FOR THEIRE LOYALTY . THe Earl of Carnarvan , slain at Newbury first Battle . Lord Viscount Dunbar at Scarborough , and two of his sons much wounded . Knights . Sir John Smith , Banneret ( who rescued the Kings Standard from the Rebels at Edg●il ) slain at Alresford in Hampshire . Sir John Cansfield , wounded at Neubury , of which he died a lingring death . Sir Hen. Gage ( Governour of Oxford ) slain at Collumbridge , 11. Jan. 1644. Sir J. Digby wounded at Taunton , and died at Bridgewater . Sir P. Brown wounded at Naseby , died at Nortbampton . Sir Nich. Fortescue , Knight of Malta , slain in Lancashire . Sir Troylus Turbervil , Captain-Lieut . of the Kings Life-Guard , slain upon his Majesties marching from Newark to Oxford . Sir J. Preston , wounded at Furnace , of which he died a lingring death . Sir Arthur Aston ( Gouvernour of Red●ling ) slain at Tredaugh in cold blood . Sir Thomas Tildesly , slain at Wiggan . Sir Hēry Slingsby beheaded on Towerhill . Colonels . Col. Th. Howard ( son of the Lord William Howard ) slain at Peirsbridge . Col. Tho. Howard ( son of Sir Francis ) at Atherton-Moor : The gaining which Battle was principally ascrib'd to his Valour . Col. Tho. Morgan of Weston in Warwicksh . slain at Newb. first battle : he raised a Regiment of Horse for the King at his own charge , and his Estate was given to Mr. Pyms son . Col. Cuthbert Conniers , at Malpass . Col. Tho. Dalton of Thurnham , mortally wounded at Newbury second battle , and died at Marlborough . Col. Francis Hungate , slain at Chester . Col. Poor ( Governour of Berkley-Castle ) neer Lidney . Col. Will. Ewre ( son to the late Lord Ewre ) at Marston-Moor . Col. Ra. Pudsey , at Marston-Moor . Col. Cuthert Clifton , slain at Manchester . Col. Cassey Bental , at Stow in the Wolds . Col. Trollop , slain at Wiggan . Col. William Bains at Malpass . Col. William Walton , at Tredagh . Col. Rich. Manning , at Alresford . Lieut. Colonels . Lieut. Col. Thomas Markham of Allerton , slain neer Gainsborough . L. Col. Lancelot Holtby , at Branceford . L. Col. Haggerston at Preston . L. Col. Pavier , at Linc. L. Col. Jordan Metham , at Pontefract . L. Col John Godfrey . at Tewksbury . L. Col. George Preston , at Bradford . L. Col. Will. Houghton , at Newbury . Lieut. Col. Phil. Howard , slain at Chester . L. Col. Middleton , at Hopton-Heath . L. Col. Michael Constable , there also . L. Col. Sayr , at Nasby . L. Col. Scot , at Alresford ▪ L. Col. Thomas Salvin , at Alresford L. Col. Richard Brown , at Alresford L. Col. Goodridge wounded at Alresford and died at Oxford . L. Col. Congrave , slain at Dean in Gloucest . Serjeant-Majors . Major Cusand , slain at the taking of Basing in cold blood . Major Rich. Harborn wounded at Malpass , dy'd at Kendal . Major T. Vavasor , slain at Marston-Moor . Maior Panton , wounded at Cover , dy'd at Highmeadow . Major Hudleston , slain at York . Maj. Thomas Ewre , at Newbury 1. Major Lawrence Clifton , at Shelfordhouse . Maior Thomas Heskith , at Malpass . Maj. William Leak , at Newbury 1. Maj. Rively , wounded at Naseby , dy'd prisoner at London . Maj. Richard Sherburn , at London . Maj. Holmby , at Henly . Major Rich. Norwood , slain before Taunton . Captains . Captain Marmaduke Constable , Standardb●●rer to L. Gen. Lindsey , slain at Edgehill . Capt. Wil. Laborn , and Cap. Mat. Anderton , at Sheriff-hutton in Yorkshire . Capt. Joseph Constable , at Newbury . Captain Wiburn , slain at Basing in oold blood . Capt. Burgh , slain at Cover . Capt. Thurston Anderton , wounded at Newbury , died at Oxford . Cap. Haggarston ( eldest son of Sir Thomas ) in Lancashire . Cap. Anthony Rigby , at Bazing-house . Capt. Richard Bradford , at Bazing-house . Capt. Kenelm Digby ( eldest son of Sir Kenelm Digby ) raised a Troop of Horse at his own charge , and was slain at St. Neotes . Capt. Ratcliff Houghton , at Preston . Capt. Rob. Molineux of the Wood in Lancashire , slain at Newbury 1. Capt. Charl. Thimelby , at Worcester . Capt. Robert Townsend , at Edge-hill . Captain Matthew Ratcliff , neer Henly . Capt. Richard Wolsole , at Newbury . Capt. Anthony Awd . Capt. Thomas Cole , at Newark . Capt. Partison , at Wiggan . Capt. Maximil . Nelson , at Marston-moor . Capt. Fran. Godfrey , slain at Sherburn . Capt. Tho. Meynel , at Pontefract . Capt. John Clifton , at Shelford-house . Capt Abraham Lance. Capt. Robert Lance , at Rowton in Chesh. Capt. Anth. Hamerton , neer Manchester . Capt. Will. Symcots , Capt. Lieut. to the Lord Piercy , slain at Newberry 1. Capt. Tho Singleton , at Newberry 1. Captain Francis Errington of Denton in Northumberland , at Rotheran . Captain George Singleton , at Rotheran . Capt. Mich. Fitzakerly at Liverpool . Capt. Daniel Thorold , at Nasby . Capt. Franc. Clifton , at Newberry 1. Capt. John Lance , at Islip . Capt. George Cassey , at Hereford . Capt. Langdale , at Greekhovel in Wales . Capt. Carver , in Monmouthshire . Capt. John Lingen , Ledbury . Capt. Samways , at Newberry 2. Captain John Plumton , slain at York . Capt. Pet. Forcer , at York . Capt. Thomas Whittinghā , at Newberry . Capt. Winkley , at Leverpool . Capt. Thomas Anderton , at Leverpool . Capt. Rich. Walmsly , at Ormschurch . Capt. John Swinglehurst , and Capt. John Butler , at Marston-moor . Capt. George Holden , at Usk. Capt. Richard Latham , at Litchfield . Capt. Tho. Charnock , at Litchfield . Capt. Rob. Dent , at Newcastle . Capt. Thomas Heskith , and Capt. John Knipe , at Bindle . Capt. Thomas Eccleston ▪ at Bindle . Capt. John Hothersal , Capt. Nic. Anderton , at Gre●noo-Cattle . Capt. Anthony Girlington , Lancaster . Capt. Francis Rou● , in Dean-Forrest . Capt. Randolph Wallinger , at Cover . Capt. Christoph . Wray , slain at Bradford . Capt. Wil. Rookwood , at Alresford . Capt. Rob. Rookwood , at Oxford . Capt. Hoskins , slain at Lidney in cold blood . Capt. Phil. Darey , at Lidney Capt. Wil. Jones , at Ragland . Capt. Henry Wells , wounded at Newberry 2. died in prison at London . Capt. Richardson , slain before Taunton . Captain Tho. Madden , slain in Woodstreet by the Fanaticks , Jan. 1660. Inferiour Officers . Lieut. Will. Butler , slain at Newberry . Lieut. Rich. Osbalston , at Leeds . Lieut. George Hothersal , at Leverpool . Lieutenant William Girlington , at Leverpool . Lieutenant John Kulcheth , at Worral . Lieut. William Singleton , at Marston . Lieut. Peter Boardman , at Bradford . Lieutenant Short , slain neer Glocester . Lieut. Rich. Bradford , at Blechington . Lieutenant James Bradford , at Blechington . Lieut. Tho. Kinsman at Lincoln . Lieutenant John Birch , at ●irmicham . Lieutenant Staley , at Rushall-Hall . Cornet William Culchereth , at Newberry . Cor. Deinton , at Cardiff . Cor. Robert Lance , in Cheshire . Cor. Edward Walker , at Burton . Cor. Miles Lochard , at Gooderidge . Gentlemen-Volontairs . Mr. Edward Talbot ( brother to the now Earl of Shrewsbury ) slain at Marston-moor . Mr. Char. Townly , and Mr. Charles Sherburn , there also . Mr. Nicolas Timelby , at Bristow . Mr. Pool of Worral , at Bristow . Mr. John Tipper , at Ne●●am . Mr. Christopher Blount , at Edg●alston . Mr. Theodore Mouse , at Langpo●● . Mr. Gerard Salvin , at Langpo●● . Mr. Francis Darcy , at Langpo●● . Mr. Wiburn . at Basing . Mr. Robert Bowles . at Basing . Mr. Wil. Stoner . at Basing . Mr. Price of Washingly in Northamptonsh . slain at Lincoln in cold blood . Mr. Cuthbert Ratcliff , slain at Newcastle . Mr. Thomas Latham , at Newarck . Mr. Andrew Giffard , at Hampton . Mr. ●ew is Blount , at Manchaster . Mr. Cary , ād M Gēnings , at Shelfordhouse . Mr. James Anderton , in Wales . Mr. Thomas Roper , at Gootheridge . Mr. Stephen Pudsey , in Hold●rness . Mr. Francis Pavier , at Marston . Mr. James Banton , at Cover . Tho. Pendrel , at Stow. Mr. Boniface Kemp , and Mr. ●●lde●ons Hesket , slain neer York in cold blood . Mr. Mich. Wharton , at Scarborough . Mr. Errington , at Chester . Tho. West by Doctor of Physick , at Prestō . Mr. Peter Davis , at D●nbigh . Mr. Edward Davis , at Chester . Mr. Bret , at Chester . Mr. Roger Wood , at Chester . Mr. Henry Lawson , at Melton . Mr. Tho. Craithorn the elder , at Uphaven . Mr. Henry Johnson , at Uphaven . Three so●● of Mr. Kitby of Rancliff . John Witham . at Preston Wil. S●lby . at Preston John 15. 13. Greater love then this no. man hath , then that one lay down his life for his friend . Major General Will. Web. so wounded at Newberry by Case-shot , that he lives a dying life . The Names of such Catholicks , whose Estates ( both Real and Personal ) were sold , in persuance of an Act made by the Rump , Iuly 16. 1651. for their pretended Delinquency : that is , for adhering to their King. IOh. Lord Marquess of Winchester , who so valiantly defended Basing-house . Henry Lord Marquess of Worcester , who has been at least 300000. l. looser by the War. Francis Lord Cottington . Lord John Sommerset . Marmaduke L. Langdale , and his son . Sir John Winter , who so stoutly defended Lidney-house Sir Thomas Tildesly himself slain , and his Estate sold . Sir Hen. Slingsby , beheaded at Tower-hill , and his Estate sold . Sir Piercy Herbert , now Lord Powys . Sir Francis Howard . Sir Henry Bedingfield . Sir Arthur Aston , Governour of Reading ▪ Sir Tho. Haggerston . Rog. Bodenham , Esq ; . Charles Townly , Esq ; . Row land Eyre , Esq ; . Peter Pudsey , Esq ; . John Giffard , Esq ; . Other Catholicks , whose Estates were sold by an Additional Rump-Act , made Aug. 4. 1652. HEnry Lord Viscount Dunbar and his sō ▪ Sir Wil. Vavasor . Sir Edw. Ratcliff . Thomas Clifton , Esq ; . Peter Gifford of ●hillington , Esq ; . Walter Fowler of St. Thomas Esq ; . Thomas Brook of Madely , Esq ; . Francis Biddulph of Biddulph , Esq ; . William Middleton of Stocton , Esq ; . Nicholas Errington , Esq ; . Lance Errington Esq ; . Henry Errington , Esq ; . John Jones of Dingestow , Esq ; . John Weston , Esq ; . Phil. Hungate , Esq ; . Rob. Dolman , Gent. Rich. Masley , Gent. Geo. Smith , Gent. Ralph Pudsey , Gent. More Catholicks , whose Estates were sold by another Rump-Act , made Novemb. 18. 1652. HEnry Lord Arundel of Wardor , who raised a Regiment of Horse for the King , and whose Castle of Wardor was so gallātly defēded against Edward Hungerford . Henry Lord Marley and Monteagle . William Lord Ewre . William Lord Powis , who kept long his castle of Powis against the enemy , and afterwards taken in it ; and thereupon was kept a great while prisoner at Stafford , and died in durance at London . Lord Charles Somerset . Sir Walter Blount , long a prisoner in the Tower. Sir Edw. Widdrington , who raised a Regiment of Horse . Sir Richard Tichburn . Sir Charles Blount ( slain also by one of his own Captains ▪ ) Sir J. Clavering dy'd a prisoner at Lond. Sir Iohn Cansfield . Sir Iohn Timelby of Ernam . Sir Philip Constable . Sir Edward Plumpton . Sir Nicholas Thornton , who raised a Troop of Horse at his own charge . Hugh Anderton of Exton , Esq ; . Thomas Langtree of Langtree , Esq ; . Will. Hoghton , Esq ; . William Hesketh , Esq ; . William Latham , Esq ; . Tho. Singleton , Esq ; . Iohn Westby , Esq ; . Sir Edward Charlton . William Sheldon of Beely , Esq ; . William Gage of Bently , Esq ; . Tho. Clavering , Esq ; . Iohn Plumpton , Esq ; . Marm. Holby , Esq ; . Hen. Englefield , Esq ; . Robert Wigmore , Esq ; . Rob. Cramblington , Esq ; . Will. Sherburn , Esq ; . Iohn Constable , Esq ; . Richard Latham , Esq ; . William Bawd , Esq ; . Iames Anderton of Birchley , Esq ; . Thomas Singleton , Esq ; . Iohn Talbot Esq ; . Nich. Fitzakerly , Esq ; . Iohn Piercy , Esq ; . Thomas Acton of Burton , Esq ; Tho. Gillibrand , Esq ; . Tho. Grimshaw , Esq ; . Ralph Rishton , and Wil. Floyer . Gentl. Richard Chorley of Chorley . Iames Anderton of Cleyton , Esq ; . Will ▪ Anderton of Anderton , Esq ; With many others . Mr. Edmund Church of Essex , was one of the first whose personal Estate was plundred , and his real sequestred , which so continued ( without any allowāce to his wife and children ) from 1642. till 1649. when he died prisoner . Mr. Iohn Barlow of Pembrookshire , his whole Estate ( being at least 1500. l. per an . ) was given to Col Horton , and Cap. Nicolas , without any allowance of any fifths , or other sustenance for his wife and many children . Here follow the new added names of those , that were slaine in his Maiestie's service . Sr. Timothy Tetherston killed at Chester . Cap. Thomas Paston slaine at Yorke . Cap. Henry Butler slaine at Brinle . Mr. Richard Seborne slaine at Ragland . Mr. William Alsley slaine at Wiggan . FINIS . Printed with permission an . 1668. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31234-e60 a Iosh. 6. 22. a Pyr. Tr. p. 4. a Cam. Brit. P. 163. B. b Vid. Rep. 6. c 645. Monasteries . 110. Hospitals , 90. colledges , 2374. Chaunteries and free Chappels . L. Herb. H. 8. p. 443. a Vid . Rep. 48. sect . 5. b St H. ● . pag. 964. Reg. 26. Notes for div A31234-e2730 a c. 20. p. 40. Notes for div A31234-e3970 a Vid . His last Speech etc. and Printed by Authority 1644. a Cib. B●it . p. 143. b ●ep . ●● a Fox Feb. 12. b Stovv Hen. 6. p. 627. 628. c Fox Ian. 7. d Stovv H. 5. p. 561. ● Hey● . Geog. ● . 20. a Du Moulins v●ords in ansv . to Phil. p. 58. a Bates ▪ Elenc . mo● . p. a Ansv . Phil. p. 61. b Ansv . Phil. p. 59. a Calvinian us verber ● p. 4● . a Ansv . to Philanax , pag. 38. b Ib. p. 41. c Ib. p. 44. d Ib. p. 37. a Q. E● . p. 1259. b p. 413. a 1. K. 7. 23. b Levit. 17. 14. c Gen. 1. 16. a Mat. Paris p. 262. If there had been any Protistants in those days , I vvould not have cited this Author . a Matt. Paris p. 262. a Martin Hen. 2. p. 3● Ric. 1. p. b Heyl. p. 89. Dan. 110 c Baker . d Heyl. pag. 97. e He gave them a Svvord & Cup vvhich they keep still . f Vid. his Hen. 3. pag. 1. g Hovēden . p. 576. Blesensis Chaplain to Hen. 2. Ep. 140. a Dan. Ed. ● . p. 175. a Vid. ●ep . 12. b Loc. Com. ● 57. a Epist . l 4. p. 866. b In Daniel . C. 6. v. 22. c Vid also ●rimst . Hist ▪ of ▪ France . d Bancr ▪ Dangerous Positions ▪ p. 34. a Heyl. p. 314. a Vid. ● . 〈◊〉 . 22. a Euseb lib. 5. Ch. ●4 . a Ann● 604. b p. 130. a Hol. p. 311. a Vid . Rep. 22 b Stovv . p. 561. a Sp. pag. 28. b Cam. Brit p. ●63 . A. c Cam. Brit. ●63 . D. a Rep. 2● . & Rep. 28 a Dan. Ed. 3. p. 183. b Buck Ric. 3. p 150. c Buck. p 81. d An. 1585. Cam. p. 41● . a Hist . Mem. 2 Eliz. p. 21. Ed. 6. Eliz. & Iam. & Char. ● . a P. 444 vid. also Buck. R 3. p. 123. b Rep. 1 c Rep. 18 d Bish. Goodvvin , Baker , Speed , &c. a Baker Q. M. p. 467. b Speed , Q. M. p. 8●2 . c Anno 15●8 . a Stovv in the several Regin● of these tvvo Princes b Baker ● . 1. p. 611. a Dan. Ed. 1. p. 166. b Dan. p. 168. a Bak p 390. a P. ●●6 b Heath pag. 36. a Reign Q. M. p. 1104. a Speed , Q. M. p. 847. Stovv . Q. M. 1055. a 1647. 1656. 1659. b First Moderator . a Act Mon. p. 107. b Speed , p. 347. a Stovv . p. 67. b Dese . Brit. fol 35. c Act. Mon. p. 105. d Heyl. p. 469. a Stovv . p. 66. b Sp. p. 348. b Pag. 195. K. Iohn . a Sir Ed. S. p. 170 a Stap. trans . l. 3. p. 61. b Eur. Mod. Spec. p. 85. a Heyl. p. 71. a Th. p. 1065. a Dav. l. 5. a The Admiral vvas shot four days before the Massacre Dav. lib. 5. a Dav. lib. 2. b Dav. lib. 3. a Hist . Mem. Q. E. p. 17. a Dav. lib. 2. a Buck. p. 12 b Buck. p. 44. c Sp II. 4. p. 6●3 . a Hist Mem. Q. Eliz. p. 5. b L. Herb p. 7. c L. Herb p. 244. d Ios . ● 472. a H. 7. p. 206. a Godvv Q. M. p. 336. b Godvv Q. M. p. 336. c Camb. 1559. p. 43. Printed 1615. d Cam. 1560. p. 53. a C●●d . 1561. p. 67. b Cam. begining 1562. p. 72. a Cam. 1568. p. 135. b Cam. 1568. p. 146. c Cam. 1569. p. 164. a Cam. 1●69 . p. 160 a Cib. ●●●0 . p. 177. a Vi●● Bull. Camb. 1570. p. 180. b H. 7. p. 206. a Hist . Mem. Q. Eliz. p. 28. b Sanders . K. C. p. 68. a Cābd . 1588. p. 476. a St. 2. Eliz. p. 1275. a Epist . to his Convers . of England . b Hist . Mem. p. 105. a Ann. 1●89 . b Epist to the Read a Camb. 1581. & 1592. b Sāders K I am . 1599. p. 225. and 342. a Stovv . Q. M. p. 1056. a Cam. 1586. p. 413. b Cam. 1586. p. 432 , c Cam. 1587. p. 455. a Vide Pref. to the Hist of the World. b H. ● . p. 142. a Back . p. 593. a Vid . their printed Confessions . b Baker . p. 595. a Baker . p 565. b K I am p. 37● . c King. I. p. 920 d Cam. 1586. p. 408. b Camb 1586. p. 419. so the Queen 〈◊〉 . a Wil. King ● . pag. 3. b Wil. King ● . p. 19. c Mem. K. I. p. 37. and ●8 . d Baker K. I. p. ●93 . a The search vvas made the Night before the session ▪ ●●● . 879. a Speed p. 917 , b Speed p. 916. c Wil. K. I. p. 31 a Sand. King I. p. 323. a K. I. p. 32● . ● Mem. K. l. p. 36. a Wil. K. I. in several places . p. 196. &c. a K. I. p. 59● . Speed says the same p. 918. a Vid . Procl . Non. 7. a Vid ▪ Trigg's Almanack fo 1666. and repeated in that of 1668. b Hovv . p. 882. a Vid. Rep. 13. a Catal. Doct ▪ p. 180. b ● . Mot de Eccl. p. 221. a Vid. Pref. b Pref. c Rep. 〈◊〉 . d Rep. 22. e Rep. 2● . f Rep. 6. a Rep. 12. b Rep ▪ 1● . ● Rep. 1. a 1666. 
A80546	----	The Protestant's warning-piece or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Highness, the Parliament, and all the good people in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the Pope, and the King of Spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of London in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. Corbet, Jeffrey. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80546 of text R211849 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80546 Wing C6246 Thomason 669.f.20[37] ESTC R211849 99870536 99870536 163454 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80546) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163454) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[37]) The Protestant's warning-piece or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Highness, the Parliament, and all the good people in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the Pope, and the King of Spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of London in a 100 places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. Corbet, Jeffrey. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1656] Imprint from Wing. Signed at end: Jeffery Corbet. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Anti-Catholicism -- England -- Early works to 1800. Protestants -- England -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A80546 R211849 (Thomason 669.f.20[37]). civilwar no The Protestant's warning-piece: or, The humble remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet citizen and grocer of London, composed for the view of his Hig Corbet, Jeffrey. 1656 1803 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The PROTESTANT's Warning-Piece : Or , The humble Remonstrance of Ieffery Corbet Citizen and Grocer of London , composed for the view of his Highness , the Parliament , and all the good People in England , Scotland and Jreland ; and published to frustrate the Designes of the Incendiaries employed by the Pope , and the King of Spain , who have severall yeares contrived to fire the City of London in a 100 places at once , and then proceed to their long intended Massacre . Sheweth , THat about the yeare , 1639. The Pope and his Councell sent William Oconner , an Irish Jesuit unto the King of Spain and the rest of the Catholick Princes for their contribution of Money , Arms and Amunition to carry on the Massacre of all the Protestants in the 3. Nations . And for that end the said Oconner came over into England about Iuly , 1640. And went daily in the garbe of a Courtier attending upon the Queen Mother . About 1. Septemb. 1640. the said Oconnee did boast unto an Jrish convert that he was the chief contriver of that intended Massacre , and that there were 7000. men in private pay for the Massacre in London . And that the L. Cottington was to be Lieutenant of the Tower , and had 500. Irish Papists sent out of Flanders to guard the Tower under him . And that the Queene was to goe beyond Sea , and pawne the jewels of the Crowne for that purpose . And that the Money , Arms , and Amunition which the King of Spain had sent over was secured at the Spanish Ambassadors house in London , and was disposed of amongst the Papists by one Garrat Dillon an Irish Iesuit , who had his Residence at the Spanish Ambassadors . That upon discovery of the Massacre the said O conner was apprehended , and committed to the Gate-hoase , 3. Septemb. 1640. But divers persons in and about the City of London , and West minster , caused the said O conner to be protected from Iustice above 4. years and then to be released , contrary to the Law of God , and the laws of the Land . And though the said O conner was so timely apprehended that the Massacre was prevented here , yet because Iustice was not speedily executed upon him that others might heare & feare , and do no more so wickedly . Therefore the hearts of his Confederates were fully set in them to do evill . Insomuch that above 100000 Protestants in Ireland were barbarously murdered in cold blood severall moneths after the said O conner was apprehended . Moreover those persons did not only prevaile , that the bloody Massacre was not at all discovered to the Protestants in Ireland to fore-warn and arme them to fight for their lives ; but they improved such an Interest here , that the Popish party who had a hand in the Massacre intended in England were never searched out . Yea those persons wittingly and wilfully suffered the Queen to goe beyond Sea to pawne the Jewels of the Crowne for laying the foundation of the late warres here to carry on the Popes hellish Interest . That those Persons have from time to time , Protected the Popes Agents from Iustice , when they were apprehended by his Highness , and others during the wars , and sent to the Parliament , to be tryed for their lives as Trayterous Incendiaries . Insomuch , that the Pope & his Conclave finding such encouragement they sent over 300 chosen Jesuits into England to make factions , and parties amongst Professors , and so preach us into Confusion as they have boasted . Moreover the Pope caused his Buls to be hanged up on the Church doores at Antwerp and other places , in 1643. and 1644. giving dispensations to all Priests , and Iesuits to come into England and to transforme themselves into the various formes of Religion amongst us , the better to divide the People and carry on their bloudy Designes under a form of Godliness . And by that stratagem they have all along exasperated the spirits of Professors differing in Iudgement and made them bite , and endeavour to devour one another . Mean while the Popes interest hath gone on unsuspected . And under this colour they have conspired divers yeares to set the City of London on fire in a hundred places at once , and then fall to Massacre , and cut off the root and branch of all the Protestants in these Nations . Yea , they have boasted that they are in constant readiness , and watch only for the remove of the Army as they did in 1648. upon the Scots Invasion , and the Insurrection in Kent Wales , &c. And the Captain Generall for that bloody worke had his constant resident at the Spanish Ambassadours house till hee removed from London . That the aforesaid Persons have from time to time dammed up Justice against the Discoverers of those horrid Conspiracies , and all others who have appeared on their behalfe . And have caused them and their friends to bee defrauded of Estates above 40000. pounds in value . Mean while they have caused divers friends to those discoverers to goe with sorrow to their Graves , and others to lead languishing lives in disgrace and repreach . Upon which account the foresaid Persons being subtle secret Enemies did improve such an Interest in the three last Parliaments , that no Law was made to remedy such abhominable obstructions of Iustice whereby the Agents for the Pope , and the King of Spaine , and the King of Scots have been encouraged , and protected in their barbarous Conspiracies , and the friends of the Common-wealth exposed to ruine . Onely the good hand of Providence hath preserved those Discoverers , and many of their friends even to Admiration for to make good the fore-going particulars on behalfe of this divided , and wel-nigh distracted Common-wealth . That the King of Scots hath many yeares since engaged to the Pope to set up Popery in these Nations upon the Popes engagement to improve his Interest to settle him in his Throne . And from that mutuall Ingagement , The Presbyterians in Scotland , and here may gather that their making a party to bring in the K. of Scots for the Establishing of Presbytery was to strengthen the hands of the Popes party to murder them , and their posterities . And the Protestant Cavalier may likewise observe that if they should have conquered the Parliaments party , yet all the advantage they would have gained thereby would have been only this to have been last destroyed . For the Popes bloody Monsters would have given them no more quarter then they did the 100000. in Ireland , which they murdered in cold blood . That the Spine saith . No Prophesie of Scripture is of any private Interpretation . And because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom I appointed to utter destruction , thy life shall goe for his life , and thy People for his People . And neglect to strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , was one of the sins of Sodom , And God abhorres solemne Fasts , and other duties where Iudgement and Righteousness are neglected , ( 2 Pet. 1. 20. 1 King. 20. 42. Ezek. 16. 49. Isa 1. 11. to 18. Amos , 5. 21. ) From whence it doth appeare that the unparalell'd mercies which God hath bestowed upon these Nations have been hitherto intermixed with dreadfull Iudgements threatning utter desolation . Because ! The Popes bloody Monsters have been let goe from time to time by the aforesaid secret Enemies . And , because men of knowne Integrity , fearing God , and of a good conversation are not appointed for Commissioners to bring these secret Enemies unto speedy publick Justice , and to breake the heavie yoke of oppression by delivering the spoyled from their oppressors and strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , which is the faft that God hath chosen , and promised a speciall blessing unto . In tender consideration of the premisses J doe earnestly beseech all Protestants under what forme whatsoever , specially in , and about the City of London , and West minster ( as they will answer it at the great day of Account , and desire to be free from the blood of themselves , and their Wives , Children and friends . ) That they would unite as one man , and improve their utmost Interest in the Parliament by Petition and otherwise , for the obtaining of such Cōmissioners , to the end the Innocent blood which hath been spilt by the Trechery of those secret Enemies may be expiated , and the Pope's bloody Designes now on foot may bee defeated . And that the complainings in our Streets may cease by setting the oppressed free from the obstructions of Iustice which they have long groaned under . And I doe hereby engage my Life to make good the aforesaid particulars before such Commissioners , and do professe before God and men that J am moved to declare these things out of no self-end or by-respect whatsoever , but out of a desire to discharge a good Conscience and a zeale to promote the good and welfare of these Nations ; being fully convinced that the appointment of such Commissioners would soone root out the Popes Incendiaries , and undeceive many thousands of deluded dissenters , and reconcile this divided People and open an effectuall doore for judgement , & righteousness to run downe like a mighty streame , and would give the People cause to blesse the Lord , for raising and Spiriting his Highness , and this Parliament , to be Repairers of our Breaches , and the Restorers of paths to dwell in . Prov. 14. 34. Isa. 32. 17. Iustice exalts a Nation . And the worke of Righteousness shall be Peace . Prov. 3. 27. Withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the Power of thy hand to doe it . Iudges , 5 23. Curse yee Meroz because they came not to the helpe of the Lord against the Mighty . 8. Novemb. 1656. JEFFERY CORBET . 
A80970	----	By the Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before Munday the 8. of March, one thousand six hundred fifty seven. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1653-1658 : O. Cromwell) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80970 of text R212149 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.20[72]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80970 Wing C7139 Thomason 669.f.20[72] ESTC R212149 99870796 99870796 163488 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80970) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163488) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f20[72]) By the Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before Munday the 8. of March, one thousand six hundred fifty seven. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1653-1658 : O. Cromwell) Cromwell, Oliver, 1599-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills and John Field, Printers to His Highness, London : 1657 [i.e. 1658] Dated at end: Given at our palace of Westminster the 27th day of February, in the year of Our Lord, 1657. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Royalists -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A80970 R212149 (Thomason 669.f.20[72]). civilwar no By the Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to depart England and Wales. Lord Protector 1658 1008 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Commonwealth blazon or coat of arms OLIVARIVS DEI GRA : REIPVB : ANGLIAE , SCOTIAE , ET HIBERNIAE , &c PROTECTOR PAX QVAERITVR BELLO . ❧ By the Protector . A PROCLAMATION Commanding all Papists and all other persons , who have been of the late Kings Party or his Sons , to depart out of the Cities of London and Westminster , and late Lines of Communication , on or before Munday the 8. of March , One thousand six hundred fifty seven . HIs Highness the Lord Protector being informed of the frequent meeting of divers Papists and other ill-affected persons ( who have born Arms against this Common-wealth , or otherwise adhered to the Enemies in the late Wars ) in , and about the Cities of London and Westminster , and the places adjacent , and having received of late certain intelligence of designes now on Foot , and endeavoured to be carried on by correspondencies with the King of Spain , and with Charls Stuart , and their Agents and Complices , and judging it necessary to use all means for preserving of the Peace of the Nation , and to prevent the mischiefs which may arise by such designes , Doth ( by , and with the advice of his Privy Council ) straitly Charge and Command all Papists , and all other persons , who have been at any time in Arms against the Commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the Enemies thereof in the time of the late War , being within the Cities of London and Westminster , or the late Lines of Communication , and not under restraint , on or before the Eighth day of March now next coming , ( or if under restraint , then within three daies after their respective enlargement ) to depart out of the said Cities of London and Westminster , and late lines of Communication , and all other places within Twenty miles of the said late Lines , unless it be their places of habitation for themselves and their Families , and not to return until the First day of Easter Term next : And His Highness doth Require and Command the Lord Mayor of the City of London , and the Aldermen of the said City , and likewise the Iustices of the Peace within the said Cities , and of the several Counties of Middlesex , Surrey , Hertford , Kent and Essex , within their Limits and Iurisdictions , to cause strict Wards and Watches to be kept , and to make frequent and diligent searches for , and to apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , all such persons aforesaid , which shall be found within the said Cities , Places , or Distance aforesaid , after the time or times before Limited for their departure , and them and every of them to commit to Prison , and from time to time to certifie their proceedings therein , to His Highness Council , under their Hands and Seals . And all Sheriffs , Bayliffs , Constables , all Captains of Guards , Officers and Souldiers , and all other the good People of this Commonwealth , are Required to be aiding and assisting to the said Iustices of the Peace , and other Officers aforesaid , in the due execution of the Premisses , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . And for the better discovery of all Papists , and ill affected persons which now are , or during the time aforesaid , shall resort unto the said Cities of London and Westminster , or Places within the late Lines of Communication , His Highness , by , and with the advice of His said Privy Council , doth Charge and Require all and every Housholder and Housholders , within the said Cities and Places aforesaid , on or before the Tenth day of March now next coming , to deliver in writing under their Hands unto the Alderman of the Ward , if such Housholder live within the City of London , or to the next Iustice of the Peace , a perfect List of the Names of all persons now lodging within the House of such Housholder , together with their Additions ; and if they are Papists , to mention the same in such List , and so from time to time within Four and twenty hours after the receiving of any person to Lodge in his or their House and Houses , to deliver in the Names of such person and persons in manner aforesaid , to such Alderman or next Iustice of the Peace : And the Aldermen of the respective Wards within the said City of London , and the Iustices of Peace within the said City of Westminster , and places within the late Lines of Communication , are Required to take care that Lists be accordingly sent in unto them from all and every Housholder aforesaid , and to make enquiry of the truth of such Lists : And all Constables and other Officers are enjoyned and required to observe the Orders and Directions of such Alderman and Iustice of Peace respectively herein , and to yield obedience thereunto . And the said Aldermen and Iustices of the Peace respectively , are hereby likewise required to transmit true Copies of such Lists unto the Clerks of his Highness Council , or one of them : And his Highness doth hereby declare , that all and every such Housholder as shall make default of sending in such Lists as aforesaid , or shall send in a false List , shall be taken and deemed an Enemy to the Peace and Security of the Commonwealth . Given at Our Palace of Westminster the 27th day of February , in the year of Our Lord , 1657. London , Printed by Henry Hills and John Field , Printers to his Highness , 1657. 
A81029	----	By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, within three days. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1658-1660 : R. Cromwell) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A81029 of text R211159 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.21[22]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A81029 Wing C7187 Thomason 669.f.21[22] ESTC R211159 99869892 99869892 163517 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A81029) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163517) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f21[22]) By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of London and Westminster, and late lines of communication, within three days. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1658-1660 : R. Cromwell) Cromwell, Richard, 1626-1712. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills and John Field, Printers to His Highness, and are to be sold at the seven Stars in Fleetstreet over against Dunstans Church, London : [1659] Dated at end: Given at White-Hall the three and twentieth day of April in the year of our Lord, 1659. Annotation on Thomason copy: "April. 25." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Royalists -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- London -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. A81029 R211159 (Thomason 669.f.21[22]). civilwar no By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party or his sons, to de England and Wales. Lord Protector 1659 989 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PAX QVAERITVR BELLO OLIVARIVS DEI ◆ GRA ◆ REIPVB ◆ ANGLIAE ◆ SCOTIAE ◆ ET HIBERNIAE , &c PROTECTOR ◆ RP blazon or coat of arms By the Lord Protector . A PROCLAMATION Commanding all Papists , and all other Persons who have been of the late Kings party or his Sons , to depart out of the Cities of London and Westminster , and late lines of Communication , within three days . HIs Highness the Lord Protector being informed of the frequent meetings of divers Papists , and other ill-affected persons ( who have born arms against this Commonwealth , or otherwise adhered to the Enemy in the late Wars ) in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , and the places adjacent , and judging it necessary to use all means for preserving the peace of the Nation , and to prevent the mischiefs which may arise by designs against the peace thereof , doth ( by and with the advice of His Privy Councel ) straightly charge and command all Papists , and all other persons , who have been at any time in arms against the Commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof in the time of the late War , being within the Cities of London and Westminster , or the late lines of Communication , and not under restraint , within three days after the date hereof ( or if under restraint , within three days after their respective enlargement ) to depart out of the said Cities of London and Westminster , and late lines of Communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be the places of habitation of themselves and their families , And not to return until the tenth day of June next ; And His Highness doth require and command the Lord Mayor of the City of London , and the Aldermen of the said City , and likewise the Iustices of the Peace within the said Cities of London and Westminster , and of the several Counties of Middlesex , Surrey , Hertford , Kent and Essex , within their limits and jurisdictions to cause strict Wards and Watches to be kept , and to make frequent and diligent searches for , and to apprehend or cause to be apprehended , all such persons aforesaid , which shall be found within the said Cities , Places , or distance aforesaid , after the time or times herein before limitted for their departure ; and them and every of them to commit to prison , and from time to time to certifie their proceedings therein to His Highness Councel under their Hands and Seals ; And all Sheriffs , Mayors , Bayliffs , Constables , and all Captains of Guards , Officers and Soldiers , and all other the good people of this Commonwealth , are required to be ayding and assisting to the said Iustices of the Peace , and other Officers aforesaid , in the due execution of the premises , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . And for the better discovery of all Papists and ill-affected persons , which now are abiding in , or during the time aforesaid shall resort unto the said Cities of London and Westminster , or either of them , or any place or places within the late Lines of Communication ; His Highness by and with the Advice of His said Councel , doth expresly charge and require all and every Housholder and Housholders within the Cities and places aforesaid , or any of them , on or before the Second day of May next coming , to deliver in writing under his and their hands unto the Alderman of the Ward , if such Housholder dwell within the City of London , or to the next Iustice of the Peace , a perfect List of the names of all persons now lodging within the House of such Housholder , together with their additions ; and if they are Papists , to mention the same in such List , and so from time to time , within Four and twenty hours after the receiving of any person to lodge in his or their house or houses , to deliver in the names of such person or persons to such Alderman or next Iustice of the Peace in maner aforesaid ; and the Aldermen of the respective Wards , within the said City of London , and the Iustices of the Peace within the said City of Westminster , and places within the late Lines of Communication , are required to take care that Lists be accordingly sent in unto them from all and every Housholder and Housholders aforesaid , and to make enquiry of the truth of such Lists ; and all Constables and other Officers are enjoyned and required to observe the orders and directions of such Alderman and Iustice of Peace respectively in the premises , and to yield obedience thereunto : And the said Aldermen and Iustices of the Peace respectively , are hereby likewise required to transmit true Copies of such Lists unto the Clerks of His Highness Councel , or one of them . And His Highness doth hereby declare , That all and every such Housholder and Housholders as shall make default of sending in such List as aforesaid , or shall presume to send in a false List , shall be taken and deemed Enemies to the Peace and Security of the Commonwealth . Given at White-Hall the Three and twentieth day of April in the year of our Lord , 1659. London , Printed by Henry Hills and John Field , Printers to His Highness , And are to be sold at the seven Stars in Fleetstreet over against Dunstans Church . 
A81031	----	By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party, or his sons, to repair unto their place of abode, and not to remove above five miles from the same. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1658-1660 : R. Cromwell) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A81031 of text R211158 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.21[21]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A81031 Wing C7188 Thomason 669.f.21[21] ESTC R211158 99869891 99869891 163516 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A81031) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163516) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f21[21]) By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party, or his sons, to repair unto their place of abode, and not to remove above five miles from the same. England and Wales. Lord Protector (1658-1660 : R. Cromwell) Cromwell, Richard, 1626-1712. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Henry Hills and John Field, Printers to His Highness, 1659. And are to be sold at the seven Stars in Fleetstreet over against Dunstans Church, London : [1659] Dated at end: Given at Whitehall the three and twentieth day of April, in the year of our Lord, 1659. Annotation on Thomason copy: "April. 25 25". Thomason copy imperfect; sheet cropped on right side, with loss of text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Royalists -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- London -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. A81031 R211158 (Thomason 669.f.21[21]). civilwar no By the Lord Protector. A proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party, or his sons, to r England and Wales. Lord Protector 1659 555 20 0 0 0 0 0 360 F The rate of 360 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion R Commonwealth blazon or coat of arms PAX QVAERITUR BELLO . P ❧ By the Lord Protector . A PROCLAMATION Commanding all Papists , and all other persons who have been of the late Kings party , or his Sons , to repair unto their places of abode , and not to remove above five miles from the same . FOr preventing the danger that may be occasioned by the confluence of Papists , and oth●● ill-affected persons at this time , to the Cities of London and Westminster , and places a●jacent : His Highness the Lord Protector , by , and with the Advice and Consent of H●● Privy Council , hath thought fit to Publish and Declare ; and doth hereby Enjoyn a●● Require all and every Person and Persons , born within this Commonwealth , being Papists , or Popish Recusants , and all and every person and persons , who have at any ti●● born Arms against this Commonwealth , or adhered unto , or willingly assisted the Enemies thereof the late War , not being now under Restraint , that they , and every of them do before the Twelfth d●● of May now next coming , ( or if under Restraint , then within three dayes next after his or their Enlar●●ment ) repair unto his and their place of dwelling , where he or they usually heretofore made their co●mon abode ; and shall not at any time after , until the Tenth day of June next coming , pass , or remo●● above Five miles from thence . Or if such Papists , Popish Recusants , or other persons aforesaid , ha●● no certain place of dwelling or abode within this Commonwealth ; That then all and every such Papists , Popish Recusants , and other persons aforesaid , Do , by the respective times herein before L●mited , repair to the places where he or they were born , or where the Father or Mother of such perso●● shall then be dwelling ; and not at any time after , until the said Tenth day of June ▪ Pass , or Remo●● above Five miles from thence , upon pain of being Deemed and Proceeded against as disturbers of t●● Publick Peace , and Enemies to the Commonwealth . And His Highness doth hereby strictly Cha●●● and Command all Mayors , Iustices of the Peace , Constables , and all other Officers , Civil and Mili●●ry , to certifie unto His Highness Privy Council , the Names of all and every such Papist , Popish ●●cusant , or other persons aforesaid , as shall be found at any time , after the Twelfth day of May afo●●said , until the said Tenth day of June next , above Five miles from his , or their places of abode or h●bitation , or other the places herein before limited and appointed for him and them to repair unto ; the end they may be proceeded against as aforesaid . Given at Whitehall the three and twentieth day of April , in the year of our Lord , 1659. London , Printed by Henry Hills and John Field , Printers to His Highness , 1659. And are to be sold at the seven Stars in Fleetstreet over against Dunstans Church . 
A82365	----	An act for continuation of the act for removing all papists, and all officers and soldiers of fortune and divers other delinquents from London and Westminster, and confining them within five miles of their dwellings. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82365 of text R211255 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[1]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82365 Wing E1015 Thomason 669.f.16[1] ESTC R211255 99869984 99869984 163158 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82365) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163158) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[1]) An act for continuation of the act for removing all papists, and all officers and soldiers of fortune and divers other delinquents from London and Westminster, and confining them within five miles of their dwellings. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Field, Printer to the Parliament of England, London : 1650 [i.e. 1651] Order to print dated: Die Mercurii, 19 Martii 1650. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. With Parliamentary seal at head of text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- England -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Mercenary troops -- England -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A82365 R211255 (Thomason 669.f.16[1]). civilwar no An Act for continuation of the Act for removing all papists, and all officers and soldiers of fortune and divers other delinquents from Lond England and Wales. Parliament. 1651 296 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACT For Continuation of the ACT for Removing All Papists , and all Officers and Soldiers of Fortune And divers other DELINQUENTS From London and Westminster , and Confining them within Five Miles of their Dwellings . blazon or coat of arms BE it Enacted by this present Parliament , and the Authority thereof , That one Act of this present Parliament , Entituled , An Act for Removing all Papists , and all Officers and Soldiers of Fortune , and divers other Delinquents , from London and Westminster , and Confining them within Five miles of their Dwellings , And for Encouragement of such as shall Discover Priests and Jesuits , their Receivers and Abbettors ; And all and every the Clauses , Penalties , Powers and Authorities thereby setled and appointed , and therein contained , be , and hereby are continued and stand in force from the Twentieth day of March , One thousand six hundred and fifty , until the First day of November , One thousand six hundred fifty and one , and no longer . And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That the Commissioners of the High Court of Iustice , Established by Authority of this present Parliament by one or more Acts of Parliament now in force , have Power , and are hereby Authorized to proceed against any person or persons for the several Offences mentioned in the Act hereby continued , according to the several and respective Penalties therein expressed . Die Mercurii , 19 Martii , 1650. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by John Field , Printer to the Parliament of England , 1650. 
A82921	----	Die Sabbati, 29. Januarii. 1641. An order made by both Houses of Parliament, to prevent the going over of Popish commanders into Ireland, and also to hinder the transportation of arms, ammunition, money, corne, victuals, and all other provision to the rebels, and for the sending back of the Irish Papists lately come over. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82921 of text R209753 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[38]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82921 Wing E1686 Thomason 669.f.3[38] ESTC R209753 99868619 99868619 160596 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82921) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160596) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[38]) Die Sabbati, 29. Januarii. 1641. An order made by both Houses of Parliament, to prevent the going over of Popish commanders into Ireland, and also to hinder the transportation of arms, ammunition, money, corne, victuals, and all other provision to the rebels, and for the sending back of the Irish Papists lately come over. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Joseph Hunscott, London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- 1640-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. A82921 R209753 (Thomason 669.f.3[38]). civilwar no Die Sabbati, 29. Januarii. 1641. An order made by both Houses of Parliament, to prevent the going over of popish commanders into Ireland, an England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 546 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbati , 29. Januarii . 1641. ❧ An Order made by both Houses of Parliament , to prevent the going over of Popish Commanders into Ireland , and also to hinder the transportation of Arms , Ammunition , Money , Corne , Victuals , and all other Provision to the Rebels , And for the sending back of the Irish Papists lately come over . WHereas great numbers of Papists , both English and Irish , some whereof have been , and are Commanders in the Warres ; and others , such as have estates in England , have gone out of this Kingdom into Ireland , immediately before and during the barbarous and bloudy Rebellion there , and traiterously joyned themselves with the Rebels of that Nation , against His Majesty , and the Crown of England ; And likewise divers other Popish Commanders , and such as have estates in England , are daily preparing to go thither , to the same wicked ends : And great store of Arms , Ammunition , Money , Corne , and other Victuals and Provisions have been sent , and are daily preparing to be sent to that Kingdom , for the assistance and encouragement of those Rebels : For prevention whereof , The Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled , Do hereby Order and straightly charge and command , all Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Mayors , Bailiffs , Constables , and other His Majesties Officers within the Realm of England , and Dominion of Wales ; That they apprehend and examine all such Persons , as they shall suspect to be Papists , and going out of this Kingdom , or the Dominion of Wales into Ireland . And that they make also stay of all Arms , Munition , Money , Corne , and other Victuals and Provisions , which they shall suspect to be preparing for transportation into Ireland , for the ayd and relief of the Rebels there ; And to give speedy notice thereof unto the Parliament . And whereas , Also divers poor People , Men , Women , and Children , of the Irish Nation , and Papists , have lately come in great numbers out of Ireland , into Cornewall , Devon and other parts of this Kingdom , where they have been , and are very disorderly , and much terrifie the Inhabitants where they come , and due care is not taken in all places for the suppressing and punishing of them . The Lords and Commons in this Parliament Assembled , Do hereby further Order and require , all Officers before mentioned , That they put the Laws in due exetion against such wandring Irish Papists before expressed , and that they cause them to be forthwith conveyed back into that Kingdom . This Order was read , and by Vote upon the Question assented unto , and ordered to be fair Written and sent up to the Lords by Master Carew . Master Carew brings answer , That the Lords do fully agree with the House in this Order . Hen. Elsing . Cler. Parl. D. Com. London , Printed for Joseph Hunscott . 1641. 
A83385	----	By the Parliament a proclamation commanding all Jesuits, seminary priests, and other Romish priests, to depart out of this Commonwealth. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83385 of text R211620 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[80]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83385 Wing E2192 Thomason 669.f.16[80] ESTC R211620 99870331 99870331 163233 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83385) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163233) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[80]) By the Parliament a proclamation commanding all Jesuits, seminary priests, and other Romish priests, to depart out of this Commonwealth. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Iohn Field, Printer to the Parliament of England, London : 1652 [i.e. 1653] Order to print dated: Wednesday the Fifth of Ianuary, 1652. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. With Parliamentary seal at head of text. eng Catholics -- England -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Jesuits -- England -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. A83385 R211620 (Thomason 669.f.16[80]). civilwar no By the Parliament: a proclamation commanding all Jesuits, seminary priests, and other Romish priests, to depart out of this Commonwealth. England and Wales. Parliament. 1653 742 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the Parliament : A PROCLAMATION Commanding All Jesuits , Seminary Priests , and other Romish Priests , to depart out of this Commonwealth . THe Parliament of England being informed , That many Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and other Romish Priests are come into this Nation , and do here with great boldness Celebrate their Idolatrous Masses , exercise all Offices of their Profession , and seduce the People from the true Religion , and from their Duty and Obedience to this Common-wealth ; For which Offences against the Laws of this Nation , some of those Romish Priests being found here , have lately been convicted and Executed according to Law ; and others of them being within the same Danger , are liable to the same Punishment , and their Lives within the power of Iustice : The Parliament nevertheless being willing , That the like for the future , both the Offence and the Punishment may be avoided , and fit warning given for that purpose ; and for the prevention of the great Mischiefs arising to the People of England , by such Romish Priests being among them ( whereby God is dishonored , and the Peace of this Commonwealth endangered ) Have thought fit to Publish and Declare , and do hereby Publish and Declare , That all and every Iesuit , Seminary Priest , and other Priests , Deacons , Religious and Ecclesiastical persons whatsoever , made , ordained or professed by any Authority , Power or Iurisdiction derived , chalenged or pretended from the Sea of Rome , do , and shall be before the First day of March , One thousand six hundred fifty and two , depart forth out of England and Wales , and Town of Berwick : And for that purpose , That it shall be lawful to all Officers of Ports , to suffer the said Iesuits , Seminaries and Romish Priests to ship themselves , and to depart thence into any Foreign parts before the said First day of March : And that if any Iesuit , Seminary Priest , or other Romish or Popish Priests , after the said First day of March , shall be found or taken within England or Wales , or the Town of Barwick ; or departing by force of this present Act , shall hereafter return into this Nation , or any the Territories thereof , That they and every of them so found , taken , and returning , shall be liable unto , and undergo the penalty of the Laws here in force concerning them or any of them , without hope of Pardon or Remission for their said Offence or Offences . And because there may be some Romish Priests and Iesuits in restraint in divers parts of this Nation , The Parliament doth will and command all Sheriffs , Bayliffs , and all Keepers of Prisons , within Twenty days after the publishing of this Proclamation , to advertise the Councel of State , appointed by Authority of Parliament , of the Names of such Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and other Romish Priests that are in their Custody , and for what cause , and by whom they were committed ; to the end , That thereupon the Councel of State may give Order for their Enlargement and Transportation , if they see cause , which they are hereby Authorized to do : And the Parliament doth charge and command , All Iustices of Peace and other Officers whatsoever , to be vigilant and careful to do their duties herein , and be diligent in Discovering and Apprehending of all Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and other Romish Priests that shall remain here or come into this Commonwealth , or any the Territories thereof , contrary to this Proclamation : And the Commissioners of the Great Seal of England , are hereby authorized and required to affix the said Great Seal unto this Proclamation , and to cause the same to be Published and Proclaimed in all Counties of this Common-wealth , according to the usual course . Wednesday the Fifth of Ianuary , 1652. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by Iohn Field , Printer to the Parliament of England . 1652. 
A84473	----	By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Parliament assembled at Westminster the third of November, one thousand six hundred and forty, is now dissolved, and the enemies of this Commonwealth, in this interval, are likely to take advantage, to carry on their designs, for disturbance of the publick peace: and taking notice of the great confluence of papists, and other disaffected persons, at this time to the Cities of London, and Westminster, and places adjacent, with intention, probably, to put in execution their said designs, whereof, their great boldness and confidence expressed doth here, and in several parts of the nation, giveth just occasion of suspition, and more then ordinary apprehension of danger, to those who are well affected to the peace of the nation: ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84473 of text R211707 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[25]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84473 Wing E783 Thomason 669.f.24[25] ESTC R211707 99870413 99870413 163756 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84473) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163756) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[25]) By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Parliament assembled at Westminster the third of November, one thousand six hundred and forty, is now dissolved, and the enemies of this Commonwealth, in this interval, are likely to take advantage, to carry on their designs, for disturbance of the publick peace: and taking notice of the great confluence of papists, and other disaffected persons, at this time to the Cities of London, and Westminster, and places adjacent, with intention, probably, to put in execution their said designs, whereof, their great boldness and confidence expressed doth here, and in several parts of the nation, giveth just occasion of suspition, and more then ordinary apprehension of danger, to those who are well affected to the peace of the nation: ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper, and Thomas Collins, Printers to the Council of State, [London] : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Order to print dated: Saturday the 17 of March 1659. At the Council of State at Whitehal. Signed: W. Jessop, Clerk of the Council. Place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 19". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- England -- London -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A84473 R211707 (Thomason 669.f.24[25]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Parliament assembled at Westminster the third of November, one thousand six hundred and England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 748 3 0 0 0 0 0 40 D The rate of 40 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . WHereas the Parliament assembled at Westminster the third of November , One thousand six hundred and forty , is now dissolved , and the Enemies of this Commonwealth , in this Interval , are likely to take advantage , to carry on their designs , for disturbance of the Publick Peace : And taking notice of the great Confluence of Papists ▪ and other disaffected persons , at this time , to the Cities of London , and Westminster , and places adjacent , with Intention , probably , to put in execution their said designs , whereof , their great boldness and confidence expressed both here , and in several parts of the Nation , giveth iust occasion of suspition , and more then ordinary apprehension of danger , to those who are well affected co the Peace of the Nation : For preventing the dangers that may be occasioned thereby : The Council have thought fit to publish and declare , and doth hereby enjoyn , and require all , and every person and persons , born within this Commonwealth , being a Papist , or Popish Recusant , and all , and every person and persons , who have , or hath at any time born Armes on behalf of the late King against the Parlament , or since , in pursuance of that Interest , and every of them ( who shall not have leave from the Council of State , or the Lord General of the Army to the contrary ) do before the Twenty fifth day of this instant March , or , if under restraint , then , within three dayes after his or their enlargement , repair unto his , and their place of dwelling , where he or they ▪ usually heretofore made their common abode , and shall not at any time after , until the First day of May next ensuing , return to the Cities of London and Westminster , without like leave or licence . Or if such Papists , or Popish Recusant , or other person aforesaid , have no certain place , dwelling , or abode , within this Commonwealth , that then all , and every such Popish Recusant , and other person aforesaid , do , by the time before limitted , remove to the distance of twenty miles at the least from London or Westminster ▪ and not at any time after return until the said First day of May , without licence as aforesaid , upon pain of being apprehended , and proceeded against as disturbers of the publick peace . And all Iustices of peace , Commissioners of the Militia for the City of London , and the respective Counties and Cities of this Commonwealth , and all other Officers , Civil and Military , are to apprehend , or cause to be apprehended all , and every such Papist , and Popish Recusant , and other person or persons aforesaid , as shall be found at any time after the said Twenty fifth of March , until the said First day of May , within the Cities of London and Westminster , or within Twenty miles thereof , contrary to this Proclamation : And to secure all , and every such person or persons so offending in the premises , to be proceeded against as aforesaid . And likewise to seize on , and apprehend all , and every person and persons whatsoever , who shall raise Tumults , or shall practise , or complot against the publick peace and safety , or make disturbance within this Nation , or hold correspondence with any the enemies thereof , and them to secure till upon notice to the Council , further Order shall be therein given . And all Officers of the Ports , and Commanders of Ships , are required to apprehend and secure all suspicious persons that shall pass the Ports , either going , or coming from beyond Seas , without leave of the Council , till the Council , upon notice , take order therein . Saturday the 17 of March 1659. At the Council of State at Whitehal ORdered , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . Jo. RUSHWORTH , Clerk of the Council . Printed by Abel Roper , and Thomas Collins , Printers to the Council of State . 
A84476	----	By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas by an act of the last Parliament, intituled, An act for dissolving the Parliament begun the third of November 1640, and for the calling and holding of a Parliament at Westminster the 25 of April 1660. ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84476 of text R211784 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[48]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84476 Wing E785 Thomason 669.f.24[48] ESTC R211784 99870483 99870483 163779 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84476) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163779) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[48]) By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas by an act of the last Parliament, intituled, An act for dissolving the Parliament begun the third of November 1640, and for the calling and holding of a Parliament at Westminster the 25 of April 1660. ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper, and Tho: Collins, Printers to the Council of State, [London] : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Date and place of publication from Wing. "Recites provisions of Act for summoning Parliament. No rebel in Ireland, nor any one who has made war on Parliament, nor their sons, may be elected. This to be proclaimed at the time and place of electing, before the elections." -- Cf. Steele. Dated at end: Wednesday March 28. 1660. By the Council of State at VVhitehal. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March. 29". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Qualifications -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A84476 R211784 (Thomason 669.f.24[48]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A proclamation· Whereas by an act of the last Parliament, intituled, An act for dissolving the Parliament begun the England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 523 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . WHereas by an Act of the last Parliament , Intituled , An Act for Dissolving the Parliament begun the Third of November 1640 , and for the calling and holding of a Parliament at Westminster the 25 of April 1660. It is expresly Declared and Enacted , That all Persons Engaged in the late Rebellion in Ireland , and all who profess the Popish Religion , and all and every other Person and Persons who have Advised , or Voluntarily Ayded , Abetted , or Assisted in any War against the Parliament , since the first day of January 1641. and his or their Sons ( unless he or they have since manifested their good affection to the said Parliament ) shall be incapable to be elected to serve as Members in the next Parliament . And whereas the Council of State is given to understand , That notwithstanding the good provision that is therein made , and albeit the happiness and settlement of the Nation is so much concerned in the observance thereof , yet divers Persons more respecting private Interests , and Personal Satisfactions , then Publique Safety , do intend , and endeavor to promote the Elections of Persons not qualified , as by that Act is directed , to the violating of that Law , and the perverting of those good Ends of Peace and Establishment which are thereby aimed at ; Therefore , according to the Trust reposed in them for the due Execution of the Laws , and to the intent , those who have not been hitherto acquainted with the Tenor and purport of that Act , may be the better informed how far they are thereby obliged , and that they may avoid the penalty imposed upon the Infringers thereof , The Council have thought fit hereby strictly to enioyn , and require all Persons any waies concerned in the Election of Members to serve in Parliament , to take notice of the said Act , and of the Qualifications thereby prescribed as aforesaid , and not to do , or attempt any thing to the contrary thereof . To which purpose , the Sheriffs and Chief Magistrates of the respective Counties , Cities , and Borroughs of this Nation , are required , at the times and places appointed for Electing their Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses , and before they do actually proceed to such Elections , to cause this Proclamation to be publickly read , and Proclaimed in their several Counties , Cities , and Borroughs , that none may have colour to pretend ignorance thereof ; In which behalf , the Council shall expect a punctual Compliance , and call those to a strict Accompt who shall neglect the same . Wednesday March 28. 1660. By the Council of State at VVhitehal . ORdered , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . W. JESSOP , Clerk of the Council . Printed by Abel Roper , and Tho : Collins , Printers to the Council of State . 
A86998	----	The Marques Hamiltons speech before the Kings most excellent Majesty: concerning his returne into England. Spoken in Parliament in Scotland, Novem. 6, 1641. VVith a briefe and exact commemoration of all the wicked plots of the papists, from the first intended malice unto this day against the Protestants. Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86998 of text R8766 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E199_22). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86998 Wing H484 Thomason E199_22 ESTC R8766 99873391 99873391 157520 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86998) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157520) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 35:E199[22]) The Marques Hamiltons speech before the Kings most excellent Majesty: concerning his returne into England. Spoken in Parliament in Scotland, Novem. 6, 1641. VVith a briefe and exact commemoration of all the wicked plots of the papists, from the first intended malice unto this day against the Protestants. Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. [8] p. First printed at Edinburgh by James Brison, and now reprinted in London for T.B., [London] : 1641. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649 -- Sources -- Early works to 1800. A86998 R8766 (Thomason E199_22). civilwar no The Marques Hamiltons speech before the Kings most excellent Majesty: concerning his returne into England.: Spoken in Parliament in Scotlan Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of 1641 1023 3 0 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE MARQVES HAMILTONS SPEECH Before the Kings most excellent Majesty : CONCERNING His returne into England . ● poken in Parliament in Scotland , Novem. 6. 1641. With a briefe and exact Commemoration of all the wicked Plots of the Papists , from the first intended malice unto this day against the PROTESTANTS . First printed at Edinburgh by James Brison , and now reprinted in London for T.B. 1641. Marquesse HAMILTONS SPEECH . Dread Soveraigne , I Stand not up presuming any thing on my audacity , but am respectively suggested by the judicious Councells of most of your loyall and wel affected Subjects : It is not unknown unto your Majesty , what develish machinations of late have beene plotted , not only against my self , but likewise against many more pious and Religious members of this honourable House ; and God knowes , what succeeding danger may now be in agitation . Wherefore I have received letters divers times from that strong pillar of Religion , Mr. ●ym , and many other pious men from England , who have oftentimes seriously requested me to move their quotidian wel-wishes unto your M●j●stie , beseeching you to respect their serviceable praiers : But not to wander in these preliminate Exordiums , or to suspend your divine care any longer in its expectation : I speake it not in my owne behalfe , but in the generall and universall name of the whole Kingdome of England . That in respect of these manifold perills , and impendent stratagems in this Kingdome , & the late formidible insurrection in Ireland , that mother of dissention , and nurse of Rebells , your sacred Majesty would preview your safety , & return into your flourishing paradise England , with all presupposed expedition : Pardon I pray my boldnes herein : but I speak not this , as if I or we were weary of the emploiment of your blessed person : No , God ( that knows the secrets of all hearts ) knowes the intent of my unguilty minde in that regard ; for I speak freely , I could both live and dye in the happinesse of your presence ; But I speake it out of my indulgence to your Majesty , who have beene alwaies carefull in my service for the safety of your royall Person . For if the Irish recusants should reduce their treason-growing malice hitherward , our fortifications are not so strong as theirs of England , neither can your Majesty bee so secure in this Kingdome , as in your owne . Alas ! England hath growne big in expecttion of your returne , and I dare boldly say , your Royall Consort the Queene , would esteeme that a most happy day wherein your Majesty shall safely returne . But the chiefest argument that can possibly incite you hereunto , is that , concerning the Prince , whom ( as we heare ) Philips that father of Papistery , did labour to seduce ; but thankes bee to God , who did avert his wicked imaginations , and according to the Psalmist , Hee that digged a pit of Babilonish impiety to intrappe that illustruous stem of Honour , is fallen himselfe therein ; and I hope your Majesty will deservedly vindicate his treachery audacity . Then a second argument appeares from their inconstancy of Religion , which ( like a wavering door ) hangs upon two hinges ; and unlesse your Majesty doe with an exact ratification confirme the settled forme of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , I feare it will sinke as low in hereticall opinions , as it swelled before in Popish ceremonies : yet these are but superficiall Ambages to the reall intent of my heart , which aimes only at your security ; yet withall , I confesse , that if ten thousand enemies should entrench your Royall person , they would seem but as a Pigmie to Hercules , for the irradiation of your splendent Majesty , would ( like the arising Sunne ) dissipate those mists of disloyalty . Kings are placed on Gods owne Throne upon earth , therefore whosoever aimes at them , aimes at the divine nature , and whosoever aimes at that , shall receive an irrecoverable precipitation ; for God doth give his Angels charge over them , who will pitch their tents of defence about them . Yet I ingenuously acknowledge , that your mature returne to England with opportune tempestivity , would kindle the flame of their loves , for they waite in expectation of the establishment of a formall reformation . One thing especially I beseech your Majesty to take into grave consideration , viz. The manifold plots of the Papists against our Protestant Religion . First , that formidable Armado in eighty eight , which was almost invincible , had not Gods al-powerfull hand scattered them : Then that Hel-begotten plot of Gunpowder-treason , which likewise God of his infinite mercy did prevent : Then lately those stratagems against my selfe , and many other noble persons in this Kingdome , & now last of all , those new sprung up Hidra's in Ireland , who like base catterpillars crawle amongst the fragrant flowers of true Protestants , but I hope Gods impartiall hand will avert their nefarious intents . I beseech your Majesty to ponder the precedent premises , and you will finde , that Conclusio sequitur deteriorem partem . First , I entreate your Royall minde to ratifie the forme of Religion in this Kingdome , and in respect of these perilous times whether your Majesty can bee more secure here , or in England , I leave that to your owne judgement : In the meane while , I beseech you accept of my devotion herein , and my prayers both externall , internall , and eternall , shall conclude with this inference , Vivat in eternum Rex Carolus quem Deus nunc & in secula seculorum defendat , oro . FINIS . 
A87341	----	By the Lords justices and councell. VV. Parsons. Io. Borlase. Whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and Jesuits friars, seminary priests, and other superstitious orders of the Popish pretended cleargie, ... Ireland. Lords Justices and Council. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87341 of text R211450 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[107]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87341 Wing I849 Thomason 669.f.5[107] ESTC R211450 99870176 99870176 160819 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87341) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160819) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[107]) By the Lords justices and councell. VV. Parsons. Io. Borlase. Whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and Jesuits friars, seminary priests, and other superstitious orders of the Popish pretended cleargie, ... Ireland. Lords Justices and Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by William Bladen, [Printed at Dublin : 1642] Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Ireland -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A87341 R211450 (Thomason 669.f.5[107]). civilwar no By the Lords justices and councell. VV. Parsons. Io. Borlase. Whereas many malignant and divellish papists, and Jesuits: friars, seminary p Ireland. Lords Justices and Council. 1642 1053 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms DIEV ET MON DROIT ¶ By the Lords Iustices and Councell . VV. Parsons . Io. Borlase . WHereas many malignant and divellish Papists , and Iesuits , Friars , Seminary prfests , and other superstitious Orders of the Popish pretended Cleargie , most disloyally , treacherously and wickedly conspired to surprize His Majesties Castle of Dublin , his Majesties principall Fort in this Kingdome , the Citie of Dublin , and all other Citties and Fortifications in this Realm , to massacre Vs the Lords Iustices and Councell , to destroy and roote out all the Protestant Brittish , and all other Protestants in this Realm ; and finally , to deprive His Majestie of this His antient and rightfull Crowne , and Soveraignty of this Kingdome , and to possesse themselves thereof , all which was by the said Conspirators plotted , and intended to be acted on the 23. day of October in the yeare of our Lord God 1641. A Conspiracie so inhumane , barbarous and cruell , as the like was never before heard of in any age or Kingdome , and if it had taken effect in that fulnesse which was intended by the Conspirators , it had occasioned the utter ruine of this whole Kingdome , and the Governement thereof . And howsoever it pleased Almighty God in his unsearchable Wisedome and Iustice , as a just punishment and deserved correction to us for our sinnes , and the sins of this Nation , to permit then , and afterwards , the effecting of a great part of that destruction complotted by those wicked Conspirators , whereby many thousand Brittish and Protestants have been massacred , many thousands of others of them have been afflicted and tormented , with the most exquisit torments that the malice of the Divell could suggest to the mischievous Rebells , and all mens estates ( aswell those whom they trayterously slue , as all others ) are utterly wasted , ruined , and destroyed , yet as his Divine Majestie hath in all ages shewen his power and mercy in the miraculous and gracious Deliverance of his Church , and in the protection of Religious Kings and States , so even in the midst of his Iustice , he was graciously pleased to extend mercie to His Majestie , and to this His Kingdome and good Subjects therein , not onely in miraculously discovering to Vs the Lords Iustices , that hideous and bloudy Treason , not many houres before the appointed time for the execution thereof , but also in preserving the said Castle and Cittie of Dublin , and some other Citties , Townes and Castles in the Kingdome , from the bloudy hands of the barbarous Conspirators , as also in thereby rendring Deliverance to the Lives of Vs the Lords Iustices and Councell , and of all the Brittish and Protestants in Dublin , and in the said other Citties , Townes , and Castles preserved , and of sundry other Brittish and Protestants , falne even into the hands of those Rebellious Conspirators , and likewise in sending Vs succours , ( whereby with Gods blessing ) We have hitherto continued safe under his mighty protection , notwithstanding the unexampled rage and implacable fury and malice of those mercilesse enemies of Gods truth . Wherefore as We doe most humbly and justly acknowledge Gods Iustice in Our deserved punishments , in those calamities which from the Councells and actions of those Conspirators & their Adherents , are falne upon Vs , and this Nation in generall , so We doe in like manner acknowledge , that even in exercising of that his Iustice , he remembred mercie also , and magnified his mercie to Vs , in those great blessings which We humbly confesse to have proceeded meerely from his infinite goodnesse and mercy , and therefore to his most holy Name We doe ascribe all Honor , Glory and Praise : And to the end this unfained thankfulnesse may never be forgotten , but may be had in a perpetuall Remembrance , that all ages to come may yeeld praises to his Divine Majestie for the same , and have in memorie This joyfull day of Deliverance . We doe ordaine and establish by this Our Act of Councell ( in the meane time untill by Authority of Parliament it shall be made a Law to be delivered over to posterity ) that all and singular Ministers in every Cathedrall and Parish Church , or other usuall place for Common Prayer within this Realme of Ireland , shall alwayes upon the 23. day of October say Morning Prayer , and give Thankes unto Almighty God for this most happy and miraculous Deliverance , and for our preservation hitherto , farre above the expectation of those wretched Conspirators . And that all , and every person and persons , inhabiting within this Realme of Ireland , shall alwayes upon that day diligently and faithfully resort to the Parish Church or Chappell accustomed , or to some usuall Church or Chappell where the said Morning Prayer , Preaching , or other service of God shall be used , and then and there to abide orderly and soberly during the time of the said Prayers , Preaching , or other service of God there to be used and ministred . And because all and every person may be put in mind of his duty , and be then better prepared to the said holy service : We doe ordaine and establish by this Our Act of Councell , that every Minister shall give warning to his Parishioners publiquely in the Church at Morning Prayer , the Sunday before every such 23. day of October for the due observation of the said day . And that after Morning Prayer , and Preaching upon the said 23. day of October , they reade publiquely , distinctly and plainely this Our Act of Councell . Given at His Majesties Castle of Dublin the 14. day of October . 1642. Ormond . Ad. Loftus . Geo. Shurley . Gerrard Lowther . I. Temple . Tho. Rotherham . Fr. Willoughby . Ia. Ware . G. Wentworth . Rob. Meredith . 
B02106	----	By the King. A proclamation commanding all persons being popish recusants, or so reputed, to depart from the cities of London and Westminster, and all other places within ten miles of the same. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1678 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B02106 Wing C3243 ESTC R171265 52528759 ocm 52528759 178725 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02106) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 178725) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2768:14) By the King. A proclamation commanding all persons being popish recusants, or so reputed, to depart from the cities of London and Westminster, and all other places within ten miles of the same. England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Bill, Christopher Barker, Thomas Newcomb, and Henry Hills ..., London : 1678. Proclaimed on October 30, 1678. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Exile (Punishment) -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King. A PROCLAMATION , Commanding all Persons being Popish Recusants , or so reputed , to depart from the Cities of London and Westminster , and all other Places within Ten miles of the same . CHARLES R. WHereas the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and Commons in Parliament Assembled , having taken into their serious Consideration the Bloudy and Traiterous Designs of Popish Recusants against His Majesties Sacred Person and Government , and the Protestant Religion , have ( for prevention thereof ) most humbly besought His Majesty to issue forth His Royal Proclamation , to the effect , and for the purposes hereafter mentioned : The Kings most Excellent Majesty hath been Graciously pleased readily to condescend thereunto ; And doth by this His Royal Proclamation straitly Charge and Command all persons being Popish Recusants , or so reputed , that they do on or before the Seventh day of November next ensuing ( under pain of His Majesties highest Displeasure , and of the severest Execution of the Laws against them ) depart and retire themselves and their Families from His Majesties Royal Palaces of Whitehall , Somerset House , and St. James , the Cities of London and Westminster , and from all other Places within Ten miles distance of the same : And that no Person being a Popish Recusant , or so reputed , do presume at any time hereafter to repair or return to His Majesties said Palaces , or any of them , or to the said Cities , or either of them , or within Ten miles of the same . Provided , That nothing before contained , shall extend to such Housholders dwelling within the said Cities , or either of them , or in any Place within Ten miles of the same , who being Traders ; exercising some Trade or Manual Occupation , have been there settled for the space of Twelve Months last past , in Houses of their Own , and have not an Habitation elsewhere , and who shall give in their Names , and the Names of all other Persons in their Families , to the two next Justices of the Peace . And His Majesty doth strictly Charge and Command , That immediately after the said Seventh day of November , the Constables , Church-wardens , and other Parish Officers within the said Cities , and either of them , and within Ten miles of the same , do go from House to House in their several Parishes , Hamlets , Constabularies , and Divisions respectively , and there take an Account of the Names and Surnames of all such Persons as are Popish Recusants , or reputed so to be , as well Housholders as Lodgers , or Servants , and to carry a List of their Names to the two next Justices of the Peace , who are hereby Required and Enjoyned to send for them , and every of them , and to tender to them and every of them , the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , and to commit to Prison till the next succeeding Sessions of the Peace , all such Persons as shall refuse the said Oaths , and at the said next Sessions to proceed against them according to Law : His Majesty hereby giving the said Justices to understand , That the better to enable them to tender the said Oaths , His Majesty hath Commanded respective Commissions to be issued under His Great Seal of England , to the Justices of Peace within the said Cities of London and Westminster , and the Places within Ten miles of the same , to Authorize and Require them , or any two of them respectively , to administer the said Oaths accordingly . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , the Thirtieth day of October , 1678. in the Thirtieth year of Our Reign . GOD Save the KING . EDINBVRGH , Re-Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Sacred MAJESTY . 1678. 
B05547	----	A proclamation, by the King and Queens Majesties. ... Whereas there have been several treasonable, and seditious designs and combinations, set on foot of late, in both our kingdoms, by persons enemies to the Protestant religion, and ill affected to our government ... Scotland. Privy Council. 1690 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05547 Wing S1712 ESTC R183420 52528945 ocm 52528945 179010 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05547) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179010) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2775:81) A proclamation, by the King and Queens Majesties. ... Whereas there have been several treasonable, and seditious designs and combinations, set on foot of late, in both our kingdoms, by persons enemies to the Protestant religion, and ill affected to our government ... Scotland. Privy Council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by the heir of Andrew Anderson, Printer to the King and Queens most excellent Majesties, Edinburgh : Anno Dom. 1690. Caption title. Initial letter. Intentional blank spaces in text. Dated: Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh, the nineteenth day of June. And of Our Reign, the second year, 1690. Signed: Gilb. Eliot, Cls. Sti. Concilii. Ordering a search in Edinburgh for the correspondents of Henry Navail [sic] Pain. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pain, Henry Nevil, fl. 1690. Treason -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROCLAMATION , By the King and Queens Majesties . WILLIAM and MARY , by the Grace of GOD , King and Queen of Great-Britain , France , and Ireland , Defenders of the Faith ; To Our Lovits , _____ Macers of Our Privy Council , Messengers at Arms , Our Sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially Constitute , Greeting : Whereas there hath been several Treasonable , and Seditious Designs and Combinations , set on foot of late , in both Our Kingdoms , by Persons enemies to the Protestant Religion , and ill affected to Our Government , who have presumed to take Commissions from the late King James , intending not only to support the Rebellion in the Highlands of this Our Antient Kingdom , as appears by Bonds , Associations , and Letters , but likewise , to Form Parties , and to Creat Sedition and Commotion , in other places thereof ; To which end Henry Navail Pain , Prisoner in Our Castle of Edinburgh , a Traffecking Papist , was sent into this Kingdom , and seized in Annandale , and several of his Associats and Correspondents , have been by Our Warrand secured in Our Kingdom of England ; and there being clear Evidence of a Correspondence betwixt the said Pain and several persons in this Our Antient Kingdom , and there being many suspect and disaffected persons , lurking in , and about Our City of Edinburgh ; Therefore We , with Advice of Our Privy Council have thought fit for the Security of the Government , to cause Search be made in , and about the City of Edinburgh , for the Apprehending and Securing of several persons who have never acknowledged the Government now Established , and who are known to be persons disaffected and opposite thereto ; and because such persons will not be wanting to give sinisterous impressions of Our Procedure , and to insinuat in the minds of some , that there is great danger of an Insurrection , or Invasion , and in the apprehensions of others Our good Subjects , that they may be in hazard to be seized : Therefore We , with Advice of Our Privy Council , Have thought fit , to Issue forth this Proclamation , for the Information of Our good Subjects , and assure all who do live peaceably and dutifully , that they are , and shall be in perfect Security , and that We will give Our outmost Endeavour to Protect and Defend Our good Subjects , from the attempts of the Enemies of the Protestant Religion , and Our Government . Our Will is herefore , and We Charge you straitly and Command , that incontinent , these Our Letters seen , ye pass , and in Our Name and Authority , by open Proclamation , make Publication of the Premisses , at the Mercat-Cross of Edinburgh , and other places needful . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh , the ninteenth Day of June . And of Our Reign , the second Year , 1690. Per Actum Dominorum Secreti Goncilii . GILB . ELIOT , Cls. Sti. Concilii . GOD Save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY . Edinburgh , Printed by the Heir of Andrew Anderson , Printer to the King and Queens most Excellent Majesties , Anno Dom. 1690. 
B05688	----	A proclamation for seising the horses and arms of Papists, and persons above the degree of commons, not qualified according to the Act of Parliament. Scotland. Privy Council. 1696 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05688 Wing S1920 ESTC R183544 53299292 ocm 53299292 180022 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05688) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 180022) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2810:47) A proclamation for seising the horses and arms of Papists, and persons above the degree of commons, not qualified according to the Act of Parliament. Scotland. Privy Council. Scotland. Sovereign (1694-1702 : William II) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson ..., Edinburgh, : 1696. Caption title. Title vignette: royal seal with initials W R. Reproduction of original in: National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anti-Catholicism -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion WR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QUI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms A PROCLAMATION For Seising the Horses and Arms of Papists , and Persons above the Degree of Commons , not Qualified according to the Act of Parliament . WILLIAM by the Grace of GOD , King of Great-Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith : To Macers of Our Privy Council , Messengers at Arms , Our Sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , Greeting : Forasmuch as by the Sixth Act of the Fourth Session of this Our current Parliament , It is Statute and Ordained , that all Persons who shall not swear the Oath of Allegiance , and subscribe the same , with the Assurance to Us , shall not be allowed to keep any Horses above an hundred Merks Price , nor any sort of Arms more than a Walking-Sword , certifying such as should be found to have Horses and Arms contrary to that Provision , either in their own or in the keeping of others , that both the Owner and Keeper should incur the Penalty of an thousand Merks , the one half to the Informer , and the other to Us. And by the foresaid Act , the Lords of Our Privy Council are Authorized and Impowered to take such further effectual Methods for Disarming these Persons , and seizing of their Horses above the foresaid Value , as they should judge necessary . And We Considering how requisite and needful it is at this time , that all Papists , and Heretors , and others , above the degree of Commons within this Kingdom , who have not sworn the Oath of Allegiance , and subscribed the same , with the Assurance to Us , should be Disarmed , and their Horses above the Price foresaid seized and imployed for Our Use , to oppose and withstand the Invasion now threatned from France . And for the better securing the Peace and Quiet of this Our Kingdom from all Disturbance and Commotion , that may be moved or made within the same , in case any such Forraign Invasion should happen , have therefore thought fit , with Advice of the Lords of Our Privy Council , to Require and Command ; likeas , with Advice foresaid , We hereby peremptorly Require and Command the Sheriffs of the several Shires of this Kingdom , Stewarts of Stewartries , Baillies of Regalities , and their respective Deputs , and the Magistrats of Burghs within their several Jurisdictions , immediatly after Publication hereof , to pass through every Paroch within their respective Bounds , and call before them all the Papists , and the Heretors and others above the degree of Commons within the same , who have not taken , or will not take the Oath of Allegiance , and subscribe , the same with the Assurance to Us ; and Require and Command them upon Oath to Declare , what Horses they had since the first of January last , or presently have above the Price of an Hundred Merks , and in whose Custody they are , and what Arms more than a Walking-Sword , they since the day foresaid had , or presently have belonging to them , and immediatly to deliver into the Custody and Keeping of the said Sheriff , or their Deputs , or other Magistrats respective foresaid , before whom they shall Depone the saids Horses and Arms in their Custody , to be keeped by the said Sheriffs and other Magistrats foresaids , in sure Custody , untill they make report of the Number thereof to the Lords of Our Privy Council , which they are hereby Required to do , betwixt and the Second day of April next for all upon this side of Tay , and for all the rest of this Kingdom betwixt and the Fifth Day of May next , under the pain of Five Hundred Merks Scots ; and where either the saids Heretors , and others foresaids , do not Compear and Depone , or do not instantly deliver the saids Horses and Arms , acknowledged by their Oath to belong to them . We with Advice foresaid , Require and Command the Sheriffs and other Magistrats respective above named , within their several Jurisdictions , to seize upon the Horses and Arms belonging to the saids Persons , and take the same into their Custody and Keeping , where-ever they can be found , and make report thereof betwixt and the day foresaid , under the Pains above-set-down . and for the more effectual Execution of the Premisses , We with Advice foresaid , Impower and Authorize any of the Magistrats respective above-named , to call for , and we hereby Require and Ordain the Commander in Chief of Our Forces , to grant sufficient Parties of Our Troops whenever they shall be required , to go along with , and be assisting to the said respective Magistrats , in feising upon , and searching for the saids Horses and Arms to be delivered to , and detained by the saids respective Magistrats , and reported to Our Privy Council , in manner above-mentioned ; And We with Advice foresaid , Require and Command the saids respective Magistrats , in the Report to be made by them to Our Privy Council , and likewise the Officers of Our Troops that shall be imployed for their Assistance , to Declare upon Oath , that they have not restored or given back any Horses above the price of one hundred Merks , or Arms more than a Walking-Sword to any of the foresaids persons not qualified according to Law , or others belonging to them , but that they have effectually Seized , and Reported all the Horses above the price foresaid , and Arms more than the said Walking-Sword belonging to any of the saids unqualified Heretors , and others foresaids within their respective Bounds , conform to the foresaid Act of Parliament , and the Orders here set down , and how soon soever the said Report shall be made ; We with Advice of the Lords of Our Privy Council , will send the necessary Orders to the Sheriffs and other Magistrats respective above-named , how to dispose upon the saids Horses and Arms to the best Advantage for Our Service , which they are punctually to observe and obey , as they will be answerable . OUR WILL IS HEREFORE , and we Charge you strictly and Command , that incontinent thir Our Letters seen , ye pass to the Mercat-Cross of Edinburgh , and remanent Mercat-Crosses of the Head-Burghs of the several Shires and Stewartries within this Kingdom , and there in Our Name and Authority , by open Proclamation , make Intimation hereof that none pretend Ignorance , and Ordains these presents to be Printed . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh , the thirteenth day of March , and of Our Reign the seventh year 1696. Per Actum Dominorum Secreti Concilii . GILB . ELIOT , Cls. Sti. Concilii . God Save the King Edinburgh , Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Excellent Majesty , Anno DOM. 1696. 
A41019	----	Virtumnus romanus, or, A discovrse penned by a Romish priest wherein he endevours to prove that it is lawfull for a papist in England to goe to the Protestant church, to receive the communion, and to take the oathes, both of allegiance and supremacie : to which are adjoyned animadversions in the in the [sic] margin by way of antidote against those places where the rankest poyson is couched / by Daniel Featley ... Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645. 1642 Approx. 330 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41019 Wing F597 ESTC R2100 12411416 ocm 12411416 61533 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41019) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 249:E129, no 15) Virtumnus romanus, or, A discovrse penned by a Romish priest wherein he endevours to prove that it is lawfull for a papist in England to goe to the Protestant church, to receive the communion, and to take the oathes, both of allegiance and supremacie : to which are adjoyned animadversions in the in the [sic] margin by way of antidote against those places where the rankest poyson is couched / by Daniel Featley ... Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645. [20], 156 p. Imprinted by I. L. for Nicholas Bourne and Iohn Bartlet ..., London : 1642. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- England. 2003-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Die Sabbathi , 22. Octob. 1642. IT is this day Ordered by the Commons House of Parliament : That none other besides Mr. Nicholas Bourne Stationer , or whom he shall appoint , shall upon any pretence whatsoever , presume to Print the Book called , A Safeguard from Shipwrack , to a Prudent Catholike , with Animadversions upon the same by Dr. Featley , called Virtumnus Romanus , Ordered to be Printed and published by the said House . H. Elsing Cler. Parl. D. Com. Vertumnus Romanus , OR , A DISCOVRSE PENNED BY A ROMISH Priest , wherein he endevours to prove that it is lawfull for a Papist in England to goe to the Protestant Church , to receive the Communion , and to take the Oathes both of Allegiance and Supremacie . To which are adjoyned Animadversions in the in the margin by way of Antidote against those places where the rankest poyson is couched . By Daniel Featley Dr. in Divinitie . 2 Cor. 11 13 14. Such are false Apostles , deceitfull workers , transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ. And no marvell , for Satan himselfe is transformed into an Angel of light . Horat. Ep. Quo teneam vultus mutantem Protea nodo ? Tertul. in apol . Nefas est ulli de sua religione mentiri ; ex eo enim quod aliud à se coli fingit quam colit , negat quod colit , etiam non colit quod negavit . LONDON , Imprinted by I. L. for Nicholas Bourne , and Iohn Bartlet : and are to be sold at the South entrance at the Royall Exchange , and at the gilt Cup neere Austins Gate , in Pauls Church-yard . 1642. AN ADVERTISEMENT TO the Reader , touching the Author and the Argument of the insuing Discourse , AND THE REASONS FOR WHICH it is thought fit to be published to the view of the world . AS the ignorance of good is evill : so the knowledge even of evill is good ; for knowledge is nothing but the light and irradiation of the understanding by the beames of truth : which herein resemble the rayes of the Sun that neither defile any thing nor can themselves be defiled . Set aside curiositie and all kinds of vicious affection and indirect ends , and you shall finde that the knowledge even of sinfull impuritie , is cleane , of naturall corruption , is sound ; of worldly vanities , serious ; and of all kinde of maladies of the minde and body healthfull . And as it is the depth of Satans malice , è bono malum elicere , to draw evill out of good ( as the Spider sucks poyson out of sweet flowers and wholesome herbs ) so it is a high point of Gods goodnesse , è malo bonum elicere , to draw good out of evill , light out of darknesse , and order out of confusion it self . Where it not for this , that God who is the Soveraigne and Omnipotent Good , knoweth that it more redoundeth to the glory of his infinite wisdome and power to worke good out of evill , then quite to take it away ; there never had been , there never should be , any evill in the world , as St. Augustine piously argueth the case . There could be no evill in the world if God suffered it not , and he suffereth it not against his will but with his wi●l , neither would he which is so good , nay , rather goodnesse it selfe willingly suffer any evill to be , but that by his omnipotencie he can and doth extract much good out of all sorts of evill . This worke of Divine providence , Gregory Nyssen , fitly tearmeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the abuse of evill : for what is a●-uti to abuse a thing , but to use it contrary to the nature and condition thereof which if it be good , such an use is an abusive use : if it be evill , such use thereof is an usefull and commendable abuse ; as wh●n a Gramarian makes a rule of Anomalas , a Rhetoritian a figure of a Solaecisme , a Musitian an harmonie of discord , a Logitian a true use of fallacies , and a Physician a wholesome treacle of poyson . Such a use ( Christian Reader ) thou mayst make of the unchristian Treatise ensuing Wherein the Author thereof ( now in bold ) endeavoureth to shew all Romane Catholikes a way to escape not only all bonds , and imprisonment , but all other penalties of the law against Popish Recusants , by making their religion and conscience , a leade● and lesbian rule to comply with the religion professed by the Sta●● wheresoever they live . This Booke together with the Authour thereof was sent to the Honourable House of Commmos by the care of some members of that House , employed in a Committee neere Portsmouth , and it hath beene thought fit to be published for sundrie reasons . First , to discover the craft of the Iesuits in procuring upon uniust grounds , and by indirect meanes a ●ull from the Pope , prohibiting all Romane Catholiques to resort to the protestant Churches , in ●ngland under pain of his Holinesse curse , and dreadfull thunderbolt of excommunication : whereby as this Priest affirmeth they gained to themselves more disciples , more money , and more Colledges : For bee thou pleased ( Christian Reader ) to take notice , that in the reigne of King Edward the sixth of blessed memory , and during the space of the first tenne yeeres of Queene Elizabeth ( the Phoenix of her sexe and age ) the Papists in England did usually goe to Church , and there was no such thing as Popish Recusancie heard of . But after the ●ame souldier Ignatius Loyola with his new regiment , began to out-run all other orders , and rancks of Monks , and the Iesuits name was up , and many Colledges built for them beyond the Seas , the English Iesuits began to lay about , how their Colledges and Seminaries might be maintained and furnished by those of the Romish partie in England , and they finde this the ready way to offer to the richer sort of them the education of their children , they paying a good round rate for it : but because the parents then repairing to the Protestant Church might breed up their children at a farre easier rate in our Schooles of England , the secular Priests ( willingly undertaking the care and tuition of them ) the Iesuits were never quiet till they had obtained from the Pope upon such suggestions as they thought would most take with his Holinesse , the Bull above mentioned which frighted all Romish Catholiques from our Churches . See here the beginning and originall of Popish Recusancie in England , and the depth of the Myne which hath since enriched their English Colledges beyond the Sea. No wonder if the name of an Author , called Diana ( often cited in the ensuing Discourse ) be in great request . The benefit accruing to those of the Societie of Iesus by the Recusancie of Romish Catholiques in England , necessitated by them , is a Diana which hath brought no small gaine to these craftsmen . Demetrius with his fellow artificers cry out for many houres great is Diana of the Ephesians , not so much honour to that heathenish Deitie , but because they knockt and hammered out their living out of the silver shrines they made for her . Sirs , know ye not , saith Demetrius , that by this craft we have our wealth ? And in like manner the Iesuits stickle mainly for Recusancie not out of any zeale to the Catholique cause , as this Author in his Preface clearely demonstrateth : but because they suckt out of this forced Recusancie no small advantage . For the transporting of the children of Romish Recusants beyond the Seas ensuing thereupon , both filled their Colledges with Schollars , and their coffers with money . And in this respect these Iesuits may rightly be called Suits ( as Ieconias in the Prophet is called in disgrace Conias ) not only in respect of their swinish and Epicurean lives in their Styes beyond the Seas , but because their societie herein resembles that Sow in Martiall which farrowed in the Theater by a wound there received : so this Order by the wound received from the State ( I mean the penalties inflicted upon Romish Catholiques for Recusancie ) hath growne fruitfull and exceedingly multiplyed . But in the meane while , are not Iesuits consciences seared with a hot iron , who every where in their Printed Pamphlets , and Libels most bitterly exclaime against the State for inflicting penalties upon Papists in England for Recusancie , whereof they themselves have not only been the Authors but chiefe Actors therein to enforce it by the rescript of his Holines procured by them meerely for their advantage , as this Author sheweth . Secondly , to detect likewise the craft of the Secular Priests , verè seculares true worldlings , who for their owne advantage counterplot against the Iesuits and endeavour by subtill fetches and straines of conscience , to evacuate and frustrate their opposites designes : Sic ars eluditur arte . The Iesuits out of pretended zeale to the Romane faith , and religion , mainely contend for Recusancie , fearefully adiuring all English Papists with whom they have any power , that by no means either themselves resort to our publique service , or send their children to any Protestant Churches or Schooles : on the contrary the secular Priests out of pretended care and love to those of their religion , perswade them to make no scruple of repairing to our Churches or Schooles : that so they may save both the mulct of the law , and great charges by sending their children beyond the Seas there to be brought up in the Colledges and Schooles of the Iesuits . As for instructing them in the principles of their Catholique religion , that they will take care of , if the parents be pleased to commend them to their tuition . Thus both make religion a stalking horse to their worldly ends : the Iesuit is for Recusancie , the secular Priest for Conformitie ; neither of them truly to gaine soules to Christ , but to draw toll to their own mill . If there be no necessitie of Recusancie , the Iesuits may shut up their shops beyond the Seas , and if their be a necessitie of Recusancie , the Secular Priests may shut up their shops in England . And what care the Iesuits though many Families of Romish Catholiques in England sensibly decay in their estates , partly by reason of the penaltie of the law inflicted upon them for Recusancie , and partly in respect of the great expence they are at in the education of their children and transportation beyond the Sea , so long as the Iesuits Colledges by this means thrive and flourish ? and what care the Secular Priests though their proselytes run a hazard of their soules , by frequenting the Churches and Schooles of those they account quite out of the way of salvation , so long as they themselves are well paid for the education of their children , and a good amends is made by the Masters temporall gaine for the danger of the Schollers spirituall losse . When I read this Authors Preface and Discourse evidently discovering the Iesuits myning and the Secular Priests counter-myning : me thinks I see Pseudolus and Simias in the Poet , out-vying one the other in craftie fetches , deceitfull subtilties practised by them with dissembling , lyes and periuries . Thirdly to lay open to the view of the world the detestable and damnable doctrine of Romish Priests , and Iesuits who straine and weaken the strongest sinew which holdeth the members of all Ecclesiasticall and Politicke Bodies together : who cancell that bond which being made on earth is Registred in the high Court of Heaven , and the three Persons in the blessed Trinitie are called as witnesses thereunto . The Iesuits teach , that a man may without scruple of conscience or guilt of sinne affirme that upon oath in words , which he knoweth to be false , and deny upon oath that which he knoweth to be true , so he be sure to have some clause in his minde , which added thereunto in his inward intention , though not uttered , may make what he saith true in a sense : And this Priest here in his last Chapter teacheth it to be lawfull to forge , and fasten a meaning to the words of an Oath cleane contrary to the meaning of the Law-givers , who first made the Oath , and the Magistrate who lawfully requireth that Oath of them , as I will make it evidently appeare , when I come to scan his last Chapter . Now what is this else then to use the name of the God of tru●h in taking publique and solemne Oathes to confirme a lye , either in words or meaning ? what is it else then to mocke with Religion , and play fast and loose with the most sacred bonds of Pietie and Loyaltie . Verily if Religion be derived à religando from binding the conscience , or our faith to God or man ; he should not slander these men , who sayes , they have no Religion . For the surest and strongest bonds of Religion can no more tye them then the greene withes could Sampson which he brake at pleasure . Let there be an Oath advisedly penned , in tearmes most expresse and significant , with all the cautions that the wit of man can devise against all manner of evasions , and backed with never so many direfull imprecations and anathema maranathaes upon the soule of him that shall by any slight , cunning , falshood or periurie either violate or invalidate and evacuate this Oath : yet these men can with a wet finger either loosen it by a forged and forced interpretation , or untie the knot by a mentall reservation , or cut it asunder by Papall dispensation , ô ubi estis fontes lachrymarum ? Suppose a Romish Priest or Iesuit be brought before a Magistrate to be examined : if the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacie be tendered unto him , thereby to discover who he is , he will take them both in his own sense though neither in the sense of him who ministreth these Oathes , nor in the sense of the Parliament which appointed them . If hee farther demand of him upon Oath , whether he be a Priest or no , he will say he is not : reserving in his minde , ( of Apollo ) if he question him further , whether he lately came from beyond the Seas : he will forsweare it , reserving in his minde ( the red or dead Sea ) if he farther require of him whether he have received holy Orders from a Romish Bishop : he will denie it reserving in his minde ( without a Miter ) if the Examiner aske him further whether he had any speech with any English Nun at Li●borne , he will make no bones to denie it , reserving in his mind● ( chast ) . Lastly , if the Iudge or Iustice charge him to use no equivocation or mentall reservation , he will say and sweare he useth none , reserving in his minde ( to tell you ) and so he slips all knots and it may be truly said of him what Pseudolus in the Poet spake of Ballio non potest pietate obsisti huic ut res sunt caeterae , this man is oath proofe . All heretiques and miscreants deliver mendacia doctrinarum , lyes of doctrine : but these only doctrinam mendaciorum , a doctrine of lyes sodered by mentall reservation ▪ these only define doctrinally the lawfulnesse of a lye , so that which is untrue in words , be salved up with a mentall reservation . This is the strange monstrous brat of the Iesuits like a childe halfe in halfe out of the mothers wombe for so is their mixt proposition halfe uttered , and halfe concealed or reserved to themselves . This is conceived to be the invention of a Iesuit at the first , and therefore is tearmed by those who have learnedly impugned it , the Iesuits new art of lying , and true it is if we peruse the Catalogues of heretiques drawne by Epiphanius , Augustine , Philastrius , together with Alfonsus à Castro , & Ambrosius de Rusconibus , you shall light upon no hereticke who doctrinally maintained such a kinde of equivocation , especially in matter of oath to be taken before a lawfull Magistrate . It is true the Priscillianists held it to be lawfull to lye and forsweare , and some Catholiques in St. Austines time to feigne themselves Priscillianists , that they might the better entrap them and discover them : but this was fraudulent simulation , not mentall reservation : the Arch-hereticke Arius , when he was demanded whether he had subscribed or would to the Orthodox faith concerning the consubstantialitie of the sonne , answered , he had or would , pointing to a paper in his bosome , in which he had written his beliefe touching that point : but this was a fraudulent gesture , and false significatiin of his minde not a mentall reservation . Give therefore the Devill his due , this quaint kinde of lye was his prime invention as we may see in the Poet. When the Devill required of the Pagan King who was about to sacrifice unto him ; Cut me off a head , Numa instructed by his familiar appearing to him in the likenesse of the Nymph Oegeria answered , I will doe it , adding by aequivocation ( of an Onion ) when the Devill added : nay , but thou shalt take of a mans , Numa saith he will , but addeth what he reserved in his minde , ( haires ) when the Devill yet farther replyed , nay I will have the soule or life , you shall saith the King , adding what he reserved in his minde , ( of a fish ) and so plowing with the Devill his owne heifer , resolved all diabolicall riddles . See here the prototypon of Iesuiticall equivocation by addition and mentall reservation and after what copie either Garnet , or Valentia , or Navarrus , or any other of the like sect wrot who first in our age published in writing , and after in print the doctrine of equivocation by mentall reservation . Fourthly , to descrie to those that sit at the sterne in Church and Common wealth , the maine scope and marke , at which this Romish Priest and his associates ●ime , in perswading all Romish Catholiques within this Realme , to resort to our Churches , and take the Oathes both of Allegiance and Supremacie . It is as be professeth not so much for their indempni●i● from penall Statutes , as to qualifie them for other preferments , and even votes in Parliament ; to the indangering of our Religion , and governm●nt . For what should hinder them whose parts , estate , and friends are able to raise them , from attaining their desires herein , sith their Religion is now made no barre unto them , and these Oathes ( he mentions ) now serve no more for a partition Wall bet●eene loyall Protestants and disl●yall Papists : Now the Ephraimites have learned to speake Shiboleth as plaine as the Gileadites , whereas before they could but lispe Siboleth . And if these Ephraimites by this slight come to be admitted to places of greatest trust in this Kingdome , and as their birth and Baronies entitle divers of them to the House of Peeres : so they should be chosen indifferently to the House of Commons ; what a loose end all things would be at ? How suddenly might we be cheated of our Religion , Liberties , Lawes , yea and lives to ? Wherefore it were to be humbly desired of those that love the truth in sinceritie , even with bended knees , that his Maiestie and the high Court of Parliament would make some more certain distinctive signe between Papists and Protestants then monethly coming to Church , and taking the Oathes above mention●d . This Authour points at such a thing while he speakes of some Articles of th●ir faith , which it is not lawfull for them in any case to deny . If therefore it should seeme good to the wisedome of the State to prescribe such a Confession of faith to be drawn , wherein all or the most fundamentall points of their Trent faith are renounced , and by name the twelve new Articles added to the Apostles Creede in the Bull of Pope Pius the fourth , we should either soone see certainely who were Papists , and who were not , or at least give the Romish Religion a smarter blow then it ever yet received . For though this Authour speake of a Fox craft to be used by Prudent Catholiques , and though the Priests and Iesuits and the cunningest heads among the Papists would set their wits on the racke to finde out some Eshapatoir or evasion whereby they might goe beyond the State : yet they must then be inforced to denie their Religion to save it , and to alter the tenets which have hitherto beene held for currant , both among their Schoole Divines , and Casuists , namely , that it is a damnable sinne to equivocate when a man is called to give an account of his faith . For this cannot be denied to be a plaine deniall of Christ , and in their owne sense , whosoever so denieth him before men , shall be denied by him before his Father in heaven . Lastly , to shew the great strength of truth and the cleare evidence of the Protestant Religion , which convinceth the conscience of most obstinate Papists . For this Authour a man of learning and well versed in the booke cases of the Romanists , though in some places he jeares at our Preachers , and scoffes at our Religion : yet in other where he is most serious , he lets fall those passages from him which are worthy the taking up , namely pag. 6. Recusancie was first brought a●ong Catholiques into England by a certaine companie of men for temporall ends , procured covertly and by indirect meanes from twelve Fathers of the Councel of Trent , and certaine Popes upon false suggestions . The false suggestions pag. 7. et deinceps were these ▪ viz. That the Protestants of England were idolatrous and blasphemous heretiques , hating God and his Church ; that the commerce with them , especially at Church , would be an occasion of the subversion and ruine of their soules , pag. 19. In the Protestant Church there is neither id●latrie committed nor hurt done , pag. 22. Why should we not communicate with Protestants where there can be no danger of sinne ? and in pag. 23. Protestants are not to be called properly formall heretiques , pag. 41. In going to the Protestant Church there is no morall malignitie at all , in so much that scarce the weakest man can invent how to sinne by any thing that is there done , it being of its owne nature so indifferent and to a good intention good , that à parte rei , there is no appearance of evill therein , pag. 48. I never yet could finde any idolatrie committed at Protestant Churches as often as I have frequented the same , pag. 52. Protestants are not properly and in rigour formall heretiques . If Protestants are not formall heretiques it followeth necessarily that they are no heretiques at all ; for forma dat nomen et esse . If it be a false suggestion that Protestants are blasphemous heretiques hating God and his Church , then the truth is , they are neither blasphemous heretiques , nor haters of God nor his Church ; but lovers of both . If there be no idolatrie committed in Protestant Churches then God is there purely worshipped in spirit and truth . If there bee no hurt done in Protestant Churches no danger of sinne , nor so much as any appearance of evill , then are all Papists iustly to be punished who refuse to come to our Church , and they are guilty of grievous sinne in disobeying the commands of King and State , and have no pretence at all for their recusancie . Thus as Virgil when he read the obsolete writings of Ennius said , he sought for aurum instercore : so maist thou finde here gold in a dunghill : I have washed away the filth by Animadversions inserted in convenient places ; make thou use of the gold to enrich thy knowledge , and confirme thy assurance of the doctrine of the Gospel purely taught , and sincerely professed in the Church of England . Octob. 1. 1642. A TABLE OF THE SPECIALL CONTENTS . LOcks that are scrued with letters are most troublesome to unlocke if we know not the particular letters by the setting whereof together the wards flye open : such is the ensuing discourse , consisting of very many heads doubling or trebling the Alphabet as appeare by the marginall notes , yet , without any summaary contents premised or directorie Titles serving in stead of signall letters to open the severall parts and Sections thereof , It was thought therefore requisite to supply that defect in the Romish Authour by this table wherein the Reader may readily and easily finde those remarkable points which either are professedly handled , or occasionally touched therein . First in the Preface , pag. 3. Secondly in the Treatise , pag. 16. Sect. 1. pag. 26. Sect. 2. pag. 57. Sect. 3. pag. 82. Thirdly in the Appendix , pag. 143. First in the Preface . The originall of Recusancie in England , pag. 6. The Rescripts of seven Popes in the case all erroneous . pag 7. The determination of generall Councels of great authoritie , yet not infallible , pag. 12. Secondly in the Treatise . The state of the question touching going to Church with men of a different religion , explicated . pag. 16. Naamans fact bowing in the temple of Rimmon●iscussed ●iscussed . pag. 17. The words of the Prophet , 2 Kings 5.19 . goe in peace diversly expounded . pag. 18. None may dissemble his Religion , no not in feare of death . pag. 21. The res●lution ●f the Sorbon Doctors in the case of Recusancie . pag. 24. SECT . 1. The definition of scandall , pag. 26. Severall divisions of Scandall , pag. 27. The distinction of veniall and mortall sinne refuted , pag. 28. Evangelicall Councels as they call them , are not distinct from precepts , pag. 29. Povertie in it selfe is not scandalous , pag. 31 Whether our Liturgie be any part of the Missall , pag. 33. Prayers ought to be made in a knowne tongue , pag. 34. What is meant by appearance of evill , 1 Thess. 5.22 . pag. 35. In what case the eating meates offered unto Idols is forbidden by the Apostle , 1 Cor. 8. pag. 39. The definition of an heretique , pag. 51. That the faith of Protestants is no way defective , pag. 53. The Romish Clergie is grosly ignorant , pag. 54 The Protestants manner of preaching in many respects to be preferred before the Romish . pag. 55. SECT . 2. Recusancie is no distinctive signe betweene a Papist and a Protestant . pag. 57. The Protestants Sacrament is not a bare signe ; nor the holy Eucharist common bread , pag. 60. The body and blood of Christ is truly given in the Sacrament . pag. 61. The popish carnall manner of eating Christs flesh with the mouth , is repugnant to faith , reason and common sense . pag. 62. The Apostle by the Lords Supper , 1 Cor. 11.20 . meaneth not the Agapae or Love-feasts , pag. 64. A foule practise and high misdemeanour of Davenport , alias à Sancta Clara , in procuring a surreptitious Bull against Day the Franciscan , pag. 75. SECT . 3. That Papists attribute religious worship to images themselves , pag. 85. That a man being questioned of his faith , though before an incompetent Iudge is bound to answer the truth , pag. 98. That we may not dissemble with dissemblers , nor play the Fox with Foxes , pag. 99. That Papists trust in their owne merits , though some at their death have renounced them , pag. 104. The Oath of Allegiance divided into eight branches and every branch justified by Papists themselves , pag. 109. The Oath of Supremacie divided into foure branches , pag. 114. In what sense Protestants teach the King to be Head of the Church , pag. 115. Who are meant by forreiners in the Statute , pag. 120. That no Papist can take the Oath of Supremacie , but that he must renounce a fundamentall point of his Religion , pag. 138. Thirdly , in the Appendix . 1. A forme of Recantation injoyned the Lollards in the 19. yeere of King Richard the second taken out of the Records in the Tower , pag. 143. The Resolutions of the Fathers in the Councell of Trent , pag. 145. The Oathes of Supremacie Enacted 35. Hen. 8. & 1 Elizabeth , pag. 148.150 . A proviso for Expounding the Oath , 5. Elizabeth , pag. 151. The Admonition annexed to the Injunctions , Elizabeth . 1. pag. 152. The Conclusion of the Authour of the Animadversions to the Reader , pag. 154. Errata sic corrige , P. 7. in marg . state r. flat . p. 8. lin . 11. p. 7. r. 12. p. 15. l. 9. Ignorattia r. ignorantia p. 22. l. 22. the r. they p. 28. l. 15. dele the p. 42. l. 17. rejoice r. rejoyne p. 54 l. 35. proposition r. praeposition p. 64. l. 14. Apollorum r. Apostolorum p. 76. l. 6. adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 85. l. 12. sede r. sedè p. 97. marg . l. 6. doth r. doe p. 99. l. 11. marg . adeo r. adde l. 12. r. wizards p. 140. marg . l. 6. d the appendix . A a SAFEGARD FROM SHIPWRACKE , TO A b PRVDENT CATHOLIKE . Wherein is PROOVED THAT A c Catholique may goe to the Protestant Church , And Take both the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie . Matth. 10.16 . Be ye wise as Serpents , and d Simple as Doves . LONDON , Printed by I. L. for Nicholas Bourne at the South entrance to the Royall Exchange , 1642. A Preface to the Reader . Gentle Reader , I Am to write of a point of Controversie , wherein I know , that I shall undergoe the e censure of divers sorts of people ; yea , amaze some at the strangenesse of the thing . Yet my intention being good , as tending to the safeguard , as well f of souls as bodies of all : and I my selfe being constrained by a kinde of naturall necessitie thereto ; as suffering much , not only by the g severitie of the Laws for my Religion ( which is the least : ) but likewise both spiritually and temporally , by the malice and treachery of some evill spirits , instigating others to take advantage by Religion : doe hope to finde approbation therein ( at least ) of the wiser sort . Although I cannot see , but why in reason ( not pretending the least prejudice to Religion , but rather the good of Gods Church , as I shall make appeare ) the weakest sort of Catholiques should not be likewise pleased therewith . For although Religion , as it is taken for Christian beliefe , ought of every man to be professed , according to St. Thomas Aquinas and other Doctors , 2a. 2ae . q. 3. at two particular times , viz. when , and as often as the glory of God shall conduce therunto , or the spirituall good of our neighbour shall be either conserved , or augmented thereby , grounding themselves , upon the words of our Saviour , Matth. 10.32 . Qui me confessus fuerit coram hominibus , confitebor & ego eum coram patre meo qui in caelis est . Every one that shall confesse me before men , I also will confesse him before my Father which is in heaven . Yet it is not necessary to salvation , that any man at all times , and in all places doe confesse his Religion without h necessitie . Whence if a man should goe out , into the Market place , and cry himselfe to be of such and such a Religion , or should write upon the frontispice of his house ( in a countrey contrary to his Religion ) here liveth a Christian , a Protestant or Catholike , his act would be thought so farre from vertue or religion , as that it would be rather deemed presumption , or the height of indiscretion . Hence it is , that although a Catholike be bound under paine of damnation to professe his religion in the twice before assigned , yet he is not bound to professe a Recusancy of a thing of its own nature indifferent , thereby at all times , and in all places to discover his Religion : for this were as much in effect , as to cry himselfe , over the whole kingdome , or to write over his doore , that he were A Catholike , or at least some Sectary . For ( as I shall hereafter say : ) Recusancy is common both to Catholikes , Brownists and other Sectaries , different in opinion from Protestants ) which would be an occasion to call himselfe in question for the Religion he professeth ; whence I may rightly describe the Recusancy of Catholikes no otherwise , then to be , an indiscreet discovery of a mans Religion without necessitie or obligation : whereby he makes himselfe lyable to the penall laws of England for not going to Church , Which was brought first amongst them into England , by a certaine company of men , for i temporall ends procured covertly , and by indirect means from twelve Fathers of the Councell of Trent , and certaine Popes upon false suggestions to the ruine of many men : That I proove what I have said , it is necessary , that I relate the manner , how it was brought in . In the beginning of Queen Elizabeths reign , and the alteration of Religion in England , Catholikes went to Church to conforme themselves to the State , as they did in K. Edward the sixths time ; yet privately kept to themselves the exercise of their owne Religion . Which some Priests , perceiving not convenient , for the propagation of their owne family , then newly hatched : wrought in the Councel of Trent , that twelve Fathers of the said Councel ( not all Bishops , yet favourers of the said family ) might be selected , to declare to English Catholikes upon these suggestions following , viz. that the Protestants of England were idolatrous and blasphemous hereticks , hating God and his Church : that their commerce , especially at Church , would be an occasion of the subversion and ruine of their soules ; denying and betraying of the true faith ; giving of scandall to men of tender conscience , as breaking that signe which was distinctive betweene the people of God and not his people ; that it was altogether unlawfull for them to goe any longer to the Protestant Church , as appeareth by the words of the said declaration , which if I had by me , I would willingly have here inserted . This declaration being thus obtained , they possessed k certain Popes ( to wit : Paul the fourth , Pius the the fifth , the two last Gregories , Sixtus , Clement , and Paul the fifth ) so strongly with the same , and the aforesaid suggestions ; that the said Popes likewise declared as it is said by certaine rescripts which I never yet could see their going to Church to be likewise unlawfull . Which said suggestions had they beene , or were they true , I should likewise say and grant it unlawfull ; but not being true , as I shall hereafter shew : the l common opinion of Divines in this point is to be followed ; to wit : that it is a thing indifferent and therefore may be lawfull to frequent the Churches of Schismaticks . Now to prove what I have said ; that it was first brought in , by a certaine company of men . It is evident in it selfe by the carriage of the businesse ; for it is altogether improbable , that one mans authoritie ( to wit , Doctor Sanders who is named to be the onely Agent herein , a man alwaies ill relished in our state , and therefore in this point to be esteemed partiall ) could select so many Fathers out of the said Councel , in a matter of such importance , upon his owne bare suggestion ; or that the said Fathers would , or ought to have declared the same ; unlesse they had been made beleeve , that the aforesaid suggestions were true , in the common opinion of most of the Priests then in our kingdome . That it was wrought for temporall ends by the said company , the event shewes the same : for there is none that have got , or do get thereby , but onely the said company ; as appeares by their abundant treasure , and rich Colledges : for Recusancie begets persecution , and persecution almes deeds , that God may assist the afflicted in their distresses . And by this Recusancie great mens children can get no learning or science within this kingdome ; but must be sent beyond the Seas , each at twentie five , or thirtie pound per annum . by which , their said family was and is propagated , and their heape increased . Further , the politicall invention of recusancie was so sweet and pleasing , by reason of the great gaine which it brought ; that one of the said company ( Authour of the answer to the libell of Justice ) all besmeared with wonted pietie , so much delighteth in tribulation , which ariseth by this recusancie ; that he would not a toleration of Catholike religion in England , if he might . Although in his answer to the Authour of the said libell he saith ( as knowing him not able to procure of Queene Elizabeth and the State , a toleration for Catholikes ) that upon certaine conditions of his , he would accept of the same : but when he speakes from his heart of the thing it selfe , he saith in his said Book , cap. 9. pag. 216. That it is such , as to aske it of God , were to aske , we know not what ; for that persecution is better . That the said declaration and Popes rescripts were got by the aforesaid suggestions , appears by the writings themselves as they are cited , and further by one R. P. of the same family , who wrote a booke printed Anno 1607. Contra Anonymum , against a man without name : ( Doctor Wright ) that it was not lawfull to frequent Churches of heretikes : where promiscuously he relates all the aforesaid suggestions , as the ground of his opinion ; and bringeth Cardinall Bellarmine and Baronius with eight others , most of them of the same Schoole for the approbation of his case . Which case as he puts it , I thinke any man living would likewise have approved . That these men above others , were so laborious and serious , for this recusancie appeares , in that , whosoever would oppose them , were presently blasted for heretikes , or at least fallen men , insomuch that Azorius who wrote that it was lawfull for a Catholike to goe to the Church of Schismaticks was so troubled by the importunitie of these suggestions , that he was constrained through feare that that part of his family , should have suffered some great temporall detriment by his judicious writing ( as they say ) to recant his opinion , and hold it not lawfull in our case of England . See the said booke pag. 106. by all which any man may easily perceive , that the aforesaid company were the busie-bodies : and that for their owne ends ( as I have said ) upon the aforesaid grounds : otherwise why should they , more then others , have beene so importune as to perswade , yea compel Azorius , who ( not perceiving ( under the species of piety their rare politicall drift ) wrote a common opinion to the whole world , to denie that common opinion to have place in England ? That the foresaid Suggestions were and are false , it is certaine by experience to any , that know the state of the Protestant Church of England : and that to the ruine of soules as shall be proved in the question following . That it was procured covertly , and by indirect meanes ; appeares in that onely twelve Fathers were chosen , and the whole Corps of the Councell left out , and amongst the rest , the Bishop of Worcester there then present ; who knowing better the State and affaires of our Countrey , then all the rest , it seemes to me that he might have beene one of the twelve , whose authoritie would have given more satisfaction to this point , to our countrey : then all the other selected . But it should seeme , that it was declared without any debate , as a matter of no great importance , although it seemeth to my weakenesse a matter of as great weight , as any that was then agitated in the said Councel : and therefore to leave a whole Councel , in so weighty a matter , that concerned the affaires of a whole Kingdome in point of Religion , and where we might have had an infallibilitie m ; and to adhere to twelve men fallible by suggestion without any debate or dispute ; in my judgement cannot be without great suspition of sinister proceedings . Partly therefore supposing and partly intending further to prove the foresaid suggestions to be false , and consequently the said Councel , and Popes to h●ve beene abused : he will indevour to examine the truth of the matter it selfe , according to the principles of Divinitie within the bounds of the Catholike Church , who wisheth all happinesse and prosperitie , aswell to the said Church , as to all the distressed members of the same , with as much brevitie , as may be , in the insuing question . A SAFEGARD FROM Shipwracke to a Prudent Catholique . Question . Whether it be lawfull n for a Catholique to go to the Protestant Church . I Answer it to be lawfull for him , who doth it without a doubtfull conscience : or thought of sin , which I say , because if a man should do that , which in it selfe is lawfull ; doubting , or not being satisfied , whether it be lawfull or no ; he would sin in doing the same : because he would put himselfe in hazzard or danger of sin ; and as the Wise man saith : Eccles. 3. Qui amat periculum peribit in eo : He that loves danger shall perish in the same . So he that thinks a thing , which in it selfe is indifferent , to be sinne , and doth the same , sinneth : because such a man hath a will to doe the thing , although it were sin ; and by reason of his sinfull will commits sin . Otherwise as I have said before , it is lawfull . Which I prove first . The thing in it selfe is not forbidden by any Law : either by the Law of God , or the Church . Not by the Law of God ; for no place of holy Scripture can be shewed , by which it is forbidden . Nor by the Law of the Church : for no Councell or Canon of the Church can be produced for the prohibition of the same . Ergo , it is lawfull . It is secondly prooved by an example of holy Scripture , Lib. 4. Reg. cap. 5. where o Naaman the Syrian Prince is permitted to goe to the Idolatrous Temple Rimmon , to waite upon the Syrian King , there offering sacrifice . Ergo , a man may be permitted to go to the Protestant Churches ; where neither Idolatry is committed or any hurt done . Againe , by the examples of Ioseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus , Joh. 19.38 , 39. who although they went to the Synagogue of Jews , and so not apparent disciples of our Saviour , yet they were his disciples in secret . For it is there said : that after the death of our Saviour , Ioseph of Arimathea , because he was a disciple of Jesus , but secret , for feare of the Jews , desired Pilate , &c. Nicodemus also came , he that at the first , came to Iesus by night , &c. by which appeares , that the Jews knew not of their Religion . It is manifest likewise , that all the Apostles as freely conversed in the Synagogues of Jews , as out of the same : when thereby they could best exercise their function and mission . For the Rhemists in their annotations upon the 20 Chapter of the Acts vers . 16. Confesse that notwithstanding the festivitie of Pentecost was established among Christians ; yet Saint Paul might hasten to the festivitie of the Jews . Therefore as these holy men , might goe to the Synagoue , and reserve their Religion to themselves : so may a Catholique to the Protestant Churches . And indeed , it is an essentiall ingredient to the Mission of all Apostolicall men , to treate and converse with all men concerning salvation , in all places best for their purpose . It is prooved , thirdly by Azorius , tom . 1. lib. 8. institut . moral . cap. 11. & 27 punct● , 2.4 . & 5. who saith : It is lawfull for Catholiques to pr●y together with Protestants , to heare their Service , and goe to their Sermons . And for this opinion he citeth , Navarr . lib. 5. Con. 10. & 12. de haeret . who as all men know was a pious Divine , and a man of a tender conscience . Againe , the said Azorius saith , in the said cap. 27. puncto 5. That if an hereticall Prince commands his Subjects that are Catholiques to goe to Church upon paine of death or losse of goods , if he doe this only because he will have his lawes obeyed , and not to make it Symbolum hereticae pravitatis , nor have a purpose to discern thereby Catholiques from Hereticks , they may obey it . Gregory Martin ( one of the translators of the Bible into English ) cited by the said R. P. in his book aforesaid , pag. 101. & 109. Diana 5. part . tract . de scandal . pag. 191. resol . 33. where he saith : a man may use the habit and ceremonies p of a false law , being in danger of death . See Hurtado de Mendoza , and others by him cited . And Paulus Comitolius , Resp. moral . lib. 1. q. 47. when he comes to handle the question : whether a Professour of the Romane faith , being sent into those parts where the Greeke Church observes other rites , may goe to their service ; he allows it , and builds upon this reason . That by the Law of God and nature , it is lawfull , and the precepts of the Church ( if any there were that forbid this ) doe not binde Christians , in cases of great detriment to the life , or soule , or honour , or fame , or outward things . See Azor. above cited , for going to the Schismaticall Church of the Greeks , where he saith , that a Catholique hearing Masse in a Schismaticall Church , there on a Sunday , fulfilleth the precept of the Church commanding the same . See further the Decree of the Councell of Constans . and Martin the 5. which beginneth . In super ad evitanda scandala , &c. for the communicating with hereticks , as well in service as otherwaies . Which Decree extends it selfe further then to our purpose . For by the same we may communicate with Hereticks fallen in a Catholike countrey , if it be not in point of heresie . Yea , receive the Sacraments of Priests excommunicated either by law , or any sentence of man , so they be tolerated , and not by name excommunicated . See Diana , pag. 175. col . 1. and the said Hurtado whom he cit●th . If then we may communicate with such men , where there may be some danger of sin ; why should we not communicate with Protestants where there can be no danger of sinne , as shall be hereafter prooved ? It is fourthly proved , by the practice of all Catholikes in forreigne Countries : for Germany ; ( See for Germany and France , Navarr . lib. 5. Consil. 12. de Heret . ) and see the foresaid Author of the answer , his words are these , cap. 9. pag. 216. And indeed if the German Catholiques had beene so restrained , persecuted q and put to death , as the English have beene these yeers ; and had not gone by halfes with the Protestants as in some places the have done : they had had perhaps farre more Catholiques at this day , and them more zealous ; and their whole Nation perchance , reduced ere this . Thus he . Where is to be noted , that his ( perhaps and perchance ) are nothing worth . For by their going to Church ( as he termeth it ) by halfes with the Protestants , their countrey became Catholike long since ; whereas his zeale of persecution , hath not converted ours yet , neither is yet like to doe . For Scotland , it is confessed by the said R. P. pag. 69. with his judgement of their miserie ins●ing thereby , ( but the truth of the miserie I shall shew hereafter ) who yet in plaine termes doth not deny my assertion , but here and there granteth that some learned discreete man , where there is no scandall , and in whom there is no danger of subversion , may goe to the Church of heretiques , and heare their Sermons . Much more ( say I ) then to the Church of Protestants ; most of whom , are not to be called properly formall hereticks : for to heresie ( as it is a sinne against faith , and maketh a formall hereticke ) is required obstinacie or pertinacie against the doctrine , declaration and sence of the Church . See Saint Thomas of Aquin. 2● . ●ae . q. 11. ar . 2o. Cajetan , Bannes idem Aragona art . 1o. Suares disput . 19. de fide sect . 3. Now what obstinacie can Protestants be said to have in their opinions with relation to a Church , they know not ? for they know none other but their owne : so that although they beleeve amisse , ( whereby they may suffer in the next world ) and speake hereticall propositions ; yet because they proceed not from an hereticall mind , or consent , they are not perfectly heretiques . Adde that I my selfe in Germany with other Catholiques of the same countrey , have gone to a Synagogue of Iewes , without any scandall or having beene judged to have done amisse . Ergo , I and others may go to a Church of Protestants without any scandall , or being judged in reason to have done amisse . And I can assure my selfe ( whatsoever others may thinke of my assurance ) that the lawfulnesse of going to Church is the common opinion of all forreign Divines that ever I conversed with , in any Vniversitie . Which in part may be proved by the fact of a certaine Catholique Lady , who going to Church in England , sent her Priest to Paris , to have this case resolved by the Sorbon Doctors , who all Subscribed , That a Catholique in England might lawfully goe to the Protestant Church . That this is true , it may be justified by some persons of great qualitie yet alive . If any English Scholler shall answer , that we went to the Synagogue of Iewes out of curiositie and when they did not exercise their rites and ceremonies . I reply , that to choose , we would have gone ( if we might have had private conveniencie unknowne to them ) to have seene their rites and ceremonies ; neither doe we set downe our intention of going : for if it may be done with any intention lawfully , especially where the whole matter of all their rites and ceremonies is alwaies conserved : ( to wit , a burning lampe with oyle for the soules departed , now as they conceive , in Limbo patrum : a place where the oblation of oyle to that purpose is alwaies kept : the tenne Commandements placed in veneration : a number of linnen rolles or bands wrote with Hebrew letters , wherwith they binde the tenne Commandements according to their distinction of feasts : the knife of Circumcision and the like ) . Which may be stumbling blocks to some weake Christians , although the men to performe these rites should not be present , why should wee not goe to the Protestant Church with some intention lawfully ? where there are onely men within bare wals saying some Catholique service by them pieced up together without any Catholique forme , not to the possible hurt of any but themselves : and whether I went to the said Synagogue out of curiositie , or out of the love of science , to reason with them about their tenets ( as then and there I did ) the more to abhorre them , yet I will assure you , that with neither of these intentions doe I goe to the Church of Protestants , and yet lawfully . It is lastly proved by reason : to goe to Protestant Churches is not of its owne nature evill ( according to the opinion of the above cited Authors , or so much as per accidens evill , as our case now standeth which will be hereafter proved ) but a thing indifferent ; so that by a good intention it may be made good , as by an evill intention made evill . For the intention and object makes the act good or bad . But a man may with a good intention doe a thing indifferent . Ergo , a man may with a good intention goe to Church . Againe , if it be unlawfull to go to the aforesaid Church ; it is either because of Scandall , or because it is a distinctive signe betweene Catholiques and hereticks ; or because there is danger of subversion or blasphemie committed . But neither of these things there occurre . Ergo , it is not unlawfull to goe . The Minor I will prove in the three following paragraphs . § 1o. That Scandall makes it not unlawfull to goe to the Protestant Church . SCandall is defined by St. Thomas 2a. 2ae . q. 43. ar . 48. and other Divines ( out of St. Hierom. in cap. 15. and 18. Matth. To be a word or deed lesse right ( or lesse good ) giving occasion to another of Spirituall ruine or falling into sinne . Neither doe they take the adverb ( lesse ) comparatively , but negatively for that , which is not good ; that is : with hic & nunc in regard of some particular circumstance of time , place , or persons , wanteth some morall rectitude or goodnesse . This Scandall may be divided into Active & Passive . Active is in him that gives it ; Passive in him that takes it ; both expressed in the holy Scritures by the verbes Active and Passive : to scandalize , and to be scandalized , Matth. 15.17.18 . Active may be subdivided into per se & per accideus . Active per se is , when a man with an expresse and certaine intention gives his neighbour occasion of sinning by some word or deed , either intrinsecally or extrinsecally evil . Active per accidens is , when besides the intention of the doer , and nature of the act done , being extrinsecally evill , or at leastwise , having some species or shew of evill ; by which occasion is taken , to the spirituall ruine of another . Passive scandall is also subdivided , into passive scandall given , and Passive scandall taken . The first proceeds from Active scandall either per se or per accidens , given and received by an other . Such was the scandall forbidden by our Saviour , Mat. 18. ver . 6. He that shall scandalize one of these little ones that beleve in me , it is expedient for him that a millstone bee hanged about his necke , and that he be drowned in the depth of the sea . And this is called Scandall of the weake or little ones to whom it belongeth ( as Saint Bernard saith ) to be ignorant and moved through weaknesse , and so be scandalized . For the perfect ( as Saint Hierome saith in the place before cited ) are not scandalized . Passive scandall taken is , when a man out of envie and malice taketh occasion of sinne by anothers words or deeds ill interpreted and misunderstood without any lawfull or probable cause . And this is called the scandall of Pharisees , which is a sinne onely to themselves , and not to be regarded of the speaker or doer ; as appeares by the answer of our Saviour , Matt. 15. ver . 14. Sinite illos , caeci sunt et duces caecorum . Let them alone , blinde they are , and guides of the blinde . Hence Divines with St. Thomas doe inferre first , that sometime Passive scandall may be without active , as it was in the scandall of the Pharisees . Sometimes active scandall may be without Passive : as when one by his bad word or deed , or ill example , doth scandalize and giveth occasion to others of falling into sinne ; and yet none are scandalized , or take the occasion given , to sinne thereby . And sometimes they may be both together , as when one by his bad example giveth , and another taketh thereby occasion to sinne . Secondly , they inferre , that no good works which are necessary , as is the observing of precepts , can give occasion of sinning to any man ; and therefore not to be omitted , to avoyd the the Passive scandall , even of the weake ones , as well observeth Alfonsus Tostatus : Because that were to sinne r mortally . ( See Bellar. de script Ecclesiast , & Possevin . in verbo . Alfonsus Tostatus . Which for no cause any man ought to doe ; but if they be s counsels which are not of necessitie to be done , or things indifferent of themselves , yet necessary to be done , for the safeguard of a mans life , or goods . Then the scandall that ariseth to some by this , that others doe them : either proceedeth from malice ; and then that is a scandall of Pharisees , and to be contemned ; and no spiritual or temporal good is to be omitted for the same . Or it proceedeth from infirmitie or ignorance , and it is the aforesaid scandall of weaknesse . And for this scandall we must refraine for a time ( according to the example of our Saviour , Matth. 17. Who to avoyd t the scandall of the Iewes concerning his poverty , bid Saint Peter goe to the Sea , &c. ) even from the workes of Evangelicall counsels and things otherwise indifferent , although necessary to be done . Or we must doe them secretly , lest the ignorant , whose minde is weake be troubled . This must be done , untill having yeilded a reason of our actions , and shewed them to be good , or of themselves indifferent , and necessary to be done for safeguard of life or fortunes : and so the scandall cease , which proceeded from ignorance . But if after a reason be yeilded , the scandall shall not cease , it is not to be esteemed a scandall proceeding from ignorance , but from malice , and to be contemned . Neither ought we then to refraine from any the aforesaid actions to avoyd this scandall . Thus Abulensis in cap. 18. Matth. q. 51. Salmeron , tom . 7. tract . 29. Estius in cap. 8. ad Cor. 1. v. 13. Diana 5. parte tract . 7o. de scand . p. 186. who expresly teacheth : that a man is not bound to loose his goods and temporall fortunes to avoyd the scandall of weake ones after an admonition and reason ( for the lawfull doing of the act ) be yeilded . Lorca in 22. q. 43. ar . 8. n. 11. and divers others cited by the said Diana . But if the great ones ( such as are Priests and Teachers ) take this scandall , and the doctrine , or action be profitable ; they are not to be regarded , for they are incurable , because they are blinde ; that is : they will not see and understand what both God and reason dictates to them . And he that is weake ( saith Estius ) may be sufficiently instructed and taught , that his brother doth well , and that he ought not to be offended by his fact . After which sufficient and full instructions , if he persevere in scandall ; it will be the Scandall of Pharisees as is aforesaid . Now to proove the assertion , which is the first branch of the Minor. Scandall , is a word or deed lesse right , apt to give occasion to another of spirituall ruine . ●ut to goe to Church is no deed lesse right ( but prudently and chiefely right ) all circumstances considered . ) Ergo , to goe to Church is no scandall , and consequenter , to goe to Church can yeeld no occasion to my neighbour of spirituall ruine ; but rather an occasion of both his temporall and spirituall conservation and edification . This Minor I prove . To goe to heare a piece of a Masse in English , is no deed lesse right . But to goe to Church , is to goe to heare a u piece of a Masse in English. Ergo , to goe to Church is no deed lesse right . The Major I prove thus : to goe to heare a whole Masse in English ( the nature of the thing considered , and abstracting from the constitution of the Church ) is not evill . For the diversitie of the language takes nothing from the goodnesse of the thing . As is manifest in the Greeke Church , where Masse is alwayes said in Greeke . So that if it be not evill in it selfe , to goe to heare a whole Masse in English , it is not evill , to goe to heare a piece of a Masse in English. And consequently not to goe to Church . Adde that in the whole Latine Church ; where it is not lawfull to say Masse in any other language then in Latine ( bec●use of the long * custome of the Church , kept alwayes on foot for this reason : that as the Catholique Religion w is universall , so should it be exercised in an universall language ) yet it is lawfull , and in use to say a piece of the Masse ( as Collects , Prayers , Psalmes , Epistles , and Gospels ) in any Language of any Countrey whatsoever within the said Church . It may be here objected first , that although to go to Church , be of its own nature a thing indifferent , yet hic & nunc , it is evill . For considering the circumstances of time and place , it hath a shew & appearance of evill , apt to occasion sin in another . From which we are commanded to abstain by St. Paul , 1 Thess. 5.22 . saying , From all shew of evill refraine your selves . To which I answer , first : That all the appearance of evill , which , going to Church hath , is , that in England above other countreys , Priests have not been freely left to the Principles of Divinitie or Lay-men to their Christian libertie ; but it hath been procured to have bin declared unlawfull upon false suggestions , and continued thus thought unlawfull by some erroneous judgements . Which my neighbour likewise phantasing erroneously apprehends it a species cast from going to Church , which indeed is not so ; nor otherwise , then if a man with a blood-shotten eye should behold glasse , & say it were red ; when a parte rei , it were white . It were very hard , if I eating fish in the lent , and one purblind seeing me eate , & apprehending it flesh , because he goes away scandalized , as thinking me to have eaten flesh , by reason of his false eyes ; that I should be said to have given him scandall . So it would seeme likewise as hard , if a broken phansie , or an erring minde should conceive evill species from mine actions , which a parte rei are no species at all of them , but quite contrary to th●ir species ; that I should thereby be judged to give scandall to little ones . No : I hope as the erroneous eyes shall beare their owne imperfections ; so the erroneous judgement shall beare its owne mistake ; and neither shall accuse me before God of the scandall of little ones . Hence I answer , secondly , to the place of the Apostle before objected , tha● the appearance or shew of evill , is to be understood ; first that it proceeds really from the act done , and that it be not only a conjecturall appearance , but morally certaine . That no man play Tom-foole in striking him that stands next him without a cause . Secondly , that the appearance proceeds not from a deed to be done of necessitie , either by the Law of God , or nature . Otherwise we might inferre the Apostle to command contradictories , to refraine and not to refraine from such a deed , whence proceeds the appearance . For if the thing be commanded by the Law of God , it must necessarily be done , or otherwise sinne . And if it were to be done by the Law of Nature ; the blessed Apostle was not so unreasonable , as to bid us refraine from a thing in its owne nature lawfull , and of necessitie to be done ; without admittance of some way to avoyd scandall . Although by reason of some circumstance , place or person , it might have a shew of evill , and so for some time be suspended , as some things of naturall necessitie ; yea , the Evangelicall counsels may have . But in such cases we are to instruct and admonish the weake ( as I by these presents doe ) that although it should seeme to them to be evill , or to have some shew of evill , yet in very deed it is not evill , but good . And I am constrained under paine of death to do the same . After which instruction and admonition , if they still persist in their scandall ; it is not a scandall of little ones , but of Pharisees and great ones . Neither doth it proceed from infirmitie or ignorance , but from malice : and is not to be regarded . So that it seemes a thing unreasonable , and in the strength of judgement against nature , that a man shall more regard the trouble of his neighbours conscience at a thing lawfull , then the hazard of his own life , and ruine of his own family and fortunes in the execution of the same . See Diana for this Doctrine and all the Authors by him above cited . If any shall here reply to my first answer of the objection , that the shew of evill is really in the act of going to Church , and not as falsely imagined : and that this shew of evill appeares not only to weake and ignorant people , but to men of understanding of all sorts ; and not only to Catholiques , but likewise to Schismaticks of all sorts : who in going to Church to save their goods , confesse that they doe it against their conscience , as conceiving it to be unlawfull by reason of the aforesaid Declaration of the twelve Fathers in the Councell of Trent , and the foresaid Popes ; which whether it were gotten by false suggestions or no , they discerne not , neither doe they dispute , but simply obey . To make up the rime in reason , the more simple they . For reason may teach great ones , and men seeming of understanding that are Schismaticks or Lay-Catholiques the contrary ; ( because nothing is done at Church which is either evill or hurtfull : ) and both reason and learning Priests . And therefore I rejoyce with Aristotle : Propter illorum cogitare , nihil mutatur in re , and say , that the shew of evill proceeds not from the act of going to Church . For in all King Edwards time , and the beginning of Queene Elizabeths time , untill the thirteenth yeere of her Raigne , when all Catholiques did or might goe to Church , going to Church by Catholiques then being in fashion ; none took scandall thereby : because there was then , no shew of evill . And why should there be now more shew of evill in the act , then at that time ? If ye answer by reason of the aforesaid Declaration . I reply that then the species of evill , ought to be in the said Declaration , as gotten upon false grounds , and not in the act of going to Church ; which any man might easily perceive , considering the nature of the act it selfe . And the experience of our distressed countrey teacheth us , that those indirect proceedings are more apt to generate scandal , then the act of going to Church , which of its own nature is lawfull , and hath been lawfully practised and approved by the common opinion of all Divines of any indifferency in other countreyes , and so might have been in ours , had it not been for turbulent people , who for their owne ends have more troubled the Church in procuring of breves and rescripts then all other nations besides of our condition . To Schismaticks , I say they sin not , in simply going to Church , but in going to Church with an ill conscience , as thinking that to be sin , and doing the same ; which indeed is not so : and the ground of their errour , they have had from the misunderstanding of Catholiques . To weake ones I answer , desiring them to be satisfied , because I have and shall prove the thing in it selfe to be lawfull , and that I am ( as I have said ) in danger and hazard of my life , in not doing the same . So that by a naturall necessitie I am bound to it . Which necessitie if it were not ; I might peradventure rest in the common Maxime of Philosophers . Frustra fit per plura , quod potest fieri per pauciora . It is in vain done by more , that may be done by lesse . It may be objected secondly , that it is as much scandall to goe to Church , as it was to eate of those meats offered to Idols . Of which Saint Paul speaks , 1 Cor. 8. the eating of which in it selfe considered , although the Apostle thought no sin in Wise men , or great ones ; because they did eate the same without any relation at all to the Idoll , as he seemeth to intimate , verse , 4. yet because some ignorant Christians ( seeing the said Wise men eate ) did likewise eate the same meats with conscience and devotion , as if the said meats had received some vertue or sanctification from the Idol . Saint Paul exhorted the Wise men , to abstaine from eating the said flesh ; for that out of mistake and misunderstanding of their eating : the aforesaid Christians , then newly converted did take offence and sin . Whereupon in great zeale he said , vers . 13. If meate scandalize my brother , I will never eate flesh , lest I scandalize my brother . So that one would thinke , that the blessed Apostle would rather have chosen to die ( as the aforesaid words may import ) then by eating the said meats or any flesh to have scandalized his brother . And St. Augustine in expresse termes , lib. de bon . conjugali cap. 16. saith : It was farre better to have dyed , then to have eaten of those meats so offered to Idols , conformable to himselfe elsewhere : who likewise saith . That a man may not commit ( or occasion ) so much as a x veniall sinne , to gaine the whole world . Which he that giveth scandall , must needs at the least commit . Therefore what the said Apostle and St. Augustine said and thought of the eating of the said meats ; the same ought every Catholique to take as said of the act of going to Church . I answer , denying the consequence : and say that there is a great disparitie betweene the said meats offered to Idols , and eaten in the temple with Infidels : and the act of going to Church . First , because in the meats so offered , there was not only a shew and appearance of evill , but a morall malignitie therein , as well to great , as to little ones . Which although the wise did take away , that the said malignitie touched not them ; yet the weake neither did , or had understanding so to doe . Whence the Apostle said , vers . the 7. that there was not knowledge in all . For the morall malignitie ; that was in those meats to all , was a prophanation and impuritie in them , as being things dedicated to the Idol or the Devill . So that as a man receiveth good by holy ? bread or things sanctified ; so he receiveth evill by a thing : prophaned or maligned . Which morall malignitie the Wise taking away ( as I have said ) by blessing the said meats to the use of their bodies , and conceiving both them , and the Idoll as they were in themselves , meere creatures , both created for the use of man , did eate what was usefull to eate without sinne . Whereas the weake , not so much as considering the prophanenesse of the meats , but ( seeing the Wiser eate ) with error of judgement conceived vertue and sanctification in the same : as being eaten in the temple and offered to the Idol by Infidels , and so with conscience and devotion they received the same : and were ( as the Apostle saith , in the said seventh vers . ) polluted thereby . Now in going to Church , their is no morall malignitie at all ; in so much , that scarce the weakest man can invent how to sin by any thing that is there done . It being of its owne nature so indifferent , and to a good intention , good , that a parte rei their is no appearance of evill therein . If any one say that there is appearance of evill , and scandall by reason of disobedience , in that , the act is done contrary to the declaration of the said twelve Fathers , and certain Popes . I answer , that the declaration is , as if it were not ; because gotten upon most false suggestions , as I have and shall say ; and consequently the minds of the said Fathers and wils of the said Popes is to us in this matter as yet unknowne : and the species or shew of evill from thence proceeding , rather to be lamented then regarded . If the reply be made as before , that the suggestions are not examined , but the will of the aforesaid Superiors hath alwaies beene held , as declaring that which hath been best for the soule , and dehorting from going to Church , and that so by reason and vertue hereof , there results a certaine shew of evill , in doing the same , which maketh it appeare to most men unlawfull , and consequently scandalous . I rejoyce as before , that the instruction and admonition of the indifferencie and necessitie of the act , ought to take away all scandall howsoever apprehended : and that such as apprehend it unlawfull , and will not be satisfied , cannot doe it . And lastly such as will not be satisfied , but scandalized , are not to be regarded , as I have said before . Adde out of Navar Man. c. 23. n. 38. That it is not a sinne in a man , not to obey his superiour , when he hath probable reasons to thinke , that his superiour was deceived in so commanding , or that he would not have given such a command , if he had knowne the truth . And if any shew of evill result , or scandall arise in that he is not obeyed , the necessitie of doing the contrarie act , being in danger of death , must excuse and take away all scandall , for in such a case no humane lawes binde as I shall hereafter say . I answer to this Objection secondly , that there is a disparitie betweene the said meates , and going to Church , in that the said meates were not to be eaten of necessitie : that is , there was neither hazard of life or goods in abstaining ; or more gaine then prejudice of soules in eating . And therefore it was more requisite , that the wise should abstaine in a matter of so little moment or necessitie where there was scandall , then that the weake should have been instructed and admonished , that it might have beene done without sinne , which is not so , in going to Church . For in abstaining from thence , there is both hazard of life and fortunes , and as I shall hereafter say , losse of soules : and therefore of necessitie , the weake are to be admonished and instructed , that there is no sinne in the act : neither is going to Church prejudiciall , but advantageous to soules , as experience teacheth . Adde that if there were any humane law or Ecclesiasticall law forbidding going to Church , it were not to be fulfilled with hazard of life or goods ( as all Casuists hold ) See Azorius & Navarr . consil . de haeret . above cited : if otherwise it doth not appeare forbidden by the law of God. For all humane lawes tend to the preservation and conservation of the whole man , even in the greatest state of perfection : and where by reason of keeping a law ; disjuncture either of soule or body may probably follow ; there that law is for the time to be suspended : as appeares in the law forbidding to eate flesh in the Lent , saying the divine office , with danger of being apprehended and the like : where the weake ones are rather to be instructed of the necessitie of suspending the law , then the body to perish by keeping the same : the same say in our case . And I doe with reason perswade my selfe , considering the Apostles whole discourse in the aforesaid 8. Chapter to the Corinthians , that notwithstanding his words , verse the 13. if there had beene no other food to have beene gotten for him , to have preserved him from famine , then the said flesh so offered to Idols , that he would rather have perswaded the weake ones , that there had beene no sinne in it , if with due circumstances they had eaten , and how , and in what manner they might safely have eaten , and so have prevented his sinning against the brethren , verse 12. and striking their weake consciences , then by abstaining from that ( and as is supposed wanting all other food ) have perished through hunger . It may be objected thirdly , that those famous Doctors of Rhemes , William Allen ( afterwards Cardinall ) Richard Bristoe , William Reynolds , and the aforesaid Gregory Martin ; who translated the whole Bible into English with annotations upon the same , in many places , as well of the Old Testament , as of the new , held it unlawfull for any Catholike to goe to the Protestant Church . Ergo , It is unlawfull and scandalous to goe to the same . To the antecedent I answer , that the said Doctors were reverend and learned men , and their worke renowned : but because they would have the same goe forth with more l●stre , as pleasing the Pope ; and to avoid all opposition of the aforesaid suggestors , they forsooke the common opinion of Divines in two points then agitated : the one , that the Pope could not depose Kings of their temporall dominions . And the other , that Catholiques might frequent the Churches of Schismaticks . Which they might well doe for their ends , being Doct●rs , and giving some seeming probable reas●ns for the same ; the contrary opinions not being condemned by the Church , but left under dispute . Yet hence the consequence doth not appeare true . For if the aforesaid Doctors had spoken from their hearts , grounding themselves upon the Church or reason ; their interpretation of Scriptures with notes , would with me in these poynts have had great authoritie ; and the conclusion have stood good . Whereas now one of the said foure , to wit : Gregory Martin having delivered his opinion that it was lawfull for a Catholike to goe to Church , as appeares by the said booke of R. P. pag. 109. and 110. it seemeth they did not speake in that point their mindes freely : peradventure because it was not expedient for all sorts of people : which I confesse to be the best reason . Yet for Gods sake let us speake the truth in these troublesome times to men ( at leastwise ) of reason and understanding . Againe the very reasons they give in their annotations upon the fifth Chapter and 19. verse of the 4. booke of Kings doe shew , that they did intend but seeming reason , and not wholly convincing ; for whereas for our opinion is , and alwaies hath beene usually brought the example of y Naaman the Syrian , permitted ( as I have said before ) by the Prophet Elizeus , to goe to the Idolatrous temple Rimmon ; which is most proper to our case ; the aforesaid good Doctors reject the said example as nothing like to the same . 1. The first reason is , because of the time , for since the preaching of Christs Gospel ( say they ) we are more strictly commanded to professe our faith , then in Naamans time . Which reason I conceive under favour to be impertinent as well to Naamans case as to ours : for the doing of an act indifferent , may neither be a profession or a deniall of faith , but a meane betweene both , viz. a not discovery of the same . Neither was it more lawfull in Naamans time to deny God , then now . 2. The second Reason is , because of the place : For that the Noblemans religion was not practised in the Countrey where he went to the temple : and so there could no scandall arise thereby . This reason is in my judgement besides the purpose : for no more is Catholike religion practised in this Countrey where we goe to Church . Again , it proves not Naamans case hereby more lawfull , then the going to Church ; for there may be scandall , where a thing of its owne nature may be lawfully done : as there might have beene scandall in our Saviours povertie , Matth. 17. if he had not prevented it . And there may be no scandall , and yet the act unlawfull . Therefore if it were lawfull abstracting from scandall , that being in our case easily avoyded , or taken away , the thing may still remaine lawfull . For if he that goeth to Church be a knowne Catholike , the weake are to be admonished of the indifferencie of the thing , and the urgent necessitie he hath , to doe it ; and so scandall is avoyded . If he be not knowne ; how can he give more scandall , then Naaman did ? or to whom ? 3. The third reason is , because of the difference of persons , in that Naaman had an Office to serve the King in the temple , and therefore he might goe , lest otherwise the King should have thought himselfe disdained . This reason seemes to me very strange : that a man may goe to Church to serve his King , and may not goe to Church to serve himselfe ( when as charitie alwayes beginneth at home : and if a man be naught in or to himselfe , to whom can he be good ? ) or that feare of displeasure through apprehended disdaine , can excuse a man from doing that which were otherwise unlawfull ; as though a man were not bound , rather to suffer the displeasure of his King , with losse of his life , then suffer wrack of his owne conscience : and if feare of displeasure did excuse Naaman , why should not the danger of death , losse of fortunes , ruine of posteritie , and the like , excuse Catholiques ? 4. The fourth reason , and most especiall difference is ( say they ) that Naaman made a promise before the Prophet and his own train , that he would from thence forth serve onely the true God : and to that purpose carried earth with him to make an Altar for sacrifice . Whereas those that goe to the Protestant Church , doe not renounce all heresies , nor professe to frequent Masse , &c. But ( pray give me leave to say ) they doe ; and that herein , there is no difference at all . For Catholikes that goe to Church are knowne to their Confessaries , and their minde and intention is likewise to him knowne , as Naamans was to the Prophet . And if they be knowne Catholiques , their beliefe is likewise knowne , at leastwise to their traine , if not to others , by their communion with the See of Rome ; so that herein there is no disparitie at all . And if they be not knowne ; it is prudence to keepe themselves so , more then to their Confessaries ; which is a sufficient protestation in these troublesome times . For I wonder by what law a m●n is bound to make any other Protestation of his beliefe for the doing of a thing indifferent ? So that ( as I have said ) for the said foure reasons , and likewise because there is Idolatrie committed at Protestant Churches , ( which I never yet could finde , as often as I have frequented the same , and doe hope to prove the contrarie ) the aforesaid Doctors make it unlawfull and scandalous to goe to Church ; and our case different from Naamans . Hence they liken it to that of Eleazarus and the other Maccabees , 2 Mac. 6.7 . who were commanded by eating Swines flesh to depart from the law of God , and their fathers . Which ( say they ) by no meanes was lawfull to doe , or to make shew of doing the same : And a man may sweare it true . For Swines flesh being forbidden by the law , they were bound under sinne , to abstaine from the same . And if they should have made their brethren beleeve in words , that they had eaten , they would have told an untruth , with dissimulation in a matter forbidden by the law , both which were z mortall sinnes : which is as farre different from our case , as light from darknesse . For we contend that to goe to a Protestant Church , is by no law forbidden , but a thing indifferent , and by a good intention may be made really good without any dissembling . And they bring us an example of a thing , which in doing , many sinnes are committed : so that for the reasons which I have given , I conceive that the authoritie of the said rewoned Doctors concludeth nothing against our assertion ; unlesse the Protestants were an assembly of fallen heretiques , where there were danger of sinne by subversion or the like , which can never be proved . It may be fourthly objected , that it is the common opinion of men , that to go to Church is scandalous , because it is a signe of hereticall falshood , and a man so doing is reputed as fallen , both of Catholiques and Protestants . I answer , that it is false ; and experience teacheth us the contrary . For who made it such a signe ? and Schismaticks that goe to Church with an ill conscience , only to save their goods , notwithstanding in this , they are accounted to hurt onely themselves , yet of all Catholiques they are trusted and esteemed as honest men , and of Protestants they are esteemed no other . And they sinne not ( as I have said ) in going to Church , but in going with an ill conscience , and being barred of simple Priests from other meanes of salvation , and in doing so , give scandall . But you will say : they deny their faith in this act . I deny that . They deny onely recusancie with an ill conscience , and not religion . Yet I grant that such Schismaticks professe no faith at all . And if there be any other opinion of men concerning them , it is malicious and pharisaical , generated by the craft and deceit of others , under the species of pretended piety , making people beleeve , that there is sinne and scandall in the act , when there is none ; and if any Protestant thinketh otherwise of this ; they have it from the erroneous customary opinion of some Catholiques revealing the same . It may be objected fifthly . To communicate with heretiques is sinne , and scandall : but to goe to Church , is to communicate with heretiques . Ergo. It is sinne and scandall . To which I answer , first distinguishing the Major : to communicate with hereticks publikely , and particularly denounced to be such , or in their heresie . I grant the Major , but deny the Minor in the same sence ; but to communicate with heretiques not denounced such , not in point of heresie , to be sinne : that is most false : for then we should neither eate , drinke , buy or sell , with Protestants which is most absurd . Which absurditie to take away , and all scruple rising from thence by communicating with heretiques as well in service as otherwaies , was the before mentioned constitution of Martin the fifth , prudently made . Adde that if we may not communicate with Protestants in going to Church , we must communicate with Brownists in refraining the Church , and so be thought the same with them , or else every one must be bound to get himselfe convicted for a Popish Recusant , that so Protestants may know him to be a Catholique and no Brownist ; and so to avoyd water he must runne into the fire . If you answer , that so he goeth not to Church it maketh no matter what Protestants thinke of him , for Catholiques know what he is . I reply then by the same reason , that if he goe to Church , it maketh no matter what Protestants thinke of him , for Catholiques may likewise know what he is . I answer secondly , that the Major supposeth what is not granted . viz. That Protestants with whom I goe to Church are formall heretiques : which I desire to be first proved . For an heretique is he that obstinately denieth any article a of faith proposed by the Catholique Church to be beleeved . How can a Protestant be said obstinately ( which includes a knowne infallibility rejected ) to deny an article proposed by the Catholique Church ( as I have said before ) when he beleeves b none other Church , but his owne ? For although Protestants hold divers tenets contrary to the Catholike c Church ; which have been justly condemned in their Authours as heretiques . Yet whether obstinately held in them ( the contrary not being sufficiently proposed at leastwise to most of them ) I much doubt . For as Diana saith , 5a. parte pag. 240. col . 1a. A man speaking heresie , that is , a proposition condemned by the Church , without an hereticall consent , is no heretique : neither in curreth excommunication denounced against heretiques ; so that although they be incredulous d , and beleeve not the truth ; yet they are not properly , and in rigor formall heritiques . Adde that there is no more sin , to goe to the Protestant Church , then to goe to them to dinner , or to goe with them to a play , or other sports . And I for my part had rather give twelue e pence to heare a Sermon , then take five shillings to see a play . For there is no such sport as to heare a weake fellow speake fustian with gravitie , or tell a fable of the whore of Babylon , or f Babylonians ( for so now they terme Catholiques ) with erected eyes in earnest . Or why should it be more lawfull to see a play where most commonly intercedes scurrilitie and obscene gestures , and the end of which , is nothing , but vanitie : then to heare a Sermon , where perhaps in some places or by some simple men , their may be some untruth told of the Pope to please their Auditory ; although most commonly nothing but moralitie , which is the end and intention of the same ? I pray resolve me ! § 2. It is not unlawfull to goe to Church , because Recusancie is a distinctive signe . Which is the second branch of the Minor. THat Recusancy is a distinctive sign of a Catholique from a Protestant is most false . Which is thus proved . If Recusancie be a distinctive signe , it is a signe naturall or by institution ; but neither can be said . Ergo , it is no signe . The Minor is proved . Not naturall , for as Hurtado above cited well observeth . Actions and things are not of their own nature significant : but have naturall and politicall uses independent of any signification . For a bush hung out at a Taverne doore doth naturally signifie no more wine to be sold , then any other creature whatsoever . Nor doth the habit of a Bishop naturally signifie a Bishop more then a Judge : and so of other things . No more doe naturally the actions of men . But admit that Recusancy were improperly said a naturall signe , yet it would naturally signifie no more a Catholique then a Brownist ( for he refuseth likewise to goe to Church ) or any other Sectary . Although a posteriori it might be thought by discourse to signifie some one displeased with the Protestant Church , but why , or wherefore , it would never signifie . Not by institution : for if so , who instituted the same ? God , or man ? Not man ; for it is out of his power , to signe the people of God , from not his people . It is only the owner of the flocke , that must signe the sheepe , and none other ; unlesse , it be by speciall order from him . Hence when God would signe his people in the old Testament , from the people of other Nations ; he himselfe instituted Circumcision , Gen 17. as a distinctive signe betweene them and others : that whosoever had that signe , should be of his people ; and who so had it not , was to be rejected . Neither was it sufficient that any man had accidentally , and by the institution of Abraham , any other signe , by which he might be knowne from others : because he was not thought sufficiently marked , nor accounted any one of Gods people , by any other sign then Circumcision . Which was the sole marke of God , saying : All the male kinde of you shall be Circumcised . And this is consonant to reason . For one man may get a distinctive signe of another mans institution ; shall God therefore own him ? Brownists ( as I have said ) have Recusancie , doth it therefore follow , that they are likewise Catholiques ? If a sheepe in my neighbours flocke should teare an eare in a bramble , or bush , or accidentally breake an horne ; this sheepe is hereby distinct from the rest ; yet the owner , doth not own it by that marke : but by a marke of his own institution and ruddle . So it is in the present . That God did not institute the same , it is so evident , that it needs no proofe . For where may we finde his institution ? Vnlesse we should run to the all-knowing spirit of hereticks . Hence it follows that Recusancie is no distinctive signe . If you aske me , what is then the signe to know a Catholique from any other Sectary ? I answer . His beleefe of the Creed of the Catholique Church , and his l●fe at all times in communion with the See Apostolique . So Stratford , lib. 2. de Eccles. cap. 6. pag. 188. It may be here objected , first the common opinion of Divines ( as the said R. P. saith ) 2a. 2ae . q. 3. To use a distinctive signe of a false religion , that properly is such , is a deniall of faith , and evill in it selfe . But the Service said in a Protestant Church is such . Ergo. I grant the Major . For if the signe be proper of a people rejected of God as ( since the promulgation of the Gospel ) Circumcision is to a Jew , the Major must needs be true . But if the signe be garments or the like , used to the worship and ceremonies of a false law , which some fondly call a proper signe , then the Major , meaning the use of such a signe to be a denyall of faith is false according to Diana resol . 34. pag. 191. above cited , Azorius , Sanches , and many others there . Because such signes being naturall things , may be lawfully used ( as I have said before ) independent of any such signification ; and so not properly signes ( whatsoever R. P. saith to the contrary upon his own bare word ) . The Minor proposition I deny . For who instituted that service to be such a signe ? not God , as all Catholiques will confesse ; but rather the contrary , it being Catholique . Not themselves ; for it would savor too much weakenesse , to thinke that they would institute to themselves , a signe of a false religion . And if it be taken for a signe naturally ( although improperly ) signifying : then I say of its own nature , it signifies no more a false Religion in a Protestant , then a pious ceremony in a Catholique . For Catholiques say the g same service . Catholiques preach moralitie , and each h may if hee please , receive bread and wine once in a day , in a weeke , or a moneth , in remembrance that Christ dyed for him ; and this shall be better done , then to eate bread and wine , without such remembrance : For receiving bread and wine : See that deduced out of Azorius , tom . 1. lib. 8. instit . moral . c. 11. & Navar. consil . 15. de haeret . num . 2. Which were , but to renew ( in an urgent point of necessitie ) the old custome in the Apostles time , as appears by the Corinthian Christians in Saint Paul , 1 Cor. 11. who did eate and drinke in the Church , besides what they received of Christs institution as his true and reall body and blood . For after the Sacrifice and Eucharist was ended , there were kept Church feasts for the reliefe of the poore , upon the common charges and charitie of the rich . By which the charitie and unitie of all sorts were much preserved : for which cause the said feasts were called Charities of the ancient Fathers ; and of Saint Paul , vers . 20. they were called Coenae i dominicae , our Lords Suppers : because they were made in the Churches , which then were called Dominicae , that is , our Lords houses : in which feasts , because there hapned , some foule abuses ( which the Apostle rebuking , vers . 22. Why have ye not houses to eate and drinke in ? or contemne ye the house of our Lord , &c. ) they were taken away . See Con. Gang. 11. Con. 3. Laod. can . 27.28 . Apollorum , can . 39. Clemens Alex. S● . Iust. S● . August contra Faustum , lib. 20. cap. 20. St. Chrysost. hom . 27. in 1 St. Ambrose upon this same place : by which it appeares no new thing for Catholiques to take some thing with a good intention , besides , what was instituted by Christ. Here some may aske , whether it belongs to me out of my authoritie to institute or renew this pious ceremony in taking bread and wine in remembrance of the death of Christ , generally for the prudent Catholiques of England ? I answer no. God forbid that I should presume to institute or renew any ceremonie in the Catholique Church : but I doe onely in compassion of their miseries , present to their necessitie ( if any be in danger of death , losse of fortunes , or ruine of posteritie , and cannot expect leave from the supreame Pastor of our soules ) the doctrine of Claudius Carinnus de vi & pot . leg . human . c. 10 : that even in lawes , every particular man hath power to interpret the same to his advantage , and to dispense with himselfe therein , if there occurre a sudden case of necessitie , and there be no open way and recourse to the Superiour , much more then , said I , in a pious ceremonie against which there is no law forbidding the same . And if you reply that this is taken in a strange Church . I answer , That in case of necessitie , the pl●ce is impertinent to the thing . For Saint Bonaventure , that great and pious Doctor using much jaculatory prayers , and being upon the place of naturall necessitie , and there uttering some of the said prayers , the Devill asked him , Whether that were a place to pray in ? to whom he answered , in opusc . Hic et ubique meum licet orare Deum . That it was lawfull to praise God in all places : and to receive bread and wine in a Protestant Church from a Minister , or to receive the same in a Taverne from a Vintners boy : the godly onely know the difference . If you reply againe , that so we may offer Incense to an Idol in a temple ( because we may burne perfume , and the Idol we know to be nothing ) I deny that : and the disparity is in this , that in offering Incense , the act and shew there tends to the honour and worship of the Devill . For the place being dedicated to him , whatsoever is therein done as an usuall ceremonie is taken ( whatsoever the intention be ) as done to his honour . Which act as it is unlawfull in it selfe to be done , because pretended Idolatrie , wherein Gods worship is given to the Devill , at least in outward shew : so it is unlawfull to faine in words the act to be done , becau●e it is dissembling ( the object it selfe being likewise forbidden by the law of God ) both which are great sinnes , and apt to cause great scandall : which I shall make appeare , not to be in our case , where I co●tend , there is no sinne in the act , nor yet dissembling , nor the object forbidden . If you reply thirdly , that there is dissembling in going to Church ( as going two waies in Religion contrary to the Scripture ) for thereby I seeme to be otherwise then I am : the reply is false , for I professe but one religion which is Catholique , and at Church I doe but observe the picture of true religion ill formed , which is but a humane act not hurtfull , but by a pious intention may be made good , by which all hypocrisie and dissimulation may be avoyded . And if I seeme to Protestants to be a Protestant ; what am I the worse for that ? I never yet could finde any law , to ground an action against the censures of men . If they censure me to be a Protestant , I am not under their scourge for religion , unlesse they will on purpose make an Act of Parliament to cut off my head , which shall be no president for any other Iudges or Iustices : and then I must set up my rest with a Noble man , saying , Contra potentiam non est resistentia . There is no resistance against power . But continuing alwaies loyall both to my King and Countrey , and obedient to God and his Church , and in so doing , giving both God and Caesar their due , and that without either sinne or dissembling . I had rather they censure mee unjustly ( yet according to the lawes established , for I alwaies stand pro Rege & Lege ) and so misse their aime by an Ignoramus , then I loose my life by a pure might . But hence it doth not follow , for all their censure , that I am a Protestant : for to be so , I must beleeve the 39. Articles of the Church of England , which is the definition of a Protestant . Which Articles or any other tenents of theirs I meddle not with : for if I must doe all things contrary to Protestants , lest I should be thought so ▪ when they eate , I must fast ; and when they sleep , I must wake ; which is ridiculous . As for their thinking me a Protestant , it proceeds from want of knowledge : for they or most of them neither k knowing what a Protestant , or Catholique indeed is ( if Catholiques went to Church , they would not know how to distinguish , or persecute them ; it being lawfull among them , for every one to beleeve l what he pleaseth ) may easily thinke amisse of me . And for me to take benefit of their ignorance , and to hide my selfe in persecution , untill either the glory of God , or good of my neighbour shall urge me to discover my selfe : I cannot yet finde my selfe by any law forbidden . It may be objected secondly , that there were divers Statutes made upon the alteration of Religion , in the 2.5 . and 6. yeers of Edward the sixth ; and 1. and 23. of Q●eene Elizabeth in hatred of God and his Church , as that the Masse should be abrogated , and all the Kings subjects should come to Church to heare such Service as was then o●dained , to distinguish betweene Catholiques and Protestants ; and that whosoever should say , or heare Masse afterwards , should incurre certaine penalties , as by the said Statutes appeares . But no man could obey these commands without sinne . Ergo. I answer , that I know not much to what purpose this objection can serve R. P. that made it . For all Divines as well Catholiques as Protestants know : that all humane lawes binde in conscience no ●urther , then they are consonant and conformable to the divine law . And as farre as they command lawfull unitie and uniformitie to the good of the common wealth ( which is the chiefe thing that States men aime at , mens consciences being left to themselves ) they may be obeyed , as I h●ve said out of Azorius tom . 1o. lib. 8. instit . moral . cap. 27. puncto . 5o. And for as much as concerned the abrogation of Masse ( which by the law of God was unlawfull ) they did consequenter to the State government then ; for having rejected the authoritie ●f the Pope , they likewise rejected the Masse ; as knowing that there could be no Masse without Priests , nor Priests without the Pope . And therefore taking as much of the Masse , as would serve for their Service , and to be independent of the Pope , they left the rest . But that they did it in hatred of God and his Church : or for any distinction sake , it is altogether improbable . For what would a man get , by hating of God ? or the Church , of which himselfe must be a member , to be saved ? or how could they make a distinction of that they knew not ; for the Protestant Church was not then knowne , or scarce established . And therefore without wholly granting the Major , or distinguishing the Minor. I answer , that every one ought under paine of damnation to obey his temporall Prince in matters lawfull . Yet to suffer for his religion , and ( abstracting from all obedience either to Statute or Resc●ipt ) not for Recusancie . It may be objected thirdly , that of S. Paul to the Romans 10.10 . With the heart we beleeve unto justice : but w●th the mouth confession is made to salvation . Ergo , No man can goe to Church . I deny the sequele , and to the Antecedent I answer , that according to Divines ; a man is bound to confesse his religion Semper , sed non ad semper : alwaies , but not at all waies : that is , not at all times , and in all places : but as I have said before out of Saint Thomas of Aquin in the said two cases , viz. as often as the honour and glory of God requires the same , or the spirituall profit of our neighbour shall exact it , as likely to be impaired by silence : which to be requisite I have before granted . Yet hence it doth not follow , that I am bound to goe into the Market place and cry out ; I am a Catholike , who will punish me ? or before I am called to publish my religion , to make my selfe be called ; or to live and converse to the same time , as having a setled being , and not going to Church . I read that Saint Faelix going to martyrdome , S. Adauc●us , came to the Officers that led him thither , and said to them , that he lived in the same law with Saint Faelix , and therefore that they should likewise put him to death . Yet I conceive that he had a speciall revelation for the same ; and that it is no warrant for our indiscretion . If it be replyed , that so a man shall professe no religion . I answer the inference to be naught ▪ for suppose a mans recusancie were never discovered , this man professeth some religion ; for he doth not live a heathen . Why then recusancie being rejected , should he not professe the same ? If it be said , that it is written , that no man can serve two masters rightly . Yet a man may serve one Master , and have a servant to serve him , or he may serve one master , and keepe or use that Masters picture , howsoever ill it be drawne . It may be objected fourthly , that the Rescript of Pope Paul the fifth , in which he writes to the Catholiques of England , declareth , that they ought not to goe to the Churches of Heretiques , or heare their Sermons without detriment of the divine worship , and their owne salvation . To which I answer , that the said Pope wrote both piously , fatherly , and Apostolically , according to the aforesaid suggestions by him received : and if he had had the truth of the state of England , I beleeve he would have written as piously the contrary . For put the case , that those zealous suggestors had presented to the consideration of the Councel of Trent , or the Pope himselfe the truth and lawfulnesse of Catholiques going to Church , with these seven reasons following : supposing an absolute necessitie . 1. First that there is no evill or harme done or said in the Protestant Churches to the prejudice of any Catholike soule , that may not either be hindred , or prevented very well , by the instruction of Priests ; for they preach not against any notable point of doctrine held in the Catholique Church ( although m some simple Minister for want of matter may glance at some of our tenets by halfes understood : or in these daies to please his auditorie may raile against the Pope , which he doth so irrationally , that few Protestants of any judgement do beleeve him ) for if he should seriously preach controversies as insisting seriously upon the true doctrine of both sides , his Auditors ( or at lest some of them ) would be apt to doubt , and so to search and dive further into the truth : for as Saint Augustine saith , doubt begets science , which might be an occasion of somes falling from him , which fearing , he is silent in doctrine , and onely teacheth moralitie : which why a man may not heare in urgent extremity from any man , I cannot conceive . 2. Secondly , that their going to Church , would be a conservation and a preservation of their lands and goods , with a prevention of ruine to the family and posterity . 3. That it would be a means to obtaine and purchase the love of their neighbours ; and a meanes of their conversion by an affable conversation ; by which likewise they might beare the greatest Offices in the common wealth : and become n Parliament men as well as others : of whom and whose power and force in matters of Religion , these dayes can somewhat declare . 4. Fourthly , that it would be a meanes , that whereas Priests leave their Colledges , and now live in private mens houses , to the benefit of one or two , and to the great danger of themselves and their Patrons ; they might by this meanes more freely converse with all sorts of people after an Apostolicall manner , and convert many to the honour of God , the increase of his Church , and good of their owne soules . Whereas now they doe little good out of that private house , unlesse maintaine some decayed gentlewomen in good clothes to gossip up and downe ; and like bels to ring their praises , that they may fish one in a yeere to the disparagement of their function , and great prejudice of their Mission . 5. Fifthly , that divers Schismaticks that now goe to Church with an ill conscience , and thinke themselves in state of damnation , doe suffer spirituall detriment , and oftentimes being prevented with sudden death everlastingly perish . 6. Sixthly , many thousands that are very morall and well affected Protestants , were it not for the stop of Recusancie would become Catholiques . Which , rather then they will undoe themselves and Family , now will not heare of it . 7. Seventhly , that no poore Catholique that is not able to give twenty pound per annum with their children to some Colledge beyond the Seas , can bring them up , either in science or any other art or trade by reason of Recusancie : and this , to the ruine of all poore people : many having a very great charge , and small revenues ; and part of that likewise taken away for Recusancie . Againe , if the aforesaid suggestions had presented to their consideration , the meanes and wayes of Conversions of kingdomes in generall , as that they ought to be done either by miracles , warre , or policie . And have reasoned , that for miracles , they were not to be expected ; for that those , God ordinari●y granted but to Infidels , and where by secondary causes , they were not probably fezible : that by warre they could not be done , without a great deale of blood-shed , which ought to be avoyded ; and most commonly with a great deale of rebellion and treachery , which were utterly unlawfull . And that they were fezible in policie , by civilly conversing , intermingling and insinuating themselves by degrees into the conversation of all sorts of people . So that in time a good effect might have been wrought : would not this discourse have been more consonant to truth and charitie , and lesse displeasing or odious to our State of England , then to suggest that they are Idolatrous hereticks , blasphemers of God and his Church , professours ( as indeed they are not because they know the true and sincere professe it ) of a false religion , subverters of souls ( but poore ones God wote ) , abominable scandalous people , &c. and that it was a scandal for good people to converse with them in things indifferent , and therfore desire that it might be declared unlawfull , & cōmanded that no Catholike might converse w th them , as in Christian libertie otherwise he might lawfully do ? thereby to introduce for their own ends , our now goodly distinctive sign of recusancie ? I appeale to any wise mans judgement . And whether the aforesaid rescript and other briefs were not gotten by meere suggestion ( the case being truly set down by me as it is ) I appeale likewise to the Pope himselfe : who , to mine owne knowledge hath been likewise lately notably abused in the like manner . Ann. 1639. one Francis Damport , alias a Sancta Clara. o being at London , and having written a booke ( called Deus , Natura , Gratia ) which being disliked by one Day a Franciscan , and through the same dislike at Rome , being there called into the Inquisition , was so much displeased both with his Holinesse and the said Day ; that he publiquely ●eered the Pope : saying ▪ that whereas before he thought him infallible ( which he never thought to my knowledge ) now he saw that he was fallible as other men were . And indeavouring revenge against the said Day , substituted a most ignorant and lewd man one George Perrott ( his ordinary Broker in seditious matters ) to goe with the s●id a Sancta Clara his instructions to Signior Gregory Pauzana then the Popes Agent in London ; accusing the said Day with much zealous hypocrisie , that he had put forth certaine pictures to the hurt of Gods Church , and infinite scandall of Protestants . After went a Sancta Clara cum tanta gravitate , seconding with an abominable deale of zeale and authoritie ( having then got himself to be Provinciall ) the complaint of the said Perrot . Hereupon the said Signior with the said a Sancta Clara's sollicitor , Luke Wadding an Irishman in Rome complaines to the Pope : and obtaines upon the former mens suggestions , a terrible Bull against the said Day being never cited to answer , admonished , or knowing any thing thereof . The Bull being come to the said a Sancta Clara his lodging in Fleetstreet and safe in his deske , he did me the honour to shew me the same . Which I read , and asking the said a Sacta Clara why he procured it , he told me , for the said Day his putting forth of the said pictures , who likewise said , that the said Day knew nothing of the same : and therefore desired me to be silent . At which , I was much astonished , and knowing very certainly the ground of the whole businesse to be false ; and therefore that both the said Day , the Popes Agent , and the Pope himselfe were most horribly abused ; I thought that if the said a Sancta Clara were permitted in this manner to abuse men ; the best men living might be censured , excommunicated , degraded ; and what not without ever being heard ? Which is no practise among Heathens . As for the setting forth of the said pictures , the matter in them contained , as being from my purpose , I omit , Yet thus much will I speake that it was a thing approved of , through the whole Catholique Church : the said pictures themselves liked , yea desired of the said Day his superiours : who to this day doe acknowledge their approbation of the same , countenanced by the said a Sancta Clara , Perrott , and all others ever after they were put forth , for the space of above ten yeers before , to mine own knowledge . A booke at the same time ( of a Sancta Clara his complaint ) printed at Doway in defence of the same , never proved by oath that any of the said pictures ever came to the hands of any one Protestant . Neither doe I thinke that any one Protestant ( unlesse it might be such , as a Sancta Clara had suborned for his own revenge to speake against the same ) ever saw any of them : and therefore there could be no indiscretion or scandall by them proved . Nay , the said pictures being made for some particular friends devotion , not so much as one Catholique to an hundred had or knew of them : but contrariwise some that had them from the said Perrott , were scandalized through weaknesse by the said a Sancta Clara his questioning of them in this manner , as though that should be set forth for their devotion , that in it selfe was false . Yet notwithstanding all this , the malicious suggestions of the said a Sancta Clara against this mans doings , did so farre prevaile , that Dayes innocency was thought worthy to be condemned by the said Bull for doing a pious and a religious act . This indeed I must say , that the said a Sancta Clara when he had him at his mercy , through the remorse and sting of his own conscience , durst not promulgate the said Bull , but kept it dead in his deske , for feare that those who otherwise honour the Popes Bulls honestly and lawfully gotten , would have called him to the Kings Bench Barre for bringing in of this . And had he not taken the benefit of the Proclamation of banishment ( notwithstanding his ambitious and seditious wit ) he would have been not only questioned for this Bull , but likewise for other matters of a farre fouler nature , which made it high time for him to run . Let any man now judge , whether the Popes Holinesse doth not suffer much by hypocriticall suggestions : whether he that so notoriously abused him in words , did not likewise doe it in deeds . For about the same time , when the said Bull came over , his said booke likewise came out of the Inquisition : at which newes the said a Sancta Clara again grudging that his said book should be so questioned , and yet passe ( although by her Majesties Servants means , if a Sancta Clara himselfe may be beleeved ) unblemished ; told divers persons seriously speaking , that there was never an able man in Rome . To which some replying , yes : The Pope , and Court of Cardinals : in faith ( quoth he ) no ; ( making a signe of contempt with his hand ) they are slight and weake fellows . Here is a fellow to get Buls ! here is one that got himselfe made the Popes Protonotary , and bound himselfe by oath , to reveale whatsoever he heard or saw done evilly against the Pope ! yet he is as ready as any to abuse him . I wonder what account he can give to the Pope of this his office : but it should seeme , that he did except himselfe in his oath , that he might evilly intreat him at his pleasure . That this is true , it will be deposed upon oath by divers witnesses , whensoever his Holinesse will be pleased to exact the same . And further the said a Sancta Clara added , that he was writing a booke ( conceiving as it should seeme , the whole Church to be weake , and to want his helpe ) wherein he would shew , what Rules generall Councels ought to observe in declaring matters of faith ; which rules ( as he said ) not observed , the Councell should not be held lawfull . Oh abominable presumption and ambition ! let any man judge , whether this man be not descending to Lucifer , who will presume to be copartner with the holy Ghost , in directing and ●eaching his Church ? If this man live , we may perchance in time have broached a quaternitie in divinis ; but I hope that God will prevent his hereticall humour . And thus leaving the said a Sancta Clara to him that will have him : my intent here is , only to shew upon what unjust grounds by suggestion a Bull may be gotten from Rome . And whether the aforesaid suggestors for Recusancy , who lived at the Popes doores , and continually at his , or their favorites sides , might not also get their rescripts , Buls and Declarations by the like fraud , for their own ends , although questionlesse with the like pretended zeale and pietie I leave to every mans conscience to judge . For as in Catholique Countreys where Buls and Breves are directed to Bishops of Diocesses there can be no thought of any sinister proceedings : so out of such countreys where particular men or Corporations busie themselves in procuring such Buls , &c. there is never want of suspition and most commonly of abusive dealing . And it stands with reason : because particular men would never sue for generall Briefs concerning a whole State , or trouble themselves more then others , if it were not for their own ends , and did not concerne themselves above the rest . And therefore the ancient Pietie and Apostolicall Clemencie of Popes in such Cases hath been , patiently to heare wherein they have been misinformed and abused ; for it is not their intention at any time to grant any thing either upon a veyled truth , or unjust ( though speciously suggested ) grounds . Hence Alexander the third , writing to an Archbishop of Canterbury , gives a Rule of large extent ; Extra de rescript . ex parte . That in these kinde of letters ( that is , such as proceed upon information , as our Case is ) this Condition ( If the request bee upon true grounds ) is ever understood , though it be not expressed . And writing to the Archbishop of Ravenna , Ibidem he saith , Siquando , If at any time we write such things to you , as exasperate your minde , you must not be troubled ; but diligently considering the qualitie of the businesse , whereof we write , either reverently fulfill our command , or pretend by your letters a reasonable cause why you cannot : for we will endure patiently , if you forbeare to performe that , which was suggested to us , by evill information : by which appeares the worthy integritie of the See Apostolique , howsoever it be by the unworthinesse of flattering hypocrites oftentimes abused . §. 3. That it is not unlawfull to goe to Church for feare of danger of subversion or Blasphemy , which is the third and last branch of the Minor to be proved . WHich I prove thus . Not danger of subversion : for to what purpose should they preach subversive doctrine ? when that supposeth a knowledge in the Minister of some people there present to be subverted . Which supposition is false , and must needs savour of a broken fancie . For the Minister intends no more , then to exhort his Auditors to a good life , and to instruct them in moralitie . For as I have said , if he should preach controversies , he must know some Catholiques to be there ; or otherwise he would but ingender doubts among Protestants , and doubts science : and by that meanes would more trouble and disturbe the mindes of the people , then profit them ; which out of prudencie , he forbeares : and so contents himselfe now and then , with an untruth , and away . And in Catholique countries I my selfe have heard Priests rebuked for preaching of controversies to a Catholique auditorie , as being a meanes rather to disturbe them , then profit them , as troubling themselves with doubts of things either above their reach and capacitie ; or whereof otherwise they are infallibly certaine : so that generally controversies are never preached , unlesse it be to bring people from their doubts , to a better and greater certaintie then they were in before ; which hath onely place among people newly converted , or staggering in their religion . Secondly . A man is said to be in danger , when that which is feared commonly & oftner hapneth then the contrary : so a man is in danger of subversion by going to a place , where few come , but are subverted : but so it hapneth not in the Protestant Church : as is apparent by Schismaticks of all sorts ; who many yeeres frequent the Protestant Church , and yet retaine their opinion of the Catholique religion without subversion , and become Catholiques at last . Adde that going to Church will rather confirme Catholiques in their religion , then subvert them from the same : for then they will have upon their owne knowledge , what now they take upon trust : for if what is done in Protestants Churches , be opposite to what is done in Catholique Churches ( as the contrarie opinion useth to say , comparing them to light and darkenesse , which are privative opposites according to Dialecticks ; although the comparison be false ) I say , opposita per se posita magis elucescunt : opposites being set together doe more clearely shew each other ; then that which is best , sends the best species to the power from the object , and consequently to be embraced . Now if a man hath the best already , it will then more clearely appeare ; and he is not so mad , as to leave the best , and take the wor●● ; but will be more sure and certain , that he hath the best : as seeing the opposite , and confirme himselfe the●ein . This appeares true to every meane capacitie : What danger then can there be in going to Church ? shall we be afraid to let a Greyhound goe into the p field , for feare he should be taken by an Hare ? Thirdly , those that goe to Church , either they were borne Catholiques , or converted Protestants ; if the latter : then that which moved them to become Catholiques , cannot move them to be Protestants againe . If the first , it were a wonderfull thing , that hearing a little moralitie , should make them fall from the doctrine they were brought up in all their life : or hearing a small piece of controversie mentioned ( if it should so happen ) by a Minister , they should be presently carried away from the doctrine they have so long knowne , and never once tell it to the priests , they daily converse with : especially when they goe not out of any dislike of their religion , but with a cleare conscience for some other ends . I conceive it would rather confirme them , in hearing that spoken , which in their owne conscience they know to be untrue , that it will be so farre from troubling or striking their consciences , that they will come home rejoycing at the truth , which they heard that day impugned : as that they heard the Minister speake of such , or such a point : as that Catholiques adored q p●ctures , or the like ; which they knew in their owne con●sciences to be false , and thereby stirre up an earnestnesse in them in religion , as zealing their owne being opposed by falshood : and this may ingender such passion or distraction in the hearer , that it may be thought zeale of religion or heate of devotion . Which heate , if after this fight of contrarieties or opposition , should not be allayed ( the parties being as it were swallowed up , with zeale of the house of our Lord ) and the dislike of the Sermon as fraught with untruths , seeme too troublesome : they may depart the Church , for there be many cases of necessitie , to make a man go out of the Church , and as many likewise to make him come short of the same : as to Service ( if it stand : if not , there is the lesse to be done , and it shall never trouble me ) Sermon , or both : for as there are many waies to the wood , so there are many waies to the Protestant Church . And I have alwaies observed , that most commonly Catholiques converted from Protestancie , have been more firme and solid in religion , as knowing both , then those that never knew but one . And if Schismaticks ( of whom I have before spoken ) from the wisest to the meanest of capacity , that notwithstanding they goe to Church , and are voyd of grace , are never so much as shaken from their intention of being Catholiques , or their opinion of Catholique religion ; why should those that abound so much with Gods grace and professed Catholiques , be said to be in danger , or feared to swerve from a religion they so well know ? As for blasphemie there is likewise none . If you reply ( as the contrary opinion useth to doe out of Saint Thomas 2a. 2ae . q. 13. art . 1. and 2. ) that Protestants out of a set intent and purpose ascribe their heresies to Gods revelation , and denie his revelations to Orthodox articles of faith , in which consists blasphemy , and without this blasphemy they cannot preach : and therefore no Catholique can goe to Church . I answer the antecedent to be false ; and this blasphemie to be much like the Rhemists Idolatry , as preferring and embracing their owne opinions before God : and so honouring a creature and rejecting their Creator : but in truth and charitie , we ought not to make them worse then they are : for blasphemie and Idolatrie being sinnes , there must be some formall intention in the sinner to deny God his due in what he doth . And so likewise there must be an intention of committing Idolatry ; that is , of preferring and embracing that which is a morally knowne creature before the Creator ; and so to give the creature what is due to the Creator : or otherwise there can be neither blasphemie nor Idolatry . As no man will say , that I eating flesh on a fasting day unknowne or forgotten , commit Idolatry in preferring my belly before the law of Gods Church , and consequently God , because I had no intention thereto : so no man can say that in the Protestant Church there is formall Idolatry or blasphemy , because they mistake . For Diana saith , 5a. parte tract . de par . mamae . resol . pag. 138. that blasphemy is a sinne , in that contumelious words are spoken against God with a minde or intention to dishonour God , either directly , or indirectly , virtually , or interpretative . Now in the Protestant Churches what contumelious words are spoken against God with a minde , & c ? If you say as before , that they ascribe their heresies to Gods revelation , and deny his revelation to Orthodoxe Articles . I answer , th●t their minds and intentions are not so much as interpretativè to dishonour God thereby ; or indeed so to ascribe their heresies . For if they knew their opinions to be heresies , and the tenents they reject to be Orthodoxe Articles , as we do by the light of faith ; it would evidently follow , that they spake sometimes contumeliously against God , which they doe not know , but simply interpret Scripture according to their owne fancies , and therein they erre and mistake . And because they doe not endeavour the meanes to search and know the truth , by the definitions of Councels , and Doctrine of Catholique Fathers , they sinne : yet doe not commit Idolatrie : for it is not their intention , to make an Idol of their opinion , unlesse you take Idolatry so largely , as every sinner may be said to be an Idolater : because in every sinne there is an aversion from God , and a conversion to the creature : and consequently in this sense , all sinners are Idolaters . And if it be unlawfull to converse with these Idolaters , or the like blasphemers ; that is , such as sinne by word or deed ; we must converse onely in spatio imaginario , or as Saint Paul saith , 1 Cor. 5. vers . 10. We must goe out of this world . There were divers very learned and holy Fathers , as Saint Cyprian in the question of Baptisme administred by hereticks , St. Anselme and others , who did mistake and erre , before they knew the sense and definition of the Church : whom therefore to call blasphemers or Idolaters were blasphemie indeed . So likewise there are divers points this day controverted among Catholique Divines , as the immaculate conception of our blessed Lady and the like ; the Authours of which to count blasphemers , before they knew the sense of the Church , were more then peevish . Neither are they to be so accounted , after the sense of the Church is knowne , for the time they held their opinions before . So it is with Protestants , for although the Orthodoxe Articles are knowne to us by the Church ; yet to them they are unknowne ; and to most of them so unknowne , as if they had not been revealed at all ; because they know none other Church but their owne . And therefore what they beleeve , they have by errour and mistake , and not as blasphemy . Whence in my opinion it were more proper and Apostolicall for such men , as call them blasphemers and Idolaters , to use some prudent and faire way , to propose to the aforesaid Protestants , the true Church , and the authoritie of the same , without all suspition of partialitie , and then they should see , whether having this meane of beliefe in a balanced judgement , they would attribute their heresies to Gods revelation , and deny his revelation to Orthodoxe Articles , or no. To the authoritie of St. Thomas . I answer , that he meaneth such as attribute heresies quatenus tales to Gods revelation : and deny his revelation to Orthodox Articles quâ tales : as Arch-hereticks did in this reduplicative sense to be blasphemers . But not such as take Scripture for the revealed word of God , and misunderstand the same in a specificative sense , through their own ignorance or infirmitie , to be blasphemers ; Neither did St. Thomas or any other temperate and solid Divine ever inte●d to say . It may be here first objected , that Catholiques in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths Raigne went to Church , and so did likewise the Catholiques in Scotland : and they were all , in a short time subverted . Ergo : there is danger of subversion in going to Church . I deny the later part of the antecedent : and say , that while the plot of Recusancie was working , there was a command got , upon the former suggestions , that no Catholiques should goe to the Protestant Church . So by barring them of their Christian libertie by degrees to bring in Recusancie , as a pretended signe , betweene a good Christian and a bad . Which some few Catholiques then beleeving themselves bound to obey ( as indeed they were not , but might as well withall reverence and obedience have beseeched the Pope to have recalled his command ) refused the Church . Others ( and those the most part of the kingdome , as appeares by the afore Author of the Answer to the Libell of Justice , cap. 8. pag. 172. & 182. ) fearing the penalties of the said Statutes , did not refuse : but continued to goe to Church : who being neglected by Priests ( being but a few then in England , and those of most power , being for the said recusancy ) as having no spirituall comfort , or instructions in what sense , they might truely and lawfully doe what they did , to avoyd the said penalties of the Law , and likewise thinking that those Priests thought them to doe ill ▪ in what themselves found no hurt , they dyed as they lived . But whether in Protestant tenents or Catholique : or whether they would not have dyed Catholiques if they had had helpe , especially such as lived before in Queene Maries time , I present to any wise and pious mans judgement truly considering the state of those times . And afterwards their children being still neglected upon this point of Recusancy , and living in ignorance , ingendred the Protestant Re●igion now on foot . So that the cause of their falling was not their subversion , as may be proved by witnesses yet alive ; but over indiscreet zeale in Priests the chiefest heads of whom ( ayming as is evident at a temporall end ) neglecting and rejecting such as would not obey their unreasonable command : and in the same manner it hapneth with Catholiques that now goe to Church in these dangerous times . Who going to Church only to save themselves from ruine , and being rejected as judged to be fallen from the true faith by ignorant Priests , and therefore not looked after , with any Christian instructions or admonitions faine themselves Protestants , rather then they will bee thought to live against their conscience . Whence I may truely say ( and prove by the Authour last before cited , who confesseth that in the thirteenth yeere of Queen Elizabeths reigne the third part of this Kingdome at least was Catholique ) that since the fall of Religion in England , by this onely Cheate of recusancie , tenne soules have beene lost , for one gained , which is both lamentable and damnable to those that were the first Authors of the same . As for the Scots : their fall was neither subversion or Recusancie which was never generally admitted ( because not covertly procured ) by the Clergie of that Kingdome : but want of Priests to administer the Sacraments , and give them other spirituall comfort ; who seeing the soyle not so fertile as ours , and the lawes more severe ; those few that were , rather chose to converse on the Northern borders of England , then in their owne Countrey . And Catholiques there , seeing themselves destitute of all spirituall comfort , went to Church to save their inferiour portion from ruine ; who if they had had but plenty , or sufficiencie of priests to have instructed them , I doubt not , but they would have still remained Catholiques . And it had been farre more easie , so to have conserved them , then fallen now to convert them . And thus came the bane of s Catholique religion into both Kingdomes ; which are like so to continue remedilesse , unlesse they be assisted by Gods infinite and miraculous power . It may be objected secondly ; that divers Popes , as Paul the fourth , Pius the fifth , both the last Gregories , Sixtus , Clement , and Paul the fifth , granted to priests their faculties with an intention , that they should administer the Sacraments to onely such , as abstained from Protestant Churches . I answer that it is so said by R. P. but whether it be so in truth or no , I know not : peradventure such faculties might be granted to such as received them from the aforesaid suggestors hands , and to none others . Neither did I ever see any faculties as yet so limited , nor I hope ever shall . For although the aforesaid Popes might be inclined to the said suggestors tribe , & so admit of their suggestions , thinking them to proceed from zeale , and not from hypocrisie : who likewise thought their pretenses holy : and what a Christian like thing it was , to suffer persecution for Gods sake ; and what a number of Martyrs were made in England , & sanguinem martyrum esse semen Ecclesiae : that the blood of the Martyrs was the seed of the Church . Further , what an abominable people Protestants were : Idolaters , blasphemous heretiques , subversive of soules , and many other the like exaggerating speeches ; upon which any Pope living ( unlesse he had foreknowne their drift ) would have done the like . Whereas certainly had they but made known , the true State of England in those dayes , and sought the good of souls ( and not themselves ) in truth they ought to have done ; the said Popes would never have done , as they did to us , more then to the Scots , Hollanders , Germans and other nations : by subjecting us and all posteritie by this device of Recusancie to all misery and slavery . Neither hath his Holinesse that now is , ever declared any such thing , for I perceive that he ( better knowing by experience the said suggestors tribe , and their plots , with their moth-like dealings in most Kingdomes ) will be advised hence forward , how he granteth any more Rescripts , or limiteth any faculties upon their importune suggestions . As for our Martyrs of England . I hope them truely Martyrs , because they died not so much for recusancie , t as for Religion and a good conscience ( although that might be a meanes to bring them to their death , sooner then otherwise ) . Yet I dare not call all of them Saints , untill the holy Church doth bid me , as having approved of their miracles : but most of them I think truely to be blessed men , and of great charitie . For as our Saviour saith , Ioh. 15. v. 13. Majorem charitatem nemo habet , quam ut animam suam ponat quis pro amico suo . No man hath greater love , then who layeth downe his life for his friend . Yet I hope likewise others some , who yet live , to be as blessed , and their charitie or love as great ; although not so apparent for the present , because as yet not exercised in fight , but when God shall be pleased to call them to suffer for their Religion , they may make it as manifest . For although a man of a thinne skin , and a veine transparent with lesse art strooke , doth presently bleed in abundance : yet no man may hence inferre , that a man of a thicker skinne , and a more obscure veine not lightly strook , hath no blood in his body to shed ; so it is in the present , betweene him that suffers for Religion being discovered by Recusancie , and him that suffers not , being undetected by rejecting the same . And in this they differ ; that as the one suffers for a good conscience sake ; so the other suffers not , with a good conscience . As for the said exaggerating speeches , they doe so much strengthen and confirme me , knowing them to be false , that I am morally certaine : that the said u twelve Fathers in the Councel of Trent , selected by the said suggestors for recusancie were abused ; aswell as the aforesaid Popes . And therefore as they are said to have granted to some limited faculties , meerely upon the said false suggestions ( which how farre they did binde , the suggestors at their pleasure , to great persons according to their custome , could very well tell ) they might as well have granted the same , without any such limitation , if it had pleased them : and I am perswaded more to the glo●y of God and increase of his Church as daily experience teacheth . For it is improbable with me , and against the nature of an Apostolicall mission , that men should be sent out of Colledges into Protestant countries to private mens houses , to play bo-peepe : as fearing to be seene conversing with Protestants , and Protestants not caring to come to them , for any matter of religion . I wonder by this kinde of conversation , what kinde of conversion could ensue ? whereas Saint Paul said to them that were about him , Act. 20. vers . 20. You know how I have withdrawne nothing that was profitable , but that I preached it to you , and taught you openly , and from house to house . Neither doe I beleeve that any man can prove any notable increase of Catholike religion in England , either in great families or in small , from the time of this recusancie brought in , unto this present : onely this I see , a great impoverishment of the Catholiques here , and halfe a dozen faire high Colledges built beyond the seas , besides what common purse I know not : and this I conceive to be all the effect of recusancie ; for persecution ( as I have said ) begets prayers to God , and almesdeeds to his supposed servants , which produce great Colledges for refuge to themselves . But some may here againe reply ; that if recusancie had beene rejected , and conformitie admitted , yet Protestants would have had some other invention to punish Catholiques for their religion . I answer it might be so , if some evill spirits had told them the proceedings of Catholiques before hand ( as I never yet knew in my life Catholiques private to themselves ) otherwise why should they have invented more to punish Catholiques , then they have hitherto done to punish Schismaticks or Separatists ? The said Suggestors had best invent for them some way more then they have already , to continue a persecution , which were but conformable as it seemes , to the said Authour of the Answer , &c. cap. 9. pag. 216. as is before said : who delighteth more to have a persecution ( although not to fall upon himselfe or his tribe ) then a toleration in religion . Yet in the meane time , we had done the uttermost of humane prudence , and then wee might have left the rest more safely to God ; who ordinarily , what second causes cannot doe in working to his will , himselfe mercifully supplyeth ▪ and then at leastwise , it would have beene more apparent to the whole world , that we had suffered meerly for religion , and not for a toy , to wit : w Recusancie . Adde that whatsoever had beene invented either by oath or abjuration , or what else , it must have been done in justice , and I hope by a x competent Judge ▪ or otherwise I should have taught out of the common opinion of Catholique Divines , as well Schoolemen as Casuists , that putting off their hats , they might have passed by , in Justice : for as Titelman saith , contra vulpem y vulpizare licet . It is lawfull for a man to play the fox against a fox . It may be objected thirdly , that it was Decreed in the 63 Canon of the Apostles . That if any Clarke , or Lay-man did enter into the Synagogue of Jews or Hereticks to pray , he should be deposed , and excommunicated . I answer , that it might be a necessary Decree : because then there were but young Christians , and they newly instructed , in very high mysteries , as the mystery of the Incarnation , which was so hard to them , as that God should be borne man , poore , live poorely , and at last be put to so shamefull a death , by the hands of men , his own creatures , that the forcible Arguments of the Jews might have z easily perverted them . Againe , the Jews were formall blasphemers of God ; our Saviour telling them himself ; that he had done those signes among them , that no other man could doe . Whereby he gave them to know , that he was God : all which the Jews rejected as naught , and said , that he did them in Beelzebub Prince of the Devils . And when he told them , Ioh. 10. vers . 36. that he was the Sonne of God , they answered that he blasphemed , to whom he replyed , vers . 37. If I doe not the works of my Father beleeve me not . And therefore it was requisite , that those Christians should abstaine from their synagogue , least they should have fallen to have been as they were . The company of hereticks , the Apostles might likewise forbid : because they were such as fell from and amongst themselves , and very likely particularly denounced excommunicate ; so that danger of subversion was there imminent : because their intention was formally to subv●rt , and infected with one or two points of heresie were not so easily to be discerned , as those that professe themselves so wholly different from the Catholique Church , that if they did but know a Papist to be in their Churches , they would goe neere to pull them downe to the ground ; and so borne and bred , as they know no other religion , but their own , and there doe so rest : teaching their own but to live morally which is both common to Catholique and Protestant . Which motive or reason hath no place in our case , where ( I contend ) there is no danger at all . Hence it may be generally observed that what Scriptures , Councels , Fathers , or Canons soever , forbid Communication with hereticks : they are to be understood of notorious hereticks in point of their heresie , or particularly denounced excommunicated for heresie and fallen in Catholique countreyes or from amongst Catholiques . And not of such as are not formall and subversive hereticks , but borne incredulous in a countrey to be converted , and not knowing the Catholique Church . After all this , some may yet say , that it hath been a long custome with them to abstain from the Protestant Church above these threescore yeers : and they have suffered and lost much by refusing the same ; and can I have so little judgement , as to thinke upon mine own bare word or opinion to make them leave this their custome ? I answer ( how small soever my judgement be ) that it is not only my opinion , but the common opinion of Divines in the Catholique Church : and I never spake with any Priest in England about this point in my life , that was able to give me satisfaction to the contrary . Some indeed have answered me , that it were lawfull , if it were not for scandall . Others , if it were not a distinctive signe : and when I have urged , that scandall may be avoyded ( as I have before said ) and for a distinctive signe , I knew none , for who should institute that signe ? then they have answered , that a long custome had brought it in : I have blessed my self to thinke , that men should so unjustly deale with poore Catholiques , as to bring upon them a yoake or fetters ; which they can keepe upon them by no other law , then that they themselves cunningly got them on , or chained them about threescore yeeres since , and now to kicke of these chaines , or their devises would prove ( forsooth ) scandall : because they would seeme refractary and disobedient to their suggestive humours : but to give me a reason why going to Church was unlawfull before the refusall thereof became this supposed distinctive signe , or before the same could be cause of scandall I could never yet heare any man give : but only the aforesaid R. P. hath given in writing the aforesaid suggested untruths ( with a great deale of passion that this my opinion was thought rationall ●or almost fortie yeers agoe and since recusancy was brought in , ( as appears by his said booke ) of many most prudent men in this kingdome , ) which is to me no reason at all . For let us propose to any Divine in Christendome these three following questions : relating the true state of the Protestant Church in exterior actions ( for we meddle not ( as I have said ) with their opinions in matters of faith ) and withall adding that we are constrained to them under a paine of death , and losse of all temporall fortunes . 1. Whether it be lawfull for a Catholique to heare the Prayers , Epistles , Gospels and Psalmes of the Catholique Church among Protestants in their Church ? 2. Whether it be lawfull to heare a Protestant preach in the same place , some moralitie , although it should by chance happen that some ignorant Minister should speake of some point of mistaken doctrine : as that Catholiques trust in their b own merits or the like falshood ? 3. Whether it be lawfull for a Catholique to receive bare bread and wine in remembrance that Christ dyed for him , as a pious ceremony ? and whether not better , so taken , then without such remembrance ? I dare say that there is no impartiall Divine , but will answer . Yes . And for these opinions I make no question , but if I had been as well backed in Rome , as the said R. P. was , I would have got as great approbation to the same ; as he had to the same questions after his subdol●us manner proposed as followeth . 1. Whether it be lawfull to frequent the Churches of hereticks , where there is both imminent danger of subversion and scandall ? 2. Whether it be lawfull to heare the blasphemous and id●latrous Sermons of hereticks , in which both God and his Church is notoriously and highly abused ? 3. Whether it be lawfull to receive Calvines c Communion of bread and wine , which they hold a Sacrament , and is a signe of hereticall perfidiousnesse , whereby a man betrayeth and denyeth his faith ? To which every Catho●ique whatsoever would and must answer . No , but this in truth is not our case . For the beliefe of Catholiques is not questioned , nor subversion , or blasphemie , or denyall of faith , either apprehended or feared . Neither can they scarce possibly happen in the Protestant Church , as I have before said , but the question only is , what Catholiques may exteriorly doe , for the safeguard of life with a good intention , and how , and in what manner , they may best converse , and preserve themselves from ruine with most securitie . Therefore I pray forgive the said R. P. who proposed the said questions in Rome out of his aboundant d zeale ( of money , and youth to propagate his family ) not once considering that it is an impossible thing for them to be hereticks , who never were Catholiques . As for their custome of Recusancie . I say , first that it is no custome , for a custome is a continuance of a thing time out of minde without any interruption . Now recusancy hath been interrupted oftentimes , first by Doctor Wright who wrote against the same , Ann. 1607. and since him Master Broughton , and now my selfe . Neither hath it been time out of minde , for there are some yet alive borne in Queene Maries dayes , who have knowne when our recusancie was not in England , and thereupon in these troublesome times doe now goe to Church . I say , secondly , that an inconvenient custome with imprudencie , is better broken , then kept : and the prescrip●ion of threescore yeeres not good . Yet if they will needs claime a right in and to their actions by the same . I doe hereby promise , not to take it from them , by any suit in law . For I doe write , more to avoyd the scandall of the weake : then that I do thinke thereby to satisfie the weake , or rob them of their said custome . As for their sufferings and losses I am sorry for them , and doe assure my selfe , that they will receive a great reward for the same : because they suffered not so much , for the love of recusancie , as for the love of God : for whosoever doth the meanest worke ( no indiscretion therein being apprehended by the doer ) either for Gods sake or for vertue sake , although of some ( considering the act it selfe , and not knowing the doers intention ) it may be judged indiscreet : yet the worke may have a reward from God , and yet another that doth not the same , no punishment . Thus the three branches of the said Minor proposition being proved : the Conclusion standeth good for the lawfulnesse of going to the Protestant Church . Me thinks here I heare some storme , that if this my opinion should be admitted as lawfull : it would follow , that they must likewise take all the oathes that are made against Catholiques , which will tend to perjurie . To which I answer , that I would have them to do things consequenter , and any thing for safeguard of life , wherein their is no sinne . And to chuse : both the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie ; which , if with patience they will but heare , when I have said what they are , I will presently prove , that they may be most lawfully taken . The Oath of Allegiance divided into eight branches . 1. I A. B. Doe truely and sincerely acknowledge , professe , testifie and declare in my conscience before God and the world , that our Soveraigne Lord King Charles is lawfull and rightfull King of this Realme , and all other his Majesties Dominions and Countryes . 2. And that the Pope neither of himselfe , nor by any authoritie of the Church , or See of Rome , or by any other means with any other , hath any power , or authoritie to depose the King , or to dispose any of his Majesties Kingdomes , or Dominions , or to authorize any forreign Prince to invade or annoy Him or His Countreys , or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance , or obedience to his Majestie , or to give licence , or leave to any of them to beare armes , raise tumults , or to offer any violence , or hurt to his Majesties Royall Person , State , or Government , or to any of His Majesties Subjects within His Majesties Dominions . 3. And I doe sweare from my heart , that notwithstanding any Declaration , or Sentence of Excommunication , or Deprivation , made or granted by the Pope or his successors , or by any authority derived , or to be derived from him or his See against the said King , his heires or successors , or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience . I will beare faith and true Allegeance to his Majestie , his heires and successors , and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their persons , their Crown and Dignitie , by reason or colour of any such sentence or declaration , or otherwise : and will doe my best indeavour to disclose , and make knowne unto His Majestie , his heires and successors , all treasons , and trayterous conspiracies which I shall know , or heare of , to be against him or any of them . 4. And I doe further sweare , that I doe from my heart abhorre , detest and abjure as impious and hereticall , this damnable doctrine and position , that Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope , may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever . 5. And I doe beleeve , and in my conscience am resolved , that neither the Pope , or any Person whatsoever , hath power to absolve me of this Oath , or any part thereof . 6. Which I acknowledge by good and full authoritie to be lawfully ministred unto me , and doe renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary . 7. And all these things I doe plainly and sincerely acknowledge and sweare , according to the expresse words by me spoken , & according to the plaine and common sense and understanding of the same words without any equivocation , or mentall evasion or secret reservation whatsoever . 8. And I doe make this recognition and acknowledgement heartily , willingly and truly , upon the true faith of a Christian. So helpe me God. This Oath according to every part and parcell of the same may be lawfully taken by any Catholike ; as have averred both M. Widdrington , Sir William Howard , and others ; who have so substantially wrote of the same with explanations of each branch ; that I thinke no wise man dares hazard his credit in going about to refute the same . Yet the weaknesse of some Catholiques hath beene so great , that they have not onely taken scandall , ( being of the Pharisees not much to be regarded ) but gone about to defame such as stood for this Oath to their great prejudice ; notwithstanding the said Mr. Widdrington in his Newyeeres-gift , hath sufficiently proved , that besides the authoritie of many famous Divines , it was the opinion of the chiefest secular Priests in England ; but these uncharitable proceedings were hatched by a sort of arrogant and covetous people , who laboured to make every thing scandalous among Catholiques that was not done by their approbation ; and to this purpose , the first principles were to leade people into scruples , and being there , to put a ring upon them , abusively tearmed , the yoake of our blessed Lady ; by which they might more easily leade them to their opinions and censures , as men doe Bears to their purposes . Oh wise Venetians ! how sacred are your lawes ? would a man thinke that such blindnesse , or rather envious peevishnesse could be in Catholiques , as , what they understand not , to censure at their pleasure without any respect of persons ? and presently judge them as fallen men whom they dislike ? although indeed firmer then themselves , and very well able to teach most of their guides . But to the purpose , the truth is , that the aforesaid Authours have so fully proved the lawfulnesse of taking the said Oath , that no man needs speake more in proofe thereof , as not being able to speak better to the purpose . And therefore I referre every man to the said Writers to informe themselves lest they demeritoriously suffer for refusing the ●ame . This onely give me leave to insert , as a caution to some , that considering it is contrarie to the Popes ( forced ) opinion as appeareth by his Declarative Breve ; he that shall sweare or abjure the doctrine and position ( That Princes which be , &c. ) in the fourth branch , as impious , hereticall , and damnable ( I conceive ) indirectly abjureth the Popes opinion , as impious , hereticall , and damnable : and what a fault that may be made in Rome ( especially by some suggestors , who although to mine owne knowledge doe teach , this Oath lawfull in private , to men of qualitie : yet in publique , and to his Holynesse out of a seeming zeale they will lament the fact ) I leave to the judgement of wise men . When as they shall sweare his doctrine erroneous in such bitter terms , whom they acknowledge to be the supreame Pastour of their souls : questionlesse in such , it will be interpreted at the least arrogacie and presumption . And I for mine owne part should thinke it very hard to be forced to take the Oath of Supremacie in Rome under any termes directly or indirectly misbeseeming my dutie to my naturall Prince : howsoever he might erre in mistake . And therefore I doe humbly present the consideration of our case in this Oath of Allegiance to his Majesties most gracious Clemencie . This caution or consideration I present to such , as having taken the said Oath , intend afterwards to converse at Rome . But if death or ruine urge , then ( spectata conscientia ) I say as before , follow the opinion of Sir William Howard , and Master Widdrington as secure . For in such extremitie it is to be hoped , that his Holinesse will be rather a pious and pittifull father , then too severe a Judge . If any be urged to this Oath out of any temporall preferment : let him follow the example of that huge Divine a Sancta Clara ( an acquaintance of mine ) and take it in private before a Master of the Chancery , and get a Certificate thereof from him , and it will be sufficient . Here is to be noted the intolerable abuse which some suggestors did put upon the Popes Holinesse , concerning this Oath of Allegiance ; who procured him to send forth a declarative Briefe , forbidding English Catholiques to take the same ; as conteining many things plainly repugnant to faith and salvation : and by this meanes compelled him against his will , to make the Doctrine adverse to the Oath , his owne opinion . When as the procurers themselves , and their abettors did ( as I have said ) counsell in private , some men of qualitie ( who were friends to them ) to take the same as lawfull , as may be easily proved . And which is more strange , that they should procure it to be declared so repugnant : when as the doctrine to be abjured in the said oath wrote by Santarellus was declared by all the Sorbon Doctors and sixteene of the chiefest Jesuits in France to be wicked : so that what is held lawfull by most Divines in the Church ( it being the most common opinion , except some few that would seeme to flatter the Pope ) should be held wicked only for us to take : but I conceive , as I have said before , that the intent and end of the procuration of such Briefs is , that nothing should be thought good or lawfull in England to be done , without the speciall approbation of the suggestors tribe : so that if any man should doe what they have not approved , by vertue of the Popes Briefe , he shall be presently blasted for an heretick : and if he doe what they approve , he shall be saved harmelesse by them both at home and abroad , let him be never so bad . Sed meliora Spero . Let any judicious man consider all the Buls , Breves and Censures that have beene procured touching the affaires of English Catholiques from the first Bull of excommunication against Queen Elizabeth by Pius Quintus to the last before spoken of in Anno 1639. against one who knowes nothing of the same , and he shall finde , by farre , more hurt done to Catholiques , then ever good . It were a blessed turne if some order might be taken by our most gracious Queene for the prevention of such mischiefes : which serve for nothing more , then to make Schismes and Rents in the Church of God , and the Pope , and his authoritie to be lesse regarded . It were more fitting in my poore judgement , that Catholiques were succoured in tribulation , then by barring them of their Christian liberty , in what they may lawfully doe , to adde affliction to affliction . I must say no more ; for I perceive that some beginne to swell , but the matter is not great : for I will write nothing by Gods grace contrary to the Catholique Church . Yet I feare they will breake before I have done with : The Oath of Supremacy , which is as followeth , divided into foure branches . 1. I A. B. Doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , that the Kings highnesse is the only Supreme Governor of this Realme , and of all other his Highnesse dominions and countries , as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes , as Temporall . 2. And that no forreigne Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , power , superioritie , preheminence or authoritie Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall , within this Realme . 3. And therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forren Jurisdictions , powers , superiorities , and authorities . 4. And doe promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Highnesse , his heires and lawfull successors ; and to my power shall assist , and defend all Jurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences and authorities , granted or belonging to the Kings Highnesse , his heires and successours , or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme . So helpe me God , and by the contents of this Booke . Where is to be f noted first , that in the first yeere and Parliament of Queene Elizabeths reigne ; when they abolished the Popes authoritie , and would have yeelded the g same authoritie with the Title of Supreme head to the Queen , as it was given before , to her father and brother : divers especially moved by Minister h Calvines writing ( who h●d condemned in the same Princes , that calling ) liked not the terme ; and therefore procured that some other equivalent terme , but lesse offensive ( although in truth , it is all one with the other ) might be used . Vpon which formalitie , it was enacted , that she was the Chiefe Governour aswell in causes Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall ; as Civil & Temporal ▪ because otherwise there could have beene no colour , to make new lawes for the change of Religion . So the abovesaid Author to the Answer , &c. cap. 1. pag. 7. and 8. And this was the onely and sole intention , of making the aforesaid Oath : which was div●rs from the i ●ntention of King Henrie the eighth , and consequently the Oath not the same . For his intention in assuming to himselfe the Supremacie was not ( as I shall say beneath in the third note ) to alter any principle of Religion ( the Supremacie onely excepted ) or so much as any ceremonie of the Catholique Church : but to give himselfe a more k licentious libertie in point of marriage and divorce , and to make the same libertie justifiable to his subjects ; and because he could not have the same granted to him by the Pope , was angry and displeased with him , and tooke it of his owne accord : and for his sake , disturbed the Church and Clergy of England , and took away their lands , and gave them to his Nobilitie . It is to be noted secondly , that we are to sweare , that the King is chiefe Governour as well in all spirituall things , &c. Where by ( All ) is to be understood ; in all things ordered or to be ordered by him , unlesse some exception bee made in reason touching the establishment or regiment of the Protestant Church of England : that the spirituall things were meant touching the Church , appears by the very words themselves : Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall : and that they were meant touching a Church to be established , distinct from the then Catholique Church in England : appeares by the intention of the oath which was ( as I have said ) to inable the Queene to change and alter Religion ; and to forme an l other Church diverse , from that which then was ; which is the Protestant Church : and that there are some spirituall things justly excepted m from the King ; appeares by the Declaration of Queene Elizabeth , in her next visitation of the Clergie , after the said Oath was made ; wherein she her selfe made an exception , and declared in print ( the same being published by her commandement ) that in truth She had not power ( we will not examine then , from whence her Ministers power came she having none her selfe ) by the words of the Oath and Act , to minister the Sacraments . Neither had she any such intent , and that no such thing was implyed in her Title , or claime of Spirituall regiment ; nor no other thing , nor more then was before granted to her father , by the terme of Supreame Head : requiring all her loving subjects to receive the Oath at least in that sence ( which was , she meant , that she might dispose of Church matters , as her Father had : and have power to forme o what Church she pleased ) and so that should suffice her Highnesse . It is to be noted thirdly that the aforesaid oath when it was made , was unlawfull to be taken by any Catholique ; as the oath before made in the dayes of King Henry the 8th . Although when it was made , it was not altogether so unlawfull , as that of King Henry : because in his dayes there was no p other Church extant , or like to be extant in England , but the Catholique Church : of which q contrary to the Law of God , and his own conscience , he made himself head ( as appears by a booke set forth by the said King himself , in the later end of his raigne , and many yeers after he had framed his Oath of Supremacie ; intituled : A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man , set forth by the Kings Majestie of England , &c. In which he sets forth the Christian faith , then to be professed in England . Which was as absolutely Catholique , and the self-same in every point , as now it is in Rome . And if any man should have sworne him the supreame head , as he intended of that Church : he would have sworne false : as making the Church a Monster in having two heads : or depriving the Pope of his authoritie granted him by God : which had been to have denyed an Article of faith : but when the said Oath was repealed in Queene Maries dayes . And another Oath r of Supremacie made in the aforesaid first yeere of Queene Elizabeth . It was as I have said to inable her ( not so much to be head of the Church then extant , and to be utterly abolished , as ) to be Governour of a new Church distinct from the Catholique Church then out of hand to be propagated and established : of which to sweare Her Head , before it was : or to sweare Her Head of the Church then extant , which she conceived superstitious : of which indeed she was not head , was in a true and proper sence unlawfull . And so continued unlawfull untill after the abrogation of Masse , and perfect establishment of the new Protestant Church within this Realme , and other His Majesties Dominions . Which being established as now it is : the said Oath of Supremacie ceased from being unlawfull : because then there was an apparant face of a Church ( distinct from the members of the Catholique Church , which then began scarce to appeare , in respect of the greater multitude ) of which only s she was supreame governour and chief head , and no other person whatsoever had or ought to have any jurisdiction or preheminence in the same , and all that were or are not of the same faith and Church were and are in a true and proper sense forreiners to the same . It is to be noted fourthly : that a man may be said to be a Forreiner t in a twofold sence . First , in respect of a temporall Dominion . Secondly , in respect of faith , whence ariseth a spirituall jurisdiction . In the first sence , all that are not Natives of His Majesties Dominions ( although some Lawyers say ) all that doe no homage to His Majestie ) are forreiners . In the second sence , all that are of the Protestant faith with the King , are Domesticks of the same faith , and within His Dominions only subject to His spirituall jurisdiction by the Laws of the Realme . And all that are not of the Protestant faith , are forreiners to the same , conformable to St. Paul , who accounted all those of whatsoever Nation , or under whatsoever temporall Dominion or Iurisdiction in the world ) who were of the same faith with himselfe which he taught , were Domesticks of that faith . And those of whatsoever Nation or temporall Dominion , that were not of the same faith , he accounted forreiners . Whence he saith , Gal. 6.10 . Let us doe good to all : but especially to the domesticks ( or those of the house ) of faith . And 1 Thess. 4. vers . 12. Rogamus ut honeste ambuletis ad eos qui foris sunt , & nullius aliquid desideretis . We desire you brethren , that you walke honestly towards them that are without , ( that is , forreiners to our faith ) and need nothing of any mans . It is to be noted fifthly and chiefly , what conditions are required in every lawful oath : which according to the Prophet Ieremy , are three . viz ▪ Truth , Iudgement , and Iustice : for he saith in his fourth Chapter . Thou shalt sweare our Lord liveth , in truth and in judgement and in justice : upon which place the holy Doctor , S. Hierome noteth , that the foresaid conditions are requisite to every oath : of whom all Divines have le●rned the same ; requiring in every lawfull oath , every of the said three conditions . The reason hereof is : because an oath being an invocation of God , as witnesse that what we speake is true ; it is requisite that we should use judgement or discretion , to see that we doe nothing rashly , or without due reverence , devotion and faith , towards so great a Majestie , but we must especially regard , that we make not him , who is the chiefe and Soveraigne veritie and inflexible justice , either ignorant o● what we say : or Patron of a lye , as witnesse of that , which either is false in assertion , or unjust in promise . Hence an oath wanting Iudgement or discretion and wisdome : is a rash and foolish oath , that which wanteth Iustice : is called an unjust oath . And finally , where there is not truth : it is adjudged a false or lying oath , and is more properly then all the rest , called Perjurie . These notes premised , I shall now prove , the said Oath of Supremacie to be lawfull for any Catholique to take . Every Oath that is accompanyed with the three said conditions or companions , viz. veritie , justice , and judgement ( in the opinion of all Divines , Canon and Civil Lawyers ) is a lawfull Oath : but such is the Oath of Supremacie above recited in every part and particle of the same . Ergo. The Minor is proved , discoursing of every branch in particular , and first , of the first branch : wherein I sweare that the King is only Supreame Governour of this Realme , as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes , touching the Church of the said Realm : as Temporall touching the State , or of any other his Dominions . Which I doe sweare discreetly as a thing true and just . For there is no other Supreme Governour of temporall things to be assigned , but the King : as all will confesse : nor of Ecclesiasticall things , or the Church of England ; as by a sufficient Enumeration may be proved . For the Parliam●nt , is not supreame governour of the Churches within this Realme ; when as according to the naturall light of reason , the King is governour of that : and therefore not supreame . The Primate cannot be assigned supreame governour , when as he hath all his authoritie of government from the King , and so he hath a Superior . A Lay-eldership cannot be supreame governour , for although it be unknowne , what it is , or from whence it receiveth its authoritie ; yet I thinke no Lay-eldership so barbarous : as not to admit the King chiefe governour of the same . Neither can the Pope be any way supreame governour of the aforesaid Church : because he professeth himself only supreame head and governour of the Catholique Church and of no other according to Saint Paul , 1 Cor. 5.12 . what is it to him to judge of them that are without , of which Catholique Church His u Majestie d●th not claime to be head . Neither will he be governour w of any spirituall or ecclesiasticall thing therein , as conceiving the same both superstitious and idolatrous . Ergo. the King must be supreame governour of the Protestant Church . That the King is ( only ) Governour is proved : because none other can be assigned his equall in preheminencie of government in the aforesaid Protestant Church . For the second or third branch it is likewise proved . For I sweare them likewise discreetly , truly and justly . viz. that no forrein Prince , Person , Prelate , &c. hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , &c. within this Realme ( in the x said Protestant Church ) which I adde as before , because according to the intention of the Law and Law-maker ( as I have before said ) it was so meant . For neither doth His Majestie or did Queene Elizabeth claime to be chiefe Governour of the Catholique Religion , or Romane Church , or any jurisdiction therein . It being by them both ( as I have often said ) abhorred as superstitious , and abolished for the same reason by the said Queene and State of England : therefore it is against reason , and a kinde of pettie treason to sweare either of them governour of a Religion which they apprehend so evill ▪ but in respect of the Protestant Church established , the Pope is a forrein Person and Prelate : and his jurisdiction forrein . Neither hath he , or any other forrein Person any jurisdiction in the aforesaid y Church , or ought to have : for as I have said in the fourth note , out of Saint Paul : as all those that are of the Catholique faith , are domesticks of that faith : and all that are not of the same faith , are forreiners to it : so all that are of the Protestant faith ( of which His Majestie is governour ) are domesticks of the same : and all that are not of the same , are forreiners to that Religion . Hence appeares the truth of the said branches : wherein is said ( in the second ) That no forrein Prince , &c. and ( in the third ) I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forrein jurisdictions , &c. which I doe justly and lawfully renounce as well in respect of the Protestant Church , as of the Catholique : for as I have said the Pope is truly a forreiner to the Protestant Church : in respect of which , I must by the law renounce his jurisdiction . And he is no forreiner in respect of the Catholique Church , in which I am bound to respect him and his jurisdiction : for if all Catholiques be domesticks one to ●he other ( as I have proved out of Saint Paul ) how can the Pope who is chief of that faith be said to be a z forreiner ? his jurisdiction being as internall and intrinsecall , as innate and naturall to every Catholique in the world ; as it is to him , that stands next him in his chamber at Rome . And therefore there being no forrein jurisdiction in the Catholique Church , in every sence I may lawfully renounce all forrein jurisdictions . The fourth and last branch can have no difficultie at all , with any Catholique . So that the words of this Oath seeme to me so cleere and lawfull , since the establishment of the Protestant Church ; that it may be taken of any Catholique without any the least danger of Perjurie , or any other sinne ( scandall being avoyded ) or without mentall reservation or secret equivocation : that I admire that any man hath so long scrupulized to the losse of himselfe and fortunes : when as being necessitated to take the same , and scandall being easily to be avoyded ( as I have said out of Diana and others ) he might have prevented his owne ruine with a safe conscience : as I conceive Sir Iohn Winter and other men of estates did , who are reported to have lately taken the same . It may be objected first , that this Oath thus explicated , hath no coherencie , the first branch with the second and third ; and therefore that it be coherent , and taken conformably to the intention of the law-maker , as we sweare the King to be onely Supreame Governour of the Church of England in the first branch ; so ought we in the second and third branch to renounce all Jurisdiction forreign to the same . To which I answer first , that coherencie is no condition requisite to an oath , but impertinent to the truth or falshood of the same : for there be many things of a different nature inserted in an oath . Secondly , that there is a most perfect coherencie in the aforesaid explication : for as in the first branch , I sweare the King Head of the Church of England , so in the second and third : I abjure all forreigne Jurisdictions whatsoever . Which are the very direct words of the oath : for there are no words in any branch signifying a renunciation of all Jurisdiction forreigne to the Protestant Church of England . Whence there is a great difference between renouncing all Jurisdiction forreigne to the particular Church of England , and renouncing all forren Jurisdiction . For a forren Jurisdiction renounced is rightly described A power or right denied to be extent to the swearer by any law , and is more generall , then a Jurisdiction forreign to the Protestant Church : which is onely a power not extent to a Protestant quâ talis : which although it be forren to the said Church ; yet it may be properly extent and appertaining to the swearer . So that it is intended by the said oath ; that as in the first branch , we sweare the King onely Supreame Governor of the Protestant Church within this Realme and his Dominions : so in the second and third ; we are to renounce all forren Jurisdictions whatsoever ; which either the Pope , or any other forren Person hath , or ought to have in the same : which every Catholique may lawfully do , notwithstanding that generall saying ; That the Pope hath Iurisdiction over all Christians : for that is meant , a generall Jurisdiction in the Catholique Church , either actuall or potentiall , extent to all ; which is forren to none : and which , by taking this oath is not denyed . I answer thirdly , that all penall lawes ( as is this law for taking the oath ) in doubtfull words , are ever to be a taken in the more favourable sense , and which makes the law to containe no falshood , or injustice . And therefore in this law to sweare , as the words lye , may be done without any inj●stice or falshood ; which is and ought to be presumed to be the minde of the lawmaker ; for no law or lawmaker intends perjurie . And therefore it is a frivolous thing to invent scrupulous crotchets , which the words doe not import . It may be objected secondly , that the oath must be interpreted according to the intention of the law and lawmaker : for as Suares saith , lib. 6● . de leg . cap. 1. upon the will and intention of the lawmaker ( which is the soule of the law the substance and force of the law doth chi●fly depend : therefore it by any meanes , the will of the lawmaker may be knowne , according to it especially we must understand the words of the law . But the will of the lawmaker is sufficiently knowne concerning this oath , to make it apparently unlawfull for any Catholique to take as appeareth by the words of King Iames of blessed memory , saying , ( in his Premonition pag. 9. and in his Apology for the oath , pag. 2. and 9. ) that by the oath of Allegiance , he intended to demand of his subjects nothing else , but a profession of that temporall Allegiance and civill obedience , which all subjects , by the law of God and nature , doe owe to their lawfull Prince , &c. For as the Oath of Supremacie , ( saith he ) was devised for putting a difference betweene Papists and them of our profession . So was the oath of Allegiance ordained for making a difference between the civilly obedient Papists and the perverse disciples of the Powder treason ; by which words it appeareth that King Iames held , both the law and the law maker intended by the oath of Supremacie , to put a difference betweene Papists and Protestants : and that no Papist would take that oath , wherein the Jurisdiction of the Pope , was intended to be abjured , Ergo , the said oath of Supremacie is to be interpreted accordingly , all doubtfulnesse of words set aside ; and consequenter unlawfull for any Catholique to take . To the Major of which Objection ; I answer first , granting the same . Secondly with a distinction ; that the intentions of the law and law maker are to bee sought , when they interpret the law in a truer sense , then the plaine words doe , as they lie ; otherwise not , lest it want veritie . To Suarez I answer , that himselfe saith in the place before cited , that if at any time the propertie of the words of an oath should induce any injustice , or like absurditie , concerning the minde , or meaning of the lawmaker : they must be drawne to a sense , although improper ; wherein the law may be just and reasonable : for this is presumed to be the minde of the law maker , as it hath beene declared by many lawes in F. tit . de lege . thus Suarez . So that although there were in the words of this oath divers significations impropper and unusuall ; yet in the opinion of Suarez , it might be taken ; and the words interpreted in the truest sense , abstracting from the reall intention of the law maker : how much more then ( say I ) the words being not improper , or unusuall , but according to the intention of the b law and law maker , may they be taken in the more favourable sence , which may make the law to be just and reasonable ? See for this doctrine Can. Cum tu de testibus cap. 16. Can. ad nostram de Iurejurando , cap. 21. et de regulis ●●ris in 6. reg . 49. in paenis leg . Benignius F. de leg . Leg. In ambigua ibidem . Hence it followeth first out of the doctrine of the said Suarez , that although the words and sentences contained in this oath , being considered barely by themselves , and without due circumstances ( to wit , the intention of the law and lawmaker , and to what end and purpose the s●id oath was framed ) may seeme to some doubtfull and ambiguous ( although to me they seeme not so ) that is , not cleare and morally certaine ; and so for one to sweare them in that doubtfull sence , were to expose himselfe to danger of perjurie : yet considering ( as I have said ) that such doubtfull words , are to be taken in the more favourable sense , and which maketh the c law to be just and reasonable , and to contain no falshood or injustice . If any one sweare ▪ those words , which of themselves are doubtfull , in no doubtfull sense , but in a true and determinate sense , and wherein they are not doubtfull , but cleere and morally certaine , there is no danger of perjurie at all . It may seeme to follow secondly out of the aforesaid doctrine , that such as tooke the oath of Supremacie in King Henry the eighth dayes ( which rather then those famous and glorious men , Sir Thomas Moore and Bishop Fisher would take , they worthily chose to die ) were not to be condemned of perjurie ; because it might be supposed , that they being learned Bishops and Noblemen , knowing what belonged to an oath , did draw the same to some improper sense , which ought to have beene the intention of the aforesaid King to make the law just ; as if they should have sworne the then King , Head or chiefe of the Church of his countrey ; for that he was Sovereigne Lord and ruler of both persons Spirituall and Temporall : all sorts being bound to obey his lawfull civill lawes and commandements . And so in this sense ( although it be a kinde of improper speech ) every King is Head of the Clergy and all others of his owne Countrey . Or peradventure they might sweare him Supreame Head of the Church of England ; that is , Chiefe of the congregation of beleevers within his dominions : for so in our language , we commonly say him , to be the head of a Colledge , Court or Citie , that is the chiefe ; and him to be chiefe who is supreame therein . The Church being then taken by all Divines for a congregation of men ; Why might not King Henrie be improperly sworne ( in the opinion of Suarez ) Head of the then congregation in England ? So that what Sir Thomas Moore lawfully and piously refused with relation to the intention of the aforesaid King , others might without perjurie take with relation to the law of God ( abstracting from all unlawfull intentions ) to wit , that every oath be just and reasonable as being to be taken in Veritie , Iustice and Iudgement : and so what was unlawfull in a proper sence , might at lest be free from Perjurie in an improper . Thus understanding the first branch ; and the second and third in the same sence before delivered , they might peradventure be excused ( as I have said ) from perjurie ; But never from sinne . For considering the state of England in those dayes , and the absolute intention of the King which ( well knowne to the whole world ) was ; to be sworne Supreame Head d of the Catholique Church , Catholique religion still here remaining as I have said : his oath was as much different from this e now oath of Supremacie , as darknesse from light : For by this , the Queene claimed not the Supremacie granted by Christ to Saint Peter , as did her father : but onely to be Supreame governour of a Church , out of which , she would not onely discard the Pope , but likewise roote out all Catholique religion , contrary to her fathers minde as I have shewed : so that the question in the said Kings dayes , was about an Article of faith , viz. Whether the Supremacie were granted by God to the King , or to the Pope . Which Article they were bound with losse of their lives to have professed being called thereunto : for then did occurre the times of obligation before expressed ( by Saint Thomas and other Divines ) for the profession of a mans faith . As when the honour and glory of God , and the spirituall benefit of his neighbour should exact the same . Now when or what greater honour could a man have done to God , then to have stood for the truth of the Gospel , and defence of the Catholike faith being so opposed ? And in whom could there have beene more edification and greater example given , for simple and unlearned men to follow , then in Bishops and great men of authoritie . Neither was it to purpose for them to alleadge , that they were in danger of their lives and fortunes ; for they were bound to loose both , rather then to denie any one Article of faith . For although I have said , that a man is not bound , with danger of life , or fortunes , to abstaine from a thing lawfull , or of its owne nature indifferent ( as the going to a Protestant Church in a Protestant Countrey , taking the oath of Alleagiance , or the now oath of Supremacy ; every of which is farre enough from an Article of faith , or point of religion ; onely more cryed downe , because out of fashion , then out of any grounded reason or judgement ) to avoid the scandall of we●ke ones , after instruction or admonition given of the nature of the thing , and the danger in abstaining Yet I never said , that a man was not bound to professe his religion in time convenient ; or that hee might deny his faith , or any part or point of the same for feare of death ; but absolutely the contrary : hence I say , that the Supremacie in those daies , being a point of religion , and an article of faith , although they might be excused from perjurie , yet never from sinne and scandall . And therefore I conceive that Suares onely intendeth that then lawes and oathes invented contrary to the law of God , may be drawne to an improper sence , when scandall may be avoyded with integritie of faith . And so those that tooke the aforesaid Kings oath , I leave to the judgement of God : for as Saint Paul saith , 1 Cor. 4. It is our Lord that judgeth ; who best knoweth the rectitude of all mens actions , and the secret intentions of each mans heart . The Minor of the said objection is denyed . And to the words of K. Iames saying : that as the Oath of Supremacie was devised for putting a difference between Papists and them of our profession . So was , &c. I answer that the said King did not by those words , undertake to give an absolute and totall reason , why the said oath was devised , ( himselfe not being the deviser or maker thereof ) but spake according to the effect , which hee saw the oath of Supremacie tooke in his daies : who conceiving that Catholiques held it , not an oath lawfull for them to take ( and therefore some in King Henries daies refused the same out of conscience ; others since the abrogation of Masse and establishment of the Protestant Church , out of scruples , not considering either the change of times , or alteration of the Church ) conceived likewise a difference to result thereby betweene them and Protestants ; so that the said f renowned King did not intend by the aforesaid words , to make known the intention of the law or lawmaker , but onely spake what an effect the said devised oath had in Catholiques wrought . That neither of the said oathes of Supremacie were framed to put a difference betweene Papists and Protestants is evident by what I have said ; for in King Henrie his dayes , there were no Protestants g knowne in England to differ withall : and that oath was made onely and solely for his pleasure . And in the said Queens daies , the oath was onely made to give and acknowledge her power and authoritie in Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things ; thereby ( as I have sufficiently said ) to propagate and establish the Protestant Church : and to no other end or purpose . The Major and Minor being thus answered , the consequence appeares naught ; and the assertion for the lawfulnesse of the oath in force . If any simple man ( pardon the bluntnesse of my speech , for I know that no discreete or judicious man of either learning o● piety will justly censure me ) shall whisper in a corner that this doctrine is scandalous and unheard of : and that divers have suffered and shed their blood , rather then they would admit the same : and which , if it had beene lawfull , others of his tribe would have found out , before this time : ( hee should have added to men of great qualitie ) and therefore it being no matter of faith , none ought to beleeve it . I forgive the poore man ; for he speakes out of hypocrisie or ignorance , or both ; for he cannot tell you with learning and sinceritie why , or how it is scandalous . And if any did suffer for the same , I pray let him likewise whisper when , or in what yeere , or Kings reign ? and then compare his speech to what I have said . Yet whensoever they did it , because they would not sinne against their consciences ; which rather then to offend , they ( not understanding the ●ruth of the said doctrine , and their phansie being the contrary way strong ) were bound to doe . Yet good brother Simple doe not perswade me against my conscience ; unlesse you can confute me in reason : for I conceive , that I say nothing ( although not written of before ) but what is evident with Grace in reason ; although it be not certaine by divine f●ith . And therein I shew my selfe a true friend to my distressed Countrey ; for certus amicus in re incerta cernitur . A sure friend is tried in a doubtfull matter . Yet I should be loath , that any man should charge me with the least thing said , as contrary to faith , or the doctrine of the Catholique Church . ( To which and whose censure , I doe in all humility submit my selfe , for all my doings , sayings and writings ; as well for the satisfaction of mine owne conscience , as that ignorant braines may take no offence ) . And i● this doctrine were never heard of before ; what then ? Is it therefore false or scandalous ? And if your tribe did not finde it out before ; is it a wonder ? None at all with me : for I should wonder indeed , to heare you the inventers of any thing beneficiall to Gods Church ; ( howsoever you may and doe write over , and translate other mens workes ; and so seeme to ignorant men , to finde out something for the good of the Church , that was never lost , or before wanting therein ) because as yet I have never heard or knowne so much . Those therfore that shall hearken to such whisperings , I will wish them no other punishment then that the Vicar of fooles may be their ghostly father . In the meane time ( maugre all censures ) I will thanke God , that he hath enabled me to helpe my distressed friend at a dead lift , by counselling and instructing to a lawfull ( I had almost said meritorious , but that I feared more anger ) and discreet act . Thus then seriously to conclude ; If any man shall yet remaine unsatisfied : I knowing , that an Angel of light cannot infuse either wisdome into a foole , or prudence into a simple man : and nothing harder for the best Divine , then to yeeld the continuance of a serene conscience to a scrupulous person : doe only desire and intreat , th●t what he himselfe either cannot , or will not receive satisfaction in ; he would not judge amisse in others ; and so be scandalized , ( which will prove to himselfe rather the scandall of Pharisees then weake ones ) according to the exhortation of the Apostle : Qui non manducat , manducantem non Spernat : he that eateth not , let him not despise him that eateth . As for mine own part what I preach with Gods grace I will practise . And if any man can give a better reason , for the contrary to what I doe , then I can give for what I say : I doe hereby promise to subscribe : otherwise let every one looke and dive into his owne actions , and not into other mens ; for he shall render an account , onely for his owne , and not for theirs . And because All in these times ( perchance ) are not bound under sinne to imbrace these opinions ( the h question not being , which is absolutely the safest or perfectest way , and all dispositions of each soule , not being alike ; but only whether the said opinions are forbidden or not forbidden by the Law of God , or the Church , so that absolutely in case of necessitie they may not bee done ; and what may best in prudence bee done ; ( yet safe enough , with a good conscience , and without sinne ) the condition of times and persons considered ) those that shall not imbrace the same ; but suffer for their conscience sake ; I shall beseech Almightie God to lay no more upon them , then they are able to beare ; that they doe nothing against their conscience ; for that were to carry a continuall hell about them : which of all earthly miseries were the greatest : from which God of his infinite mercy preserve us all : Amen . FINIS . Appendix . HEre followeth the forme of recantation enjoyned the Lollards , Anno Regis Richardi Secundi decimo nono . Together with the resolution of the Fathers in the Councel of Trent , 1564. and the Oathes of Supremacie enacted 35. Henry 8. and 1. Elizabeth ; as also a proviso for expounding the Oath the fift of Elizabeth . and the Admonition annexed to the Injunctions Elizabeth 1. whereof there is often mention made in the Animadversions . Ex Rotulo clausarum de Anno decimo nono Richardi Secundi — m. 18. dorso . MEmorand . quod primo di● Septembris Anno Regni Regis Richardi secundi ▪ post conquestū decimo nono Willielmus Dinet , Nich-Taylour , Nich-Poucher , et Willielmus Steynour de Nottingham in Cancellar . ipsius Regis personaliter , constituti Sacramenta divisim praestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore . I William Dynet byfor yhow worschipefull fader and Lorde Archbishop of Yho●ke and yhour Clergie with my free will and full avysede swere to God and to all his Seynts upon this holy Gospels , yat fro this day forthwarde I shall worship ymages with preying , and offering unto hem in the worschep of the Seintes , that they be made after . And also I shall nevermore despyse pygremage ne states of holy Chyrche in noe degree . And also I shall be buxum to the lawes of holy Chyrche and to yhow as myne Archbishop and to mine other ordinaries and Curates , and keepe tho lawes up my power , and meyntein hem . And alsoe I shall never more meyntein ne techen , ne defenden Errours , conclusions , ne techinges of the Lollardes , ne swych conclusions and techynges that men clepyth Lollards doctrine , ne I shall her bokes ne swych bokes ne hem or any suspect or diffamede of Lollardery receive or company withall wittingly or defend in tho ma●ters , and if I know any swych , I shall with all the haste that I may doe yhow or els your ner officers to wytten and of her bokes . And also I sha●l excite and stirre all tho to good doctrine that I have hyndred with myne Doctrine up my power . And also I shall stond to yhour declaration which es heresy or errour and do thereafter . And also what penance yhe woll for that I have done for meyteyning of this fals doctryn injuyne me and I shall fulfill . And I submit me thereto up my power . And also I shall make no other glosse of this myne oath , bot as the words stonde . And if it be soe that I com agayn or do agayn this oth or any party thereof , I yhelde me here cowpable as an heretyk and to be punyshed by the law of an heretyke , and to forfet all my godes to the Kings will withouten any other processe of law ; and thereto I require the Notarie to make of all this the which is my will an Instrument agayns me . Et ex habundanti idem Willielmus Dyn●t eodem die voluit et recognovit quod omnia bona et catalla sua mobilia nobis sint forisfacta in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum seu aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo . Declaratio Patrum concilli Tridentini , circa frequentationem Ecclesiarum , Eo tempore , quo hereticiritus exercentur , aut praedicatur haeresis . Pax Christi quae exuperat omnem sensum , custodiat corda vestra & intelligentias vestras , Amen . Viri Dignitate conspicui , religione , & multis nominibus illustres aequam & honestam postulationem vestram ad nos detulerunt N. & C. quam à vobis ad se praelatam asserebant cujus hoc est exemplum . REligione in Anglia mutatâ , & poenâ propositâ , si quis Diebus Dominicis & festis à templis abstineat , interim Dum Psalmi , & ex utroque testamento lectiones , lingua vulgari recitantur : laici multi catholici , nobiles , & Deum timentes ; partim in carcere agentes , partim mox eò conjiciendi , amicorum & consanguineorum precibus ac monitionibus & imminentium periculorum metu invitantur , ut saltem ea tenus , de sententia denuo , se permittant , ut in templis protestantium tantisper interesse velint Diebus Dominicis & aliis festis , Dum Psalmi ex more linguâ vulgari , decant arisoliti & lectiones ex Bibliis linguâ item vulgari depromptae ; nec non conciones quae ad eorum dogmata approbanda apud pop . frequentiùs habentur ; commemoratae sunt . Iam qui huc usque nullo modo deduci potuerint , ut publicis predictis precibus , & concionibus interessent , magnopere 〈◊〉 postulant , quid his faciendum censeant viri pii & 〈◊〉 Nam si nullo animae periculo , aut nulla Dei offensione , ●ubli●o regni sui Decreto parere & obedire liceat : liben●●r ●d fecerint . Contra vero si quid in hac re periculum sit sa●utis aeternae , aut l●sae Divinae Majestatis : quae vis perpeti de●reverunt potiùs qùam quicquam agere aut committere unde Deum off●nsum iri , aut irritatum intelligant . Haec quest●● cum multas pias & religiosas conscientias exerceat , & co●tu●bet , r●ga●di estis omnes per v●scera misericordiae , & charitatem quam Christus à suis omnibus exigit , ut eam palu● & dilucide quam primùm expediatis , qua multi in ho● regno implicat● torquentur . Quod haec charta complectitur , nullius nomine singulariter praefertur quia non ad unum aliquem pertinet , quod hic petitur , sed ad omnes fere nobiles quos Anglia habet Catholicos , quibus jam multis modis pericula intentantur . Iis universis in tua illustrissima Dominatione magna spes auxilii effulget , si eadem vel Dei , vel nobilitatis respectu , agere dignabitur cum amicis quos in concilio habet Tridentino ut huic questioni , quae totius nobilitatis nomine his adjuncta est , responsum maturum & Deliberatum accommodetur , & huc commoda tuae D. opera perferatur . In quo haud dubie acquiessent perturbatae nunc conscientiae , si ex tetam sancto & nobili patre certiores fieri possint , quid patres hac de re iudicent . Quanquam fortasse tutum non fuerit , hanc questionem publice in concilio proponi , ne res divulgata nostrorum protestantium animos exacerbet , & aliquibus periculum acceleret , ( nisi tuae prudentiae aliter videatur ) ideo tua prudentia consultius fecerit , si ita cum selectis quibusdam hanc causam egerit , ut quod ipsi in hac causa piissimi & doctissimi theologi consulti significaverint , id proinde valeat , ac si universi patres sententias dixissent : Caeterum hoc totum tuae Do judicio , & arbitrio relinquendi satius sit , ut ipsa quod magis in rem esse prospiciat , ●d libere agat . Qui in Anglia ●unc sunt theologi partim metuunt , partim varie respondent ▪ ideo plane omnibus satisfaciet , quod te procurante ex Triden●●no huc respondebitur . Pro quo vestro tam firme christiano & vere religioso animo non possumu● non Deo opt . max. agere gratias , & nobis magnopere gratulari . Etsi enim calamitatum vestrarum sensus , cunctos vehementer tangat & cruciet , ut Christiana charitas hortatur , quae tam arcto necessitudinis vinculo omnes devinctos & constrictos tenet , ut mutuo afficiat membra , atque fratrum commoda & incommoda non aliena sed propria ducat ; in illo tamen non est minima consolatio , quod calamitosis hisce temporibus & in eo potissimum regno , in quo fides religiosorum miserè jacet , cernimus nullo iniuriarum concursu , aut metus vi charitatis vestrae ardorem extingu● , aut fidem convelli , aut constantiam labefactari : quinimò vos esse , qui in tanta rerum omnium confusione , ac molestiarum turbulentissimá tempestate nunquam curvaveritis genua ante Baal , non sine magna Divini nominis Christianaeque disciplinae gloria . Ne igitur vestris constans animus , qui nullis cōmodis ad impietatem torqueri flective unquam potuit , fallacibus rationibus ad vestram perniciem comparatis aut Divinae legis ignoratione pietatisve simulatione deciperetur & minueretur : quod sustinemus dignum & Christiani hominis officio debitum existimavimus vestris piissimis optatis morem gerere ; causamque vestram examinandam accuratè , diligenter , maturèque commissimus gravissimis quibusdam patribus ac reverendissimis Dominis Archiepiscopo Bracharensi , Archiepiscopo Lanci●nensi , Episcopo Dombriscensi , Episcopo Lerenensi , reverendo patri Iacobo Laine● generali societatis Iesu : simulque spectatissimis quibusdam Doctoribus Alphonso Salmeroni Fratri Petro de Soto quem arbitramur vobis & facie & nomine notissimum ; D. Georgio de Fr. Francisco Fercensi . Doct. Melchiori Cornelio : Iacobo Paiva de Andrada item Doctori , quorum omnium religio , pietas & eruditio certissimis testimoniis explorata est . Quorum sententias nostro etiam judicio comprobatas non dubitamus quin sententiae totius concilii instar sitis merito habituri . H●i igitur patres ac Theologi quibus haec provincia data est , cum s●pe convenissent , atque diligenter & circumspectè divina oracula , & sanctorum patrum sententias & instituta deliberando evolvissent , communibus suffragiis concluserunt minime vobis sine magno scelere , divinaque indignatione licere hujusmodi hereticorum precibus , illorumve concion●bus in●eresse ; ac longe multum praestare , quaevis atrocissima perpeti quam in profligatissimis sceleratissimisque rit●bus , quovis signo illis consentire . &c. The Oath of Supremacie Enacted 35. Henrici octavi . I A. B. Having now the vaile of darknesse of the usurped power , authoritie and jurisdiction of the See and Bishops of Rome , clearely taken away from mine eyes , doe utterly testifie , and declare in my conscience , that neither the See , nor the Bishop of Rome , nor any forrein Potentate , hath , nor ought to have any jurisdiction , power , or authoritie , within this Realme , nether by Gods , law nor by any other just law , or means . And though by sufferance and abuse in times passed , they aforesaid have usurped , and vendicated a fained and unlawfull power and jurisdiction within this Realme , which hath been supported till few yeeres passed , therefore because it might be deemed , and thought thereby , that I tooke or take it for just and good , I therefore now doe clearely and franckly renounce , refuse , relinquish , and forsake that pretended authoritie , power and jurisdiction , both of the See and Bishop of Rome , and of all other forrein powers . And that I shall never consent and agree , that the foresaid See , or Bishop of Rome or any of their successours , shall practise , exercise , or have any manner of authoritie , jurisdiction or power within this Realme , or any other the Kings Realmes or Dominions , nor any forrein Potentate , of what estate , degree , or condition soever he be , but that I shall resist the same at all times , to the uttermost of my power : And that I shall beare faith , truth , and true Allegiance to the Kings Majestie , and to his heires and successours , declared or hereafter to be declared by the authoritie of the Act made in the Session of the Parliament holden at Westminster the fourteenth day of Ianuary , in the five and thirtieth yeere , and in the said Act made in the eight and twentieth yeere of the Kings Majesties reigne . And that I shall accept , repute and take the Kings Majestie , his heires and successours ( when they or any of them shall enjoy his place to be the only supreame Head in earth , under God of the Church of England and Ireland , and of all other His Highnesses Dominions . And that with my body , cunning , wit , and uttermost of my power , without guile , fraud , or other undue means , I shall observe , keepe , maintaine , and defend all the Kings Majesties styles , titles , and rights , with the whole effects and contents of the Acts provided for the same , and all other Acts and Statutes made , or to be made within this Realme , in and for that purpose , and the derogation , extirpation and extinguishment , of the usurped and pretended authoritie , power and jurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome , and all other forrein Potentates , as afore . And also aswell the said Statute made in the said eight and twentieth yeer , as the Statute made in the said Session of the Parliament holden the 35. yeere of the Kings Majesties Reigne , for establishment and declaration of His highnesse succession , and all Acts and Statutes made , and to be made in confirmation and corroboration of the Kings Majesties power , and Supremacie in earth , of the Church of England and Ireland , and of other the Kings Dominions . I shall also defend and maintaine with , by body and goods , and with all my wit and power , and this I shall doe against all manner of persons , of what estate , dignitie , degree , or condition they be , and in no wise doe nor attempt , nor to my power ●uffer , or know to be done , or attempted , directly or indirectly , any thing or things privily or apertly to the let , hinderance , damage or derogation of any of the said Statutes , or of any part of them , by any manner of means , or for or by any manner of pretence . And in case any Oath hath been made by me to any person or persons in maintenance , defence , or favour of the See and Bishop of Rome , or his authoritie , jurisdiction or power , or against any Statutes aforesaid , I repute the same as vaine and annihilate , and shall wholly and truly observe and keepe this Oath , so helpe me God , all Saints , and the holy Evangelists . The Oath of Supremacie enacted 1 ● . Elizabeth , cap. 1o. I , A. B. Doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , that the Queenes highnesse is the onely Supreame governour of this Realme , and of all other her Highnesse Dominions , and Countries , as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things , or causes , as Temporall , and that no forreigne Prince , Person , Prelate , State , or Potentate , hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superioritie , preheminence , or authoritie , Ecclesiasticall , or Spirituall , within this Realme : and therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forraigne jurisdictio●s , powers , superiorities , and authorities , and doe ●●omise that from henceforth I shall beare faith an●●rue Allegiance to the Queenes Highnesse , her 〈◊〉 and lawfull Successour and to my power , shall ass●st and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences , and authorities , granted or belonging to the Queenes Highnesse , her Heires , and Successours , or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme . So helpe me God , and by the Contents of this Booke . A Proviso in an Act 5 o. Elizabeth , c. 1o. for expounding this Oath . PRovided also , that the Oath expressed in the said Act made in the said first yeere shall be taken and expounded in such forme as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queenes Majesties Injunctions , published in the first yeere of her Majesties reigne , that is to say , to confesse and acknowledge in her Majestie , her Heires and Successours , none other authoritie , then that was challenged and lately used by the noble King Henrie the eighth , and King Edward the sixth , as in the said Admonition more plainly may appeare . The Admonition annexed to the Injunctions Elizabeth 1o. followes with this Title . An Admonition to simple men deceived by malicious . THe Queenes Majestie being enformed , that in certaine places of this Realme , sundry of her native subjects , being called to Ecclesiasticall Ministrie in the Church , be by sinister perswasion , and perverse construction , induced to finde some scruple in the forme of an Oath , which by an Act of the last Parliament is prescribed to be required of divers persons for the recognition of their Allegiance to her Majestie , which certainly neither was ever meant , ne by any equitie of words , or good sense can be thereof gathered ; would that all her loving subjects should understand , that nothing was , is , or shall be meant , or intended by the same Oath , to have any other Dutie , Allegiance or Bond required by the same Oath , then was acknowledged to be due to the most noble Kings of famous memorie , King Henry the eight her Majesties Father , or King Edward the sixt her Majesties Brother . And further her Majestie forbiddeth all manner her subjects to give eare or credit to such perverse and malicious persons , which most sinisterly and maliciously labour , to notifie to her loving subjects , how by the words of the said Oath it may be collected that the Kings or Queenes of this Realme possessours of the Crowne , may challenge authoritie and power of Ministrie of Divine Offices in the Church , wherein her said subjects be much abused by such evill disposed persons . For certainly her Majestie neither doth , ne ever will challenge any other authoritie , then that was challenged and lately used by the said noble Kings of famous memory , King Henrie the eight , and King Edward the sixth , which is and was of ancient time due to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme , that is , under God to have the Sovereigntie and rule over all manner of persons borne within these her Realmes , Dominions and Countries , of what estate either Ecclesiasticall or Temporall soever they be , so as no other forreigne power , shall or ought to have any superioritie over them . And if any person that hath conceived any other sense of the forme of the said Oath shall accept the same Oath , with this interpretation , sense , or meaning , her Majestie is well pleased to accept every such in that beh●lfe , as her good and obedient subjects , and shall acquit them of all manner penalties contained in the said Act , against such as shall peremptorily or obstinately refuse to take the same Oath . The Conclusion of the Authour of the Animadversions to the Reader . THis Treatise , Christian Reader , penned by a learned and intelligent Romanist , resembles Ortwhinus his Booke intituled Fasciculus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum , or the two baskets of figg●s , Ier. 24.1.2 . set before the Temple , one basket had very good figges , and the other very naughtie . Among the very good are these assertions . That in the Protestant Church there is no Idolatrie committed . That the Liturgie of the Church of England hath not any malignitie in it , that may ●ustifie Popish Recusancie . That the Oathes of All●giance and Supremacie are iustifiable by the law of God. But among the very naughtie , are these that when we are questioned about our Religion before a Magistrate , we may vulpizure cum vulpibus , goe beyond the foxe if wee can in fox-craft : that in taking an oath we may frame a meaning to our selves which is proved contrary to the meaning of him that made , or ministreth the Oath that we may by our outward gestures and actions make shew of that Religion , of which indeed we are not : that a Prudent Catholique may both frequent the Protestant Church in publique ( as this Priest s●ith he hath done often ) and goe to Masse , ●r say Masse in private . This is no better then to weare a garment not on our bodies , ●ut on our soules made of 〈◊〉 , and to plough in Christs ●ield with an Oxe and an As●e , and to 〈◊〉 betweene two opinions reproved by the holy Prophet Eliah ; t●is is to be of the luke-warme temper , which is so 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of God , that he threateneth to spew such out of his mouth . Of which beware , Christian Reader , as thou tendere●t the everlasting health of thy soule . If the Lord be God follow him , but if Baal be he , goe after him . For assure thy selfe whatsoever the Romish Baal may doe , God will retaine no halting followers . It is not 〈◊〉 to worship God in thy heart , but thou must worship him also with thy body ; for he who hath created both , and redeemed both , will be worshipped in both , and served by both . Say thou never didst worship Baal in thy heart , yet if thy knee bowed unto him , or thy mouth kissed him , God will account thee for none of his servants , 1 King. 19.18 . It is not sufficient to beleeve in Christ , thou must also confesse his * Name ; for a with the heart man beleeveth unto righteousnesse , and with the mouth co●f●ssi●n is made unto salvation . It is not sufficient that the Religion we professe be true , if we be not true to it : neither will our faith save us , if we save not it and keepe it uncorrupt . What the Oratour speaketh of piety towards our parents , may be more truely affirmed of piety towards God : religion is wounded with a gesture , a n●d , nay a looke . It was said of old , saith our Saviour , Thou shalt not commit adulterie , but I say unto you ( Matth. 5 27.28 . ) That whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her hath committed adulterie with her in his heart . If we goe with a friend to Masse out of a lust or meere curiositie to see the Whore of Babylon in her richest dresse upon a high Festival day , we have alreadie committed spirituall adultery with her in our heart . And therefore Constantius the Emperour , as Ambrose testifieth ; thought himselfe polluted if he had but seene an Altar : and the noble Martyrs in the first and best ages of the Church would rather suffer the last drop of bloud in their heart to be spil● , then cast but one graine of Franckincense to the fire in honour of the Idols . And when Iulian by a slight , as Sozomen writeth , had drawne some Christian souldiers to doe some kinde of reverence in this kinde to his heathenish Idols , he cunningly sitting by the Altar , where there was an Image of his Pagan Deitie , and calling them to bestow some gold upon them ; as soone as ever they perceived how they were circumvented , they run backe againe into the place where incense was burning to the Idol , and cast downe all the gold they had received before the Emperours face . And Valentinian carrying the Mace before Iulian the Apostata , when the heathenish Sexton cast some holy water upon him , he ●eld him downe at a blow , wiped off the water , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. hist. l. 3. c. 15. In like manner when Licinius bad * Auxentius cut off a branch of a Vine laden with cluste●s of grapes , and he suspecting nothing had ●one it : Licinius bad him put that branch at the feete of the Image of Bacchus : but Auxentius answered , God forbid O Emperour that I should doe it , for I am a Christian : and the Emperour replying , either doe it , or get thee out of my presence , he presently looseneth his belt and quits his service . To whom I will adde one * more mentioned by Theodoret , who chose rather to be most cruelly tortured then he would be brought to contribute a halfe-penny towards the repairing of an Idol temple . Let us warme our zeale at the embers of these holy Martyrs and Confessours , and be ever mindfull of the holy Apostles exhortation ; Have no fellowship at all with the workes of darkenesse , Ephes. 5.11 . but reprove them rather : be not unequally yoaked with unbeleevers , 2 Cor. 6.14 . For what fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse , or what communion hath light with darkenesse : and what concord hath Christ with Belial : and what agreement hath the temple of God with Idols : marke the Apostles gradation , first , What fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse : next , What communion hath light with darknesse : and la● , What concord hath Christ with Belial : no more agreement may we have who are the temples of the living God with Idols . Th●re is great opposition betweene righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse , greater betweene light and darkness ; greatest of all between Christ and Belial : righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse ( the one being a vertue and the other a vice ) are opposed contrarily , but light and darkenesse privatively , which is a greater opposition ; but Christ and Belial contradictorily which is the greatest of all : Righteousnesse and unrighteousnesse are so opposite that they cannot subsist in the same soule , and light and darknesse so opposite , that they cannot subsist in the same roome ; but Christ and Belial so opposite that they cannot subsist together in the same heaven . Righteousnesse fighteth with unrighteousnesse wheresoever it meeteth with it ; but light doth more , it presently banisheth darknesse ; but Christ yet more , he utterly confoundeth Belial : so true religion not onely fighteth with all heresie , and superstition wheresoever it meeteth with it ; but banisheth it , and in the end confoundeth it : Wherefore come out from among them and be ye separate saith the Lord , and touch not the uncleane thing and I will receive you , 2 Cor. 6.17 . Finis : Deo Laus Sine Fine . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A41019-e360 Encarid ad Lauren : miro & ineffabili modo non fit praeter Dei v●luntatem , quod etiam contra ejus voluntatem fit : ●uia nec fier●t nisi sineret , nec u●ique nolens sed vole●s , nec ●inere● bon●● f●●r● malè nisi omnip●t●ns etiam de malo f●c●re pos●●t b●n● . See page 64. Acts 25. ●5 . Ierom. ● . Epig. l. 1. ●cta gravi ferro ●●nfossaque vulne●● mater , S●● pariter vitam perdidit 〈◊〉 dedi● . Pluri●us illa mor● 〈◊〉 sa●cia tel●● , Omnibus ut natis ●●iste pateret iter . Plautus in Pseud. Aug. de haerasib . c. 70. habent Ebar verba juxta Poeta , Imur● perjura secretum pr●der● noli & lib. 1. Retract . cap. 60. Priscillianista ●aresin suam non s●lum negando a●que mentiendo verum ettam pejerando existimabant ●eculendam , & ibid. Visum est quibus●ā Cath●lic●s Priscillianistas se debere simulare , ut ●orum latebra● penetrarint . Ovid fast . lib. 3. Coede caput dixit , cui rex , parebimus inquit , Cadenda est h●rtis ●ruta ( cepa ) mei● : Addidit hi● hominis sumes , ait ●lle ( cap. 〈◊〉 ) pestulat hic animam cui . Num● ( ●isc●● ) ait risit & his inquit facit● me● t●la procures , ● vi● coll●qui● non ●big●nd● Deum . ●ee pag. ●3 ●eog . 1 〈◊〉 6. Vulpiza●● cum vulp●bus . Notes for div A41019-e3860 a Nay rather a Babylonish Marchant putting away a good conscience concerning faith making shipwrack● , 1 Tim. 1.19 . For this book with the title thereof resembleth the Apothecaries boxes , quorum tituli remediae habe●t , pyxides 〈◊〉 . Lactant. divin . institut . l. 3. c. 14. b According to that prudence which Saint Iames brandeth with those three marks ▪ Earthly , sensuall , and devillish Iam. 3.15 . c By Catholike , he meaneth a Papist , begging after their manner , that which is indeed the maine question between us , namely , whether Papists are Catholikes : For if he take Catholikes in that sense in which the word is used by the ancient Fathers , for a right beleever or Orthodox Christian in opposition to all heretikes and schismatikes ; neither are Romanists such Catholikes : and such Catholikes living within his Majesties Dominions , not only may but ought to come to our Protestant Churches ▪ and take the Oathes both of Allegiance and Supremacie , when they are legally tendered unto them . d If the author had not here rubd his forehead , hee would never have set this text in the frontispice of his book , for whether we translate the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 innocent or simple , in neither sense it befitteth either the person of the Author and his Associates , or the argument of his book . How innocent Papists are , it is sufficiently known to all the world by the Massacre at Paris , Powder plot in England , and the present Rebellion in Ireland . As for their simplicitie , let the Iesuits manifold Apologies of Equivocation speak , and this Priests Treatise in hand , wherein he endeavoureth through the whole to proove it to be lawfull to double in point of Gods worship , and juggle in matter of most sacred and solemne oathes . Notes for div A41019-e4150 e Rubet auditor eui frigida mens est ; criminibus tacitâ sūdant praecordia culpâ . It seemes the Authors heart smote him , and his cōscience misgave him , and his inke turned red , when he set his pen to paper to apologize for hollow hearted newtralitie , and halting betweene two religions . If we divide his Pamphlet into two parts , we shall finde the first part spent in proofe and justification of simulation , the second of dissimulation : in the former part he perswades the Papists of England to make shew of what they are not , by frequently resorting to our Church and Communion Table , in the second to deny what they are , by taking the two Oathes : wherein both the temporall and the spirituall power and jurisdiction of the Pope , within these kingdomes are renounced . f How the ensuing Treatise tendeth to the Safeguard of the bodies and estates of Papists , by declining the penalties of the laws , every intelligent Reader may perceive , but how this way of dissimulation tends to the safeguard of souls , I cannot understand , sith the Saviour of our souls , who is the Way , the Truth , Truth , and the Life , teacheth us in expresse words , Marke 8.35 . Whosoever will save his life shall loose it , but whosoever shall loose his life for my sake and the Gospel shall finde it . vers . 38. Whosoever therefore shall be ashamed of me and of my words in this adulterous and sinfull generation , of him also shall the Sonne of man be ashamed , when he cometh in the glory of his Father , with his holy Angels , and Matth. 10.32 , 33. Whosoever shall confesse me before men , him will I confesse also before my Father which is in heaven : but whosoever shall deny me before men , him will I also deny before my Father which is in heaven . But I subsume , to make profession of communion with misbeleevers or schismaticks , is not to confesse Christ , and to deny any part of our Christian Faith , with what art of words , or pretence of good intention soever , is upon the matter , to deny Christ , and to be ashamed of him and his Doctrine . g You may thanke Pope Pius his seditious Bull against Q. Elizabeth , wherein he not only excommunicateth her but exposeth her life and kingdome for a prey , and the treasonable practises of Iesuits and Iesuited Papists for the severitie of our laws , not indeed against your Religion , but rather irreligion and disloyaltie , medicum severum intemperans aeger fa●it . h Hoc verū est priusquam Theognis nasceretur ; This is an extreame veritie as the French speake , that it is not necessary to confesse a mans Religion without necessitie , as if he should say , it is not profitable for a man to drive a a Trade without profit , or not pleasant to recreate himselfe without pleasure , or not wholsome to take Physicke , which conduceth not to his health . But if this were in him l●psus linguae or calami . I am sure his inference hereupon , is deliquium mentis , and argues a defect in his rationall facultie : for at this issue he drives , because it is not necessary at all times and in all places to confesse Religion , ( no more then to goe out into the Market place and cry I am a Romane Catholike , or to write upon the frontispice of his house here lyeth a Papist , ) that therefore a man may sometimes make an outward profession of a contrary Religion , by joyning with them publikely in their Service and Sacraments . If he had staid longer at schoole he would have perfectly learned ( which he fumbleth at ) this lesson from the Schoole Divines , ( which looseneth the sinews of this his argument ) that affirmative preceptes , obligant semper , sed non ad semper , but negative , semper & ad semper . A man is not bound alwayes to exhibit cultum latriae , to God by adoration , or prayer , but he is bound never to exhibite Divine worship to a creature : he is not bound alwayes to offer unto God , or to give to the Church ; but he is bound never sacrilegiously to take away from God or his Church : in like manner , he is not bound at all times , and in all places to professe his faith , but he is alwayes bound , not to denie his Faith and Religion , either by word or deed . A man is not bound alwayes to speake a truth , but he is bound never to lie , feigne , or play the hypocrite . i See the Advertisement to the Reader . The Apostle saith , Godlinesse is great gain ; if a man be contented with what he hath : but by the confession of this Priest , gaine is the Iesuits godlinesse ; the zeale of Gods house eats not them up , but their zeale devoureth the houses of the welthiest Recusants in England . What care they though Recusants sinke in England , so long as they swim in abundance beyond the Sea ? what thought take they for the parents mulcts and taxes by the state , so long as their Pupils scores are paid in their Colleges ? k If seven Popes one after another swallowed the same State gudgeons , and after the swallowing of them sub annulo piscatoris , sent rescripts into England forbidding all Catholikes under paine of mortall sinne , to repaire to Protestant Churches , which this Authour acknowledgeth to be an errour in those Popes , what becomes of the infallible assistance of the holy Spirit annexed to Peters chaire ? if so many Popes might be deceived by false suggestions , why not by false arguments , and objections ? if they may be deceived in matter of fact , why not in matter of faith , which often dependeth upon matter of fact ? and there being more need of inerrabilitie in a visible head for matter of fact , then matter of faith , the later so far as it is necessary to salvation being plainely set downe in Scripture . If they may be deceived as men , why not as Popes ? surely if the Pope doe any thing as Pope ▪ it is sending forth his Buls and Rescripts , whereby he governeth and instructeth the Pseudo-Catholike Church , and decides cases of conscience ; and if in such he be subject to errour and mistaking , even in a matter of as great weight as any was agitated in the Councell of Trent , as this Priest affirmeth , pag. 7. upon what a sandie foundation is the Romish Babell built ? and how loose and weake is the maine ground of a Papists faith ? l It cannot be the common opinion of Divines that it is lawfull for a man to goe to Church and communicate with those who are of a different Religion . For seven Popes alleadged by him , two Cardinals , Bellarmine and Baronius , twelve Fathers of the Councell of Trent , R. P. and other Iesuits for the Roman partie , and of the Protestant beliefe , George Abbot Archbishop of Canterburie , in his Lectures at Oxford , Calvine in his tract adversus Pseudo-Nicodemitas , and the Doctors of the reformed Churches generally in their expositions upon the second Commandement , and in their commentaries upon the second of the Corinthians 6. Chapter , 15 , 16 , 17. ver . determine the contrary . m No infallibilitie in any generall Councel since the dayes of the Apostles , much lesse in the Councel of Trent , which was neither a generall Councel , nor lawfully called , nor free , nor at all an assembly of Catholike Bishops , but of Images , moved like the statues of Dedalus by the sinewes of others . See the historie of the Councel of Trent written in Italian by Petro Soave Polano , and the Epistle Dudith quinque Eccles. ad Maximilianum , 2. Caes. But were the Councel of Trent a generall Councel lawfully called , consisting of eminent Doctors and Pastours as it were starres of the first magnitude , yet they could not without horrible presumption arrogate to that their Synod infallibilitie : for that not onely Provinciall but even oecumenicall Councels may erre , and be fouly mistaken , and that in matter of faith may thus be demonstrated . First , every assemby which consisteth of members subject to errour may be seduced , and deceived , but generall Councels are assemblies consisting of members subject to errour ; for all men are so , Rom. 3.4 . Therefore generall Councels may be seduced and deceived . This reason is strongly backed by the authoritie of the most judicious of all the Fathers , Saint Augustine and that in many places , namely , Ep. 112. c. 1. Si Divinarum scripturarum , earum scilicet quae canonicae in Ecclesia nominantur , perspicua firmatur autoritate , sine ulla Dub. tation● credendum est : ali●s vero testibus vel testimonies quibus aliquid credendum esse suadetur tibi credere vel non credere liceat ; quantum ea momenti ad faciendam fidem vel habere vel non habere perpenderis : If any thing be confirmed by cleare and evident authoritie of Canonicall Scripture that must be beleeeved without all doubting : but for other witnesses and testimonies whereby ye are perswaded to beleeve any thing you may give credit unto them , or not , as you see cause : & de natura et grat . cont . Pelag. c. 61. solis canonicis debeo sine ulla recusatione consensum . In the writing of any such men I hold my selfe at libertie ( namely to give my assent unto them or not ) for I owe consent without any stay or staggering to the Canonicall Scriptures alone : therefore not to the Popes Rescripts , or Decrees of generall Councels . And in his second booke , De bapt ▪ cont . Donat. c. 3. Quis nesciat scripturam canonicam omnibus posterioribus Episcoporum literis ita praeponi ; ut de illa omnino dubitari et disceptari non possit utrum vel verum rectum sit quicquid in eâ scriptum esse constiterit . Episcoporum autem literas quae post confirmatum canonem vel scriptae sunt , vel scribuntur , et per sermonem fortè sapientiorem cuiuslibet in ea re peritioris et per aliorum Episcoporum graviorem authoritatem , doctioremque prudentiam et per concilia licere reprehendi , si quid in eis fortè a veritate deviatum est . Et ipsa concilia quae per singulas regiones vel provincias fiunt , plenariorum conciliorum authoritati , quae fiunt ex universo orbe christiano , sine ullis ambagibus cedere : ipsaque plenaria saepe priora posterioribus emendari , cum aliquo experimento rerum aperitur quod clausum erat , et cognoscitur quod latebat . Who knowes not that the canonicall Scriptures are so farre to be preferred above the latterr letters of Bishops , that whatsoever is found written in it may neither be doubted nor disputed of whether it be true or right : but the letters of Bishops may not only be disputed of , but censured by Bishops that are more wise and learned then they , if any thing in their writings swerve from the truth : or by Provinciall Synods , and these also must give place to plenarie and generall Councels , and even plenarie and generall Councels may be amended , the former by the latter , and it is to be noted that he speaketh of errour in matter of faith . For these words are part of his answer to an Objection of the Donatists out of the letters of Saint Cyprian , concerning the point of rebaptizing . Secondly , If the determinations of generall Councels were infallible , all Christians were necessarily bound to stand unto them , and to submit to their authoritie : but this Saint Augustine peremptorily denies , l. 3. Cont. Maxim. c. 14. Nec ego Nicenum nec tu debes Ariminense , tanquam preiudicaturus , proferre concilium ; nec ego huius authoritate nec tu illius detineris . Neither ought I to alleadge the Councel of Nice , nor thou the Councel of Ariminum in prejudice to either part . For neither am I bound to the authoritie of the one , nor thou to the authoritie of the other ; and it is worth the observation that Saint Augustine speaketh of the first most famous Councel of Nice , whose authoritie was greater and held more sacred and venerable then any Councel since , and if that Councel concluded not Saint Augustine , shall the authoritie of a late Conveticle at Trent conclude all Christians ? Thirdly , If generall Councels may contradict one the other , they may certainly erre . For it is impossible that both parts of a contradiction should be true . But generall Councels contradict one the other . Ergo. For the Councel held at Ariminum contradicteth the first generall Councel held at Nice in the point of consubstantialitie of the Sonne with the Father . The generall Councel held at Chalcedon , contradicteth the generall Councel held at Ephesus in the point of Eutychianisme . The generall Councel at Frankeford , contradicteth your second generall Councel held at Nice in the point of Image worship . Your generall Councel held at Lateran under Leo the tenth , contradicteth your Councel of Constance in the point of the Councels superioritie above the Pope . Fourthly , Cuivis contingere potest quod cuiquam potest , that which hath befallen some generall Councels , may befall any other , unlesse they can alleadge some speciall priviledge to the contrary ; but divers generall Councels have erred . A generall Councel of Prophets , 1 Kings 22.12 . erred , saying , The Lord shall deliver Ramoth Gilead into the Kings hand ; a generall Councel of Priests , Matthew 26.65 . erred damnably in condemning Christ for a blasphemer guiltie of death . The generall Councel held at Arminum erred , denying the Sonnes equalitie with the Father , at Ephesus , confounding the two natures in Christ : at Nice under Irene , decreeing that Angels are to be painted , because they are of a corporeall nature : at Constance , denying the Laitie to be bound to receive the communion in both kindes against the expresse precept of Christ , Matth. 26.28 . and Iohn 6.53 . And of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 11.28 . At Florence , and after at Trent , defining that the effect of the Sacrament depends upon the intention of the Priest or Bishop , who administreth it . Which if it were true , no man in the Roman Church could ever be assured either of his baptisme , or of his confirmation , or of his absolution , or of his ordination , or of the validitie of his matrimonie , or of his safe adoration of the Host , or of the vertue of his extreme unction . For how can he certainly know the intention of the Bishop or Priest who administred unto him these rites , all which they account sacraments ? Neither can they evade by saying that these Councels might erre because they were not confirmed by the Pope ; for the Popes were present at all these later , either in person or by their Legates , and it is for certain that their second Councel at Nice , was confirmed by Pope Adrian ; at Constance by Pope Martine , at Florence by Pope Eugenius , at Trent by divers Popes . Lastly , if Councels had an immunitie from error , the prayer which they made at their Councels registred by Gregory the Great , l. 7. Epist. were a meere mockerie . The prayer was conceived in this forme : Quia conscientià remordente tabescimus ne aut ignorattia nos traxerit in errorem aut praeceps forsitan voluntas impulerit a iustitia declinare , ob hoc te poscimus , te rogamus ut si quid offensionis in hac concilii celebritate attraximus , condonare et remissibile facere digneris . Because we pine away through remorse of conscience , fearing lest either ignorance have drawn us into error , or a headie will driven us to swerve from justice , for this we pray thee , we beseech thee that if we have done any thing amisse in this great and famous assembly , thou wouldest vouchsafe to pardon it . I conclude therefore with the words of Leo in his Epistle to Anatolius , who lightly phillips off the authoritie of the generall Councel held at Ephesus , in which there were above 600. Fathers . In one word , Tanquam refutari nequeat , quod illicitè voluerit multitudo . as if that could not be refuted which a multitude hath unlawfully determined ; giving withall most wholesome conusell to all Councels , nulla sibi de multiplicitate congregationis concilia blandiantur . Let no Councels flatter themselves with the great multitude of persons assembled in them , as if that might priviledge them from errour . Notes for div A41019-e6110 n Here least the Reader should before he be aware ; be bitten by a snake lying under the grasse , I hold it necessary to distinguish between two questions , which may seem to be a like , but indeed are very different . The first , whether Papists may goe to Protestant Churches . The second , whether a Protestant may goe to a Popish Church . He that shall give the same solution to both these questions , shall give a greater wound to the Protestant cause , in the latter , then his plaister will salve in the former . The Protestants and Papists in this stand not upon even tearmes : for there is nothing in the Protestant Liturgie or Service , which the Romanists doe , or by their own Rules can except at ; The Confession , forme of Absolution , Prayers , Hymnes , Collects , Lessons , Epistles and Gospels , are either such as the Papists themselves use , or at least such as they dislike not ; whereas it is farre otherwise in the Romane Missall . For there is sprinkling , exorcised water , censing books , and pictures , worshipping images , invocation of Saints , prayers for the dead , intercession by the prayers and merits of souls departed , and which is the height of all idolatry adoration of their Host or breaden God , and all this service performed in an unknowne tongue contrary to the expresse order of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 14. all which the Reformed Churches condemne and abhorre , and whereas this Author alleadgeth , there can be no text of Scripture brought , forbidding Papists to come to our Church : I beleeve him , but on the other side there are many expresse Texts of holy Scripture from whence it may be strongly inferred , that no Protestant whose conscience is convinced of the manifold idolatries and superstitions , wherewith the Romish Liturgie is polluted , can with a safe conscience goe to Masse , as namely , Psal. 26.4 . I have not sate with vaine persons , neither will I goe in with dissemblers , I have hated the congregation of evill doers , and will not sit with the wicked , 1 Cor. 10.7 . Neither be ye idolaters as were some of them , vers . 14. Wherefore my dearely beloved flee from idolatrie , 1 Ioh. 5.21 . Keepe your selves from idols , 2. Cor. 6.14 . What fellowship hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse , or what communion hath light with darknesse , vers . 16 What agreement hath the Temple of God with idols ? vers . 17. Wherefore come out from among them and be ye separate , saith the Lord , and touch not the uncleane thing , and I will receive you . o Although I have no meaning to drive away Papists from our Churches , nor purpose to enervate the kindly , and right arguments which this Priest bringeth to perswade them thereunto : yet I cannot let passe this , wherwith true Professours may be very much scandalized . For what religious heart doth not tremble to thinke of going in , and bowing in the temple of an ●doll , in which as the ( Apostle teacheth ) the service that is done , and the sacrifice that is offered , is to devils , 1 Cor. 10.20 . and no better was this Rimmon the Syrian idoll . I answer therefore ( 1 ) that the case of conscience Naaman put , was not whether he might goe with his Master into the house of Rimm●n , and offer sacrifice with him unto the idoll : but whether he might not waite upon his Master thither , and performe a civill ( for the bowing spoken of was as C●i●tan well noteth , genuflexio obsequii , non imitativa , a bowing to the King not to the Idoll ) o●●ice to him or make an obeysance , whilest the King leaned on his hand : and yet his heart smote him for this , and his conscience misgave him , that the Lord would be displeased with him for it : for so much his prayer importeth . The Lord pardon thy servant in this thing . Secondly , the words of the Prophet Elisha ; Goe in peace , doe not necessarily import an approbation , or permission of that which Naaman pro●ounded : but either a meere forme of valediction , as if he had said in our language adiew , or farewell . 3. Or the meaning of them may be , that which Trem●lius and Iunius , by comparing this text . 2 Kings 5.19 . with the 1 Samuel 1.17 . collect , Quieto anim● esto & ne sis sollicitus de istis rebus quae nihil ad pacem conscientiae tuae faciunt , sed potius ill●m turbaturae sint , & Deum in te provocaturae , Be at peace , and take no thought of these things , which will nothing conduct to the peace of thy conscience , but rather trouble it and provoke the wrath of God against thee : 〈◊〉 fourthly , the words may carry this sense , now thou ha●t that thou ●●●nest for , thou art cleansed of thy l●prosie , Goe home in peace , God send thee a prosperous journey for the thing thou w●ttest of , shall never 〈◊〉 thee , for thy Master shall never requi●e any such service of thee as to wait on him to his Chappell to worship Rimmon . And fifthly , what if there be an ●nallage temporis very usuall , in the Hebrew . A●l mists of obscuritie be taken away , if we translate the words thus , The Lord be mercifull to thy servant , for that when my Master went into the house of Rimmon and leaned on my hand , I bowe● my selfe in the house of Rimmon . Howsoever the Prophets valediction , Goe ●n peace , no more prooveth any approbation of Naamans bowing in the house of Rimmon , then of his other demand , vers . 17. namely , Of two Mules load of the earth of the land of Israel , and whatsoever Naamans conceit was in i● , whether he imagined there were any holinesse or vertue in that earth , as the inhabitants of Colubraria ( as Pomponius Mela writeth ) beleeved , that the earth of the neighbour Island Ebusitana , was a sovereigne remedie against those serpents wherewith they were infested , or whether he meant to make an altar of that earth , it is not likely the Prophet would incourage him by his approbation , to load his Mules with that earth , the former reason being superstitious , the latter unwarrantable , for they were to sacrifice only in the place which the Lord God should appoint , and if the Prophets words carry no approbation , but have some other meaning , the edge of the Priests argument for assistance at Idol worship is quite dulled . p So indeed Hurtado de Mendoza and others by him cited . But as the Scriptures saith of Nabal , a foole is his name , and folly is in him ; so we may truely say here , that Mendoza is Mendosus , and Mendax too , both faultie , and false ; for Christ who is the truth himselfe teacheth us , that our life is better lost to save it , then saved to losse : Matth. 16.25 . he saveth it to losse , who saveth it by denying his Saviour , and he looseth it to his advantage , who looseth it for the testimonie of the Gospell , for he shall exchange the losse of a miserable temporall life , with blessed immortalitie or immortall blisse . If men when they are in danger of death may dissemble their Religion , what shall become of the glory of Confessours , and crowne of Martyrs . At such a time to use the habit and ceremonies of a false law ( saie of Mahomets , or the Persians , or the Brachmans , or the West Indians ; who do all their devotions professedly to the Devill himselfe , whom they take to be God ) is it not to deny Christ in our habit , and in our actions , though not in our words and professions ? q Surely the Roman Catholiques in England must needs be thought to suffer grievous persecution , when as the authour of the answer to the libell of justice cited by this Priest , pag. 9. and 10. so much delighteth in it that he would not have a toleration of Catholikes in England if he might , and to aske it of God ( saith he ) were to aske we know not what , for that persecution is better . O medicina gravis ! The truth is , the little finger of Queene Mary was heavier against Protestants then Queene Elizabeth her whole loynes against Popish Recusants . Neither in her reigne , no● in the reigne of King Iames , nor of our present Sovereigne , was any Papist put to death meerely for his conscience : but either for some treasonable p●actise , or violation of some Statute Law , the penaltie whereof is Death . See pag. 4. G. r The distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes Tostatus ( learned in Peter Lumbards schoole , not in Christs ) may teach , but not truely . For although some sinnes may be tearmed veniall comparatè , in respect of others that are of a deeper die , and so lesse in their owne nature pardonable and excuseable : or not at all ( as the sinne against the holy Ghost : and though all sinnes of the ●le●t are veniall through grace , or quo ad eventum : yet there are no sinnes which in their owne nature are not mortall . For all sinnes are transgressions of the eternall law , and in them the infinite Majestie of God is some waies slig●ted : and therefore Saint Hieromes generall conclusion is true , ep . ad Celantiam , omne quod agimus , omne quod loquimur , aut de angustâ viâ est , quae tendit ad vitam , aut de latâ quâ imus ad mortem : What soever we do , whatsoever we speake , either appertaines to the narrow Way wh●reby we enter into life , or to the broad way which is the roade to death : and in his second booke against the Pelagians , si ira et sermonis iniuria atque interdum iocus iudicio concilioque et gehennae ignibus delegatur , quid merebitur turpium rerum appetitio ? if unadvised anger and a contumelious word bring us in danger of a iudgement , and a councel , and hell fire : what shall the desire of filthy things deserve ? and who can say his heart is cleane from all these ? To make light of sinne aggravateth our conscience , even those Naevuli & leves aspergines , & pulviseuli , & prolapsiunculae , & peccadili●es , ( as the Romanis●s stile veniall sinnes ) either are transgressions of the law of God or not : if they are not transgressions of the law , they are no sinnes at all : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all sinne is the transgression of the law , 1 Iohn 3.4 . or as the Schooles ●ut of Saint Augustine define , peccatum est dictum , factum vel concupitum contra legem aeternam , every sinne is a desire , word or deed against the eternall law : and if veniall sinnes be transgressions of this law , their punishment is death . For the soule that sinneth shall die , Ezech. 18.4 . and the sting of death is sinne , 1 Cor. 15.56 . and the wages of sinne is death , Rom. 6.23 . These cleare and evident Texts of holy Sc●ipture so dazled the eyes of three of their sharpe sighted Schoolemen , that they not onely left the common tract of other popish Divines ( as Bellarmine minceth the matter , l. 1. de amiss . grat . et stat . pec . c. 4. ( non nihil a communi theologorum sententiâ deflexerunt ) but went in the direct way of the reformed Doctours : these Schoole men are Gerson 3. part . Theolog. tract . de vit . spirit . sect . 1ª Iacobus Almaine Opusc. tract . 3. c. 20. & Iohannes Episcopus Roffensis in refut . 32. artic . Luth. Gersons words are ( with whom Almaine accords ) peccatū mortale et veniale in esse tali non distinguuntur intrinsecè et essentialiter sed solum per respectum ad divinam gratiam quae peccatum istud imputat : mortall and veniall sinnes are not distinguished in their intrinsicall essence , but onely with a relation to the divine grace which imputes the sinne , &c. Roffenfis speaketh to the same purpose , peccatum veniale solum ex Dei misericordia veniale est : veniall sinne is onely veniall by the meere mercy of God : not therefore in its owne nature . s He meaneth by counsels , according to the doctrine of his Romish Church , such supposed good workes as are not commanded of God , by the performance whereof yet they beleeve that they cannot onely merit at Gods hands , but supererogate . An assertion , as farre from Theologicall truth , as Christian modestie . For first , the law of God is perfect , Psal. 19.7 . and consequently commandeth all good , and forbiddeth all evill : else were it not a perfect but a scantive and defective rule of good . Secondly , though there may be many good workes which the law of God commandeth not , to all persons , at all times , and in all places , in every manner and measure ; yet neither is there any good worke nor can be , which is not comprised within that great and large Commandement of loving the Lord with all our heart , and all our soule , and all our might : Deut. 6.5 . Matth. 22.37 . Luk. 10.27 . For it implyes a contradiction , to say that we can love God more then with all our might , and strength , and we see that all is required by this commandement . Thirdly , the aspiring to perfection it selfe , so farre as it is attainable by us in this life , falleth under the expresse commandement of our Saviour , Matth. 5.48 . Be ye therefore perfect as your heavenly Father is perfect . How can there be any counsels of perfection over and above the law , when the law of Christ requireth perfection it selfe ? What good worke is there or can there be tending to Christian perfection , which Saint Pauls Whatsoever carrieth not , Phil. 4.8 . Finally brethren , whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsosoever things are iust , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report : if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , thinke on these things . Fourthly , dato et non concesso , admitting for arguments sake , that in some one particular or other , that a man might do more then God commands : yet in other things the best man that is , comes short of the law . For in many things we offend all , Iames 4.2 . and even such a righteous man as Iob was cannot answer one of a thousand , Iob 9.3 . What then becomes of works of supererogation , when a mans stock or treasure of good workes cannot hold out to pay his own debts ? Fifthly , though we strive to the uttermost to walke exactly before God , and abstaine from all knowne sinnes , so farre as humane frailtie permits in this life , and fulfill all righteousnesse in doing all the commandements of God with all our might : may we then superarrogate any thing to our selves , or supererogate to others ? No our Saviour teacheth us a contrarie lesson , When you shall have done all these things which are commanded you , say we are unprofitable servants , for we have done that which was our dutie to doe , Luk. 17.10 . We are unprofitable servants , therefore not deserving of our Master , and we doe but that which is our dutie to doe , and therefore not more then we are bound to doe . t He fouly mistaketh the matter , it was no scandall to Christ to bee poore that hee might make us rich , no more then to be abased , to exalt us ; to bee stript , to cloth us ; to take the forme of a servant , to make us free ; to be condemned , to acquit us ; to be in an agonie , to comfort us ; and to die , to restore us to life . The viler he became for our sakes , the more highly ought we to esteeme of him . Neither did Christ goe any way about to conceale his povertie , nay he openly proclaimed it : The foxes have holes , and fowles of heaven neasts , but the Sonne of man hath not where to lay his head , Matth. 8.20 . But the cause why at that time being destitute of money , he wrought a miracle , was ( as the text saith ) Matth. 17.27 . That he might not offend them , who questioned him about tribute , by not paying it . For though he was free , yet the Iewes not taking notice of that freedome , in probabilitie would have inferred from his not paying , that he had denyed that tribute ought to be paid to Caesar , and consequently had denyed Caesars authority & soverainty . See Luk. 20.20 . But if povertie be scandalous , why do the Fryars by a vow of perfection , as they terme it , undertake this scandalous povertie ? u I answer that the Masse being rightly understood our Liturgy ought not to bee called a piece of the Masse . For though there are some passages alike in both : yet they tend not to the same end , nor are retained upon the same ground . Every part of any thing hath a reference to the whole , and consequently every part of the Romish service to their Masse , as a preparatory or an appertenance , or immediate part thereof ; whereas no part of our service tendeth at all to that end , nay we are so farre from intending the sacrifice of the Masse in our service , that we disclaime and abominate it and hold it no better then a Masse of superstitions and contradictions ; superstitions in the manner , and contradictions in the matter thereof . For they teach it to be a sacrifice properly so called , yet nothing therein is properly sacrificed : not the bread and wine : for they are transubstantiated before the sacrifice ; not Christs body , for no living thing can properly be sacrificed , unlesse it be slaine , but Christ as the Apostle teacheth us , being once dead dieth no more . Secondly , they teach it , to be an externall and sensible sacrifice , and yet Christ there appeareth to no sense ; but is as they teach , couched and concealed under the accidents of bread and wine . Thirdly , they teach that it is an unbloody sacrifice , and yet Christs blood is there truely and really shed and drunke by the communicants with the mouth . Fourthly , that it is a perfect and all-sufficient sacrifice , and yet they repeat it and reiterate it daily . Fifthly , Christs body is there with his humane dimensions , and yet is whole in the whole and whole in every smallest part and point of the Host. Secondly , I say , that Christ indeed forbids us to cast pearle before swine , but no where to take a pearle though out of a swines snout , if we finde any such there . Thirdly , I answer , that it cannot be prooved that any part or parcell of our Service booke , was originally taken out of the Mas●e . For though there are some of the same Co●lects and Prayers in it , yet they ought not to be said to be taken out of Missals as their originall Fountaine , sith the most of them if not all might be gathered out of more ancient Liturgies . For which . See Biblioth Patru to 1. And if it be so , then it may be said ; That the mud of Popery fell into them , but they sprang not from Popery , but from purer fountains . * It hath been I confesse , a long custome in the Latine Church , ever since Pope Vitalian to celebrate the Church Service in the Latine tongue , but it was never the custome of the Catholique or Vniversall so to doe . The Greeke and Syrian , and African , and other Churches had from the beginning , and have at this day their Service in their own languages . Neither is the reason the Priest alleadgeth here of any force , namely , That w as the Catholike Religion is universall , so it should be exercised in an universall language which he will have to be the Latine . For first there is no necessitie that the Catholike Religion which is universall should be exercised in an universall language , but rather in all languages . Secondly , since the division of tongues at the tower of Babell , there was no language universall in all the world , the Greeke was for a time the furthest spread , and after the Romane : but neither of them , nor any other , was spoken or understood by all Christians , and at this day if we may beleeve travellers , no language is so generally knowne and spoken as the Slavonian . Thirdly , the unity of language maketh nothing to the unitie of Religion or the Church , neither doth the Apostle require that the Divine Service be performed in any one tongue , but that it be done in a knowne tongue , to the edification of the Church , 1 Cor. 14.4.12.14.16 . And to that end , among others , was the gift of tongues given . x See page 28. Letterr. y See the lettero. pag. 17. z See the letter R pag. 28. a This definition of an heretique is both defective & redundant : defective , for every obstinate deniall of an article of faith makes not an heretique , unlesse his conscience be clearely convinced of his errour out of the word of God , it is redundant also , for a man may be an heretique by denying any article of faith , though that article be not proposed to him by the Catholike Church to be beleeved ; though but his pastour , or any other , religious Christian out of Gods word clearely propound it to him and prove , it or it be read by himselfe in the Scripture : if he obstinately persist in the denyall thereof after his conscience is convinced , he becomes an heretique . b The Protestants of England know other Churches besides their own , and some have learnedly discoursed of all the Churches in the Christian world , as Purchas , Brierwood , Mocket , Mr. Paget , and others : 〈◊〉 true it is , they acknowledge no infallibilitie in the Roman or any particular Church , nor receive any Church for true and Orthodoxe , which consenteth not with them in all points of faith either expresly set downe , or by cleare and necessarie consequence deduced from holy Scriptures . c The Protestants hold nothing contrary to the Catholique Church , though they hold many things contrary to the present Romane Church , which is neither the Catholike Church , nor a sound member thereof , as is proved invincibly by Iohn Reynolds praefat . thesium , Sect. 12. & Thes. ss . 27. & Apol. 5.23 . And Bilsons answer to Cardinall Allen , part . 4. And Abbot against Bishop , in a Treatise intituled The true ancient Romane Catholike , to which none answer hath yet beene given , nor sufficient can be . d With what face can he say that the Protestants are incredulous and beleeve not the truth ? Who entirely beleeve the whole doctrine of the Scriptures , together with the three Creeds ; that which beares the name of the Apostles , the Nicene , and that of Athanasius , together with the foure first generall Councels ; in which time the Church most flourished : as also the joynt Doctrine and unanimous consent of all the Fathers both of the Greeke and Latine Church for five hundred yeeres after Christ our Lord came into the flesh . Let this traducer of the reformed Churches answer punctually , whether he beleeveth that the learned Doctors , Confessours , and Martyrs who lived and died within the first 500. yeeres , held the entire Catholique faith necessary to salvation or no ? If they held it not , how were they saved , upon what good ground or warrant are so many of them canonized for Saints even by the Roman Church ? but on the other side , if they beleeved all things necessary to salvation , how can we be esteemed incredulous , or defective in our faith , who beleeveth all that can be proved to have beene joyntly beleeved , and unanimously professed by them . e Is this the holy Romane Religion , to make a May-game of Religion ? and to goe to Sermons as to a play to make themselves merry , and dispell a Melancholly dumpe ? Besides their owne third commandement enjoynes them to keepe Holy-dayes , and their owne Casuists allow the Lords day to be a day that is holy . And is this a piece of holynesse to goe on such dayes to a play ? yet neither doe I beleeve that he can readily name the man , much lesse many men that spake fustian with gravity in our Pulpits , but I am sure he who patched up this Safeguard out of rags of Religion and falshood speaks Linsewoolsey through his whole Discourse , and contrary to the law ploweth with an Oxe and an Asse . The later of which here brayeth irrationally and unjustly against the generalitie of Protestant Preachers and Sermons . Forsooth , we are silly weake and ignorant men , but they are all profound Gamaliels , nay Angelicall and Seraphicall Doctors . Whereunto I answer , as Saint Paul did to the calumnies of the false Apostles , 2 Cor. 10.12 . We dare not make our selves of the number to compare our selves with them that commend themselves , but they measuring themselves by themselves , and comparing themselves amongst themselves understand not . The Catholiques he saith , are Hounds ( ●lood Hounds I grant ) and our Ministers timorous Hares , they dare not encounter the weakest Romane Catholique , they neither understand the controversies of Religion , nor dare meddle with any in their Sermons . If this were true which all our hearers know to be most false : yet me thinks Iuv●nal speaks very good reason , Loripedem rectus derideat , Aethiopem albus . And what great Clarks ( I pray ) were those of whom Boniface Bishop of 〈◊〉 ●p●ke in his time ; heretofore we had woodden Chalices and golden Priests , ●ut now we have golden Chalices and woodden Priests ; what great Gamaliels were they of whom Bonaventure complaines ; Quidam sacerdotum , ●lavem habent ( he speaketh of the Key of knowledge ) quidam claviculam quidam nullam ; what was he upon whom Sir Thomas Moore thus playes in his ●pigr●m , tu bene cavisti ne te ulla occidere possit litera , nam nulla est l●tera nota tibi : Be not frighted at the words of the Apostle the letter killeth , thou hast taken good order that it shall not kill thee , for thou knowest not a lett●● . What was he of whom Poggius writeth , that after he had said Masse , bidding the Feast of Epiphanie , he spake to the honest rusticks on this wise ; My good neighbours , to morrow you are to keepe good cheere and celebrate a high feast , the feast of Saint Epiphanie , a most holy wight , but whether Epiphanie were male or female , a he Saint or a she Saint , I finde it not in my books . What was he that Christened a childe with this forme of words : Ego baptizo te in nomine Patria , Filia , & Spiritua Sancta What was he , who reading in the Gospel of Saint Iohn , invenimus Messiam , lept out of his skin for joy , saying , Now to the confusion of all Hugonots , I have found the Masse in the new Testament . What was he , who reading in the Epistle , Melchisedec Rex Salem panem & vinum protulit , translated it thus ; King Melchisedec brought forth salt , bread and wine . What was he , who in a dispute about putting hereticks to death , most Clarke like prooved his conclusion , that hereticks ought to suffer death , because the Apostle saith ; Hereticum post unam aut alteram admoni●ionem devita . 1 Titus 3.10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , shun or avoyd but this silly animal mistooke the ver●e devita , for a proposition and a nowne , as if the Apostle had said ; de vitá , out of life with him . Neither doth Pope Siricius better argue against P●iests marriage . Men in holy Orders must not contract Matrimonie , because the Apostle saith , They that are in the flesh cannot please God ; neither Innocentius against Lay-mens reading Scripture : The beast that touched the Mount , was to be thrust thorow with a dart . Ergo. The people must not meddle with the Scripture . As for their manner of preaching ▪ who so much scorne and deride ours , let all travellers speake , whether it be not thus . A Parish Priest , or some Monk or Frier , gets up into a spacious Pulpit , and there runs himselfe out of breath , from one side to the other ; before his houre glasse be halfe run , of whom a man might well demand , as some one did in Tully of a declaimer . Quot millia pass●um declamasti ? When this shaveling betweene whose head and heaven , there is not a haire first appeares to the people , he crosses himselfe ( as their manner is , when they are affraid of evill spirits ) then reads the Gospel of the day in Latine , whereof the people understand not a word : and after he hath spent some time in translating it , and scored out his way , he conveighes a prayer into a parenthesis , concluding it with an Ave Maria. After this , resuming the words of his Text , in the handling of them , he robs and deplumes the late written pos●ils upon that ●ospell , and like the Crow in the Poet Cloathes his Discourse with the choicest of their feathers , in the end sticks two or three gaudy feathers out of the Peacock● taile : I meane the golden Legend , telling them how St. Domin●ck spying the Devill sitting in the Church like a Sparrow , called him to him , pluckt off all his feathers , and put him to a great reproach : or how St. Dunstane tooke the Devill by the nose with a paire of tongs fire hot : Or how St. Bernard●lest ●lest good Ale , and giving the same to certaine lewd persons , caused divine grace to enter into them . And here if the Author and his Consorts please to be merry at Sermons , spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici : But if any more ingenuous Papists like Lodovicus Vives , condemne the Author of your golden Legend , for a man of a brazen face , and leaden heart , and bring better stuffe ; yet even these come farre short of the Preachers of the Reformed Churches , in many remarkable particulars . First , all the Popish Preachers take their text out of the Gospel or ●pistle of the Day : but the Protestants confine themselves not to those parcels of Scripture , but make choice as God shall direct them , for the most profit of their flocke ; of any part of the Canonicall Scripture to expound it . Againe , the Protestant Preachers in their translation follow the originals , the Greeke and Hebrew : the Papists as they are bound under paine of a curse , follow the corrupt vulgar Latine , which they may not upon any pretence reject . The Protestants deliver no Doctrine of faith , for which they bring not Gods word . The Papists ground many of their Doctrines upon unwritten Traditions or Decrees of Popes , or Councels . The Protestants build upon the true foundation , gold , silver , and precious stones , that is ▪ heavenly , solid and precious Doctrine , conformable to holy Scriptures . The Papists hay and stubble , as namely , the putting Thrones and Dominations , with Archangels , Angels , Cherubins and Seraphins , in ranke and file ; a Geographical● description of foure Regions under the earth , Hell , Purgatory , Limbus Patrum , and Limbus Infantum ; an imaginary treasury of super-abundant satisfactions to be dispenced by the Pope , hallowing of Water , Salt , Creame , &c. Christening Bels , Singing Dirges , and Trentals , Pilgrimages , Whippings , Masses , without Communicants , dry Communions , censing Pictures , Invocation of Saints , worshipping of Images , with Reliques , and such like trash . f De te fabula narratur , unlesse you can substantially refute Vigniers his Theater of Popes , or Plessis his Historia Papatus , or Abbot , & Down . and Powell , and infinite others accurate and elaborate Treatises , De Antichristo , you must aske blessing of the whore of Babylon as your mother . g Will you call it the same wine which was powred out into two cups , whereof one hath store of rats-bane in it ? See pag. 16. letter ● . and pag. 33. letter u h There was never such a prophane gamster heard of as this Masse-Priest , who playeth not only with the word of God , and prayers , but with Sacraments here , and most solemne oathes hereafter ? what horrible prophannesse , what detestable hypocrisie is it ? I will not say for a Lay Papist , but a Romish Priest , not only to be at our Service , but to stay at the Communion , to heare the Ministers exhortation out of the Apostle , to all persons that come to the holy Table , Diligently to try and examine themselves , before they presume to eate of that bread , and drinke of that cup : for as the benefit is great , if with a true penitent heart and lively faith , we receive that holy Sacrament ( for then we spiritually eate the flesh of Christ , and drinke his blood ; then we dwell in Christ , and Christ in us ; we be one with Christ and Christ with us ) so is the danger great , if we receive the same unworthily ; for then we be guiltie of the body and blood of Christ our Saviour , we eat and drinke our own damnation , not considering the Lords body , we kindle Gods wrath against us , when we provoke him to plague us with divers diseases , and sundry kinds of death . Nay more , if he joyne with the whole congregation in the rehearsall of the words of the institution , and the consecratory prayer , will he present himselfe on his knees ( for he excepts no Ceremonies ) and receive the consecrated elements , delivered to him with these words ; The body of our Lord Iesus Christ , which was given for thee preserve thy body and soule unto eternall life ; and yet all this while , never thinke of receiving the Sacrament ; but only of eating a piece of bread , and drinking a draught of wine , which shall be better done with the remembrance of Christ then without it . He will say , that our Sacrament is nothing but common bread and wine , and that nought else is to be received a● our Communion Table . The Lord rebuke thee , thou false tongue ! What ▪ because we beleeve not that the bread and wine is transubstantiated into Christs body and blood ; must it therefore be nothing but common bread and bare wine . By the same reason he might say , that because the water in Baptisme is not transubstantiated into Christs blood , that therefore it is nothing but faire water ; and he may in a jesting manner wash a childe in remembrance of Christs washing us with his blood . It is true , we teach with Theodoret , Dial. 2. That the sacred symbols after consecration , depart not out of their own nature , but still remaine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in their former substance shape and figure : but withall we teach , that they remaine not the same in use , signification and supernaturall efficacie ; by vertue of Christs promise to all that worthily partake of the same . Neither could this prophane scoffer be ignorant hereof , for he saith , He hath often been at our Service , where we professe , that all , who with a lively faith receive the holy Sacrament spiritually , eate the flesh of Christ and drinke his blood . He also maketh mention in this Pamphlet of the 39. Articles , which he will have to be the definition of a Protestant , and in those Articles , he could not but reade , Art. 28. Christs body is given , received and eaten in the Supper , but only after a heavenly and spirituall manner ; And in the Apologie of the Church of England , part . 2. cap. 14. The Supper of the Lord , is not only a signe of the love that Christians ought to beare amongst themselves , one to the other , but rather it is a Sacrament of our Redemption by Christs death , in so much , that to such as rightly , worthily , and with faith receive the same , the bread which we breake , is the partaking of the body of Christ , and likewise the cup of blessing , is a partaking of the blood of Christ. With which confession of ours , fully accordeth the Helvetian , the French , the Belgicke , the Augustane , and the Swevick : as he that hath an eare may heare in the Harmony of Confessions , Printed , 1581. cap. 21. De sacrâ coenâ Domini . What should I need for further proofe hereof , either to alleadge the testimonie of Calvin . Epist. 31. Non modo figuratur in coenae communio quam habemus cum Christo , sed etiam exhibetur : neque verba illic nobis dantur à Domino , sed veritas ac res constat cum verbis . Haec porro communio non imaginaria est , sed qua in unum corpus unamque substantiam cum capite nostro coalescimus : There is not only figured in the Supper , that communion which we have with Christ , but it is also exhibited ; neither doth our Lord deceive us , but the truth of the thing is correspondent to his words ; neither is the communion we speake of , an imaginarie , but such a reall one , whereby we grow into one body , and one substance with Chr●st , our head ; or the testimonie of Bucer . Epist. ad Italos addit , hoc est corpus meum , hic sanguis meus , id credamus nec dubitemus haec dari nobis his ipsis symbolis , & dari in cibum & potum vitae aeternae ut magis magisque vivamus in Christo , & habeamus illum manentem in nobis : He addeth this is my body , this is my blood ; let us beleeve it and no way doubt , but that these things are given unto us by or with these very symbols , and that they are given unto us for the food and drinke of eternall life , that we may more and more live in Christ , and have him living in us . It never came into the thought of any professour of the Gospel , to celebrate the Supper of the Lord , without the Lord , as Bucer speaketh in this Epistle , or exclude him from his owne Table . We teach he is there truly present , and is truly received by all worthy communicants but spiritually by faith , not carnally with the mouth according to the grosse Capernaitical conceipt of Romanists . For first our Saviour in the sixth of Iohn , where he commandeth all , to eate his flesh , and drinke his blood , vers . 53. affirming that his flesh is meat indeed , and his blood is drinke indeed ; perceiving that some were offended thereat , saying , vers . 60. this is a hard saying , who can beare it ; thus he declareth his own meaning , vers . 63. The words which I speake unto you , they are spirit and they are life , that is , spiritually to be understood , not carnally and grossely . Secondly , the Orthodox Fathers disclaime this carnall eating with the mouth : St. Cyril in his Anathems denyeth the Sacrament to be hominis comestionem , An Anthropophagie or man eating , St. Chrysostome saith , it is mensa aquilarum , not graculorum : and St. Austine , that it is cibus mentis , not ventris or dentis ; the food of the soule , not of the tooth or belly : Tract 20. in Iohan. Vt quid paras dentes & ventrem crede & manducasti : Why dost thou prepare thy teeth and thy belly , beleeve and thou hast eaten : and St. Cyprian , de coena Dom. haec quoties agimus non , dentes ad manducondum acuimus , sed fide sincera panem sanctum frangimus : As oft as we doe these things , we doe not wh●t our teeth to eate , but with sincere faith we breake that holy bread . Thirdly , Christ never instituted any Sacramentall action , but it was profitable to the soule ; but the eating of Christs flesh with the mouth , and swallowing it down in the stomack , doth no way at all profit the soule . Fourthly , Christ never wrought any miracle outwardly upon the creature ; but the truth therof appeared , even to sense , when he turned the water into wine , Ioh. 2. The change was discovered by the taste , vers . 9 , 10. When the Ruler of the feast had tasted it , he said to the Bridegroome thou hast kept the good wine till now : In like manner when Christ multiplyed the five Barley loaves and the two fishes , both the taste and the stomacke , and the eyes of all that were present gave testimonie to the truth of this miracle . For they did all eate and were satisfied , and saw twelve bask●ts remaining full of the fragments or broken meat which remained to them that had eaten . Neither can it be shewed , that ever Christ the Author of truth deluded the sense . If therefore the bread had been truly and really turned into the substance of flesh either the sight , or the taste , or the touch would have discerned this change , which yet as themselves confesse , discover nothing but the whitenesse , the roundnesse , the taste , and other accidents of bread . Fifthly , If the flesh of Christ may be eaten with the mouth without faith , not only infidels and reprobates , but even rats and mice might sometimes through the negligence of Priests gnaw upon the consecrated Host , and eate the flesh of the Son of God , which were horrid to imagine and blasphemous to utter . Sixthly , if the Romish Priests undoubtedly beleeve this doctrine of transubstantiation , as they doe other Articles of their faith : why did Garnet and other Popish Priests when they were required to say these or the like words ; if after I have consecrated and pronounced the words , this is my body , there be not in stead of the bread the very flesh of Christ let me have no part in heaven , they refused so to doe this profession being demanded of them , but a day or two before their deaths , when if ever , men will clearely discharge their conscience and utter whatsoever is in their very heart , it being the last time they are like ever to confesse with the mouth unto salvation . Seventhly , if the bread be transubstantiated into Christs body , and his body truly really , and properly taken from the hand of the Priest put into the mouth , chawed with the teeth , and swallowed down into the stomacke of all communicants : either Christ of necessitie must have two bodies , one visible , another invisible , one with the full dimensions of a man , the other of a wafer , one passible , the other impassible , one residing in one place , the other filling a million of places : or at least the selfe same body of Christ must at the same time be visible at the right hand of his Father , and invisible in the Host : with the dimensions of a man in heaven , and of a wafer on earth : with distinction of organs in heaven , and inorganicall upon earth : resting in heaven , and moved on earth from the hand to the mouth , and from the mouth to the stomack of millions of communicants . Lastly , I demand of this Priest and his pew-fellows , what becomes of Christs body after it is conveighed into the stomack , doth it remaine there after the forme and accidents of bread are changed or doth it some wayes , remove out of the stomack , or is it there converted into any other substance : they dare not pitch upon any of these three , nothing therefore remaineth but an annihilation or corruption in the stomack and so the holy one of God whom God would never suffer to see corruption , no not in the grave ; shall now after his glorification suffer corruption in the stomack of all Romish Capernaits . i The Apostle in that place speaketh not of Suppers in the plurall number , but the Lords Supper in the singular , and vers . 23. delivereth the right manner of administring it according to Christs institution , and so St. Cyprian in his Tract . de caena Domini , and the most approved interpreters both ancient and moderne understand the word , and not of love feasts . As for the reason this authour alleadgeth for this his exposition , it is very frivolous . For if the love feasts must therfore be tearm●d coena Dominicae our Lords Suppers , because they were made in the Churches which were then called Dominicae , by the same reason the Homilies and Catechisings , and Songs should be called Dominicae , because they were made said or sung in the Churches which were then called Dominicae . k He meaneth a Romane Catholique or Papist , which indeed can hardly be knowne to be a true Catholique . See pag. 1. letterc. But doth he think that we know not what a Papist is ? Let them remember what Polycarp did answer when Marcion accoasting him said , Nosti me ? Doest thou know me ? Yes saith Polycarp . Novi primogenitum diaboli . I know the first begotten of the devill . We know you qua tales , to be the naturall issue of the man of sinne , and whore of Babylon : and in this double and dissembling way it is hard to say of what religion you are , or whether of any at all ? l A lewd slander , it is not lawfull among us for every one to beleeve what hee pleaseth , but this Priest thinketh it lawfull for him to speake what he pleaseth ; though against common sense and his owne conscience . For within tenne lines of these words he maketh mention of the 39 Articles of the Church of England , to which we all are bound to give our assent and consent ; and in case any Parson or Vi●ar doe not reade these Articles and publikely testifie his approbation of them within a moneth after his induction into his Benefice ▪ he lapseth his Living . Besides it is the knowne doctrine of all Protestants that the Scripture is the sole and perfect rule of faith , and that as we may not beleeve any thing contrary unto it ; so neither any doctrine as necessarie to salvation which cannot be evidently proved out of it . Of what brasse then was the brow of this slanderer made , who affirmeth it to be lawfull among Protestants , for every man to beleeve what he pleaseth . m See page 53. Letter E. n See the Advertisement to the Reader . o We are as much beholding to the sti●c●er up of this Safeguard for the Relation herein closed as the Church of Rome hath little cause to con him thanke for it . For hence we learne first , what credit is to be given to the Popes briefes which may be so easily procured by false suggestions , to the wrong and prejudice of those that deserve well of the Roman cause . A cleare evidence hereof we have in Day the Franciscan who never so much as appearing before his Holinesse to answer for himselfe , is censured by the Popes Bull , and that for doing a pious and religious act . Secondly , what a silly Consistory the Papall is at this day , the Pope himselfe as fallible a man as any other , and the Cardinals slight and weake fellows never a skilfull Pilot , sitting at the Sterne of Peters ship . Thirdly , what charitie there is betweene Romish Priests and Iesuits , and how they heape coales of hell fire one upon anothers head . Davenport otherwise Franciscus a Sancta Clara procures a Bull like to Phalaris his brazen Bull with fire in the belly of it , to torment Day the Franciscan without his fault , or knowledge : and this Priest here condemns Sancta Clara to black darknesse for ever : pallentes umbras erebi noct●mque profundam , this man saith he is descending to Lucifer who will presume to be copartn●r with the holy Ghost , and thus leaving him ( the said a Sancta Clara ) to him that will , have him , &c. tantaene animis caelestibus irae ? are they Friers secular Priests , or Devils that thus spit fire one at another ? Let Davenport have the day of Day at Rome , what hath Sancta Clara done that in the charita●le censure of this Priest Lucifer must have him ? He tooke upon him to draw some Rules out of Scriptures and the writings of the ancient Fathers ; For the direction of generall Councels in declaring matters of faith : A capitall crime no doubt : but what else hath this Priest against him ? this Sancta Clara hath Paraphrased upon the Articles of Religion established in the Church of England , and sheweth in what sense and how a good Romane Catholique may with a sa●e conscience subscribe to them all , though eighteene at least of them shoot point blancke at their Trent faith and pierce it through and through . Aggravate th●s fact of his to the height , doth this Priest himselfe doe lesse ? who Paraphraseth upon the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacie , and sheweth in what sense a Romane Catholique may take both , though the former directly renounce the Popes temporall , and the latter his spirituall power and jurisdiction . Now I see what the matter is — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there is and alwayes will be emulation betweene Artificers that worke at the same Trade , this Priest and Sancta Clara are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same Craft or Trade they both deale in like Commodities , equivocations and mentall reservations and wittie devices to elude oathes , subscriptions to articles of Religion , and religious obligations . Not to dissemble with either of them , they both teach , with the Helcesaites , Euseb. hist. lib. 6. cap. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dissimulation in point of Religion , and cunning fetches to deceive Chri●tian Magistrates when they are convented before them and unlesse they both repent their doome is set down , Apoc. 22.25 . Without are Dogs and Idolaters and whosoever loveth and maketh a lye . I know well they pretend by this doctrine to keepe men from perjury and lying : but they doe just as Lycurgus the Law-giver of the Lacedemonians did who to prevent adulterie enacted communitie of wives . For equivocation is no better then an artificiall and made lye as the Bishop of Duresme , and Mr. Henry Mason prove in their Treatises of this Argument . p Yet some of these Greyhounds have beene taken by the Hares he speakes of , as Albertus Piggius by Calvin● , Paulus Virgerius by Bre●tius , and divers others , but of this see pag. 53. letter E. q It is true that the Romanists teach the simpler sort of the vulgar , that they are not to adore Images , but onely to use them for memorie sake : and Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe in his second Booke De imaginibus sanctorum , c. 22. hath these expresse words , quantum ad modum loquendi , praesertim in concione ad populum , non est dic●dum imagines ullas adorari debere latriâ ; sede contrariò non debere sic adorari : For the manner of speech especially in Sermons to the people , we must not say that any Images ought to be adored cultu latriae , but on the contrarie , that they ought not to be so adored : Yet the truth is , that the Romane Church maintaineth the religious worship of Images . For in the second Councell of Nice confirmed by Pope Adrian they are thunder smitten who adore them not , clamat Synodus , saith Bellarmine in the Chapter above cited , imagines adorandas and venerabiles imagines amplexamur ; qui secus faxit anathemate percellimus : and in the nineteenth yeere of King Richard the Second , the Lollards have a forme of recantation prescribed them in these words . From this day forward I shall worship Images with praying and offering unto them , in the worship of the aints , that they be made after Ex Rotulo Clausarum de Anno decimo nono R. sec. in 18. dorso . See the Appendix to the Animadversions . And to come neerer ; the Councell of Trent , Sess. 25 , decreeth in these words , Imagines Christi , et deiparae virginis et sanctorum in templis perpetuò habendae et retinendae sunt , iisque debitus honor et veneratio impertienda . The Images of Christ , and of the Virgine the mother of God , and of Saints are perpetually to be had and kept in Churches , and due honour and veneration to be given unto them : and lest any should thinke that this worship and veneration is not to be exhibited , to the Images themselves , but only to glance through them to the Saints . Cardinall Bellarmine in his second booke De imaginibus sanctorum , c. 21. most plainely and expresly resolves the point : Imagines Christi et sanctorum venerandae sunt , non solum per accidens vel improprie ; sed etiam per se et proprie ; ita ut ipsae terminent venerationem , ut in se considerantur ; et non solum ut vi●em gerunt exemplaris : The Images of Christ and Saints are to be worshipped not onely by accident and improperly , but also by themselves an● properly ; so that the worship is terminated in them as they are considered in themselves , and not onely in regard of that they represent . And cap. 20. He acknowledgeth it to be the opinion of Alexander of Hales , Tho : Aquinas , Caietane , Bonaventure , Marsilius , Almaine , Carthusian , Capreolus , and others , that the same honour is due to the Image and the patterne ; and theref●re the Image of Christ is to be worshipped with latria or divine worship . And Vasquez de adorat . l. 1. disp . 6. c. 3. Rex Nebucadonosor admirans sapientiam et spiritum Danielis , in signum honoris et reverentiae , iussit ei offeri munera odorum et suffituum , id quod nos etiam secundum fidem nostram immaginibus facere consuevimus . Nebucadonosor admiring the wisedome and spirit of Daniel , in signe of honour and reverence unto him , commanded that sweete odours and incense should be offered unto him , as we according to our faith use to doe to our images : and now let the intelligent Reader judge whether Protestant Ministers are slanderers , or Papists Idolaters and Image-worshippers by their owne profession See page 52. letter ● . s The bane of Poperie not of Catholique religion . See pag. 1. letter C and pag. 52. letter C. t Nay not so much for Religion , noe nor at all for it , but for Treason and disloyaltie . See pag. 22. letter Q. u The Fathers heo speakes of were the flower of the Councel of Trent , neither were they abused by any false suggestion , for the case was put truely unto them , and they resolved it according to their conscience after long disputation and mature deliberation . See an extract of their Decree in the Appendix to the Animad versions . w If Recusancie be so small a matter , the more to blame all Papists who for such a toy as Recusancie , doth disobey the Lawes . The easier the performance of a cōmandement is , the greater contumacie in disobeying it . x Here he hath found la●●bram periurio , this conceit , of not being bound to answer the truth but before a competent Iudge ( and they will have none a competent ●udge but one of their owne religion ) is the ●yges ring by which the late Papists , especially those that are Iesuited goe invisible in and from all our Cour●s of Iustice. But I demand of them First , why our Iudges in England are not as competent , as those beyond the ●eas : if the King be , as it is treason for them or any other to denie , our Leige Lord and lawfull Sovereigne , those that are put in authoritie under him ( being men of learning and integritie ) cannot be denied to be competent Iudges . The Apostles rule is without exception , There is no power but of God , the powers that be are ordained of God , Rom. 13.1 . And by higher powers to whom we must be subject , he understandeth not onely Kings , but all those that are in authoritie under them , 1 Tim. 2.2 . First the King as supreame , and after governours , as them that are sent by him , 1 Pet. 2.13 , 14. Secondly , I demand of them , whether that command of Saint Peter , 1 Pet. 3.15 . may be limited by their distinction of a Iudge competent and incompetent ? surely though in other causes a man is not bound to appeare or answer coram iudice non competente : yet in matter of faith when we are required to give an account o● it there is no excepting against our Iudge . For we must be ready alwaies to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us with meekenesse and feare . Thirdly , I demand of them whether they account Pilate a competent Iudge in Christs cause , or Nero in Peters and Pauls cause , or any of the Roman Deputies and Proconsuls before whom the glorious army of Martyrs ( who signed the Christian Faith with their bloud ) were brought , were competent Iudges ? they were no Roman Catholiques nor Christians ; yet Christ Iesus before Pontius Pilate , 1 Tim. 6 13. and Peter and Paul before Nero ; and the rest of Christs noble souldiers before heathen Iudges , witnessed a good profession . Fourthly , I demand when that confession of faith which the Apostle implyeth to be necessary to salvation is to be made , Rom. 10.10 . With the mouth confession is made to salvation , is it not when we are brought before Kings and Rulers for Christs name sake , Luke 21.12 . For a testimony against them ? If we are bound to confesse our faith onely to those of our owne religion , because they are onely supposed to be competent judges , no man ever need to suffer for his religion , and all the noble Confessors and Martyrs of former ages by this Iesuiticall doctrine deserved rathers fooles caps then Martyrs crownes : for they did not shed their blouds for Christs cause , but they spilt it causelesly . For they needed not to confesse what they were , before incompetent Iudges . Here I will make bold to use the words of David concerning Abner , 2 Sam. 3.33 . Did Abner die a foole ? Did all those worthies whose soules cryed under the Altar , Apoc. 6.10 . How long Lord , holy and true , dost thou not iudge and avenge our bloud on them that dwell on the earth , and to whom white robes were given , vers . 11. Die as fooles ? it seemed they died so in the judgement of this Priests prudent Catholique , who though by this slight he now avoid all confession of his faith ( that he is not examined before a competent Iudge ) yet he shall one day , when he shall come before the Iudge of all the earth condemne his own folly , and justifie and magnifie also Christs noble Confessors and Martyrs , taking up the lamentation of the reprobate set down in the booke of Wisedome , We fooles accounted their life madnesse , and their end to be without honour , but now how are they numbred among the children of God , and their lot is among the Saints , therefore have we erred from the way of truth , and the Sunne of righteousnesse hath not shined upon us , Wisdome 5.6 . y I have read , logicam si vis discere lege Titlemannum , ille Sophistarū crimi●a pandere vult , but I never read , theologiam si vis discere , lege Titlemannum , he is in a very ill case who rules his conscience by this casuist whose divinitie is no better here then his Latine . I confesse in Machiavels schoole it is a lesson read to those of the upper forme , leoninae assuere vulpinam , to piece out the Lions skinne with a Foxes , but in Christs schoole Zuickius teacheth us another lesson , non decet in hac causa cum vulpibus vulpinari et cum astutissimis huius mundi sapientibus , astutia certare , certandum est nobis solâ perseverantiâ pietate simplicitate adeo et patientiâ crucis : we ought not to play the fox with foxes , nor contend with the subtile vizards of this world in craft and subtiltie , but we must fight against them , with sole perseverance and piety , and simplicitie , and bearing of the Crosse. In the whole Scripture we never reade of fox or fox craft commended . The Spouse in the Canticles commanded to take the foxes , the little foxes that spoile the grapes , Cant. 2.15 . And it is Davids curse upon Gods enemies , let them be a portion for foxes : and our Saviour to brand Herod with perpetuall infamie , calleth him a fox , Luk. 13.32 . saying , Goe ye and tell ●hat fox , neither can it be proved to bee more lawfull for us to play the fox with foxes , then play the wolfe with wolves , or play the Sophister with Sophisters , or play the hypocrite with hypocrites , or play the Devill with Devils . Though craftie companions may deserve to be served with their owne sawce , yet it is not fit for us to dresse it for them . The very Poet could say ac tu indignus qui faceres . That may be very just and fit for one to suffer which is not yet fit for another to inflict or put upon him . However this Priest is not his crafts master . For it is against fox craft to professe it : he will hardly or never deceive a m●n , who brags before hand he will doe it , and though it may be this Priest and his complices are annosae vulp●s , old foxes , and the proverbe is , annosa vulpis haud capitur laqueo : an old fox is seldome or never caug●t in a snare : yet if those who are commanded to catch these foxes should be pleased to make snares with this fox his owne cords here stretched out by him , namely to put them to an expresse abiuration of the maine and fundamentall points of their Trent faith , or set them such a forme of recantation of their tenents , and with such conditions as they enjoyned the Lollards in the dayes of King Richard the second , ( See the Appendix to the Animadversions infra ) it may verily be hoped through Gods blessing upon the wisedome and care of zealous Magistrates , that this Kingdome of England may in time be as free of these foxes as it is now of wolves , with which in former ages it much abounded . z There was no feare of the Iews perverting the primitive Christians , especially in the Apostles dayes in which we reade in the Acts , how mightily the Apostles and their converts confounded the Iewes , Christ making good his promise to them that he would give them a mouth and wisdome which their enemies should not be able to resist , Luk. 21.15 . but the true reason why they made such a Canon ( if yet they made such Canons which is very much doubted ) was to prevent the scandall which the Church might receive by the Christians frequenting the Iews Synagogues in which the now abrogated rites of Moses were to the injury of the Gospell retained , and Christ himselfe blasphemed which no Christian eare ought to endure . a See page 22. letter Q ▪ b If Papists trusted not in their owne merits , it would goe better with them then I feare it will with many , who the more they arrogate to themselves , the more they derogate from our Saviour , and the further they go from salvation . I confesse many of them upon their death-beds have renounced their own merits , and wholly stucke to our Saviours : yet certaine it is that the generall doctrine of the Church of Rome is for trust in their own merits . For they teach that faith alone doth not justifie us before God , that good works are not only satisfactory for sin , but also meritorious of eternall life , and supererogatory also for others ▪ ( Consil. Trid. in sess . 16. Bellar. l. 5. de iustif . c. 16. ) and they who beleeve that they can so farre stead them do commonly confide in them . Let them returne to the more ancient and true tenent with Bernard , saying , Meritum meum est miseratio Domini ; Gods mercy is my merit , and if their be any worke of our own meritorious it is the renouncing our owne merits and flying meerely to Christ ; sufficit ad meritum scire quod non sufficiant merita . Let them confesse with holy Iob , Iob. 9.3 . that they cannot answer one of a thousand , and professe with Esay , Esa. 64.6 . All our righteousnesse is as filthy clowts ; and pray with David , Psal. 143.2 . Lord enter not into iudgement with thy servants , for in thy sight shall no man living be iustified ; and close up their last Will and breath also , as Bellar. is said to have done : ( For Papists often dye in another faith then they lived , ) with that holy ejaculation ; Lord vouchsafe to receive me into the number of thy Saints , non meriti estimator , sed veniae largitor , not weighing my merits , but pardoning my offences , and we will not only cleare them of Pharisaicall pride , and trusting in themselves , but also conceive a better hope of their salvation . c See a spunge to wipe out this false aspersiō upon that worthy servant of Christ and great Instrument of Gods glory , pag. 59. letter H. d See the Advertisement to the Reader . f The head of controversies , betweene the Romish and Reformed Churches is the controversie about the Head of the Church , which the Papists will have the Pope to be , but reformed Churches Christ alone : I say head of the Vniversall or Catholique Church , but of particular Churches , sovereigne Princes within their severall Realmes may be termed Heads , that is , chiefe Governours which this Priest here acknowledgeth . For the acknowledgement of this supreame authoritie and power of the King in his dominions of England and Ireland , the Oath of Supremacie was appointed by Act of Parliament in the 35. of Henry the eighth , to be taken by all his Majesties subjects ; this Act was continued in the reigne of Edward the sixth , but repealed in the first and second of Philip and Mary , and revived the first of Queene Elizabeth : now the question here is , whether the Oath of Supremacie thus confirmed by divers Acts of Parliament , exclude not that Spirituall jurisdiction , which all Papists beleeve to be in the Pope Iure divino : or , which comes all to one , whether a Papist ut si● , that is , remaining a Papist and holding his Popish religion , may salv● conscientiâ , take this Oath of Supremacie : this Priest affirmeth he may ; but we shall demonstrate the contrary hereafter by impregnable arguments drawne from the intention of the Law-makers , the letter of the Acts of Parliament , and the Queenes Injunctions , the judgement of the Church of Rome , and the confession of the adversarie himselfe . g Not the same authoritie which the Pope had in all things , but so farre as it is expounded and limited in the Queenes Injunctions in the first yeere of her reigne ; the Queene ( as her brother and father before ) onely resumed that power , which the Pope had unjusty taken from the Crowne , and usurped it himselfe ; a power which is and was of ancient time due to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme , that is , under God to have the Sovereigntie and rule over all manner of persons , borne within these Realmes and Dominions , and Countries , of what estate either Ecclesiasticall or temporal soever they be . See admonition to the Injunctions in the Appendix . h Calvine conceived that King Henry the eighth by the Title of Head of the Church , challenged a farre greater power then what the Act of Parliament acknowledged in him , or he ever exercised : but after the Title of Head of the Church was publikely declared and expounded by Q. Elizabeth , bo●h he and all the Reformed Churches rested satisfied in the lawfulnesse of that Title which imported not Supreame teacher or directer unto Trtuh : but Supreame commander for the Truth , in all causes , and over all Persons . i The intention of Henry the eighth , and Queene Elizabeth , was the selfe same as is expressed in the Act of Parliament 35. Henry the eighth ; and the Admonition annexed to the Injunctions of the 1 Elizabeth : namely the extirpation and extinguishment of the usurped and pretended authoritie , power and iurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome : and the recovery of their owne right by adorning the Crowne with a flowre before wrongfully taken from it : and here I cannot sufficiently admire the impudence of this Priest who so confidently affirmes that the intention of Queene Elizabeth was divers from her father in prescribing and requiring this Oath , whereas she her selfe in the above named Admonition declareth to all her loving subjects , That nothing was , is , or shall be meant or in●ended by the same Oath , to have any other dutie , allegiance or bond required by the same , then was acknowledged to be due to the most nobl● King of famous memory , K. H. 8. her Maiesties father , or K. Ed. 6. her Maiesties bro●●er . k The liberty he speakes of was given by the approbation of the chief Vniversities beyond the Sea of the Romish Religion . l Not to forme another Church , but to reforme that Church which was before , and restore Religion to her puritie by the example of Ezekiah , Iosiah , and other religious Kings . m No power at all excepted but the former power explained onely how farre it extended ( viz ) Not to the authoritie and power of Ministrie of divine Office in the Church , which none of the Kings or Queenes of this Realme possessours of the Crowne ever challenged . Nor I in this place by what authoritie your Bishops anoynt your thumbes and ordaine your Priests to offer the unbloody sacrifice of the Mas●e for the living & the dead . There is nec vola nec vestigium of any such calling in the Scripture or purer Antiquitie , as for our Ministry it is ●o clearely justified together with the succession thereof , out of your own best records and tenents by Francis Mason de succes . Episc. & Ministerio Angl. that ever since the printing therof all your Romish cavillers & carpers at it , have been as mute as fishes . o See p. 117. letter ● . p A shameles untruth in his sense : for he taketh Catholike ( as usually in this Pamphlet ) for the Romish and Popish Church & in that sense it is most false . For there were many congregations in England before this 35 of Hen. 8. of Protestants , and divers crowned with martyrdome as Th. Man in the yeere 1518. Io. Browne in the yeere 1517. and divers others set down in the Acts and Monuments of the Church , some before and some after Luther began the Reformation in Germanie . q A notorious untruth as appeares by the very Act , Ann. 35. in which the Oath of Supremacy was first required to be taken , King Henry never challenged to himselfe the Style of Head of the universall Church , but only to bee supreame H●ad under God of the Church of England , and Ireland , and all other His Majesties Dominions . r No other Oath at all in sense , but the former only abridged in words as will appeare evidently by comparing them both which are copied out in the Appendix . s A ridiculous evasion and contrary to the intention and letter of the law , as shall be proved hereafter . The intention of the law was to abrogate the Popes usurped jurisdiction not over the Protestant Churches which he never had : but over the Romish Catholiques or Papists which he before that time enjoyed , and exercised . Besides , the letter of the law carryeth supreame governour of the Realme and all other Her Highnesse Dominions and Countreys , not only of the Protestant Church within Her Realmes . This is made more evident in the Admonition to the Injunctions , 1. Eliz. where Her Supremacie is described to be over all manner of persons borne within Her Realmes , Dominions and Countreys : therefore over Papists as well as Protestants , unlesse they be no manner of persons . t I acknowledge the word forreiner is sometimes taken for an opposite to domesticus fidei , a stranger from the covenant of grace : but in the Act of Parliament and Oath of Supremacie , as it is expounded in the Admonition ( which is also Enacted ) the word forreiner can signifie no other but those who are not natives . u Neither can the Pope . Here we thanke him for freeing us from all subjection to the Pope and See of Rome . Though he challengeth not to be the Head of the Catholike , that is , the universall Church of Christ scattered farre and wide over the whole face of the earth : yet he challengeth to be and is Supreame Governour of all His Subjects within His Dominions , whether they are members of the Romish or Reformed Church . w The superstition and Idolatry of Papists practised in England doth not any way abridge His Majesties Supreame power , for he exerciseth His power not in regulating those idolatrous and superstitious rites , but in suppressing them , and punishing those who so defile Gods worship in His Kingdome . x See this Evasion refuted , pag. 120. letter S. y The words of the Oath are not that no forreiner , Prince , or Prelate , hath or ought to have any iurisdiction or spirituall authoritie within the Protestant Church but within the Realmes , therefore no jurisdiction within His Majesties Dominions , over any members either of the Protestant or of the Romish Church . z See the Answer to this sophisme , pag. 120. letter T. a It is true if the words will beare it and it be agreeable to the intention of the law & lawmaker , but maledicta glossa quae corrumpit contextum ; cursed be the Glosse which corrupts the Text , & quite perverts the meaning of the law as this doth . See the Injunctions . b Of the intention of the law and lawmaker in prescribing this oath to that which I have spoken before I shall adde something in the close of this Chapter to which ●referre the Reader for further answer c The law is just and reasonable without your forced , and forged Glosse : for why should not all that enjoy the benefit of his Majesties lawes as well as Protestants , submit themselves to his Majesties scepter , and supreame power over themselves as well as Protestants , especially seeing the power is the same , which the most religious Kings of Iuda , and most Christian Emperours of Rome , and divers of his Majesties Predecessors within this Realme have exercised upon all their subjects . d See pag. 119. letter Q. e See pag. 119. letter R. f And yet his words as you cite them out of his Praemonitorie Preface , pag. 9. are these : The oath of Supremacie was devised for putting a difference betweene Papists and them of our profession , Devised by whom but by the lawmakers ; and if devised by the the lawmakers for this end , to put a difference betweene Papists & Protestants , it cannot be denied but that it was their intention , to make this oath as a didinctive signe whereby to know Papists in the kingdome from Protestants . g See pag. 118. letter P. h The question whether a Papist may with a safe conscience take the ●ath of Supremacie , may be understood either in sensu diviso , or in sensu composito , in sensu diviso it is true , that a Papist may and ought to take the Oath of Supremacie : for he that is now a Papist may become a Protestant , and then he not onely may , but ought to take this Oath being lawfully tendered unto him : but in sensu composito it is false that a Papist continuing in his faith and profession of popery may with a safe conscience take this Oath : for this Oath implyeth the renouncing a maine Article of his faith from whence he hath the denomination of a Papist ( See the Notes of the Rhemists upon Act. 11.26 . which fasten and assume this word or name Papist to the children of their papall Church ) namely the Popes Supremacie : and this as before was promised shall now be demonstrated . 1. ●irst from the intention of the law and lawmakers , who prescribed this Oath of Supremacie as appeares both by the Preface to the Oath : Whereas ther● was a Statute made and ordained against such as would extoll and stand to the iurisdiction , power and authoritie of the See and Bishop of Rome : in which Statute there is comprised another oath in such wise as in the same Statute among other thin●● is mentioned : for as much as in both the said Oathes there lacketh full an● sufficient words , whereby some doubts might rise : Be it enacted by the authoritie of this Parliament , that this Oath hereafter mentioned in this Act shall s●and in force and place of the same two Oathes . And by these words in the bodie of the Oath , I shall keepe all the contents of the Act , and all other Acts and Statutes made in and for that purpose : viz. the derogation , the extirpation , and extinguishment of the usurped and pretended authoritie , power and iurisdiction of the See and Bishop of Rome . As likewise by the Preface to the Act of Parliament in 1. Elizabeth , viz. To the intent that all usurped and forreigne power , and authoritie Spirituall and Temporall , may for ever be cleerely extinguished , and never to be used or obeyed within this Realme , or any other your Maiesties Dominions and Countries : may it please your Highnesse that it may be enacted as followeth , &c. Hence I thus argue : No Papist with a good conscience can take an Oath prescribed by an Act of Parliament made purposely , and with an expresse intention for the extirpation of the Popes jurisdiction and Supremacie over the whole Church , which he claimeth by vertue of Christs promise made to Peter , tibi dabo claves . But such is the Oath of Supremacie as appeares by the Statutes above cited . Ergo , No Papist with a good conscience may take it . 2. Secondly , from the letter of the law and formal● and expresse words of the Oath , which are these : That neither the See , nor Bishop of Rome , nor any forreigne Potentate hath or ought to have , any Iurisdiction , power , or authoritie , within this Realme ; neither by Gods Law , nor by any other iust law or meanes , Henry 8.35 . yeere , hereunto adde the Admonition to the Queenes Injunctions . Hence I thus argue . No Papist may take an Oath which containeth in it the renouncing a prime Article of his faith , necessary to salvation in his Religion and the iudgement of his Church . But every Papist taking the Oath of Supremacie renounceth a prime Article of his faith necessarie to salvation . For so we reade in the Extravagans , cap. unam sanctam de maior . et obed . Subesse Romano pontifici , omni humanae creaturae declaramus dicimus , definimus , et pronunciamus , omnino esse de necessitate salutis . We ( saith Boniface the eighth ) declare , say , define , and pronounce that it is altogether or absolutely necessary to salvation for every humane creature to be subiect to the Bishop of Rome . Ergo , no Papist may take the Oath of Supremacie . 3. Thirdly , from the judgement of the Church of Rome , which accounteth Fisher Bishop of Rochester , and Sir Thomas Moore sometimes Lord Chan●ellour of England , blessed and glorious Martyrs , because both these lost 〈◊〉 heads ●ather then they would acknowledge the King Supreame Head 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 the Popes Headship . To omit the testimonies 〈…〉 ●ovius Bishop in Italie , Iohn Cochleus of Germanie , William Paradine a learned Historian of France , Cardinall Poole , living in the Court at Rome and writing to the King in the defence of Ecclesiasticall unitie , saith thus by the figure of Apostroph● : Thy Father O England , thy ornament , thy de●●nce was brought to his death being innocent in thy sight ; and a little after , he lef● his life for thy sake , left he should overthrow and b●tray thy salvation : and Cardinall B●llarmine in his Booke De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis ab Anno 1400. ad 1500. thus writeth of Fisher Bishop of Rochester . Iohannes Fischerus natione Anglus , Episcopus Roffensis , posteà , S. R. E. Cardinalis , et quod longe gloriofius est , Martyr Christi occisus est Henrici octavi Regis anglorum iussu , Anno , 1535. Iohn Fisher an English man Bishop of Rochester , and afterwards Car●inall , and which makes him farre more glorious , a Martyr of Christ was slaine by the coommandement of King Henrie the eighth , in the yeere of our Lord one thousand five hundred thirty five : Whence I thus argue . To his evasion that it was not the same Oath . See the answer , p. 119. letter R. and the Appendix p. 141. Either Fisher and Moore were no Martyrs , who died for refusing to take this Oath , or they are no good Papists who take it . But Fisher and Moore were famous and glorious Martyrs in the opinion of the Romane Church as hath beene prooved . Ergo , they who take the Oath of Supremacie are no good Papists . 4. Fourthly , from the confession of this Priest , pag. 118. The Oath of Supremacie when it was made in the dayes of King Henry 8. was unlawfull to be taken by any Catholique : and pag. 119. If any had sworne the King to be Supreame Head of that Church , he would have sworne false , as making the Church a monster having two heads , or depriving the Pope of his authoritie granted him by God. Whence I thus argue . The Oath of Supremacie prescribed by that Act of Parliament , in the 35. of Henry 8. was unlawfull to be taken by any Roman Catholique , as this Priest confesseth . But the Oath of Supremacie prescribed by Act of Parliament in the first of Elizabeth in force at this day , is the same with the Oath prescribed by Act of Parliament in the 35. of Henrie the eighth , as appeareth by comparing both the Oathes together , with a proviso in an Act the fifth of Elizabeth for expounding this Oath , where it is said : That we confesse and acknowledge in her Maiestie , her Heires and Successours , no other authoritie , then that which was challenged , and lately used by the noble King Henrie the eighth , and King Edward the sixth : as in the Admonition to the Qeenes Injunctions more plainly appeares . The Queenes Maiestie would that all her loving subiects should understand that nothing was , is , or shall be meant , or intended by the same Oath , to have any other Dutie , Allegiance , or Bond required by the same Oath , then was acknowledged to be due to the most noble King of famous memorie , King Henrie the eighth her Maiesties father , or King Edward the sixt , her Maiesties brother . Ergo , the Oath of Supremacie prescribed by Act of Parliament the first of Elizabeth , is unlawfull to be taken by any Romane Catholique . I conclude therefore , super tota materia that the taking of the Oath of Supremacie , is an abrenunciation of the Romish faith , and consequently , that we wrong no Papist that takes the Oath , if we beleeve him a forswearer who forsweares his beliefe . Notes for div A41019-e21360 De memorando irrotulat● . Notes for div A41019-e22100 * The Hel●esaus w●re cond●mned for heretikes , for hol●ing a man might deny his faith with his mouth so hee keepe it in his heart . Euseb. h●st l. 6. c. 31. a Rom. 10.10 . Cic. pro 〈◊〉 Am●r . vultu saepe lad●tur 〈◊〉 . Ep. ●● . contami●ari se 〈…〉 a●am illam vid●●i● ▪ 〈◊〉 ibid. Fe●end●m ne est ut , gentilis sacrif●c●t , christianus inter sit ? S●zo . hist. eccles . l. 5. c. 16. prejecto ad pedes au●o , &c. * Suidas in Auxent . * Marcus Bishop of Arrethusa . Theod. hist. l. 3 c. 6. 
A51173	----	Megalopsychy, being a particular and exact account of the last XVII years of Q. Elizabeths reign, both military and civil the first written by Sir William Monson ..., the second written by Heywood Townsend, Esq. ; wherein is a true and faithful relation ... of the English and Spanish wars, from the year 1585, to the Queens death ; with a full account of the eminent speeches and debates, &c., in the said time ; to which is added Dr. Parry's tryal in the year 1584 ; all written at the time of the actions, by persons eminently acting therein. Monson, William, Sir, 1569-1643. 1682 Approx. 305 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51173 Wing M2465 ESTC R7517 12814661 ocm 12814661 94124 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51173) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94124) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 362:9) Megalopsychy, being a particular and exact account of the last XVII years of Q. Elizabeths reign, both military and civil the first written by Sir William Monson ..., the second written by Heywood Townsend, Esq. ; wherein is a true and faithful relation ... of the English and Spanish wars, from the year 1585, to the Queens death ; with a full account of the eminent speeches and debates, &c., in the said time ; to which is added Dr. Parry's tryal in the year 1584 ; all written at the time of the actions, by persons eminently acting therein. Monson, William, Sir, 1569-1643. Parry, William, d. 1585. True and plain declaration of the horrible treasons. [9], 55, [4], 356, [12], 36 p. Printed for W. Crooke, and sold by W. Davis ..., London : 1682. In 3 pts.; each pt. has separate paging, and pt. 1 has special t.p. with title: A true and exact account of the wars with Spain. Each part also issued and cataloged separately. Imperfect: Heywood Townsend's, Historical collections, 1680, (356 p.) is lacking on filmed copy. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Parry, William, d. 1585. Catholics -- England. Great Britain -- History, Naval -- Tudors, 1485-1603. Great Britain -- History -- Elizabeth, 1558-1603 -- Sources. Spain -- History, Naval. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MEGALOPSYCHY BEING A Particular and Exact ACCOUNT Of the last XVII . Years OF Q. Elizabeths Reign , Both MILITARY and CIVIL . The First written by Sir William Monson , one of the Queens Admirals . The Second written by Heywood Townsend , Esq . WHEREIN Is a True and Faithful Relation of all the Expeditions , Attempts , Designs , Successes , and Errors , both of the English and Spanish Wars , from the Year 1585 , to the Queens death . With a Full Account of the eminent Speeches and Debates , &c. in the said time . To which is added Dr. Parry's Tryal in the Year 1584. All written at the time of the Actions , by Persons eminently Acting therein . LONDON , Printed for W. Crooke , and sold by W. Davis in Amen Corner . M.DC.LXXXII . A TRUE and EXACT ACCOUNT OF THE Wars with Spain , In the REIGN of Q. ELIZABETH , ( Of Famous Memory . ) BEING The Particulars of what happened between the English and Spanish Fleets , from the Years 1585 to 1602. SHEWING The Expeditions , Attempts , Fights , Designs , Escapes , Successes , Errors , &c. on both sides . With the Names of Her Majesty's Ships and Commanders in every Fleet. Being a Patern and Warning to Future Ages . Never Printed before . Written by Sir William Monson , who was a Captain in most , and Admiral of several of those Fleets in the said Wars , and Dedicated to his Son. LONDON , Printed for W. Crooke , and sold by W. Davis in Amen Corner . M.DC.LXXXII . TO THE READER By way of Advertisement . YOu have here put into your hands a Piece of English History of a time of great Actions . You will hardly meet more Truth in any History than you will find in this . All circumstances considered , there could not in any thing be greater opportunities of Truth , they being written by Persons of Eminent Characters , and Considerable Actors in the same times . These very Authors Wise and Heroick Actions make no inconsiderable part of the History it self . The First is a Relation of the Military Transactions of the Nation for nigh Twenty Years , beginning Anno Domini 1585 , ( from which time to Queen Elizabeths death there was yearly set out a Fleet against the Spaniards ) with a full Account of all the Expeditions , Stratagems , Attempts , Successes , and Miscarriages , that happened in that War on both sides ; wherein is shewed the Valour and Heroick Acts of those great Souldiers that were so plenty in that Age ; as , Cumberland Suffolk Essex Sheffeild Drake Rawleigh Hawkins Forbisher Carlee Burroughs Bellingham Fenner Southwell Crosse Seymour Crosse Winter Beeston Palmer Barker Bostock Sackvile Goring Norris Williams Leicester York Greenvile Vavasor , &c. And Sir William Monson , the Author of this , who was Admiral in several of the said Expeditions against the Spaniards , and also a Member in her last Parliaments . The second part is the full and exact Account of the Four last Parliaments ( both Lords and Commons ) of Queen Elizabeth , taken from the original Records of their Houses , by Heywood Townsend Esquire , a Member thereof ; with the particular Speech and Behaviour of the Wife and Learned Statesmen , Lawyers , &c. which that time was fo fruitful of , viz. Egerton Burleigh Buckhurst Cecill Walsingham Hatton Bacon Rawleigh Hobby Crooke Coke Moore Fortescue Pophan Yelverton Finch Maynard Spelman Wentworth Hobart Manwood Jones Digby Caesar Anderson Winch , &c. With other passages of History in those times , that is , runs contemporary with Sir William Monsons Relation both together being the Account of the Military and Civil State of Affairs , of nigh 20 Years of the last part of Queen Elizabeths Reign , being the most eminent time of Action in all her Government . With Sir William Monsons Directions and Advice to his Son by way of Dedication , to excuse it s not coming forth sooner , may be to avoid such Offences , which must necessarily be given by a faithful and exact Historian , that writes of the present Age , when the Parties are living that were Actors in it ; it may by this time be supposed that such Objections ( against its now coming forth ) may be over . You have added at the end of this the Tryal , Condemnation , and Execution of Dr. Parry , for a Conspiracy against the said Queen , written also at the time of his Tryal and Execution . So that what is here offered for thy use , is nothing but what was written at the time of the Action , or by the Persons who were Actors , and of such Quality , that it is quite out of all suspicion there should be the least Falshood in this ; it being never at all designed for the publick in the life-time of the Authors . Therefore neither Profit nor Honour did the Authors expect , although their exact and careful Accounts of Truth must be no small benefit to the curious Reader . There is lately published a small Book of 1 s. 6 d. price , called , The Connexion , being choice Collections of some principal matters in King James his Reign , and passages betwixt this Book and Rushworth , Nalson , and the rest that begin at King Charles I. Sir WILLIAM MONSON TO HIS Son JOHN . Dear Son , THE Custom of Dedicating Books hath been ancient , and they have been usually dedicated either to Great Persons , for protection or remuneration ; or to Familiars , out of friendship and affection ; or to Children , in respect of nature and for admonition . And to this end it is , that to you I commend the reading of the Discourse following ; that so beholding the 18 years War by Sea , which for want of years you could not then remember ; and comparing them with the 18 years of Peace , in which you have lived , you may consider three things . First , that after so many pains and perils God hath lent Life to your Father to further your Education . Secondly , what proportion his recompence and rewards have had to his Services . Lastly , what just cause you have to abandon the thoughts of such dangerous and uncertain courses ; and that you may follow the ensuing Precepts , which I commend to your often perusal . And in the first place , I will put you in mind of the small Means and Fortune I shall leave , that you may rate your Expences accordingly ; and yet as little as it is , 't is great to me , in respect I attained to it by my own endeavours and dangers , and therefore no body can challenge Interest in it but my self , though your Carriage may promise the best possibility . Beware you presume not so much upon it , as thereby to grow disobedient to your Parents ; for what you can pretend to , is but the privilege of two years of age above your younger Brother ; and in such cases Fathers are like Judges , that can and will distinguish of offences and deserts according to truth , and will reward and punish as they shall see cause . And because you shall know it is no rare or new thing for a man to dispose of his own , I will lay before you a Precedent of your own House , that so often as you think of it , you may remember it with fear , and prevent it with care . The Great Grandfather of your Grandfather was a Knight by Title , and John by name , which name we desire to retain to our eldest Sons ; God blessed him with many earthly Benefits , as Wealth , Children , and Reputation ; his eldest Son was called John after his Father , and his second William like to your self and Brother ; but upon what displeasure I know not , ( although we must judge the Son gave the occasion ) his Father left him the least part of his Fortune , though sufficient to equal the best Gentleman of his Shire , and particularly the ancient House called after his name . His other Son William he invested with what your Uncle now enjoys . Both the Sons whilest they lived carried the port and estimation of their Fathers Children , though afterwards it fell out that the Son of John , and Nephew to William , became disobedient , negligent , and prodigal , and spent all his Patrimony ; so that in conclusion he and his Son extinguished their House , and there now remains no memory of them . As for the second Line and Race , of whom your Uncle and I descended , we live as you see , though our Estates be not great , and of the two mine much the least ; which notwithstanding is the greater to me in respect I atchieved it with the peril and danger of my Life ; and you will make my contentment in the enjoyment of it the greater , if it be accompanied with that comfort I hope to receive from you . The next thing I will handle shall be Arms. Know that Wars by Land or Sea are always accompanied with infinite dangers and disasters , and seldom rewarded according to Merit : For one Souldier that lives to enjoy that Preferment which becomes his right by Antiquity of Service , ten thousand fall by the Sword and other casualties : And if you compare that of a Souldier with any other Calling or Profession , you will find much difference both in the reward and danger Although Arms have been esteemed in all Ages , and the more as there was greater occasion to use them ; yet you shall find they have been always subject to jealousies and envy ; Jealousies from the State , if the General or other Officer grow great and popular ; subject to envy from Inferiors , who through their perverse and ill dispositions malign other mens Merits . The Advancement of Souldiers is commonly made by Councellors at home , whose eyes cannot witness the Services performed abroad ; but a man is advanced as he is befriended , which makes the Souldiers Preferment as uncertain as his Life is casual . Compare the estate and advancement of Souldiers of our time but with the mean and mercenary Lawyer , and you shall find so great a difference , that I had rather you should become Apprentice to the one , than make Profession of the other . A Captain that will seek to get the love of his Souldiers . as his greatest praise and felicity , of all other vices must detest and abandon Covetousness ; he must live by spending as the Miser doth by sparing ; insomuch as few of them can obtain by War wherewith to maintain themselves in peace , and where Wealth wants Preferment fails . Souldiers that live in peaceable Islands , as in England , their Profession is undervalued , because we see not those dangers which make the Souldiers necessary , as others do where Wars are practised . And the good success in our Wars hath been such as makes us attribute our Victories , not so much to Valour as to Chance . I confess the base and ill behaviour of some Souldiers , hath made themselves and their Callings the less esteemed ; for the name of a Captain , which was ever wont to be honourable , is now became a word of reproach and disdain . Souldiers may have Reputation , but little Credit ; Reputation enough to defend their Honours , but little Trust in Commerce of the World ; and not without cause , for their security is the worse , by how much the danger of death is the greater . Learning is as much to be preferred before War , as the trade of a Merchant before that of the Factor . By Learning you are made sensible of the difference betwixt Men and other Creatures , and will be able to judge between the good and the bad , and how to walk accordingly . By Learning you attain to the knowledge of Heavenly Mysteries , and you may frame your Life accordingly , as God shall give you grace . By Learning you are made capable of Preferment , if it concur with Virtue and Discretion ; and the rather because you are a Gentleman by birth , and of good Alliance , which I observe next to Money in this Golden Age is the second step to Advancement . For one that is preferred by Arms , there are twenty by Learning ; and indeed the Souldier is but a Servant to the Learned , for after his many fought Battels , and as many dangers of his Life , he must yield account of his Actions , and be judged , corrected , and advanced as it shall please the other . You may wonder to hear me extoll Learning so highly above my own Profession , considering the poor Fortune I shall leave was atchieved by Arms ; it is enough therefore to persuade you what I say is not conjectural but approved : for if I did not find this difference , the natural affection of a Father to a Son would make me discover it to you , that you may follow that which is most probable and profitable . Good Son , love Souldiers for your Countries sake , who are the Defenders of it ; for my sake , who have made Profession of it ; but shun the practice of it as you will do Brawls , Quarrels , and Suits , which bring with them perplexities , and dangers . There are many things to be shunned , as being perillous both to Body and Soul ; as Quarrels and occasions of them , which happen through the enormities and abuses of our Age. Esteem Valour as a special virtue , but shun Quarrelling as a most detestable vice . Of two evils it were better to keep company with a Coward than a Quarreller ; the one is commonly sociable and friendly , the other dangerous in his Acquaintance , and offensive to Standersby . He is never free from peril , that is conversant with a Quarreller , either for offence given to himself , or to others wherein he may be engaged . A true valiant man shall have enough to do to defend his own Reputation . without engaging for others : nor are all valiant that will fight , therefore Discretion makes a difference betwixt Valour and Desperateness . Nothing can happen more unfortunate to a Gentleman , than to have a Quarrel , and yet nothing so ordinary as to give offence ; it draweth with it many mischiefs both to Body and Soul : being slain he is danger of damnation , and no less if he kill the other without great repentance . He shall perpetually live in danger of revenge from the Friends of the Party killed , and fall into the mercy of the Prince and Law where he liveth ; but if for fear and baseness he avoid and shun a Quarrel , he is more odious living than he would be unhappy in dying . Drinking is the foundation of other vices , it is the cause of Quarrels , and then follows Murders . It occasions Swearing , Whoredom , and many other vices depend upon it . When you behold a Drunkard , imagine you see a Beast in the shape of a Man. It is a humour that for the time pleaseth the Party drunk , and so bereaves him of sence , that he thinketh all he doth delighteth the Beholders ; but the day following he buys his shame with repentance , and perhaps gives that offence in his drunkenness , that makes him hazard both Life and Reputation in a Quarrel . You have no man that will brag or boast so much of the word Reputation as a Drunkard , when indeed there is nothing more to a mans imputation than to be drunk . A Drunkard is in the condition of an excommunicated person , whose Testimony betwixt Party and Party is of no validity . Avoid ( good Son ) the company of a Drunkard , and occasions of drinking , then shall you live free without fear , and enjoy your own without hazard . Whoredom is an incident to Drunkenness , though on the contrary all Whoremasters are not Drunkards . It is a sin not washed away without the vengeance of God to the third and fourth generation . Besides the offence to God , it giveth a disreputation to the party and his Of-spring , it occasioneth a breach betwixt Man and Wife , encourageth the Wife oftentimes to follow the ill example of her Husband , and then ensueth Dislike , Divorce , Disinheriting of Children , Suits in Law , and Consuming of Estates . The next and worst sin I would have you shun is Swearing . I do not advise you like a Puritan , that ties a man more to the observing of Sundays , and from taking the Name of God in vain , than to all the rest of the Commandments : but I wish you to avoid it for the greatness of the sin it self , for the Plague of God hangeth over the House of the Blasphemer . Swearing is odious to the Hearers , it giveth little credit to the words of him that useth it , it affordeth no pleasure as other sins do , nor yieldeth any profit to the party ; Custom begetteth it , and Custom must make one leave it . For your Exercises let them be of two kinds , the one of Mind , the other of Body ; that of the Mind must consist of Prayer , Meditation , and your Book ; let your Prayers be twice a day , howsoever you dispose of your self the rest of the time ; Prayers work a great effect in a contrite and penitent Heart . By this I do not seek to persuade you from such Exercises and Delights of body as are lawful and allowable in a Gentleman ; for such increase health and agility of body , make a man sociable in company , and draw good Acquaintants ; many times they bring a man into favour with a Prince , and prove an occasion of preferment in his Marriage ; they are often times a safeguard to a mans Life , as in vaulting suddenly upon a Horse to escape an Enemy . I will especially commend unto you such pleasures as bring delight and content without charge ; for others are fitter for greater men than one of your Fortune to follow . Hawking and Hunting , if they be moderately used , are like Tobacco , in some cases wholesom for the Body , but in the common use both laboursom and loathsom ; they alike bring one discommodity , ( as comonly Vices do ) that they are not so easily left as entertained . Tobacco is hot and hurtful to young Bodies and Stomachs , and augments the heat of the Liver , which naturally you are subject to . It is offensive to company , especially the Breath of him that takes it ; it drieth the Brain , and many become Fools with the continual use thereof . Let your Apparel be handsom and decent , not curious nor costly . A wise man is more esteemed in his plain Cloth than gay Clothing . It is more commendable to be able to buy a rich Suit than to wear one . A wise man esteems more of a mans Vertues and Valour than of his Vesture ; but seeing this Age is fantastical and changeable , you must fashion your self to it , but in so mean and moderate a manner , as to be rather praised for Frugality , than derided for Prodigality . He that delights in curious Cloaths is an Imitator of a Player , who measures his Apparel by the part he acts . And as Players appear upon the Stage to be seen of the Spectators , so do the Gallants proclaim their Braveries in open Assemblies . Whilest I live and you not marry , I shall temper this Expence ; but when I die remember what I say , seek Advancement rather by your carriage ; the curiousness , the reputation you gain by that will be lasting , when this will appear but like a Flower fading . Frame your Course of Life to the Country and not to the Court ; and yet make not your self such a stranger to great persons , as in Assemblies they should ask others who you are . I confess the greatest and suddenest rising is by the Court ; yet the Court is like a hopefull and forward Spring , that is taken with a sharp and cold Frost , which nips and blasts a whole Orchard except 2 or 3 Trees ; for after that proportion commonly Courtiers are preferr'd . And he that will thrive at Court must make his dependency upon some great person , in whose Ship he must imbarque all his hopes ; and how unfortunate such great persons are oftentimes themselves , and how unthankful to their Followers , we want not Precedents . He that settles his Service upon one of them shall fall into the disfavour of another ; for a Court is like an Army ever in War , striving by stratagems to circumvent and kick up one anothers heels , You are not ignorant of the aptness of this Comparison by what you know of me , whose case will serve you for a Prospective-glass , wherein to behold your danger afar off , the better to prevent it . Yet reverence Lords because they are Noble , and one more than another , as he is more notable in virtue . Be choice of your Company ; for as a man makes election of them he is censured : Man lives by Reputation , and that failing he becomes a Monster . Let your Company consist of your own rank , rather better than worse ; for hold it for a Maxim , The better Gentleman the more gentle in his behaviour . Beware they be not accused of Crimes , for so it may touch you in Credit ; and if you lose your Reputation in the bud of your Youth , you shall scarce recover it in the whole course of your Life . Let them be civil in carriage , for commonly such men are sensible above all ; let them be learned , for Learning is a Fountain from whence springs another Life ; let them be temperate in Diet and Expence , so shall you learn to live in health , and increase in wealth . Beware they be not cholerick in disposition , or arrogant in Opinion ; for so you shall become a Slave to their Humours , and base by suffering . A cholerick man of all others is the worst Companion , for he cannot temper his rage , but on any slight occasion of a Friend becomes an Enemy . Value true Friendship next to Marriage , which nothing but Death can dissolve ; for the fickleness of Friendship is oftentimes the ruine of ones Fortune . Beware of Gaming , for it causes great vexation of Mind . If you lose , it begets in you that humour , that out of hope of regaining your losses , you will endanger the loss of all . Do not presume too much of your skill in Play , or making wagers as if you were excellent above others , or have Fortune at command ; for she is like a Whore variable and inconstant , and when she disfavours you , it is with more loss at once than she recompenceth at twice . Love your Brother and Sisters for their own sakes , as you are bound by Nature , but especially for mine whose they are . Remember you are all indifferent to me , but that God chose you from the rest to be a strength and stay to them ; think you cannot honor your Father more being dead , than in shewing affection to them he dearly loved ; and nothing will more approve you to be mine , than love and kindness amongst your selves . You owe somewhat more to me than that I am your Father , in that I seek your Advancement above theirs , of which Obligation I will acquit you conditionally you perform what you ought to them . For because Man cannot himself live ever , he desires to live in his Posterity ; and if I had an hundred Sons , my greatest hope must depend upon you as you are my eldest , and seeing my care is of you above the rest , do not make my Memory so unhappy , as to give the World an occasion to say , I left an unnatural Son. The onely request I make is , be kind and loving to them , who I know by their disposition will give you no cause of offence . A discourtesie from you will be as sharp to them as a Razor from another . Be courteous and friendly to all , for men are esteemed according to ther carriage . There is an old Proverb , The courtesie of the mouth is of great value , and costs little . A proud man is envied of his Equals , hated by his Inferious , and scorned by his Superiours ; so that betwixt Envy , Hate , and Scorn he is friendless . Many times a man is condemned to death out of presumption , especially when it concurrs with an opinion of his former ill carriage : how much therefore doth it concern a man in the times of his Prosperity to lay up a stock of Love and Reputation ? There cannot be a greater Honour than to gain a mans Enemy by a courtesie ; it far exceeds the kindness that is done to another , and doubly obligeth him that receiveth it . Love is a thing desired by a King from his Subjects , by a General from his Souldiers , and by a Master from his Servants ; he that hath it is rich by it , it maintains peace in time of peace , and is a safe Bulwork in time of war. Do not buy this Love with the ruine of your Estate , as many do with prodigal Expences , and then are requited with pity and derision . Let your Expence be agreeable to the wearing of your Cloaths , better or worse according to Company ; or the journying your Horse , the less way you go to day , you may travel the further to morrow ; but if you go every day a long and wearisom Journey , your Horse will fail , and you be enforc'd to go on foot . And so will it be in your Expences , if you do not moderate them according to Days and Companies , your Horse and you may travel faintly together . If you are prodigal in any thing , let it be in Hospitality , as most agreeable to the will of God , you shall feed the hungry , relieve the poor , and get the love of the rich . What you spend among your Neighbours is not lost , but procures their loves and helps when you have need , and thereby you shall find Friendship in the Country as available as Favour at Court. If you are called to any place of Magistracy , do justice with pity , revenge not your self of your Enemy under colour of Authority , for that shews baseness , and will procure you hatred . In Money matters favour your Country , if it be not against the present profit of the King , for many times his Name is used for the gain of other men . Study the Laws , not to make a mercenary practice of them , but onely for your own use , the good of your Neighbours , and the Government of your Country . Hold the Laws in reverence next to the King ; for that Kingdom is well governed where the King is ruled by the Laws , not the Laws by the King. Be not presumptuous in your Command , yet seek to be obeyed as you desire to obey ; for as you are above others , others are above you . Give your mind to accommodate Controversies among your Neighbours , and you shall gain their Love , which will more avail you than the hate of the Lawyers can hurt you . Punish Idleness and other vices , as well for that they are such , as for examples sake . Gain love by doing Justice , and hate doing wrong , though it were to your immediate profit . If you marry after my death , chuse a Wife as near as you can suitable to your Calling , Years , and Condition ; for such Marriages are made in Heaven , though celebrated on Earth . If your Estate were great , your choice might be the freer ; but where the preferment of your Sisters must depend upon your Wives Portion , let not your Fancy overrule your Necessity . It is an old Saying , He that marrieth for love hath evil days and good nights : Consider if you marry for Affection , how long you will be raising Portions for your Sisters , and the misery you shall live in all the days of your life ; for the greatest Fortune that a man can expect is in his Marriage . A wise man is known by his actions , but where Passion and Affection sway , that man is deprived of sence and understanding . It is not the Poverty or Meanness of her that 's married that makes her the better Wife , for commonly such Women grow elevated , and are no more mindful of what they have been , than a Mariner is of his escape from a danger at Sea when it is past . You must set your Wife a good example by your own carriage , for a wise and discreet Husband usually makes an obedient and dutiful Wife . Beware of Jealousie , for it causeth great vexation of mind , and scorn and laughter from your Enemies . Many times it is occasioned by the behaviour of the Husband towards other Women : in that case do like the Physician , take away the cause of the infirmity , if not you are worthy to feel the smart of it . Jealousie is grounded upon conceit and imagination , proceeds from a weak , idle , and distempered Brain ; and the unworthy carriage of him that is jealous , many times maketh a Woman do what otherwise she would not . If God be pleased to give you Children , love them with that discretion that they discern it not , lest they too much presume upon it . Encourage them in things that are good , and correct them if they offend . The love of God to Man cannot be better expressed , than by that of a Father to his Children . Comforts or Crosses they prove to their Parents , and herein Education is a great help to Nature . Let your Children make you to disrelish and abandon all other delights and pleasures of the world , in respect of the comfort and joy you receive by them . Make account then that Somer is past , and the melancholy Winter approacheth ; for a careful and provident Father cannot take delight in the world and provide for his Children . For a conclusion I will recommend two principal Virtues to you , the one is Secrecy , the other Patience . Secrecy is necessarily required in all , especially publick persons , for many times they are trusted with things , the revealing whereof may cost them their lives , and hinder the designs of their Masters . It is a folly to trust any man with a secret , that can give no assistance in the business he is trusted with . Councellors of State and Generals , of Armies , of all other ought to be most secret , for their designs being once discovered , their Enterprizes fail . Silence was so much esteemed among the Persians , that she was adored for a Goddess . The Romans kept their Expeditions so secret , as that alone was a principal cause of their Victories . But of all others trust not Women with a Secret , for the weakness of their Sex makes them unsecret . Be patient after the example of Job , and you shall become a true Servant of God. Patience deserveth to be painted with a Sword in her hand , for she conquers and subdues all difficulties . If you will take advantage of your Enemy , make him cholerick , and by patience you shall overcome him . Marcus Aurelius being both Emperour and Philosopher confessed , he attained not the Empire by Philosophy but by Patience . What man in the world was ever so patient as our Saviour himself , by following whose example his Ministers have converted more by their words , then all the persecuting Emperours could deterr by rigour or cruelty of Laws . The impatient man contests with God himself , who giveth and taketh away at his good will and pleasure . Let me ( good Son ) be your Patern of Patience , for you can witness with me , that the Disgraces I have unjustly suffered , ( my Estate being through my misfortunes ruined , my Health by imprisonments decayed , and my Services undervalued and unrecompensed ) have not bred the least distaste or discontent in me , or altered my resolution from my infancy ; that is , I was never so base as to insinuate into any mans favour , who was favoured by the times . I was never so ambitious as to seek or crave Imployment , or to undertake any that was not put upon me . My great and onely comfort is , that I served my Princes both faithfully and fortunately ; but seeing my Services have been no better accepted , I can as well content my self in being a Spectator , as if I were an Actor in the world . Before I treat of the Sea I will shew what Laws Richard the First established in his Expedition by Sea , which in some points are observed to this day . 1. That whosoever should kill a man , should be tied to him killed , and thrown into the Sea with him . 2. If any be killed on Land , the party to be buried alive with him killed . 3. Whosoever shall strike another , and not draw bloud , shall be duck'd three times at the Yards Arm. 4. Whosoever revileth or curseth another , so often as he revileth shall pay an ounce of Silver . 5. Whosoever draweth his Knife , or draweth Bloud , shall lose his Hand . 6. Whosoever doth steal , shall have his Head shorn , and boiled Pitch poured upon it , and Feathers strewed upon the same , whereby he may be known ; and at the first Landing place he shall be towed on shore . A Yearly Account of the English and Spanish Fleets , which were set forth from the Year 1585 , when the Wars with Spain first began , untill the Year 1602 , when King James made his happy Entrance into this Kingdom ; shewing the Designs , Escapes , and Errors on both English and Spanish sides , with the Names of the Queens Ships and Commanders in every Expedition . A Voyage of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies , Anno Dom. 1585. Ships . Commanders . The Elizabeth Bonaventure Sir Francis Drake . The Ayde Capt. Forbisher .   Capt. Carlee Lieutenant General by Land. UPon the knowledge of the Imbargo made by the King of Spain in Anno 1585 , of the English Ships , Men , and Goods found in his Country ; Her Majesty having no means to help or relieve her Subjects by friendly Treaty , authorized such as sustained loss by the said Arrest , to repair themselves upon the Subjects of the King of Spain ; and to that end gave them Letters of Reprisal , to take and arrest all Ships and Merchandizes that they should find at Sea , or elsewhere , belonging to the Vassals of the said King. Her Majesty at the same time to revenge the wrongs offered her , and to resist the King of Spains Preparations made against her equipped a Fleet of 25 Sail of Ships , and imployed them under the command of Sir Francis Drake , as the fittest man by reason of his Experience and Success in sundry Actions . It is not my intent to set down all the particulars of the Voyages treated of , but the Services done , and the Escapes and Oversights past , as a warning to those that shall read them , and to prevent the like Errors hereafter . This Voyage of Sir Francis Drake being the first undertaking on either side , ( for it ensued immediately after the Arrest of our Ships and Goods in Spain ) I will deliver my Opinion of it , before I proceed any further . One impediment to the Voyage was , that to which the ill success of divers others that after followed , is to be imputed , viz. the want of Victuals and other necessaries fit for so great an Expedition ; for had not the Fleet by chance met with a Ship laden with Fish , that came from New found Land , which relieved their necessities , they would have found themselves reduced to great extremity . The Service that was performed in this Action , was the taking and sacking Sancta Domingo in Hispaniola , Cartagena in Terra firma , and the Fonta aqua in Florida ; three Towns of great importance in the West Indies . This Fleet was the greatest of any Nation but the Spaniards , that had been ever seen in those Seas since the first discovery of them ; and if it had been as well considered of before their going from home , as it was happily performed by the Valour of the Undertakers , it had more annoyed the King of Spain , than all other Actions that ensued during the time of the War. But it seems our long Peace made us uncapable of advice in War ; for had we kept and defended those places being in our possession , and provided to have been relieved and succoured out of England , we had diverted the war from this part of Europe : for at that time there was no comparison betwixt the strength of Spain and England by Sea , by means whereof we might have better defended them , and with more ease incroached upon the rest of the Indies , than the King of Spain could have aided or succoured them . But now we see and find by experience , that those places which were then weak and unfortified , are since so strengthened , as it is bootless to undertake any Action to annoy the King of Spain in his West Indies . And though this Voyage proved both fortunate and victorious , yet considering it was rather an awakening than a weakning of him , it had been far better to have wholly declined it , than to have undertaken it upon such slender grounds , and with so inconsiderable Forces . The second Voyage of Sir Francis Drake to the Road of Cadiz , and towards the Islands of Tercera , Anno 1587. Ships . Commanders . The Elizabeth Bonaventure Sir Francis Drake , General . The Lyon Sir William Borrough , Vice Admiral . The Rainbow Capt. Bellingam . The Dread-nought Capt. Thomas Fenner . HER Majesty having received several Advertisements , that while the King of Spain was silent , not seeking revenge for the injuries the Ships of Reprisal did him daily upon his Coasts , he was preparing an invincible Army to invade her at home . She thereupon sought to frustrate his designs , by intercepting his Provisions before they should come to Lisbon , which was their place of Rendezvouz , and sent away Sir Francis Drake with a Fleet of 30 Sail great and small , 4 whereof were her own Ships . The chief Adventure in this Voyage ( besides those 4 Ships of Her Majesties ) was made by the Merchants of London , who sought their private gain more than the advancement of the Service ; neither were they deceived of their expectation . Sir Francis Drake understanding by two Ships of Middleborough , that came from Cadiz , of a Fleet with Victuals , Munition , and other habiliments for War , riding there , ready to take the first opportunity of a wind , to go to Lisbon and joyn with other Forces of the King of Spain , he directed his course for Cadiz Road , where he found the Advertisement he received from this Ships of Middleborough in every point true ; and upon his arrival attempted the Ships with great courage , and performed the Service he went for , by destroying all such Ships as he found in Harbour , as well of the Spaniards as other Nations that were hired by them ; and by these means he utterly defeated their mighty Preparations which were intended against England that year 1587. The second Service performed by him was , the assaulting the Castle of Cape Sacre , upon the utmost Promontory of Portugal , and three other strong Holds ; all which he took some by force , and some by composition . From thence he went to the mouth of the River of Lisbon , where he anchored near Caske Cadiz ; which the Marquess of St. Cruze beholding , durst not with his Gallies approach so near as once to charge him . Sir Francis Drake perceiving , that though he had done important Service for the State by this fortunate Attempt of his , yet the same was not very acceptable to the Merchants , who adventured onely in hope of Profit , and preferred their private gain before the security of the Kingdom , or any other respect . Therefore from Caske Cadiz he stood to the Islands of Tercera , to expect the coming home of a Carreck , which he had intelligence wintered at Mosambique , and consequently she was to be home in that moneth . And though his Victuals grew scarce , and his Company importuned his return home , yet with gentle Speeches he persuaded , and so much prevailed with them , that they were willing to expect the issue some few days at the Islands ; and by this time drawing near the Island of S. Michael , it was his good fortune to meet and take the Carreck he looked for ; which added more Honour to his former Service , and gave great content to the Merchants , to have a profitable Return of their Adventure , which was the thing they principally desired . This Voyage proceeded prosperously and without exception , for there was both Honour and Wealth gained , and the Enemy greatly endamaged . The first Action undertaken by the Spaniards was in 1588 , the Duke of Medina General , who were encountered by our Fleet , the Lord Admiral being at Sea himself in person . Ships . Commanders . The Ark Royal The Lord Admiral . The Revenge Sir Francis Drake , Vice Admiral . The Lyon The Lord Thomas Howard . The Bear The Lord Sheffeild . The Elizabeth Jonas Sir Robert Southwell . The Triumph Sir Martin Forbisher . The Victory Sir John Hawkins . The Hope Capt. Crosse . The Bonaventure Capt. Reyman . The Dread-nought Capt. George Beeston . The Nouperil Capt. Thomas Fenner . The Rainbow The Lord Henry Seymore . The Vanntguard Sir William Winter . The Mary Rose Capt. Fenton . The Antilope Sir Henry Palmer . The Foresight   The Ayde Capt. Barker . The Swallow   The Tyger Capt. Fenner . The Scout   The Swiftsure Capt. Hawkins . The Bull   The Tremontary Capt. Bostock . The Acatice   Pinnaces , Gallies , Hoyes — 10 Capt. Ashley . NOtwithstanding the great spoil and hurt Sir Francis Drake did the year past in Cadiz Road , by intercepting some part of the Provisions intended for this great Navy , the King of Spain used his utmost endeavours to revenge himself this year , lest in taking longer time his Designs might be prevented as before , and arrested all Ships , Men , and necessaries wanting for his Fleet , and compell'd them per force to seave in this Action . He appointed for General the Duke of Medina Sidonia , a man imployed rather for his Birth than Experience ; for so many Dukes , Marquesses , and Earls , voluntarily going , would have repined to have been commanded by a man of less quality than themselves . They departed from Lisbon the 19th . day of May 1588 , with the greatest pride and glory , and least doubt of Victory , that ever any Nation did ; but God being angry with their insolence , disposed of them contrary to their expectation . The directions from the King of Spain to his General were , to repair as wind and weather would give leave , to the Road of Callice in Piccardy , there to abide the coming of the Prince of Parma and his Army , and upon their meeting to have opened a Letter directed to them both with further Instructions . He was especially commanded to sail along the Coasts of Brittany and Normandy , to avoid being discovered by us here ; and if he met with the English Fleet , not to offer to fight , but onely seek to defend themselves . But when he came athwart the North Cape , he was taken with a contrary wind and foul weather and forced into the Harbour of the Groyne , where part of his Fleet lay attending his coming . As he was ready to depart from thence , they had intelligence by an English Fisherman , whom they took Prisoner , of our Fleets late being at Sea , and putting back again , not expecting their coming that year ; insomuch that most part of the Men belonging to our Ships were discharged . This Intelligence made the Duke alter his Resolution , and to break the Directions given him by the King ; yet this was not done without some difficulty , for the Council was divided in their Opinions , some held it best to observe the Kings Command , others not to lose the opportunity offered to surprize our Fleet unawares , and burn and destroy them . Diego Flores de Valdos , who had the command of the Andalusian Squadron , and on whom the Duke most relied , because of his experience and judgment , was the main man that persuaded the Attempt of our Ships in Harbour , and with that resolution they directed their course for England . The first Land they fell with was the Lizard , the Southermost part of Cornwall , which they took to be the Rams Head athwart Plymouth , and the night being at hand they tacked off to Sea , making account in the morning to make an Attempt upon our Ships in Plymouth . But whilest they were thus deceived in the Land , they were in the mean time discovered by Capt. Flemminge a Pyrat , who had been at Sea pilfering , and upon view of them , knowing them to be the Spanish Fleet , repaired with all speed to Plymouth , and gave warning and notice to our Fleet , who were then riding at Anchor ; whereupon my Lord Admiral hastned with all possible expedition to get forth the Ships , and before the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth , they were welcomed at Sea by my Lord and his Navy , who continued fight with them untill he brought them to an Anchor at Callice . The particulars of the Fight , and the Successes thereof , being things so well known , I purposely omit . While this Armado was preparing , Her Majesty had from time to time perfect intelligence of the Spaniards Designs ; and because she knew his intent was to invade her at Sea with a mighty Fleet from his own Coast , she furnished out her Royal Navy under the Conduct of the Lord High Admiral of England , and sent him to Plymouth , as the likeliest place to attend their coming , as you have heard . Then knowing that it was not the Fleet alone that could endanger her safety , for that they were too weak for any Enterprize on Land , without the assistance of the Prince of Parma , and his Army in Flanders ; therefore she appointed 30 Sail of Holland Ships to lie at an Anchor before the Town of Dunkirk , where the Prince was to imbarque in Flat-bottom'd Boats , made purposely for the Expedition of England . Thus had the Prince by the Queens Providence been prevented , if he had attempted to put out of Harbour with his Boats ; but in truth neither his Vessels nor his Army were in readiness , which caused the King ever after to be jealous of him , and as 't is supposed to hasten his end . Her Majesty , notwithstanding this her vigilant care to foresee and prevent all danger that might happen at Sea , would not hold her self too secure of her Enemy , and therefore prepared a Royal Army to welcom him upon his Landing ; but it was not the will of God that he should set foot on English ground , the Queen becoming Victorious over him at Sea , with little hazard or bloudshed of her Subjects . Having shewed the Design of the Spaniards , and the course taken by Her Majesty to prevent them ; I will now collect the Errors committed as well by the one as by the other , as I have promised in the beginning of my Discourse . As nothing could appear more rational and likely to take effect , after the Duke had gotten intelligence of the state of our Navy , than his design to surprize them unawares in Harbour , he well knowing that if he had taken away our strength by Sea , he might have landed both when and where he listed , which is a great advantage to an Invader ; yet admitting it had took that effect he designed , I see not how he was to be commended in breaking the Instructions given him by the King , what blame then did he deserve , when so ill an event followed by his rashness and disobedience ? It was not the want of Experience in the Duke , or his laying the fault upon Valdes , that excused him at his return ; but he had smarted bitterly for it , had it not been for his Wife , who obtained the Kings favour for him . Before th' Arrival of the Ships that escaped in this Voyage , it was known in Spain , that Diego Flores de Valdes was he who persuaded the Duke to break the Kings Instructions ; whereupon the King gave commandment in all his Ports , where the said Diego Flores de Valdes might arrive , to apprehend him ; which was accordingly executed , and he carried to the Castle of Sancta Andrea , and was never seen or heard of after . If the Kings Directions had been punctually followed , then had his Fleet kept the Coast of France , and arrived in the Road of Callice before they had been discovered by us , which might have endangered Her Majesty and the Realm , our Ships being so far off as Plymouth , where then they lay ; and thought the Prince of Parma had not been presently ready , yet he had gained time sufficient by the absence of our Fleet to make himself ready . And whereas the Prince was kept in by the 30 Sail of Hollanders , so many of the Dukes Fleet might have been able to have put the Hollanders from the Road of Dunkirk , and possest it themselves , and so have secured the Army and Fleets meeting together ; and then how easie it had been after their joyning to have transported themselves for England ? And what would have ensued upon their Landing here may be well imagined . But it was the will of him that directs all men and their actions , that the Fleets should meet , and the Enemy be beaten as they were , put from their Anchorage in Callice Road , the Prince of Parma beleaguered at Sea , and their Navy driven about Scotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss ; which sheweth how God did marvellously defend us against their dangerous Designs . And here was opportunity offered us to have followed the Victory upon them ; for after they were beaten from the Road at Callice , and all their hopes and designs frustated ; if we had once more offered them fight , the General by persuasion of his Confessor was determined to yield , whose example 't is very likely would have made the rest to have done the like . But this opportunity was lost , not through the negligence or backwardness of the Lord Admiral , but merely through the want of Providence in those that had the charge of furnishing and providing for the Fleet ; for at that time of so great advantage , when they came to examine their Provisions , they found a general scarcity of Powder and Shot , for want whereof they were forced to return home . Another opportunity was lost not much inferiour to the other , by not sending part of our Fleet to the West of Ireland , where the Spaniards of necessity were to pass after so many dangers and disasters as they had endured . If we had been so happy as to have followed this course , as it was both thought and discoursed of ; we had been absolutely victorious over this great and formidable Navy , for they were brought to that necessity , that they would willingly have yielded , as divers of them confess'd that were shipwreck'd in Ireland . By this we may see how weak and feeble the designs of Men are , in respect of the Creator of Man , and how indifferently he dealt betwixt the two Nations , sometimes giving one , sometimes the other , the advantage ; and yet so that he onely ordered the Battel . The Action of Portugal , 1589. Ships . Commanders by Sea. Commanders by Land. The Revenge Sir Francis Drake Sir John Norris The Dread-nought Capt. Thomas Fenner Sir Edward Norris The Ayde Capt. William Fenner Sir Henry Norris The Nonperil Capt. Sackvile Sir Roger Williams The Foresight Capt. William Winter . Serjeant Major The Swiftsure Capt. Goring Earl of Essex Voluntier THE last overthrow of 1588 given to the Invincible Fleet , as they termed themselves , did so encourage every man to the War , as happy was he that could put himself into Action against the Spaniards , as it appeared by the Voluntiers that went in this Voyage ; which the Queen ( considering the great loss the King of Spain received in the year past , whereby it was to be imagined how weakly he was provided at home ) was willing to countenance , though she undertook it not wholly her self , which was the main cause of its ill success and overthrow . For whosoever he be of a Subject , that thinks to undertake so great an Enterprise without a Prince's Purse , shall be deceived ; and therefore these two Generals in my opinion never overshot themselves more , than in undertaking so great a charge with so little means ; for where there are Victuals and Arms wanting , what hope is there of prevailing ? The project of this Voyage was to restore a distressed King to his Kingdom , usurped as he pretended ; and though the means for the setting forth of this Voyage was not so great as was expedient ; yet in the opinion of all men , if they had directed their course whither they intended it , without landing at the Groyne , they had performed the Service they went for , restored Don Antonio to the Crown of Portugal , dissevered it from Spain , and united it in League with England , which would have answered the present charge , and have settled a continual Trade for us to the West Indies , and the rest of the Portugals Dominions , for so we might easily have conditioned . But the Landing at the Groyne was an unnecessary lingering and hinderance of the other great and main design , a consuming of Victuals , a weakning of the Army by the immoderate drinking of the Souldiers , which brought a lamentable Sickness amongst them , a warning to the Spaniards to strengthen Portugal , and ( as great as all this ) a discouragement to proceed further being repulsed in the first Attempt . But notwithstanding the ill success at the Groyne , they departed from thence towards Portugal , and arrived at Penech , a Maritine Town twelve Leagus from Lisbon , where with a small resistance they took the Castle , after the Captain understood Don Antonio to be in the Army . From thence General Norris marched with his Land Forces to Lisbon , and Sir Francis Drake with his Fleet sailed to Caske Cadiz , promising from thence to pass with his Ships up the River to Lisbon , to meet with Sir John Norris , which yet he did not perform , and therefore was much blamed by the general consent of all men ; the overthrow of the Action being imputed to him . It will not excuse Sir Francis Drake , for making such a Promise to Sir John Norris , though , on the other hand , I would have accused him of great want of Discretion , if he had put the Fleet to so great an Adventure to so little purpose : For his being in the Harbor of Lisbon , signified nothing to the Taking of the Castle , which was two Miles from thence ; and had the Castle been taken , the Town would have been taken of course . Besides , the Ships could not furnish the Army with more Men or Victuals : wherefore I understand not in what Respect his going up was necessary ; and yet the Fleet must have endured many Hazards to this little purpose . For betwixt Cask Cadiz and Lisbon , there are three Castles , St. John , St. Francis , and Bellin . The first of the three , I hold one of the most impregnable Forts to Sea-ward in Europe ; and the Fleet was to pass within Calliver Shot of this Fort ; though I confess , the passing it , was not the greatest Dander : For with a reasonable Gale of Wind , any Fort is to be passed with small Hazard . But at this time there was a General Want of Victuals ; and being once entred the Harbour , their coming out again was uncertain , the place being subject to contrary Winds : In the mean while , the better part of the Victuals would have been consumed , and they would have remained there in so desperate a Condition , as they would have been forced to have fired one half of the Fleet , for the bringing home of the rest : for being as they were , yet after the Army was imbarqued for England , many died of Famine Homeward , and more would have done , if the Wind had took them short ; or , if by the Death of some of them , the rest who survived had not been the bettr relieved . And besides all these Casualties and Dangers , the Adilantado was then in Lisbon with the Gallies of Spain ; and how easily he might have annoyed our Fleet , by towing Fire-ships amongst us : We may suppose the Hurt we did the Spaniards the Year before in Cadiz Road ; and greater we had done them , had we had the Help of Gallies . It was a wonder to observe every man's Opinion of this Voyage , as well those that were Actions in it , as others that staid at Home ; some imputing the Overthrow of it , to the Landing at the Groyn ; others to the Portugalls failing us of those Helps and Assistances which were promised by Don Antonio ; and others , to Sir Francis Drake's not coming up the River with his Fleet. Though any of these three Reasons may seem probable enough , and the Landing at the Groyn , the chiefest of the three ; yet if we weigh truly the Defect , and where it was , it will appear , that the Action was overthrown before their setting out from Home , they being too weakly provided of all things needful for so great an Expedition . For when this Voyage was first treated of , the Number of Ships was nothing equal to the Proportion of Men : Wherefore they were forced to make Stay of divers Easterlings which they met with in our Channel , and compelled to serve in this Action , for the Transportation of our Souldiers ; and though these Ships were an Ease to our Men , who would have been otherwise much pestered for want of Room ; yet their Victuals were nothing augmented ; but they were put aboard the Ships , like banished men , to seek their Fortunes at Sea , it being confessed , that divers of the Ships had not four days Victuals when they departed from Plymouth . Another Impediment to the good Success of this Voyage , was , the want of Field-Pieces ; and this was the main Cause why we failed of taking Lisbon : For the Enemies Strength consisting chiefly in the Castle , and we having only an Army to countenance us , but no means for Battery , we were the Loss of the Victory our selves : For it was apparent by Intelligence we received , that if we had presented them with Battery , they were resolved to parly , and by Consequence to yield ; and this too was made use of by the Portugalls , as a main Reason why they joyned not with us . And there is as much to be said on the Portugalls behalf , as an Evidence of their good Will and Favor to us , that though they shewed themselves forward upon this Occasion , to aid us , yet they opposed not themselves as Enemies against us : Whereas if they had pursued us in our Retreat from Lisbon to Cask Cadiz , our Men being weak , sickly , and wanting Powder , and Shot , and other Arms , they had in all probability put us to a great Loss and Disgrace . And if ever England have the like Occasion to aid a Competitor in Portugal , we shall questionless , find , that our fair Demeanor and Carriage in this Expedition towards the People of that Countrey , have gained us great Reconciliation among them , and would be of singular Advantage to us : For the General strictly forbad the Rifling of their Houses in the Country , and the Suburbs of Lisbon , which he possess'd , and commanded , just Payment to be made by the Souldiers for every thing they took , without Compulsion , or rigorous Usage : And this hath made those that stood but indifferently affected before , now ready upon the like Occasion to assist us . A Voyage undertaken by the Earl of Cumberland , with one Ship Royal of her Majesties , and six of his own , and of other Adventures , Anno Dom. 1589. Ships . Commanders . The Victory The Earl of Cumberland The Margaret , Capt. Christopher Lister And Five other Capt. Monson , now Sir William Monson , Vice-Amiral . AS the Fleets of Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake , returned from the Voyage of Portugal , my Lord of Cumberland proceeded upon his , towards that Coast , ; and meeting with divers of that Fleet , relieved them with Victuals , who otherwise had perished . This Voyage was undertaken at his and his Friends Charge , excepting the Victory , a Ship Royal of the Queen's , which she adventured . The Service performed at Sea , was the taking of three French Ships of the League in our Channel , and his encountring upon the Coast of Spain , with Thirteen Hulks , who made some Resistance . Out of these he took to the Value of 7000 l. in Spices belonging to Portugal . From thence he crossed over to the Island of Terceras , and coming to St. Michaels , with Boats he fetched out two Spanish Ships from under the Castle , which the same Night arrived out of Spain . In this Course , from thence to Flores , he took a Spanish Ship , laden with Sugars and Sweet-meats that came from the Maderas . Being at Flores , he received Intelligencence of divers Spanish Ships , which were in the Road of Fayal , whereupon he suddainly made from that Island , where Captain Lister and Captain Monson gave a desperate Attempt in their Boats upon the said Ships ; and after along Fight possessed themselves of one of them of 300 Tuns Burden , carrying Eighteen Pieces of Ordidinance , and Fifty Men. This Ship , with one other , came from the Indies , two of the rest out of Guiney , and another was Laden with Woad which that Island affords in great Plenty ; who putting from thence to Sea , and coming to the Island of Graciosa , after two days Fight , yielded us by Composition some Victuals : Off that Island we likewise took a French Ship of the League , of 200 Tuns , that came from New-found-land . Afterwards , Sailing to the Eastward of the Road of Terceras , in the Even-we beheld 18 Tall Ships of the Indies , entring into the said Road , one whereof we after took in her Course to the Coast of Spain : She was laden with Hides , Silver and Cochineal ; but coming for England , she was cast away upon the Mounts Bay in Cornwall , being valued at 100000 l. Two other Prizes of Sugar we took in our said Course to the Coast of Spain , esteemed each Ship at 7000 l. and one from under the Castle of St. Maries to the same Value . There was no Road about those Islands , that could defend their Ships from our Attempts ; yet in the last Assault we gave , which was upon a Ship of Sugars , we found ill Success , being sharply resisted , and two parts of our Men slain and hurt : Which Loss was occasioned by Captain Lister , who would not be persuaded from Landing in the View of their Forts . The Service performed by Land , was the taking of the Island of Fayall , some months after the surprizing of those Ships formerly mentioned . The Castle yielded us 45 Pieces of Ordinance , great and small : We sacked and spoiled the Town , and after ransomed it , and so departed . These Summer Services , and Ships of Sugar , proved not so sweet and pleasant as the Winter was afterwards sharp and painful : For in our Return for England , we found the Calamity of Famine , the Hazard of Shipwrack and the Death of our Men so great , that the like befell not any other Fleet during the time of the War. All which Disasters must be imputed to Captain Lister's Rashness , upon whom my Lord of Cumberland chiefly relyed , wanting Experience himself . He was the man that advised the sending the Ships of Wine for England , otherwise we had not known the Want of Drink ; he was as earnest in persuading our Landing in the Face of the Fortifications of St. Maries , against all Reason and Sence . As he was rash , so was he valiant ; but paid dearly for his unadvised Counsel : For he was one of the first hurt , and that cruelly , in the Attempt of St. Maries , and afterward drowned in the Rich Ship , cast away at Mounts Bay. Sir John Hawkins , and Sir Martin Forbisher , their Voyage undertaken , Anno 1590. Ships . Commanders . The Revenge Sir Martin Forbisher The Mary-Rose Sir John Hawkins The Lyon Sir Edward Yorke The Bonaventure Capt. Fenner . The Rainbow Capt. George Beeston The Hope   The Crane Capt. Bostock The Quittance   The Foresight Capt. Burnell The Swiftseur .   FRom the Yeear 1585. untill this present Year 1590. there was the greatest possibility imaginable of enriching our Nation , by Actions at Sea , had they been well followed ; the King of Spain was grown so weak in Shipping , by the Overthrow he had in 1588 , that he could no longer secure the Trade of his Subjects . Her Majesty now finding how necessary it was for her to maintain a Fleet upon the Spanish Coast , as well to hinder the Preparations he might make against Her , to repair the Disgrace he received in 1588. as also to intercept his Fleets from the Indies , by which he grew Great and Mighty . She sent this Year 1590. Ten Ships of her own , in two Squadrons ; the one to be Commanded by Sir John Hawkins , the other by Sir Martin Forbisher , two Gentlemen of tried Experience . The King of Spain understanding of this Preparation of hers , sent forth 20 Sail of Ships , under the Command of Don. Alonso de Bassan , Brother to the late Famous Marquess of St. Cruz. His Charge was to secure home the Indian Fleet and Carrecks . But after Don Alonso had put off to Sea , the King of Spain becoming better advised , than to adventure 20 of his Ships to 10 of outs , sent for Don Alonso back , and so frustrated the Expectation of our Fleet. He likewise made a Dispatch to the Indies , commanding the Fleets to Winter there , rather than to run the hazard of coming Home that Summer : But this proved so great a Hind'rance and Loss to the Merchants of Spain , to be so long without Return of their Goods , that it caused many to become Bankrupts , in Sevil and other places ; besides , which was so great a weakening to their Ships , to Winter in the Indies , that many years hardly sufficed to repair the Damage they received . Our Fleet being thus prevented , spent seven months in vain upon the Coasts of Spain , and the Islands : but in that space , could not possess themselves of one Ship of the Spaniards ; and the Carrecks , upon which part of their Hopes depended , came Home without Sight of the Islands , and arrived safe at Lisbon . This Voyage was a bare Action at Sea , though they attempted Landing at Fayal , which the Earl of Cumberland , the year before had taken and quitted ; but the Castle being re-fortified , they prevailed not in thier Enterprize : And thence forwards the King of Spain endeavored to strengthen his Coasts , and to encrease in Shipping , as may appear by the next ensuing Year . Two Fleets , the one by Vs , under the Lord Thomas Howard , the other by the Spaniards , Commanded by Don Alonso de Bassan , Anno 1591. Ships . Commanders . The Defiance The Lord Thomas Howard The Revenge Sir Richard Greenvile , Vice-admiral The Nonperil Sir Edward Denny The Bonaventure Capt. Crosse The Lyon Capt. Fenner The Foresight Capt. Vavasor The Crane Capt. Duffeild . HER Majesty understanding of the Indian Fleets Wintering in the Havana , and that Necessity would compell them home this Year 1591. she sent a Fleet to the Islands under the Command of the Lord Thomas Howard . The King of Spain perceiving her Drift , and being sensible how much the safety of that Fleet concerned him , caused them to set out thence so late in the Year , that it endangered the Shipwrack of them all ; chosing rather to hazard the perishing of Ships , Men and Goods , than their falling into our Hands . He had two Designs in bringing home this Fleet so late : One was , he thought the Lord Thomas would have consumed his Victuals , and have been forced Home . The other , that he might in the mean time furnish out the great Fleet he was preparing , little inferior to that of 1588. In the first he found himself deceived : For my Lord was supplied both with Ships and Victuals out of England ; and in the second , he was as much prevented : For my Lord of Cumberland , who then lay upon the Coast of Spain , had Intelligence of the Spaniards putting out to Sea , and advertised the Lord Thomas thereof , the very Night before they arrived at Flores , where my Lord lay . The day after this Intelligence , the Spanish Fleet was discovered by my Lord Thomas , whom he knew by their Number and Greatness , to be the Ships of which he had warning ; and by that means escaped the Danger that Sir Richard Greenvile , his Vice-admiral rashly ran into . Upon View of the Spaniards , which were 55 Sail , the Lord Thomas warily , and like a discreet General , weighed Anchor , and made Signs to the rest of his Fleet to do the like , with a purpose to get the Wind of them ; but Sir Richard Greenvile , being a stubborn man , and imagining this Fleet to come from the Indies , and not to be the Armado of which they were informed , would by no means be persuaded by his Master , or Company to cut his main Sail , to follow his Admiral ; nay , so head-strong and rash he was , that he offered violence to those that councelled him thereto . But the Old Saying , that a wilful man is the Cause of his own Woe , could not be more truly verified than in him : For when the Armado approached him , and he beheld the Greatness of the Ships , he began to see and repent of his Folly ; and when it was too late , would have freed himself of them , but in vain : For he was left a Prey to the Enemy , every Ship striving to be the first should board him . This wilful Rashness of Sir Richard , made the Spaniards triumph as much as if they had obtained a Signal Victory ; it being the first Ship that ever they took of Her Majesties , and commended to them by some English Fugitives to be the very best she had ; but their Joy continued not long . For they enjoyed her but five days before she was cast away with many Spaniards in her , upon the Islands of Tercera . Commonly one Misfortune is accompanied with another : For the Indian Fleet , which my Lord had waited for the whole Summer , the day after this mishap , fell into the Company of this Spanish Armado : who , if they had staid but one day longer , or the Indian Fleet had come home but one day sooner , we had possest both them and many millions of Treasure , which the Sea afterward devoured : For from the time they met with the Armado , and before they could recover home , nigh an hundred of them suffered Shipwrack , besides the Ascention of Sevil , and the double Fly-boat , that were sunk by the side of the Revenge . All which was occasioned by their Wintering in the Indies , and the late Disambogueing from thence : For the Worm which that Country , is subject to , weakens and consumes their Ships . Notwithstanding this cross and perverse Fortune , which happened by means of Sir Richard Greenvile , the Lord Thomas would not be dismayed or discouraged ; but kept the Sea so long as he had Victuals ; and by such Ships as himself and the rest of the Fleet took , defrayed the better part of the Charge of the whole Action . The Earl of Cumberland to the Coast of Spain , 1591. Ships . Commanders . The Garland of her Majesties . The Earl of Cumberland . Capt. under him Seven other Ships of his and his Friends Capt. Monson , now Sir William Monson . THE Earl of Cumberland keeping the Coast of Spain , as you have heard , while the Lord Thomas remained at the Islands , and both to one end , viz. to annoy and damnifie the Spaniards , though in two several Fleets , the Earl found Fortune in a sort , as much to frown upon him , as it had done upon the Lord Thomas Howard . In his Course from England to the Spanish Coast , he encountred with divers Ships of Holland , which came from Lisbon , wherein he found a great quantity of Spices belonging to the Portugalls : So greatly were we abused by that Nation of Holland , who , though they were the first that engaged us in the War with Spain , yet still maintained their own Trade into those parts , and supplied the Spaniards with Munition , Victuals Shipping and Intelligence against us . Upon my Lord's Arrival on the Coast of Spain , it was his hap to take three Ships at several times , one with Wine , which he unladed into his own ; and two with Sugars , which he enjoyed not long : no more did he the Spices , which he took out of the Hollanders . For one of the Ships of Sugar , by means of a Leak that sprung upon her , was forced to be cast off , and the men , with much difficulty , recovered the Shore , and saved their Lives . The other being sent for England , and tossed with contrary Winds , was for want of Victuals forced into the Groyn , where they rend'red themselves to the Enemies mercy . The Spices were determined to be sent for England , and a Ship appointed for that purpose , with other Ships to guard her ; and Captain Monson was sent on Board her to the Islands of the Burlings , with a Charge to see her dispatched for England . But the other Ships , not observing the Directions which were given them , and the Night falling calm ; early in the Morning , this scattered Ship was set upon by six Gallies ; and after a long and bloody Fight , the Captain , and the Principallest men being slain , both Ship and Spices were taken ; but whether it was the respect they had to the Queen's Ship which was Admiral of that Fleet , or Honor to my Lord that commanded it ; or Hope , by good Usage of our men , to receive the like again , I know not ; but true it is , that the ordinary men were treated with more Courtesie than they had been from the beginning of the Wars . My Lord of Cumberland considering the Disasters that thus befell him , and knowing the Spanish Fleet 's readiness to put out of Harbor ; but especially finding his Ship but ill of Sail , it being the first Voyage she ever went to Sea , he durst not abide the Coast of Spain , but thought it more Discretion to return for England , having ( as you have heard ) sent a Pinnace to my Lord Thomas with the Intelligence aforesaid . A Voyage undertook by Sir Walter Rawleigh ; but himself returning , left the Charge thereof to Sir Martin Forbisher , Anno 1592. Ships . Commanders by Sea. Commander by Land. The Garland Sir Walter Rawleigh Sir John Boroughs . The Foresight , with divers Merchants Ships . Capt. Cross , and others . Sir Walter went not , but Sir Martin Fobisher .   SIR Walter Rawleigh , who had tasted abundantly of the Queen's Love , and found it now began to decline , put himself upon a Voyage at Sea , and drew unto him divers friends of great Quality , and others , thinking to have attempted some place in the West Indies ; and with this resolution he put out of Harbour ; but spending two or three days in fowl Weather , Her Majesty was pleased to command his Return , and to commit the Charge of the Ships to Sir Martin Forbisher , who was sent down for that purpose ; but with an express Command , not to follow the Design of the West Indies . This suddain Alteration being known unto the rest of the Captains , for the present made some Confusion , as commonly it happens in all voluntary Actions . Their General leaving them , they thought themselves free in point of Reputation , and at liberty to take what course they pleased : Few of them therefore did submit themselves to the Command of Sir Martin Forbisher , but chose rather each one to take his particular Fortune and Adventure at Sea. Sir Martin , with two or three other Ships , repaired to the Coast of Spain , where he took a Spaniard laden with Iron , and a Portugal with Sugar : He remained there not without some danger , his Ship being ill of Sail , and the Enemy having a Fleet at Sea. Sir John Boroughs , Captain Cross , and another , stood to the Islands , where they met with as many Ships of my Lord of Cumberland's , with whom they consorted . After some time spent thereabouts , they had sight of a Carreck , which they chased ; but she recoverd the Island of Flores before they could approach her ; but the Carreck , seeing the Islands could not defend her from the Strength and Force of the English , chose rather , after the men were got on Shore to fire her self , than we the Enemy should reap Benefit by her . The Purser of her was taken , and by Threats compell'd to tell of another of their Company behind , that had Order to fall with that Island ; and gave us such particular Advertisement , that indeed she fell to be ours . In the mean time Don Alonso de Bassan was furnishing at Lisbon 23 of those Gallions , which the Year before he had when he took the Revenge ; he was directed with those Ships to go immediately to Flores , to expect the coming of the Carrecks , who had order to fall with that Island , there to put on Shore divers Ordnance for strength'ning the Town and Castle . Don Alonso breaking his Directions , unadvisedly made his repair first to St. Michaels , and there delivered his Ordnance before he arrived at Flores ; and in the mean time one of the Carrecks was burnt , and the other taken , as you have heard . This he held to be such a Disreputation to him , and especially for that it happened through his own Error and Default , that he became much perplex'd , and pursued the English 100 Leagues ; but in vain , they being so far a Head. The King of Spain being advertised of his two Carrecks mishap , and the Error of Don Alonso , though he had much favoured him before , in respect of divers Actions he had been in with his Brother , the Marquess of St. Cruz , and for what he had lately performed , by taking the Revenge : Yet — the King held it for such a Blemish to his Honor , not to have his Instructions obeyed ; and observed , that he did not only take from Don Alonso his Command ; but he lived and died too in Disgrace ; which , in my Opinion , he worthily deserved . The Queens Adventure in this Voyage , was only two Ships ; one of which , and the least of them too , was at the taking of the Carreck ; which title , joyned with her Regal Authority , she made such use of , that the rest of the Adventures were fain to submit themselves to her Pleasure , with whom she dealt but indifferently . The Earl of Cumberland to the Coast of Spain , Anno Dom. 1593. Ships Commanders . The Lyon The Earl of Cumberland The Bonaventure , and seven other Ships . Capt. under him , Capt. Monson Sir Edward Yorke . THE Earl of Cumberland finding , that many of his Voyages had miscarried through the Negligence , or Unfaithfulness of those who were entrusted to lay in necessary Provisions ; and yet , being incouraged by the good Success he had the last year , obtained two of her Majesty's Ships ; and Victualled them himself , together with seven others that did accompany them ; and arriving upon the Coast of Spain , He took two French Ships of the League , which did more than treble the Expence of his Voyage . My Lord , being one day severed from his Fleet , it was his hap to meet with 12 Hulks , at the same place where Captain Monson was taken the same day two years before : He required that Respect from them that was due unto Her Majesties Ship , which they peremptorily refused , presuming upon the Strength of their 12 Ships against one only ; but they found themselves deceived : For after two hours Fight he brought them to his Mercy , and made them acknowledge their Error ; and not only so , but they willingly discovered , and delivered up to him a great quantity of Powder and Munition , which they carried for the King of Spain's Service . My Lord of Cumberland having spent some time thereabouts , and understanding that Fervanteles de Menega , a Portugal , and the King's General of a Fleet of 24 Sail , was gone to the Islands ; he pursued them , thinking to meet the Carrecks before they should joyn together . At his coming to Flores , he met , and took one of the Fleet , with the Death of the Captain , who yet lived so long as to inform him both where the Fleet was , and of their Strength : The day after , he met the Fleet it self ; but being far too weak for them , he was forced to leave them , and spent his time thereabouts , till he understood the Carrecks were passed by , without seeing either Fleet or Island . Sir Martin Forbisher , with a Fleet to Brest in Brittany , Anno 1594. Ships . Commanders . The Vauntguard Sir Martin Forbisher The Rainbow Capt. Fenner The Dreadnought Capt. Clifford The Quittance . Capt. Savil ABout three years past , Anno 1591. the Queen sent Sir John Norris with 3000 Souldiers , to joyn with the French King's Party in those Parts . The King of Spain , who upheld the Faction of the League , sent Don John de Aquila with the like Forces , to joyn with the Duke de Merceur , who was of the contrary side . The Spaniards had fortified themselves very strongly near the Town of Brest , expecting new Succors from Spain by Sea ; which the French King fearing , craved Assistance from the Queen , which her Majesty was the more willing to grant , because the Spaniards had gotten the Haven of Brest to entertain their Shipping in , and were like to prove there very dangerous Neighbors : Wherefore she sent Sir Martin Forbisher thither in this year , 1594 , with four of her Ships : And upon his Arrival there , Sir John Norris , with his Forces , and Sir Martin with his Seaman , assailed the Fort ; and though it was as bravely defended as men could do ; yet in the end it was taken with the loss of divers Captains , Sir Martin Forbisher being himself sore wounded , of which Hurt he died at Plymouth after his return . A Fleet to the Indies , Sir Francis Drake , and Sir John Hawkins Generals , wherein they adventured deeply , and died in the Voyage . Anno 1594. Ships . Commanders by Sea. Commander by Land. The Defiance Sir Francis Drake Sir Tho. Baskervile The Garland Sir John Hawkins   The Hope Capt. Gilbert Yorke   The Bonaventure Capt. Troughton   The Foresight Capt. Winter   The Adventure Capt. Tho. Drake .   THese two Generals , presuming much upon their own Experience and Knowledge , used many Persuasions to the Queen , to undertake a Voyage to the West Indies , giving much assurance to perform great Services , and promising to engage themselves very deeply therein , with the Adventure of both Substance and Life . And as all Actions of this Nature promise fair , till they come to be performed , so did this the more , in the Opinion of all Men , in respect of the two Generals Experience . There were many Impediments and Let ts to this Voyage , before they could clear themselves of the Coast , which put them to greater Charge than they expected ; the chiefest cause of their Lingring , was a mistrust our State had of an Invasion , and the Danger to spare so many good Ships and men out of England as they carried with them . The Spaniards with their usual subtilty , let slip no opportunity to put us in amazement , thereby to dissolve the Action ; and sent four Gallies to Bleuret in Brittany , from thence to seize some part of our Coast , that so we might apprehend a greater Force was to follow . These Gallies landed at Pensants in Cornwall , where , finding the Town abandoned , they sack'd and burnt it ; but this Design of theirs took little effect ; for the Voyage proceeded notwithstanding . The Intent of the Voyage , was to land at Nombre de dois , and from thence to march to Panuma , to possess the Treasure that comes from Peru ; and if they saw reason for it , to inhabite and keep it . A few days before their going from Plymouth , they received Letters from her Majesty , of an Advertisement she had out of Spain , that the Indian Fleet was arrived ; and that one of them , with loss of her Mast , was put room to the Island of Porto Ricom . She commanded them , seeing there was so good an opportunity offered , as the readiness of this her Fleet , and the weakness of Porto Ricom , to possess themselves of that Treasure ; and the rather , for that it was not much out of their way to Nombre de dois . It is neither Years , nor Experience , that can foresee and prevent all mishaps , which is a manifest Proof , that God is the Guider and Disposer of Mens Actions : For nothing could seem more probable to be effected , than this later Design , especially considering the Ability and Wisdom of the two Generals ; and yet was unhappily prevented , and failed in the Execution : For there being five Frigats sent out of Spain , to fetch this Treasure from Porto Ricom , in their way it was their hap to take a Pinnace of the English Fleet , by whom they understood the Secrets of the Voyage ; and to prevent the Attempt of Porto Ricom , they hastened thither with all speed ( whilst our Generals lingred at Quadrupa , to set up their Boats ) and at their Arrival , so strengthened the Town with the Souldiers , brought in the Prigats , that when our Fleet came thither , not expecting Resistance , they found themselves frustrate of their Hopes , which indeed they themselves were the occasion of , in managing their Design with no more Secresie . This Repulse bred so great a Disconceit in Sir John Hawkins , as it is thought to have hastened his days ; and being great and unexpected , did not a little discourage Sir Francis Drake's great Mind , who yet proceeded upon his first resolved Design , for Nombre de dios , though with no better Success : For the Enemy having knowledge of their coming , fortified the Passage to Panuma , and forced them to return with loss . Sir Francis Drake , who was wont to rule Fortune , now finding his Error , and the difference between the present strength of the Indies , and what it was when he first knew it , grew melancholly upon this Disappointment , and suddenly , and I hope naturally , died at Nombre de dios , where he got his first Reputation . The two Generals dying , and all other Hopes being taken away by their Deaths , Sir Thomas Baskervile succeeded them in their Command , and began now to think upon his return for England ; but coming near Cuba , he met and fought with a Fleet of Spain , though not long , by reason of the Sickness and Weakness of his Men. This Fleet was sent to take the Advantage of ours in its Return , thinking , as indeed it happened , that they should find them both weak , and in want ; but the swiftness of our Ships , in which we had the Advantage of the Spaniards , preserved us . You may observe , that from the year the Revenge was taken , untill this present year 1595. there was no Summer , but the King of Spain furnished a Fleet for the guarding of his Coasts , and securing of his Trade ; and though there was little fear of any Fleet from England to impeach him , besides this in the Indies ; yet because he would shew his greatness , and satisfie the Portugal of the care he had in preserving their Carrecks ; he sent the Count of Feria , a young Nobleman of Portugal , who desired to gain Experience , with 20 Ships to the Islands ; but the Carrecks did , as they used to do in many other years , miss both Islands and Fleets , and arrived at Lisbon safely . The other Fleets of the King of Spain in the Indies , consisted of 24 Ships , their General Don Bernardino de Villa nova , an approved Coward , as it appeared when he came to encounter the English Fleet ; but his Defects were supplied by the Valor of his Vice-admiral , who behaved himself much to his Honor : His Name was John Garanay . The Earl of Essex , and the Lord Admiral of England , Generals , equally , both by Sea and Land , Anno 1596. Ships . Commanders . The Repulse The Earl of Essex . Capt. under him The Ark-royal Sir Will. Monson The Mere-honor The Lord Admiral . Capt. under him The Warspite Ames Preston The Lyon The Lord Thomas Howard The Rainbow Sir Walter Rawleigh The Nonperil Sir Robert Southwell The Vauntguard Sir Francis Vere The Mary Rose Sir Robert Dudley The Dreadnought Sir John Wingfield The Swiftsuer Sir George Carew The Quittance Sir Alexander Clifford The Tremontary , with several others . Sir Robert Crosse   Sir George Clifford   Sir Robert Mansfield   Capt. King. THE first of June 1596. we departed from Plymouth ; and our Departure was the more speedy , by reason of the great pains , care and industry of the 16 Captains , who in their own Persons , labored the Night before , to get out some of their Ships , riding at Catwater , which otherwise had not been easily effected . The Third , we set Sail from Cansom Bay , the Wind , which when we weighed , was at West and by South , instantly cast up to the North East , and so continued untill it brought us up as high as the North Cape of Spain ; and this fortunate beginning put us in great hopes of a lucky Success to ensue . We being now come upon our Enemies Coast , it behoved the Generals to be vigilant in keeping them from Intelligence of us , who therefore appointed the Litness , the True Love , and the Lion's Whelp ( the three chief Sailors of our Fleet ) to run a Head , suspecting the Spaniards had some Carvels of Advice out , which they did usually send to discover at Sea , upon any Rumor of a less Fleet than this , was made ready in England . No Ship or Carvel escaped from us , which I hold a second Happiness to our Voyage : For you shall understand hereafter , the Inconvenience that might have happened upon our Discovery . The 10th . of June , the said three Ships , took three Fly-Boats that came from Cadiz 14 days before ; by them we understood the State of the Town , and that they had no suspition of us , which we looked on as a third Omen of our good Fortune to come . The 12th . of June , the Swan , a Ship of London , being commanded , as the other three , to keep a good way off the Fleet , to prevent discovery , she met with a Fly-boat , which made Resistance , and escaped from her . This Fly-boat came from the Streights , bound Home , who discovering our Fleet , and thinking to gain Reputation and Reward from the Spaniards , shhaped her Course for Lisbon ; but she was luckily prevented by the John and Francis , another Ship of London , commanded by Sir Marmaduke Darrel , who took her within a League of the Shore ; and this we may account a fourth Happiness to our Voyage . The first ( as hath been said ) was for the Wind to take us so suddainly , and to continue so long : For our Souldiers being Shipped , and in Harbor , would have consumed their Victuals , and have been so pester'd , that it would have endangered a Sickness amongst them . The Second , was the taking all Ships that were seen , which kept the Enemy from Intelligence . The Third , was the intercepting of the Fly-Boats from Cadiz , whither we were bound , who assured us , our coming was not suspected , which made us more careful to hail from the Coast than otherwise we should have been : They told us likewise of the daily expectation of the Gallions to come from St. Jacar to Cadiz , and of the Merchant-men that lay there , and were ready bound for the Indies . These Intelligences were of great moment , and made the Generals presently to contrive their business both by Sea and Land , which otherwise would have taken up a longer time , after their coming thither , and whether all men would have consented to attempt their Ships in Harbor , if they had not known the most part of them to consist of Merchants , I hold very doubtful . The Fourth , and fortunatest of all , was the taking of the Fly-boat by the John and Francis , which the Swan let go : For if she had reached Lisbon , she had been able to make report of the number and greatness of our Ships , and might have endangered the loss of the whole Design , she seeing the course we bore , and that we had passed Lisbon , which was the place the Enemy most suspected , and made there his greatest preparation for Defence : But had the Enemy been freed of that doubt , he had then no place to fear but Andulozia and Cadiz above the rest , which upon the lest warning might have been strengthened , and we put to great Hazard ; he might also have secured his Ships , by towing them out with Gallies ; and howsoever the Wind had been , might have sent them into the Streights , where it had been in vain to have pursued them , or over the Bar of St. Lucar , where it had been in vain to have attempted them . And indeed , of the good and ill of Intelligence , we had had sufficient experience formerly , Of the good in 1588. For how suddainly had we been taken and surprized when it we lest suspected , had it not been for Captain Flemming ? Of the ill in the year before this , by the Spaniards taking a Barque of Sir Francis Drake's Fleet , which was the Occasion of the Overthrow of himself and the whole Action ? The 20th . of June we came to Cadiz , earlier in the morning than the Masters made reckoning of . Before our coming thither , it was determined in Council , that we should land at St. Sebastians , the Westermost part of the Land ; and thither came all the Ships to an Anchor , every man preparing to land as he was formerly directed ; but the Wind being so great , and the Sea so grown , and four Gallies lying too , to intercept our Boats , there was no attempting to land there , without the hazard of all . This day was spent in vain , in returning Messengers from one General to another ; and in the end , they were forced to resolve upon a Course which Sir William Monson , Captain under my Lord of Essex , advised him to , the same morning he discovered the Town ; which was to surprize the Ships , and to be possessors of the Harbor before they attempted landing . This being now resolved on , there arose a great Question , who should have the Honor of the first going in ? My Lord of Essex stood for himself ; but my Lord Admiral opposed it , knowing if he miscarried , it would hazard the Overthrow of the Action ; besides , he was streightly charged by Her Majesty , that the Earl should not expose himself to Danger , but upon great necessity . When my Lord of Essex could not prevail , the whole Council withstanding him he sent Sir William Monson that night , on Board my Lord Admiral , to resolve what Ships should be appointed the next day to undertake the Service . Sir Walter Rawleigh had the Vaward given him , which my Lord Thomas Howard hearing , challenged in right of his place of Vice-admiral , and it was granted him ; but Sir Walter having Order over night to ply in , came first to an Anchor ; but in that distance from the Spaniards as he could not annoy them : And he himself returned on Board the Lord General Essex , to excuse his coming to Anchor so far off , for want of Water to go higher ; which was thought strange , that the Spaniards which drew much more Water , and had no more Advantage than he of Tide , could pass where his could not : But Sir Francis Vere , in the Rainbow , who was appointed to second him , passing by Sir Walter Rawleigh his Ship , Sir Walter the second time , weighed and went higher . The Lord General Essex , who promised to keep in the midst of the Fleet , was told by Sir William Monson , that the greatest Service would depend upon three or four Ships ; and Sir William put him in mind of his Honor ; for that many Eyes beheld him . This made him forgetful of his Promise , and to use all means he could to be formost in the Fight . My Lord Howard , who could not go up in his own Ship , the Mere-honor , betook himself to the Nonperil ; and in respect the Rainbow , the Repulse and Warspight , had taken up the best of the Channel , by their first coming to an Anchor , to his grief he could not get higher : Here did every Ship strive to be the headmost ; but such was the narrowness of the Channel , as neither the Lord Admiral , nor any other Ship of the Queens could pass on . There was Commandment given , that no Ship should shoot but the Queens , making account , that the Honor would be the greater , if the Victory were obtained with so few . This Fight confinued from Ten , till Four in the Afternoon : The Spaniards then set Sail , thinking either to run higher up the River , or else to bring their other Broad Sides to us , because of the heat of their Ordnance ; but howsoever it was , in their floating , they came a ground , and the men began to forsake the Ships : Whereupon there was Commandment given , that all the Hoys , and Vessels that drew least Water should go unto them . Sir William Monson was sent in the Repulse Boat , with like directions . We posses'd our selves of the great Gallions , the Matthew , and the Andrew ; but the Philip and Thomas fired themselves , and were burnt down before they could be quenched . I must not omit to describe the manner of the Spanish Ships and Gallies , riding in Harbor at our first coming to Cadiz . The four Gallions singled themselves from out the Fleet , as Guards of their Merchants . The Gallies were placed to flank us with their Prows before Entry ; but when they saw our Approach , the next morning the Merchants ran up the River , and the Men of War of Port Royal to the Point of the River , brought themselves into a good Order of Fight , moving their Ships a Head and a Stern , to have their Broad Sides upon us . The Gallies then betook themselves to the Guard of the Town , which we put them from before we attempted the Ships . The Victory being obtained at Sea , the L. General Essex landed his men in a Sandy Bay , which the Castle of Poyntull commanded ; but they seeing the Success of their Ships , and mistrusting their own strength , neither offered to offend his Landing , nor to defend the Castle ; but quitted it , and so we became Possessors of it . After my Lord 's peeceable Landing , he considered what was to be done ; and there being no place from whence the Enemy could annoy us , but the Bridge of Swasoe , which leadeth over from the main Land to the Island ; by our making good of which Bridge , there would be no way left for the Gallies to escape us . He sent three Regiments under the Command of Sir Conniers Clifford , Sir Christopher Blunt , and Sir Thomas Garret to the Bridge ; who at their first coming were encountred by the Enemy , but yet possess'd themselves of it , with the loss of some men ; but whether it was for want of Victuals , or for what other reasons , our men quitted it , I know not , and the Gallies breaking down divers Arches pass'd it , and by that means escaped . My Lord dispatched a Messenger to my Lord Admiral , intreating him to give Order to attempt the Merchants that rode in Port Royal , for that it was dangerous to give them a Night's respite , lest they should convey away their Wealth , or take example by the Philip and Thomas , to burn themselves . This Message was delivered by Sir Anthony Ashley , and Sir William Monson , as my Lord Admiral was in his Boat , ready with his Toops of Seamen to land , fearing the Lord General Essex should be put to Distress with his small Companies , which were but three Regiments , hastened by all means to second him , and gave order to certain Ships the next day to pursue him . Seeing I have undertaken to shew the Escapes committed in any of our English Voyages , such as were committed here , shall without Fear or Flattery appear to the Judicious Reader . Though the Earl of Essex his Carriage and Forwardness merited much , yet if it had been with more Advisement , and less Haste , it would have succeeded better : And if he were now living , he would confess , Sir William Monson advised him , rather to seek to be Master of the Ships , than of the Town ; for it was that would afford both Wealth and Honor : For the Riches in Ships could not be concealed , or conveyed away as in Towns they might . And the Ships themselves being brought for England , would be always before mens Eyes there , and put them in remembrance of the greatness of the Exploit ; as for the Town , perhaps it might be soon won , but probably not long enjoyed , and so quickly forgotten : And to speak indifferentiy , by the Earl's suddain Landing , without the Lord Admirals Privity ; and his giving Advice by a Message to attempt the Ships , which should have been resolved of upon mature Deliberation , no doubt , the Lord Admiral found his Honor a little Eclipsed , which perhaps hastened his Landing for his Reputation sake , whenas he thought it more advisable to have possess'd himself of their Fleet. Before the Lord Admiral could draw near the Town , the Earl of Essex had entred it ; and although the Houses were built in that manner , as that every House served for a Platform ; yet they were forc'd to quit them , and to retire into the Castle . My Lord at last , in despite of the Enemy , gained the Market place , where he found greatest Resistance from the Houses thereabouts ; and where it was that that Worthy Gentleman Sir John Wingfield was unluckily slain . The Lord General Essex caused it to be proclaimed by Beat of Drum through the Town , that all that would yield , should repair to the Town-House , where they should have promise of Mercy , and those that would not , to expect no Favor . The Castle desired Respite to consider untill the morning following ; and then by one general Consent , they surrend'red themselves to the two Lord Generals Mercies . The Chief Prisoners , Men and Women , were brought into the Castle , where they remained a little space , and were sent away with Honorable Usage . The noble treating of the Prisoners , hath gained an everlasting Honor to our Nation , and the General 's in particular . It cannot be supposed the Lord Generals had leisure to be idle the day following , having so great business to consider of , as the securing the Town , and enjoying the Merchants Ships : Wherefore , for the speedier dispatch , they had Speech with the best men of the City , about the Ransom to be given for their Town and Liberties , 120000 Duckets was the Summ concluded on ; and for Security thereof , many of them became Hostages . There was likewise an Overture for the Ransom of their Ships and Goods , which the Duke of Medina hearing of , rather than we should reap any profit by them , he caused them to be fired . We found by Experience , that the destroying of this Fleet ( which did amount to the value of six or seven Millions ) was the general impoverishing of the whole Country : For when the Pledges sent to Sevil , to take up money for their Redemption ; they were answered , that all the Town was not able to raise such a Summ , their Loss was so great by the loss of their Fleet. And to speak truth , Spain never received so great an Overthrow , so great a Spoil , so great an Indignity at our Hands as this : For our Attempt was at his own Home , in his Port , that he thought as safe as his Chamber , where we took and destroy'd his Ships of War , burnt and consumed the Wealth of his Merchants , sack'd his City , ransomed his Subjects , and entred his Country without Impeachment . To write all Accidents of this Voyage , wete too tedious , and would weary the Reader ; but he that would desire to know the Behavior of the Spaniards , as well as of us , many confer with divers English men that were redeemed out the Gallies in exchange for others , and brought into England . After we had enjoyed the Town of Cadiz a Fortnight , and our men were grown rich by the Spoil of it , the Generals imbarqued their Army , with an intent to perform greater Services before their Return ; but such was the Covetousness of the better Sort , who were inriched there , and the fear of Hunger in others , who complained for want of Victuals , as they could not willingly be drawn to any farther Action , to gain more Reputation . The only thing that was afterwards attempted , was Pharoah , a Town of Algarula in Portugal , a place of no Resistance or Wealth , only famous by the Library of Osorius , who was Bishop of that place ; which Library was brought into England by us , and many of the Books bestowed upon the new erected Library of Oxford . Some Prisoners were taken ; but of small account , who told us , that the greatest Strength of the Country was in Lawgust , the chief Town of Argarula , twelve miles distant from thence ; because most part of the Gentlemen thereabouts were gone thither , to make it good expecting our coming . This News was acceptable to my Lord of Essex , who preferred Honor before Wealth : And having had his Will , and the Spoil of the Town of Pharoah and Country thereabouts : He Shipped his Army , and took Council of the Lord Admiral how to proceed . My Lord Admiral diverted his course for Lawgust , alleadging the place was strong , of no Wealth , always held in the nature of a Fisher-Town , belonging to the Portugals , who in their Hearts were our Friends ; that the winning of it , after so eminent a place as Cadiz , could add no Honor ; though it should be carried , yet it would be the Loss of his best Troops and Gentlemen , who would rather to die , than receive Indignity of a Repulse . My Lord of Essex , much against his Will , was forc'd to yield unto these Reasons , and desist from that Enterprise . About this time there was a general Complaint for want of Victuals ; which proceeded rather out of a desire that some had to be at home , than out of any necessity : For Sir William Monson and Mr. Darrel , were appointed to examine the Condition of every Ship , and found seven weeks Victuals ( Drink excepted ) which might have been supplied from the Shore in Water ; and this put the Generals in great hope to perform something more than they had done . The only Service that was now to be thought on , was to lie in wait for the Carrecks , which in all probability could not escape us , though there were many Doubts to the contrary ; but easily answered by men of Experience : But in truth , some mens desire homeward , were so great , that no Reason could prevail with , or persuade them . Coming into the height of the Rock , the Generals took Council once again , and then the Earl of Essex , and the Lord Thomas Howard , offered with great earnestness , to stay out the time our Victuals lasted ; and desired to have but 12 Ships furnished out of the rest to stay with them ; but this would not be granted , though the Squadron of the Hollanders offered voluntarily to stay . Sir Walter Rawleigh alleadged the scarcity of Victuals , and the Infection of his Men. My Lord General Essex , offered , in the Greatness of his Mind , and the Desire he had to stay , to supply his want of Men and Victuals , and to exchange Ships ; but all Proposals were in vain : For the Riches kept them that got much , from attempting more ; as if it had been otherwise pure want , though not Honour would have enforced them to greater Enterprises . This being the last Hopes of the Voyage , and being generally withstood , it was concluded to steer away for the North Cape , and afterwards , to view and search the Harbors of the Groyn and Ferrol ; and if any of the King of Spain's Ships chanced to be there , to give an Attempt upon them . The Lord Admiral sent a Carvel of our Fleet into these two Harbors , and aparrelled the men in Spanish Cloaths , to avoid Suspicion . This Carvel returned the next day , with a true Relation , that there were no Ships in the Harbors : And now passing all places where there was any hope of doing good , our Return for England was resolved upon ; and the 8th . of August , the Lord Admiral arrived in Plymouth , with the greatest part of the Army : And the Lord General Essex , who staid to accompany the St. Andrew , which was under his Charge , and reputed of his Squadron , two days after us , the 10th . of August , where he found the Army in that perfect Health , as the like hath not been seen , for so many to go out of England , to such great Enterprises , and so well to return home again , He himself rid up to the Court , to advise with her Majesty , about the winning of Callis , which the Spaniards took the Easter before : Here was a good opportunity , to have re-gained the Ancient Patrimony of England ; but the French King , thought he might with more ease re-gain it from the Spaniard , who was his Enemy , than recover it again from us , who were his Friends . My Lord Admiral , with the Fleet , went to the Downs , where he landed , and left the Charge of the Navy , to Sir Robert Dudley , and Sir William Monson . In going from thence to Chatham , they endured more foul Weather , and contrary Winds , than in the whole Voyage besides . A Voyage to the Islands , the Earl of Essex General , Anno 1597. Ships . Commanders . The Mere-honor The Earl of Essex . Capt. under him After in the Repulse Sir Robert Mansell The Lyon The Lord Thomas Howard The Warspite Sir Walter Rawleigh The Garland The Earl of Southampton The Defiance The Lord Mountioy The Mary Rose Sir Francis Vere The Hope Sir Richard Lewson The Matthew Sir George Carew The Rainbow Sir Will. Monson The Bonaventure , Sir Will. Harvey The Dreadnought Sir Will. Brooke The Swiftsuer Sir Gilly Merick The Antelope Sir John Gilbert , he went not . The Nonperil Sir Tho. Vavasor The St. Andrew Capt. Throgmorton . HER Majesty having Knowledge of the King of Spain's drawing down his Fleet and Army to the Groyn and Ferrol , with an intent to enter into some Action against Her ; and that , notwithstanding the loss of thirty six Sail of his Ships that were cast away upon the North Cape , in their coming thither : He prepared with all possible means , to revenge the Disgraces we did him the year last past at Cadiz . Her Majesty likewise prepared to defend her self , and fitted out the most part of her Ships for the Sea ; but at length , perceiving his Drift was more to afright than offend her , though he gave it it out otherwise , because she should provide to resist him at home , rather than to annoy him abroad . She was unwilling the great Charges she had been at , should be bestowed in vain ; and therefore turned her Preparations another way , than that for which she first intended them . The Project of this Voyage , was to assault the King of Spain's Shipping in the Harbor of Ferrol , which the Queen chiefly desired to do for her own Security at home ; and afterwards to go and take the Islands of Tercera ; and there to expect the coming home of the Indian Fleet. But neither of these two Designs took that effect which was expected : For in our setting forth , the same day we put to Sea , we were taken with a most violent Storm , and contrary Winds ; and the General was seperated from the Fleet , and one Ship from another , so that the one half of the Fleet were compelled to return home , and the rest that kept the Sea , having reached the Coast of Spain , were commanded home , by order of the Lord General . Thus after their return , they were to advise upon a new Voyage , finding by their Ships and Victuals , they were unable to perform the former : Whereupon it was thought convenient all the Army should be discharged , for the prolonging of the Victuals , except a thousand of the prime Souldiers of the Low Countries , which were put into her Majesties Ships , that they might be the better prepared , if they should chance to encounter the Spanish Fleet. Thus the second time they departed England , though not without some danger of the Ships , by reason of the Winter 's near approach . The first Land in Spain we fell withal , was the North Cape , the place whither our Directions led us , if we happened to lose Company ; being there descried from the Shore , and not above 12 Leagues from the Groyn , where the Spanish Armado lay . We were in good hopes to have enticed them out of the Harbor to fight us ; but spending some time thereabouts , and finding no such Disposition in them , it was thought fit no longer to linger about that Coast , lest we should lose our opportunity upon the Indian Fleet ; therefore every Captain received his Directions to stand his Course into 36 Degrees , there to spread our selves North and South , it being a heighth that commonly the Spaniards sail in from the Indies . At this time the Lord General complained of a Leak in his Ship ; and two days after , towards midnight , he brought himself upon the Lee to stop it . Sir Walter Rawleigh , and some other Ships , being a head the Fleet , and it growing dark , they could not discern the Lord General 's Working ; but stood their Course as before directed ; and through this unadvised working of my Lord , they lost him and his Fleet. The day following , Sir Walter Rawleigh was informed by a Pinnace he met , that the great Armado , which we supposed to be in the Groyn and Ferrol , was gone to the Islands , for the Guard of the Indian Fleet. This Pinnace , with this Intelligence it gave us , Sir Walter Rawleigh immediately sent to look out the General . My Lord had no sooner received this Advice , but at the very instant he directed his Course to the Islands , and dispatched some small Vessels to Sir Walter Rawleigh , to inform him of the suddain Alteration of his Course , upon the News received from him , commanding him with all Expedition , to repair to Flores , where he would not fail to be at our Arrival . At the Islands we found this Intelligence utterly false : For neither the Spanish Ships were there , nor were expected there : We met likewise with divers English men , that came out of the Indies ; but they could give us no assurance of the coming home of the Fleet ; neither could we recive any Advertisement from the Shore , which made us half in despair of them . By that time we had watered our Ships , and refreshed our selves at Flores , Sir Walter Rawleigh arrived there , who was willed by the Lord General , after he was furnished of such Wants as that poor Island afforded , to make his repair to the Island of Fayal , which my Lord intended to take . Here grew great Questions and Heart-burnings against Sir Walter Rawleigh : For he coming to Fayal , and missing the Lord General , and yet knowing my Lord's Resolution to take the Island , he held it more advisable to land with those Forces he had , than to expect the coming of my Lord : For in that space the Island might be better provided : whereupon he landed , and took it before my Lord's approach . This Act was held such an Indignity to my Lord , and urged with that Vehemence , by those that hated Sir Walter , that if my Lord , though naturally kind , and flexible , had not feared how it would have been taken in England , I think Sir Walter had smarted for it . From this Island we went to Graciosa , which did willingly relieve our Wants , as far as it could ; yet with humble intreaty to forbear landing with our Army , especially , because they understood there was a Squadron of Hollanders amongst us , who did not use to forbear Cruelty wherever they came ; and here it was that we met the Indian Fleet , which in manner following , unluckily escaped us . The Lord General having sent some men of good Account into the Island , to see there should be no Injury offered to the Portugals , he having passed his word to the contrary ; those men advertised him of four Sail of Ships descried from the Shore , and one of them greater than the rest , seemed to be a Carreck : My Lord received this News with great Joy , and divided his Fleet into three Squadrons , to be commanded by himself , the Lord Thomas Howard , and Sir Walter Rawleigh . The next Ship to my Lord , of the Queen's , was the Rainbow , wherein Sir William Monson went , who received direction from my Lord to steer away South that Night ; and if he should meet with any Fleet , to follow them , carrying Lights , or shooting off his Ordnances or making any other Sign that he could ; and if he met with no Ships , to direct his Course the next day , to the Island of St. Michael ; but promising that Night to send 12 Ships after him . Sir William besought my Lord , by the Pinnace that brought him this Direction , that above all things he should have a care to dispatch a Squadron to the Road of Angra in the Tercera's : For it was certain , if they were Spaniards , thither they would resort . Whilst my Lord was thus contriving his Business , and ordering his Squadrons , a small Barque of his Fleet happened to come to him , who assured him , that those Ships discovered from the Land , were of his own Fleet ; and that they came in immediately from them . This made my Lord countermand his former Direction ; only Sir William Monson , who was the next Ship to him , and received the first Command , could not be recalled back . Within three hours of his Departure from my Lord , which might be about 12 of the Clock , he fell in company of a Fleet of 25 Sail , which at the first he could not assure himself to be Spaniards ; because the day before , that number of Ships was missing from our Fleet. Here he was in a Dilemma and great perplexity with himself ; for in making Signs , as he was directed , if the Ships proved English , it were ridiculous , and he would be exposed to scorn ; and to respite it untill morning , were as dangerous , if they were the Indian Fleet : For then my Lord might be out of View , or of the hearing of his Ordnance : Therefore he resolved rather to put his Person , than his Ship in Peril . He commanded his Master to keep the Weather-Gage of the Fleet , whatsoever should become of him ; and it blowing little Wind , he betook himself to his Boat , and rowed up with the Fleet , demanding of whence they were : They answered , of Sevil in Spain ; and asked of whence he was ? He told them of England ; and that the Ship in sight was a Gallion of the Queen 's of England , single and alone , alleadging the Honor they would get by winning her ; his Drift being to draw and entice them into the Wake of our Fleet , where they would be so entangled , as they could not escape ; they returned him some Shot , and ill Language ; but would not alter their Course to the Tercera's , whither they were bound , and where they arrived to our misfortune . Sir William Monson returned aboard his Ship , making Signs with Lights , and Report with his Ordnance ; but all in vain : For my Lord altering his Course , as you have heard , stood that Night to St. Michaels , and passed by the North side of Tercera , a farther way , than if he had gone by the way of Augra , where he had met the Indian Fleet. When day appeared , and Sir William Monson was in hope to find the 12 Ships promised to be sent to him , he might discern the Spanish Fleet two miles and a little more a Head him , and a Stern him a Gallion , and a Pinnace betwixt them ; which putting forth her Flaggs , he knew to be the Earl of Southampton in the Garland : The Pinnace was a Frigat of the Spanish Fleet , who took the Garland and the Rainbow to be Gallions of theirs ; but seeing the Flag of the Garland , she found her Error , and sprang a loof , thinkink to escape ; but the Earl pursued her with the loss of some Time , when he should have followed the Fleet ; and therefore was desired to desist from that Chase by Sir William Monson , who sent his Boat to him . By a Shot from my Lord , this Frigat was sunk ; and while his Men were rifling her , Sir Francis Vere and Sir William Brook came up in their two Ships , who the Spaniards would have made us believe were two Gallions of theirs ; and so much did my Lord signifie to Sir William Monson , wishing him to stay their coming up : for that there would be greater hope of those two Ships , which there was no doubt but we were able to Master , than of the Fleet , for which we were too weak . But after Sir William had made the two Ships to be the Queen's , which he ever suspected them to be , he began to pursue the Spanish Fleet afresh ; but by reason they were so far a Head of him , and had so little way to sail , they recovered the Road of Tercera ; but he and the rest of the Ships pursued them , and himself led the way into the Harbor , where he found sharp Resistance from the Castle ; but yet so battered the Ships , that he might see the Masts of some shot by the Board , and the men quit the Ships ; so that there wanted nothing but a Gale of Wind to enable him to cut the Cables of the Hawsers , and to bring them off : Wherefore he sent to the other 3 great Ships of ours , to desire them to attempt the cutting their Cables ; but Sir Fra. Vere rather wished his coming off , that they might take a Resolution what to do . This must be rather imputed to want of Experience than Backwardness in him : For Sir William sent him word , that if he quitted the Harbor , the Ships would tow near the Castle ; and as the Night drew on , the Wind would freshen , and come more off the Land , which indeed proved so , and we above a League from the Road in the morning . We may say , and that truly , there was never that possibility to have undone the State of Spain as now : For every Royal of Plate we had taken in this Fleet , had been two to them , by our converting it by War upon them . None of the Captains could be blamed in this Business : All is to be attributed to the want of Experience in my Lord , and his flexible Nature to be over-ruled : For the first hour he anchored at Flores , and called a Council , Sir William Monson advised him upon the reasons following , after his Watering , to run West , spreading his Fleet North and South , so far as the Eastern Wind that then blew would carry them ; alleadging , that if the Indian Fleet came home that Year , by computation of the last light Moon , from which time their disimboguing in the Indies , must be reckoned , they could not be above 200 Leagues short of that Island ; and whensoever the Wind should chop up Westernly , he bearing a slack Sail , they would , in a few days overtake him . This Advice my Lord seemed to take , but was diverted by divers Gentlemen , who coming principally for Land Service , found themselves tired by the tediousness of the Sea. Certain it is , if my Lord had followed his Advice , within less than 40 hours , he had made the Queen owner of that Fleet : For by the Pilot's Card , which was taken in the Frigat , the Spanish Fleet was but 50 Leagues in traverse with that Eastern Wind , when my Lord was at Flores , which made my Lord wish , the first time Sir William Monson repaired to him , after the Escape of the Fleet , that he had lost his Hand so he had been ruled by him . Being met Aboard Sir Francis Vere , we consulted what to do , and resolved to acquaint my Lord with what had happened , desiring his Presence with us , to see if there were any possibility to attempt the Shipping , or surprize the Island , and so to possess the Treasure . My Lord received this Advertisement , just as he was ready with his Troops to have landed in St. Michaels ; but this Message diverted his Landing , and made him presently cast about for the Islands of the Tercera's , where we lay all this while expecting his coming . In his Course from St. Michaels , it was his hap to to take three Ships that departed the Havana the day after the Fleet : Which three Ships did more than countervail the whole Voyage . At my Lord's meeting with us at Tercera , there was a Consultation how the Enemies Ships might be fetched off , or destroyed as they lay ; but all men with one consent , agreed the impossibility of it . The attempting the Island was propounded ; but withstood for these reasons , the difficulty in Landing , the strength of the Island , which was increased by fourteen or fifteen Hundred Souldiers in the Ships , and our want of Victuals to abide by the Siege . Seeing then we were frustrate of our Hopes at the Tercera , we resolved upon landing in St. Michaels , and arrived the day following at Punta Delgada , the Chief City . Here my Lord imbarqued his small Army in Boats , with offer to Land ; and having thereby drawn the Enemies greatest Force thither to resist him , suddainly he rowed to Villa Franca , three or four Leagues distant from thence ; which , not being defended by the Enemy , he took . The Ships had order to abide in the Road of Delgada ; for that my Lord made account to march thither by Land ; but being on Shore at Villa Franca , he was informed that the March was impossible , by reason of the high and craggy Mountains , which diverted his purpose . Victuals now grew short with us , and my Lord General began discreetly to foresee the danger in abiding towards Winter upon these Coasts , which could not afford him an Harbor , only open Roads that were subject to Southern Winds ; and upon every Wind , he must put to Sea for his safety . He considered , that if this should happen , when his Troops were on Shore , and he not able to reach the Land in a Fortnight or more , which is a thing ordinary , what a desperate case he should put himself into , especially in so great a want of Victuals : And so concluding , that he had seen the end of all his Hopes , by the Escape of the Fleet , he imbarqued himself and Army , though with some difficulty , the Seas were now grown so high . By this the one half of the Fleet that rid in Punta Delgada , put room for Villa Franca , and those that remained behind , being thought by a Ship of Brazile to be the Spanish Fleet , she came in amongst them , and so was betrayed : After her there followed a Carreck , who had been served in the like manner ; but for the hasty and indiscreet weighing of a Hollander , which made her run a Shore under the Castle ; when the Wind lessened Sir William Monson weighted with the Rainbow , thinking to give an Attempt upon her , notwithstanding the Castle ; which she perceiving , as he drew near unto her , she set her self on fire , and burned down to the very Keel . She , was a Ship of 1400 Tuns Burden , that the year before was not able to double the Cape of bona Esperansa , in her Voyage to the East Indies ; but put into Brazile , where she was laden with Sugars , and afterwards thus destroyed . The Spaniards , who presumed more upon their Advantages than Valors , thought themselves in too weak a Condition to follow us to the Islands , and put their Fortunes upon a days Service , but subtilly devised how to intercept us as we came Home , when we had least Thought or Suspicion of them ; and their Fleet , that was all this while in the Groyn and Ferrol , not daring to put forwards while they knew ours to be upon the Coast , their General the Adelantada came for England , with a Resolution to land at Falmouth , and fortifie it , and afterwards , with their Ships , to keep the Sea , and expect our coming home scattered . Having thus cut off our Sea Forces , and possessing the Harbor of Falmouth , they thought with a second supply of 37 Levantisco's Ships , which the Marquess Arumbullo commanded , to have returned and gained a good footing in England . These Designs of theirs were not foreseen by us : For we came Home scattered , as they made reckoning , not 20 in number together . We may say , and that truly , that God sought for us : For the Adalantada being within a few Leagues of the Island of Silly , he commanded all his Captains on Board him to receive his Directions ; but whilst they were in Consultation , a violent Storm took them at East , insomuch that the Captains could hardly recover their Ships , but in no case were able to save their Boats , the Storm continued so furious , and happy was he that could recover home , seeing their Design thus overthrown by loss of their Boats , whereby their means of Landing was taken away . Some who were willing to stay , and receive the farther Commands of the General , kept the Seas so long upon our Coast , that in the end they were taken ; others put themselves into our Harbors for Refuge and Succor ; and it is certainly known , that in this Voyage the Spaniards lost eighteen Ships , the St. Luke , and the St. Bartholomew , being two and in the rank of his best Gallions . We must ascribe this Success to God only : For certainly the Enemies Designs were dangerous , and not to be diverted by our Force ; but by his Will , who would not suffer the Spaniards in any of their Attempts , to set footing in England , as we have done in all the Quarters of Spain , Portugal , the Islands , and both the Indies . The Lord Thomas Howard Admiral to the Downs , from whence he returned in one Month , Anno 1599. Ships . Commanders . The Elizabeth Jonas The Lord Thomas Howard The Ark Royal Sir Walter Rawleigh The Triumph Sir Fulke Grivel The Mere-honor Sir Henry Palmer The Repulse Sir Tho. Vavasor The Garland Sir Will. Harvey The Defiance Sir Will. Monson The Nonperil Sir Robert Cross The Lyon Sir Richard Lewson The Rainbow Sir Alexander Clifford The Hope Sir John Gilbert The Foresight Sir Tho. Sherley The Mary Rose Mr. Fortescue The Bonaventure , Capt. Troughton . The Crane Capt. Jonas The Swiftsuer Capt. Bradgate The Tremontary Capt. Slingsby The Advantage Capt. Hoer The Quittance Capt. Reynolds I Cannot write of any thing done in this Year of 1599. For there was never greater Expectation of War , with less Performance . Whether it was a Mistrust the one Nation had of the other , or a Policy held on both sides , to make Peace with Sword in Hand , a Treaty being entertained by consent of each Prince , I am not to examine ; but sure I am , the Preparation was on both sides very great , as if the one expected an Invasion from the other ; and yet it was generally conceived , not to be intended by either ; but that ours had only relation to my Lord of Essex , who was then in Ireland , and had a Design to try his Friends in England , and to be revenged of his Enemies , as he pretended , and as it proved afterwards by his Fall : Howsoever it was , the Charge was not so great as necessary : For it was commonly known , that the Adalantada had drawn both his Ships and Gallies to the Groyne ; which was not usually done , but for some Action intended upon England or Ireland , though he converted them after to another use , as you shall hear . The Gallies were sent into the Low Countreys , and pass'd the Narrow Seas , while our Ships lay there , and with the Fleet the Atalantada pursued the Hollanders to the Islands , whither he suspected they were gone . This Fleet of Hollanders , which consisted of 73 Sail , were the first Ships that ever displayed their Colors in War-like sort against the Spaniards , in any Action of their own : For how cruel soever the War seemed to be in Holland , they maintained a peaceable Trade in Spain , and abused us . This first Action of the Hollanders at Sea proved not very successful : For after the Spoil of a Town in the Canary's , and some Hurt done at the Island of St. Ome , they kept the Sea for some seven or eight months , in which time their General and most of their Men sickned and died , and the rest returned with Loss and Shame . Another Benefit which we received by this Preparation , was , that our Men were now taught suddainly to Arme , every man knowing his Command , and how to be commanded , which before they were ignorant of : and who knows not , that sudden and false Alarms in an Army , are sometimes necessary ? To say truth , the Expedition which was then used in drawing together so great an Army by Land , and rigging so great and Royal a Navy to Sea in so little a space of Time , was so admirable in other Coutreys , that they received a Terror by it ; and many that came from beyond Sea , said , the Queen was never more dreaded abroad for any thing she ever did . French-men that came Aboard our Ships , did wonder ( as at a thing incredible ) that her Majesty had rigged , victualled and furnished her Royal Ships to Sea in 12 days time : And Spain , as an Enemy , had reason to fear , and grieve to see this suddain Preparation ; but more , when they understood how the Hearts of Her Majesty's Subjects joyned with their Hands , being all ready to spend their dearest Blood for her and her Service . Holland might likewise see , that if they became insolent , we could be assoon provided as they ; not did they expect to find such celerity in any Nation but themselves . It is probable too , that the King of Spain , and the Arch-Duke , were hereby drawn to entertain Thoughts of Peace : For as soon as our Fleet was at Sea , a Gentleman was sent from Brussells , with some Overtures , although for that time they succeeded not . However , whether it was , that the intended Invasion from Spain was diverted , or that her Majesty was fully satisfied of my Lord of Essex , I know not ; but so it was , that she commanded the suddain Return of her Ships from Sea , after they had layn three weeks or a month in the Downs . Sir Richard Lewson to the Islands , Anno Dom. 1600. Ships . Commanders . The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson The Warspight Capt. Troughton The Vauntguard Capt. Sommers . THE last Year , as you have heard , put all men in expectation of War , which yet came to nothing . This Summer gave us great hope of Peace ; but with the like effect : For by consent of the Queen , the King of Spain , and the Arch-Duke , their Commissioners met at Bulloign in Piccardie , to treat of Peace ; a place chosen indifferently , the French King being in League and Friendship with them all . Whether this Treaty were intended but in shew only , or , that they were out of hopes , to come to any conclusion ; or , what else was the true and real cause of its breaking off so suddenly , I know not ; but the pretence was but slender , for there grew a difference about Precedency , betwixt the two Crowns , though it was ever due to England ; and so the hopes of Peace were frustrated , though had it been really intended , matters might easily have been accommodated . The Queen suspecting the Event hereof , before their meeting , and the rather , because the Spaniards entertained with the like Treaty , in 1588 when at the same instant , his Navy appeared upon her Coast to Invade her ; therefore , least she should be guilty of too great security , in relying upon the success of this doubtful Treaty , she furnished the Three Ships before named , under pretence to guard the Western Coast , which at that time was infested by the Dunkirkers . And because there should be the less notice taken , part of the Victuals was provided at Plymouth ; and Sir Richard Lewson , who was then Admiral of the Narrow Seas , was appointed General , for the more secret carriage of the business ; so as it could not be conjectured , either by their Victualling , or by their Captain , being Admiral of the Narrow Seas , that it was a Service from home . As they were in a readiness at Plymouth , expecting Orders , the Queen beingfully satisfied , that the Treaty of Bulloign would break off without effect , she commanded Sir Richard Lawson to hasten to the Islands , there to expect the Carrecks , and Mexico Fleet. The Spaniards on the other side , being as circumspect to prevent a mischief , as we were subtil to contrive it ; and believing ( as we did ) that the Treaty of Peace would prove a vain , hopeless shew of what was never meant , they furnished Eighteen tall Ships to the Islands , as they had usually done , since the Year 1591. The General of this Fleet was Don Diego de Borachero . Our Ships coming to the Islands , they and the Spaniards had intelligence of one another , but not the sight , for that Sir Richard Lewson hailed Sixty Leagues Westward , not only to avoid them , but in hopes to meet with the Carrecks , and Mexico Fleet , before they could join them : But the Carrecks being formerly warned by the taking of one of them , and burning of another , in 1591. had ever since that year , endeavored to shun the sight of that Island , so that our Fleet being now prevented , as they had often before been , ( nothing being more uncertain , than Actions at Sea , where Ships are to meet one another casually ) they returned home , having consumed time and Victuals , to no purpose , and seen not so much as one Sail , from the time they quitted the Coast of England , till their return , two Ships of Holland excepted , that came from the East Indies ( for then began their Trade thither ) which Ships Sir Richard Lewson relieved , finding them in great distress and want . Sir Richard Lewson into Ireland , Anno 1601. Ships . Commanders . The Warsight Sir Richard Lewson The Garland Sir Amias Preston The Defiance Capt. Goer The Swiftsuer Capt. Sommers The Crane Capt. Mainwaring IN the Year 1600. and part of the Year 1601. there was a kind of cessation from Arms , though not by agreement , for this Year gave a hope of Peace ; which failing , the former course of annoying each other was revived ; we in relieving the Low Countries , the Spaniards in assisting the Rebels in Ireland . This was the Summer , that the Arch-Duke besieged Ostend , which was bravely defended , but principally , by the Supplies out of England . And towards Winter , when the Spaniards thought we least looked for War , Don Diego de Borachero , with 48 Sail of Ships , and 4000 Soldiers was sent to Invade Ireland . In his way thither he lost the company of his Vice-Admiral , Siriago , who returned to the Groyn , which when the King heard , he was much distasted with Siriago , and commanded him upon his Allegiance , to hasten with all speed for Ireland , as he was formerly directed ; Don Diego , his Landing being known in England , when it was too late to prevent it ; yet , least he should be supplied with further Forces , Sir Richard Lewson valiantly entred the Harbor , drew near their Fortifications , and fought the Enemy for the space of one whole day , his Ship being an Hundred times shot through , and yet but Eight men slain . God so blest him , that he prevailed in his Enterprize , destroyed their whole Shipping , and made Siriago fly by Land into another Harbor , where he obscurely Imbarqued himself in a French Vessel , for Spain . All this while was the main Army , which Landed with their General , Don Juan de Aquila , seated in Kinsale , expecting the aid of Tyroen , who promised every day to be with him . Our Army commanded by the Lord Montjoy , Lord Deputy of Ireland , besieged the Town , so that he prevented their meeting , and many skirmishes past betwixt them . The Siege continued , with great miseries to both the Armies , and not without cause , considering the Season of the Year , and the condition of the Country , that afforded little relief to either : some few days before Christmas , Tyroen appeared with his Forces , which was some little heartning to the Enemy , in hopes to be freed of their Imprisonment , for so may I call it , they were so strictly beleagured . The day of agreement , betwixt the Spaniards and Tyroen , was Christmas Eve , on which day , there happened an Earthquake in England ; and , as many times such Signs prove aut bonum , aut malum Omen ; this proved Fortunate to us , the Victory being obtained , with so little loss , as it is almost incredible . This was the day of Tryal , whether Ireland should continue a parcel of our Crown , or no ; for if the Enemy had prevailed in the Battel , and a Treaty had not afterwards obtained more then Force , it was to be feared , Ireland would hardly have been ever recovered . The Spaniards in Ireland , seeing the success of Tyroen , and the impossibility for him to re-inforce his Army , being hopeless of supplies out of Spain , and their Poverty daily increasing , they made offers of a Parly , which was granted , and after ensued a Peace there : The Conditions whereof are extant in Print . They were furnished with Ships , and secured of their Passage into Spain , where arriving in English Vessels , the Ships returned back for England . Sir Richard Lewson , and Sir William Monson , to the Coast of Spain , Anno 1602. Ships . Commanders . The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson , Admiral The Garland Sir Will. Monson , Vice-Admiral . The Defiance Capt. Goer The Mary Rose Capt. Slingsby The Warspight Capt. Sommers The Nonperil Capt. Reynolds The Dreadnought Capt. Mainwaring The Adventure Capt. Trevor The English Carvel Capt. Sawkel THE last Attempt of the Spaniards in Ireland awakened the Queen , who , it seemeth for two or three Years together , entertained the Hopes of Peace , and therefore was sparing in setting forth her Fleets . But now perceiving the Enemy had found the way into Ireland ; and that it behoved her to be more vigilant than ever ; she resolved , as the safest course to infest the Spanish Coasts with a continual Fleet ; and in this year furnished the Ships aforesaid , having Promise from the States of Holland , to joyn to them twelve Sail of theirs ; and because this important Service required great speed , she had not time enough to man them , or supply them with Provisions altogether so well as they were usually wont to be ; but was content with what could be gotten in so short a warning , so desirous was she to see her Ships at Sea. Sir Richard Lewson set sail with five of them the 19th . of March , and left Sir William Monson behind with the other four , to attend the coming of the Hollanders ; though within two or three days after , Sir William received Command from the Queen , to hasten with all speed to Sir Richard Lewson ; for that she was advertised , that the Silver Ships were arrived at the Tercera's . Sir William Monson hereupon neglected no time , nor stayed either to see himself better Manned , or his Ships better furnished ; but put to Sea the 26th . of March. This Intelligence of the Queen 's was true : For the Plate Fleet had been at the Tercera's , and departing from thence , in their Course for Spain , Sir Richard Lewson , with his few Ships , met them ; but to little purpose , wanting the rest of his Fleet , and the help of the 12 Hollanders . We may very well account this not the least Error or Negligence that hath been committed in our Voyages : For if the Hollanders had kept touch according to Promise , and the Queen's Ships had been fitted out with Care , we had made her Majesty Mistress of more Treasure than any of her Progenitors ever enjoyed . Sir Richard Lewson's Design against the Indian Fleet , notwithstanding his Renowned Valor , being thus frustrated , and by the Hollanders slackness crossed , he plied towards the Rock , to meet Sir William Monson , as the place resolved on between them ; but Sir William having spent 14 days thereabouts , and hearing no Tidings of him , went round to the Southward Cape , where he was likewise frustrated of a most promising Hope : For meeting with certain French-men and Scots , at the same instant , he descried three Ships of ours , sent by Sir Richard to look him . These French and Scottish Ships came from St. Lucas , and made report of five Gallions , ready the next Tide to set sail for the Indies : They likewise told him of two others that departed three days before , wherein went Don Petro de Valdes , to be Governor of the Havana , who had sometimes been Prisoner in England . These two later Ships were met one Night by the Warspight , whereof Capt. Sommers was Conmander ; but whether it was by the Darkness of the Night , or by what other Casualty ( for the Sea is subject to many ) I know not , but they escaped . This News of the five Gallions , and the three Ships of the Queen 's so happily meeting together , made Sir William direct his Course into the heighth wherein the Spaniards were most likely to sail in ; and coming into that heighth , he had sight of five Ships , which in respect of their Number and Course , he made reckoning to be the five Gallions ; and thought that day should fully determine and try the difference between the Strength and Puissance of the English and Spanish Ships , their number and greatness being equal : But his Joy was soon quailed : For coming up with them , he found them to be English Ships coming out of the Streights , and bound home ; but yet this did not discourage the Hope he had conceived that the Spaniards might be met withall ; and the next day he gave Chase to one Ship alone that came out of the Indies , which he took , though he had been better without her : For she brought him so far to Leeward , that that Night the Gallions passed to Wind-ward , not above eight or ten Leagues off us , by report of an English Pinnace that met them , who came into our Company the day following . These Misfortunes lighting first upon Sir Richard , and after upon Sir William , might have been sufficient Reasons to discourage them ; but they knowing the Accidents of the Sea , and that Fortune could as well laugh as weep , having good Ships under foot , their Men sound and in health , and plenty of Victuals , they did not doubt but that some of the Wealth which the Indies sent forth into Spain would fall to their Shares . Upon Tuesday , the first of June , to begin our new Fortune with a new Month , Sir Richard Lewson and Sir William Monson , who some few Nights before had met accidentally in the Sea , were close on board the Rock , where they took two Ships of the East Country , bound for Lisbon ; and while they were romaging these Ships , they descried a Carvel from Cape Picher bearing with them ; which by Signs she made , they perceived had a desire to speak with them . Sir Richard immediately chased her , and left Sir William with the two Easterlings to abide about the Rock till his return . The Carvel being fetcht up , made a relation of a Carreck and 11 Gallies to be in Cisembre Road ; and that she was sent by two Ships of ours , the Nonperil and the Dreadnought which lay thereabouts to look out the Admiral . With what Joy this News was apprehended may be easily imagined : Sir Richard made Signs to Sir William to stand with him ; and lest he should not be discerned , he caused the Carvel to ply up with him , wishing him to repair to him ; but before they could approach the Cape , it was midnight , and nothing chanced all that time , but the exchanging of some Shot , that passed betwixt the Admiral and the Gallies . Upon Wednesday , the second of June , every man looked early in the morning what Ships of her Majesties were in sight , which were five in number , the Warspight , wherein Sir Richard was : For the Repulse he had sent for England some few days before , by reason of a Leak ; the Garland , the Nonperil , the Dreadnought , and the Adventure , besides the two Easterlings taken the day before . All the Captains resorted on Board the Admiral , to councel , which took up most part of the day . At first there was an Opposition by some , who alleadged the Danger and Impossibility of taking the Carreck , being defended by the Castle and 11 Gallies : But Sir William Monson prevailed so far , as that all consented to go upon her the next day , and concluded upon this Course following , that he and Sir Richard should anchor as near the Carreck as they could , the rest to ply up and down , and not anchor . Sir William was glad of this occasion , to be revenged of the Gallies , hoping to requite the Slavery they put him to when he was Prisoner in them ; and singled himself from the Fleet a League , that the Gallies might see it was in defiance of them ; and so the Marquess of St. Cruz , and Frederick Spaniola , the one General of the Portugal , the other of the Spanish Gallies , apprehended it , and came forth with an intent to fight him ; but being within Shot , were diverted by one John Bedford an English-man , who undertook to know the Force of the Ship , and Sir William that commended her . Before I go farther , I will a little digress , and acquaint you with the Scituation of the Town , and the manner of placing the Gallies against us . The Town of Cisembre lieth in the bottom of a Road , which is a good Succor for Ships with a Northerly Wind. It is built with Free-stone , and near the Sea is erected a strong and spacious Fort , well replenished with Ordnance : Above the Town , upon the top of a Hill , is seated an ancient , strong Fryery , whose Scituation maketh it impregnable , and able to command the Town , Castle and Road ; close to the Shore lay the Carreck , like a Bullwork to the West side of the Castle ; so as it defended both that , and the East part of the Town : The 11 Gallies had flancked and fortified themselves with the small Neck of a Rock on the West side of the Road , with their Prows right forward , to play upon us , every one carrying a Cannon in their Cruzia , besides other Pieces in their Prows ; and they were no way to be damaged by us , till our Ships came so nigh the Town , that all these Forces might play upon us in one instant . The Gallies being placed to this great Advantage , they made account ( as a Captain of one of them we took confess'd ) to have sunk our Ships of themselves , without any farther Help . We saw the Tents pitched , and great Troops of Souldiers drawn together ; which was no less than the whole Country in Arms against us : The Boats pass'd betwixt the Shore and the Carreck all the day long , which we supposed was to unlade her ; but we found afterwards it was rather to strengthen her with Men and Munition : Here appeared many Difficulties and Dangers , and little hope of taking her ; but rather of sinking or burning her , as most men conjectured . The Danger from the Gallies was great , they being flancked with the point of a Rock at our Entrance , as you have heard , it being likewise calm , and they shooting low : Another Danger was , that of the Wind : For if it had come from the Sea , the Road being open , and the Bay deep , our Attempt must have been in vain . And notwithstanding these , and many more apparently seen ; and that there was no man but imagined , that most of the Carrecks Lading was on shoar , and that they would hale her on ground , under the Castle , where no Ship of ours should be able to fleet to her ; all which objections , with many more , were alleadged , yet they little prevailed , procrastination was perilous , and therefore with all expedition , they thought convenient to charge the Town , the Fort , the Gallies , and Carreck , all at one instant . And they had determined , if the Carreck had been on ground , or so nigh the shoar , that the Queens Ships could not fleet to her , that the Two Easterlings , the day before taken , should Board her , and Burn her . Thursday the Third day , early in the morning , every man commending himself to God's Tuition and Protection , expected when to begin , according to the agreement the day before . A gale of Wind happening about Ten of the Clock , the Admiral weighed ; shot off a Warning-piece , and put forth his Flag in the Maintop : the Vice-Admiral did the like in his Foretop , according to the Custome of the Sea ; every Captain encouraged his men , which so imboldened them , as though they were grown weak and feeble before , they were now revived , and bestirred themselves , as if a new Spirit had been infused into them ; the Admiral was the first that gave the charge , after him followed the rest of the Ships , shewing great Valor , and gaining great Honor ; the last of all , was the Vice-Admiral , at whose entrance into the Fight , he still strived to get up as near the shoar as he could , where he came to an Anchor , continually fighting with the Town , the Fort , the Gallies , and Carreck , all together , for he brought them betwixt him , that he might play both his Broad Sides upon them ; there might be seen the Prowess of the Gallies , swim by the sides of them , the Slaves forsake them , and every thing in confusion amongst them , and thus they Fought , till Five of the Clock in the Afternoon . The Vice-Admiral was Anchored to such an advantage , as the Gallies rowed from one side to another , seeking to shun him , which Sir Richard Lewson observing , came on Board him , and openly , in the view and hearing of his whole Company , imbraced him , and told him , He had won his heart for ever . The rest of the Ships , as they were directed , plied up , except the Admiral , who by the negligence of his Master , or some other impediment , when he should have Anchored , fell so far to Leeward , as the Wind and Tide carried him out of the Road , so that it was the next day , before his Ship could be fetcht in again ; whereat the Admiral was much inraged , and put himself into the Dreadnought , and brought her to an Anchor close to the Vice-Admiral , about Two of the Clock in the Afternoon : There was no opportunity let pass , for where the Admiral saw defect in any other Ship , he presently caused it to be supplied , and the Easterlings , who were appointed to Board the Carrek , beginning to saint , and fail of observing the directions given them , the Vice-Admiral perceiving it , went on Board them himself , vowing , that if they seemed backward in putting in Execution the design of firing the Carreck , they should look for as little Life from the English , as they could expect from the Enemy . Whilst the Vice-Admiral was thus ordering things , Sir Richard Lewson came to him , and would in no case suffer him to Board the Carreck himself , but carried him into the Dreadnought , where they consulted how to preserve the Carreck , and enjoy her . The result of this Reference was , to offer her parley , which they presently put in practice , and commanded all the Ships to leave shooting , until the return of the Messenger : The man imployed , was one Captain Sewell , who had escaped , and swam to us , having been Four Years Prisoner in the Gallies , and so did many Turks and Christians ; the effect of this Parley , was to persuade them to yield , promising honorable Conditions , and he was to intimate , as from himself , that the Gallies , whose strength they presumed upon , were beaten , some burnt , the rest fled ; that we had the possession of the Road , the Castle not being able to abide our Ordinance , much less the Carreck , and if they refused this offer of Mercy , they were to expect all the Cruelty and Rigor , that a Conpueror could impose upon his Enemy : After some Conference to this effect , the Captain of the Carreck told him , He would send some Gentlemen of Quality , with Commission to Treat , and desired , that some of the like Quality fromus , might repair to him , to the same purpose . These Gentlemen came aboard the Dreadnought , where the Admiral and Vice-Admiral were , attending the return and success of Captain Sewell ; after the delivery of their Message , they would needs hasten on Board the Carreck again , for that , as it seemed , there was an uproar and a division in her , some being of opinion to entertain a Parley , others to save themselves , and set her on fire : which Sir William Monson hearing , without further delay , or conference , with Sir Richard , what was to be done , he leaped suddenly into his Boat , and rowed unto the Carreck ; when he drew near to her , he was known by diverse Gentlemen on Board her , he having once been a Prisoner among them : they seemed to be very glad of this meeting , and their passed diverse Imbracements between them , in remembrance of their old acquaintance : The Captain was called Don Diego de Lobo , a Gallant young Gentleman , of a Noble House . He descended down upon the bend of the Ship , and commanded his men to stand aside ; Sir William did the like to his company , in the Boat ; the Captain demanded of him , if he had the Portugal Language ; he told him , he had sufficient to Treat of that business ; acquainted him of the Place he commanded in the Fleet , intimated the affection and respect he bore the Portugal Nation , and that the Treaty which was offered , proceeded out of his motion , and wished him to make his proposals , which were as followeth , The first demand he made , was , That they should be safely put on shoar with their Arms. The Second , That it should be done the same Night : The Third , That they should enjoy their Ship and Ordinance , as appertaining to the King , but we the Wealth . The Fourth , That the Flag and Ancient should not be taken down , but worn while the Carreck was unlading , His Speech being ended , Sir William told him , That his Demands gave suspition , that under pretence of Parley , they meant Treachery , or that their hopes were greater , than there was cause ; and , but that he knew it was the use of some men , to demand great things , when less will serve them , he would not lose his advantage , to entertain a Parley ; he desired , that what they intended , might be quickly concluded , for Night growing on , might advantage them , and for his Resolution , he should understand it in few words , viz. To his first Demand , He was willing to yeild , That they should be put on shoar with their Arms. To the Second , That he was contented , that they should be set on shoar that Night , except Eight or Ten of the Principal Gentlemen ; whom he would detain Three Days . To the Third , He held it idle and frivolous , to imagine , he would consent to separate Ship and Goods , and esteemed it Por Cosa de burla . To the Fourth , He would not consent , being resolved , never to permit a Spanish Flag to be worn in the presence of the Queens Ships , unless it were disgracefully , over the Poop . There was long expostulations upon these points , and Sir William Monson seeing the obstinacy of the Captain , offered , in a great rage , to leap into his Boat , resolving to break the Treaty , which the rest of the Gentlemen perceiving , and that he had propounded nothing but what might very well stand with their Reputation , they intreated him once more to ascend into the Carreck , and they would enter into new Capitulations : The effect whereof , as it was agreed upon , were these that follow ; That a Messenger should be sent to the Admiral , to have his Confirmation of the points concluded on ; and that in the mean time the Flag and Ancient should be taken down ; and if the Admiral should not consent to the Agreement , they to have leisure to put out their Flag and Ancient tofore the Fight should begin . That the Company should be presently set on Shore ; but the Captain , with eight other of the principal Gentlemen three days after . That the Ship with her Goods , should be surrendered without any Practice or Treason . That they should use their endeavors , that the Castle should forbear shooting whilst we rid in the Road ; and this was the effect of the Conditions agreed upon . This Carreck Wintered in Mosambicke , in her return from the Indies , a place of great Infection , as appeared by the Mortality among them : For of 600 and odd men , twenty of them lived not to return Home . After a great deal of Calamity and Mortality , she arrived at this Port of Cisembre , as you have heard , the Viceroy of Portugal , having sent 11 Gallies to her Rescue , and 400 mocas de Camera , which is a Title of Gentlemen that serve the King upon any Honourable Occasion , when they are commanded . That she was brought to this pass , and forc'd to yield on these Conditions , Sir Robert Cecil was wont to impute to the Gentlemens Acquaintance with Sir William Monson . Although three days were limited for setting the Captain on Shore , yet it was held Discretion not to detain them longer than untill the Carreck was brought off safely to our Ships ; and therefore Sir William Monson having carried the Captain , and the rest of the Gentlemen on board him , where they Supped , had variety of Musick , and spent the Night in great Jollity ; the Morning following , accompanied them on Shore himself , whither the Conde de Vitagera had drawn down all the Force of the whole Country , amounting to the number of 10000 men . I must not omit to describe the Behavior of the Gallies in the Fight , that every Man may have that Honor that is due to him : Those of Portugal , being of the Squadron of the Marquess of St. Cruz , betook themselves , with their General , to Flight in the middle of the Fight ; but Frederico Spinola , who was to convey his Gallies out of Spain into the Low Countreys , followed not the Example of the Marquess , but made good the Road ; which the other seeing , with Shame returned ; but to both their Costs : for before they departed , they found the Climate so hot , as they were forc'd to fly , their Gallies being so miserably beaten , and their Slaves so pitifully slain , as there wanted nothing but Boats to possess them all , as well as the two we took and burnt ; which is a thing hath been seldom seen or heard of , for Ships to take and destroy Gallies . The number of Men slain in the Town , the Castle , the Carreck and Gallies , are unknown , though they could not chuse but be many ; the Wealth of the Carreck could then as ill be estimated , though after found to be great ; the Value of the two Gallies burnt with their Loading of Powder , is hard to judge , though it 's known to have been a Service of great Importance . For our Loss , it was not much , only one man killed in the Fly-Boat , five slain , and as many hurt in the Garland , and one hurt in the Adventure : Sir William Monson had the left Wing of his Doublet shot off , but received no other Hurt . The day following , with a favourable Wind , we stood our Course for England , which brought us into 47 Degrees ; and there we met a Pinnace , sent with a Pacquet from the Lords , signifying the readiness of a second Fleet to supply us , and the setting out of the Hollanders , which were so long looked for ; which Fleet of Holland was in View of the Pinnace the same Night ; but pass'd by us unseen . This unlooked for Accident made the Admiral and Vice-Admiral consider what to do , and concluded , they could not both appear at Home , and have a Fleet of so great Importance upon the Enemies Coast without a Guide or Head ; and therefore they held it fit the Vice-Admiral should put himself into the Nonperil , as the ablest Ship of the Fleet , and make his Return once more to the Coast of Spain ; but he having taken his Leave , and standing his Course for the Coast , a most violent Storm , with a contrary Wind took him , which continued ten days , and discovered the weakness of his Ship , who had like to have foundered in the Deep . The Carpenters and Company seeing the apparent Danger , if he bore not up before the Wind , presented him with a Petition , beseeching him to have a regard to their Lives ; for by keeping the Seas they should all perish . Thus was he forc'd by mere Extremity to bear room for England ; and coming for Plymouth , he found the Carreck safely arrived , and the Fleet he went back to take Charge of , not to have quitted the Coast of England . Though it be somewhat impertinent to this Voyage , to treat of more than the Success thereof ; yet I will a little digress , and relate the Mishap of that worthy Young Gentleman Don Diego de Lobo , Captain of the Carreck ; and because his Worth will more appear by his Answer to Sir William Monson's Offer to him when he was his Prisoner ; thus it was : Sir William Monson told him , he doubted , that by the loss of the Carreck , he had lost his best Means ; for that he supposed , what he had gained in the Indies , was laden in her ; and therefore offered , that what he would challenge upon his Reputation to be his own , he should have Freedom to carry along with him . The Gentleman acknowledged the Favor to be extraordinary ; but replied , that what he had , he had gained by his Sword ; and that his Sword , he doubted not , would repair his Fortunes again , utterly refusing to accept any Courtesie in that kind : But , poor Gentleman , ill Fortune thus left him not : For the Viceroy , Don Cristoball de Moro , holding it for a great indignity to have the Carreck taken out of the Port , that was defended by a Castle , and guarded with 11 Gallies , and especially in his hearing of the Ordnance to Lisbon , and in the view of thousands of People who beheld it ; some of them feeling it too , by the loss of their Goods that were in her , others grieving for the Death of their Friends that were slain ; but every man finding himself touched in Reputation . The Names of the Carrecks and Eleven Gallies . The St. Valentine , a Carreck of one Thousand seven Hundred Tuns . The Christopher , the Admiral of Portugal , wherein the Marquess de Sancta Cruz went. The St. Lewis , wherein Frederick Spinola went General of the Gallies of Spain . The Forteleza , Vice-Admiral to the Marquess . The Trividad , Vice-Admiral to Frederick Spinola , burnt . The Snis , in which Sir William Monson was Prisoner , 1591. The Occasion burnt , and the Captain taken Prisoner . The St. John Baptist . The Lazear . The Padillar . The Philip. The St. John. And the Viceroy not knowing how to clear himself so well , as the laying it upon the Gentlemen he put on Board her , the same Night they returned to their Lodging , he caused the most part of them , with their Captain , to be apprehended , imputing the loss of the Carreck to their Cowardise and Fear , if not Treason and Connivance with the Enemy . After some time of Imprisonment , by mediation of Friends , all the Gentlemen were released but the Captain , who received secret Advice , that the Viceroy intended his Death , and that he should seek by Escape to prevent it . Don Diego being thus perplexed , practised with his Sister , who finding means for his Escape out of a Window , he fled into Italy , where he lived in Exile , from 1602. when this happened , untill 1615. His Government in the Indies , for which he had a Patent in Reversion , was confiscate , and he left hopeless ever to return into his Native Country , much less to be restored to his Command ; an ill Welcome after so long and painful a Navigation . Having thus spent thirteen years in Exile , at the last he advised with Friends , whose Councel he followed , to repair into England , there to enquire after some Commanders , that had been at the taking of the Carreck , by whose Certificate he might be cleared of Cowardise or Treason in the loss of her , which would be a good Motive to restore him to his Government again . In the Year 1515. he arrived in London , and after some Enquiry found out Sir William Monson , to whom he complained of his hard Mishap , craving the Assistance of him and some others , whom Sir William knew to be at the taking of the Carreck , and desired him to testifie the manner of surprizing her , which he alleadged , was no more than one Gentleman was bound to afford another in such a case . Sir William wondered to see him , and especially upon such an Occasion : For the present , he entertained him with all Courtesie ; and the longer his stay was in England , the Courtesies were the greater , which Sir William did him . Sir William procured him a true and effectual Certificate from himself , Sir Francis Howard , Captain Barlow , and some others who were Witnesses of that Service ; and to give it the more Reputation , he caused it to be inrolled in the Office of the Admiralty . The Gentleman being well satisfied with his Entertainment , and having what he desired , returned to Flanders , where he presented his Certificate to the Arch-Duke and the Infanta , by whose means he got Assurance , not only of the King's Favor , but of Restitution likewise to his Government . The poor Gentleman having been thus tossed by the Waves of Calamity , from one Country to another , and never finding rest ; Death that masters all men , now cut him off short , in the midst of his hopes , as he was preparing his Journy for Spain ; and this was an end of an unfortunate gallant young Gentleman , whose Deserts might justly have challenged a better reward , if God had pleased to afford it him . Sir William Monson to the Coast of Spain , Anno 1602. Ships . Commanders . The Swiftsuer Sir Will. Monson The Mary Rose Capt. Trevers The Dreadnought Capt. Cawfield The Adventure Capt. Norris The Answer Capt. Brodgate The Quittance Capt. Browne The Lions Whelp Capt. May The Paragon , A Merchant . Capt. Jason A small Carvel Capt. Hooper THe Fleet of Sir Richard Lewson being happily returned , with the fortune of a Carreck , as you have heard , and the Queen having now no Ships upon the Spanish Coast , to impeach the Enemies preparations , she feared , the Fleet which was ready at the Groyne , would give a Second Assault upon Ireland ; whereupon Sir William Monson , who by this time was arrived at Plymouth , was sent for in great haste , by her Majesty , to advise about , and take on him the charge of the Fleet , then at Plymouth . After a long Conference with Sir William Monson , in the presence of her Majesty , her Lord Admiral , Treasurer , and Secretary , it was Resolved , That Sir William should repair to Plymouth , and with all speed get forth those Ships , and others that were there making ready . His directions were , to present himself before the Harbor of the Groyne , being the place where the Spaniards made their Randevouz , and if he found any likelihood of a design upon Ireland , not to quit that Coast untill he saw the Issue , but if he found Ireland secure , and the Enemies preparations to be intended only for defence of their own Coasts , then his instructions led him thence , to the place where the Holland Fleet had order to attend , and expect him ; and afterwards , the whole carriage of the Action was referred to his discretion , but with this caution , that above all respects of other profit or advantage , he attended the affair of Ireland . The Wind this part of the Summer hung contrary , and it was Six Weeks before he could clear the Coast , during which time , he lost his greatest hopes , by the return of the Carrecks of the Indian Fleet , which happened a full Month before his arrival : He set Sail from Plymouth the last of August , with a scant Wind , which continued with foul Weather , untill he recovered the Groyne , choosing rather to keep the Sea , then hazard the overthrow of the Voyage by his return . He stayed at the Groyne , until he understood that the Fleet which was suspected to be prepared for Ireland , was gone to Lisbone , to join with Don Diego de Borachero , who all that Summer durst not budge forth , for fear of our Fleet , that made good the Coast thereabouts : Sir William in his way to the Rock , commanded his Carvel to repair to the Islands of Bayon , as the likeliest place to procure Intelligence of the State of those parts ; as the Carvel drew near the Islands , he discerned the Spanish Fleet , consisting of Twenty Four Sail , whose design was , as she understood by a Boat she took , to look out the English Fleet , whose comming they daily expected upon the Coast ; and meeting Sir William with this news , he held it a good Service to be thus warned of them . Here he took two goodly Ships of France , bound for Lisbone , which Harbor he put them from , and took Pledges that they should directly return into France , without touching in any Harbor of Spain , for that he understood , the Spanish Fleet was ill provided of men , and many other things which these Ships could supply . Sir William and the Dreadnought , were carried with a chase into the Road of Cisimbre , where the Carreck was taken not long before , and after some Fight with the Castle , who defended the Vessel chased , they came to a friendly Treaty , and Presents past between them . That Night , while the Admiral rid in the Road , a Carvel comming in , not mistrusting him , was taken , but dismissed in a friendly manner ; by whom he understood the affairs of Lisbone , but could get no notice of the Holland Fleet , which was appointed to attend at the Rock , whither once more he repaired . Coming thither the 26th of September , a light was espied in the Night , which the Admiral chased , thinking it had been the Fleet of St. Omer , or Brazil , bound for Lisbone , where they were expected ; but drawing so near them , that he might hail them , he found them , by the hugeness of their Vessels , and the number which answered the relation the Carvel made , to be the Armado of Spain : whereupon he sought means how to clear himself , being ingaged amongst them , and made a Spaniard which served him call to them , but they could not hear him ; the Adventure only , and the Whelp , were left with him , the rest losing company , Four nights before in a Storm ; the Enemy perceiving our lights , and thinking it to be some Fleet of Flemmings , stood in amongst us , but the Adventure being discovered to be an Enemy , the Alarum was soon taken , and they shot at her , and slew and hurt some of her men ; as soon as the day appeared , the Spaniards beheld the Three Enlish Ships a head them , which they chased , and Three of them , which were better of Sail than the rest , fetcht upon us , and drew near the Whelp , who was of small Force to resist them . But the Admiral resolving , though it was to his own evident Peril , not to see a Pinnace of her Majesties so lost , if so be he could rescue her with the loss of his Life , though it was much against the persuasions of his Master , and company , he stroak his two Sails for the Whelp , and commanded her to stand her course , while he staid for the Three Spanish Ships , with hope to make them have little list to pursue us : The Admiral of the Spaniards perceiving how little he cared for his Three Ships , in that he lingered for their coming up , took in with the shoar , and shot off a peice for his Three Ships to follow him . It may appear by this , as by several other expeditions of ours , how much the swift Sailing of Ships doth avail , being the principal advantage in Sea Service , and indeed the main thing we could presume upon , in our War against the Spaniards . Sir William having thus escaped the Enemy , in his traverse at Sea , there happened , as there doth upon all Coasts , where there is plenty of Trade , divers occasions of chases ; and one day Sir William following one Ship , and the Adventure another , they lost company for the whole Voyage . Sir William was advertised by a Ship he took , being a Frenchman , who came from St. Lucas , that the St. Domingo Fleet was looked for daily , which Intelligence made him bear up for the South Cape , as well in hopes to meet with them , as to have news of his Fleet. He was no sooner come to the Cape , but he was informed by some English men of War , that the Domingo Fleet was past by two days before ; here he met with Ships of several Nations , some he rescued from Pirats , and to others that were in League with her Majesty , he gave his safe conduct , for their free passage on the Sea ; he kept that Coast until the 21th of October , on which morning he gave chase to a Gallion of the King of Spain , who recovered the Castle of Cape Sacre , before he could fetch her up ; although he knew the strength of the Castle , yet he attempted , and had carried her , had it not been for the fear and cowardize of him at the Helm , who bore up , when he was ready to Board her : The Fight was not long , but sharp and dangerous , for there never past shot between them , till they were within a Ships length one of another : The Castle plaid her part , and tore his Ship , so that a man might have crept through her : Between the Castle and Gallion , they slew in the Admiral Ten men , and hurt many more , in the view of Sireago and his Quadron , to the Westward , and of divers English men of War , to the Eastward , who durst not put themselves upon the rescue of Sir William , for fear of the Castle : Sir William being now left alone , and seeing what head Land soever he came unto , he was to encounter a Spanish Squadron , stood his course that night to Sea , thinking to try , if the Islands of Terceras would afford him any better Fortune , but coming within Forty or Fifty Leagues of the Islands , he was taken short with the Wind , yet still , bearing up what he could for the Rock ; but at length finding his Victuals grew short , his Mast perished , and the dangers he was exposed to , by keeping that Coast , he directed his course for England , and came to Plymouth , the 24th of November , where he found the Mary-rose and Dreadnought , most part of their men being dead or sick . The Adventure arrived within an hour after him , who in her way homewards fell , amongst the Braizl Fleet , and encountring with them , lost divers men , but took none : The Paragon was at home long before , with a Prize of Sugar , and Spices , which countervailed the charge of the Voyage . The Quittance in her return , met Two Ships of Dunkirk , and in fight with them , her Captain was slain , but she acquitted her self very well , without further harm . This Fleet , as you have heard , was to keep the Enemy busied at home , that he might be diverted from the thoughts of Ireland ; what hazard it endured by the Enemy , the fury of the Sea , and foul Weather , doth appear ; and no marvel ; for it was the latest Fleet in Winter , that ever kept upon the Spanish Coast , as it was likewise the last Fleet her Majesty imployed ; for in March after she died , and by her Death all War ceased . As Sir William Monson was General of this last Fleet , so was he a Soldier , and a Youth , at the beginning of the Wars , and was at the taking of the first Spanish Prize , that ever saw the English Coast , which yet was purchased with the loss of Twenty Five of our men , besides Fifty hurt . This Prize was afterwards a Man of War , and served against the Spaniards , and was in those days reckoned the best Ship of War we had ; she was called the Commander , and belonged to Sir George Carew , then Governor of the Isle of Wight . Sir Richard Lewson and Sir William Monson into the Narrow Seas , Anno 1603. Ships . Commanders . The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson The Mere-honor Sir William Monson The Defiance Capt. Goer The Warspight Capt. Seymers The Rainbow Capt. Trevor The Dreadnought Capt. Reynolds The Quittance Capt. Howard The Lyons Whelp Capt. Polwheele SIR William Monson returning with his Fleet , in November , there was a Resolution to furnish another against February , which should be recruited with fresh Ships , Men and Victuals in June . Sir Richard Lewson was to command the former Fleet , and Sir William Monson the later : For the Queen found it a Course both secure and profitable , to keep a continual Force upon the Spanish Coast , from February to November , that being the time of greatest Peril to her Majesty ; and she was the rather encouraged thereto , by the safty she found the last Summer , and the Wealth and Riches she had from time to time taken from the Enemy . The Complaint of the ill furnishing out of her Ships in other Voyages , made it more carefully to be look'd unto now , and there was better Choice of Victuals and Men than usually had been ; but in the mean time , it pleased God to visit her Majesty with Sickness , which caused a ling'ring , though no absolute dissolving of the Fleet ; but when her Danger was perceived to increase , the Ships were hastened out to Sea , it being a point of good Policy , to keep our Seas guarded from any Forreign Attempt , untill his Majesty should be peaceably settled in England . This Fleet departed from Quinborough the 22th . of March , and arrived in the Downs the 25th . of the same , being the day after her Majesties Death : The News whereof , and Commandment to proclaim King James the Sixth of Scotland , our Lawful King , and the rightful Inheritor to the Crown , arrived both together ; which put us into two contrary Passions , the one of Grief , the other of Joy : Grief for the Loss of the Queen , Joy for accepting of the King in that peaceable manner , which was a Happiness beyond all Expectation , either at home or abroad . As the Design of this Fleet was to guard and defend our own Coasts from any Incurison that might be made out of France or the Low Countreys ; so the Commanders were vigilant to appear on those Coasts once in two days , to dishearten them , in case they had any such Thought ; but the truth is , it was beyond their Abilities , whatever was in their Hearts to impugn his Majesty . And because the Arch-Duke would make the Candidness of his Intention apparent to the World , he called in his Letters of Reprizal against the English ; and published an Edict for a free and unmolested Traffick into Flanders : So that now our Merchants might again trade peaceably into those Parts from which they had been debarred the space of Eighteen Years . The King finding , that France neither impeached his Right , nor gave any Jealousie by the raising of an Army ; and that the Arch-Duke made a Demonstration of his desire of Peace , his Majesty did the like , acknowledging the League he had with those Princes , with whom the late Queen had Wars : For Wars betwixt Countreys are not hereditary ; but commonly end with the Death of their Kings : Wherefore he commanded his Ships to give over their Southern Employment , and to repair to Chatham , giving manifest Testimonies , how desirous he was that his Subjects should recover that Wealth and Freedom by Peace , which they had formerly lost by War. FINIS . A true and plain DECLARATION OF THE Horrible Treasons Practised by WILLIAM PARRY Against the Queens Majesty ; AND OF His Conviction and Execution for the same , The 2d . of March 1584. according to the account of England . THis William Parry being a man of very mean and base Parentage , but of a most proud and insolent Spirit , bearing himself always far above the measure of his Fortune , after he had long led a wasteful and dissolute life , and had committed a great Outrage against one Hugh Hare , a Gentleman of the Inner-Temple , with an intent to have murthered him in his own Chamber , for the which he was most justly convicted ; seeing himself generally condemned with all good men for the same , and other his Misdemeanours , he left his natural Country , and gave himself to travel into forreign parts beyond the Seas . In the course of this his Travel , he forsook his Allegiance and dutiful Obedience to her Majesty , and was reconciled , and subjected himself to the Pope . After which , upon conference with certain Jesuites , and others of like quality , he first conceived his most detestable Treason to kill the Queen ( whose life God long preserve ; ) which he bound himself by Promise , Letters , and Vows , to perform and execute : and so with this intent he returned into England in January 1583 ; and since that did practise at sundry times to have executed his most devilish purpose and determination : yet covering the same , so much as in him lay , with a vail and pretence of great Loyalty to her Majesty . Immediately upon his return into England , he sought to have secret Access to her Majesty , pretending to have some matter of great importance to reveal unto her : which obtained , and the same so privately in her Highness's Palace at Whitehal , as her Majesty had but one onely Counsellor with her at the time of his Access , in a remote place , who was so far distant , as he could not hear his Speech . And there then he discovered unto her Majesty ( but shadowed with all crafty and traiterous skill he had ) some part of the Conference and Proceeding , as well with the said Jesuites , and other Ministers of the Popes , as especially with one Thomas Morgan , a Fugitive , residing at Paris , who above all others did perswade him to proceed in that most devilish Attempt , ( as is set down in his voluntary Confession following , ) bearing her Majesty notwithstanding in hand , That his onely intent of proceeding so far with the said Jesuites , and the Popes Ministers , tended to no other end , but to discover the dangerous Practices devised and attempted against her Majesty by her disloyal Subjects , and other malicious persons in forraign parts . Albeit it hath since appeared most manifestly , as well by his said Confession , as by his dealing with one Edmond Nevil Esq ; That his onely intent of discovering the same in sort as he craftily and traiterously did , tended to no other end , but to make the way the easier to accomplish his most devilish and wicked purpose . And although any other Prince but her Majesty ( who is loath to put on a hard Censure of those that protest to be loyal , as Parry did , ) would rather have proceeded to the punishment of a Subject that had waded so far , as by Oath and Vow to promise the taking away of her life ( as he to her Majesties self did confess ; ) yet such was her goodness , as instead of punishing , she did deal so graciously with him , as she suffered him not onely to have Access unto her presence , but also many times to have private Conference with her ; and did offer unto him , upon opinion once conceived of his fidelity towards her ( as though his wicked pretence had been , as he protested , for her service ) a most liberal Pension . Besides , to the end that he might not grow hateful to the good and well-affected Subjects of the Realm , ( from whom he could in no sort have escaped with safety of his life , if his devilish purpose had been revealed ) her Majesty did conceal the same , without communicating it to any creature , untill such time as he himself had opened the same unto certain of her Council ; and that it was also discovered , that he sought to draw the said Nevil to have been a party in his devilish and most wicked purpose . A very rare Example ! and such as doth more set forth the singular goodness and bounty of her Majesties Princely nature , than commend ( if it be lawful for a Subject to censure his Soveraign ) her providence such as ought to be in a Prince and person of her Majesties wisdom and quality . And as the goodness of her Majesties nature did hereby most manifestly shew it self to be rare in so extraordinary a case , and in a matter of so great peril unto her own Royal Person ; so did the malice of Parry most evidently appear to be in the highest and extreamest degree : who notwithstanding the said extraordinary grace and favour extended towards him , did not onely perswade the said Nevil to be an Associate in the said wicked Enterprize , but did also very vehemently ( as Nevil confesseth ) importune him therein , as an Action lawful , honourable , and meritorious , omitting nothing that might provoke him to assent thereunto . But such was the singular goodness of Almighty God , ( who even from her Majesties Cradle , by many evident Arguments , hath shewed himself her onely and especial Protector ) that he so wrought in Nevil's heart , as he was moved to reveal the same unto her Majesty ; and for that purpoce made choise of a faithful Gentleman , and of good quality in the Court , unto whom upon Munday the 8th of February last , he discovered at large all that had passed between Parry and him ; who immediately made it known to her Majesty : whereupon her Highnesses pleasure was , That Nevil should be examined by the Earl of Leicester , and Sir Christopher Hatton ; who in the evening of the same day did examine him ; and he affirmed constantly all which he had before declared to the said Gentleman . In the mean time , her Majesty continued her singular and most Princely magnanimity , neither dismaid with the rareness of the Accident , nor appaled with the horrour of so villanous an Enterprize , tending even to the taking away of her most gracious life ; ( a matter especially observed by the Counsellor that was present at such time as Parry , after his return , did first discover unto her Majesty his wicked purpose ; who found no other alteration in her countenance , than if he had imparted unto her some matter of contentment ; ) which sheweth manifestly how she reposeth her confidence wholly in the defence of the Almighty . And so her Majesty , following the wonted course of her singular Clemency , gave order that Parry the same Munday in the evening ( though not so known to him ) should be sent to Mr. Secretaries house in London , he being then there ; who according unto such direction as he received from her Majesty , did let him understand , That her Highness ( in respect of the good will she knew he bare unto the said Parry , and of the Trust that Parry did outwardly profess to repose in Mr. Secretary ) had made especial choice of him to deal with him in a matter that concerned her highly ; and that she doubted not but that he would discharge his duty towards her , according unto that extraordinary devotion that he professed to bear unto her . And thereupon told him that her Majesty had been advertised that there was somewhat intended presently against her own Person , wherewith she thought he could not but be made acquainted , considering the great Trust that some of her worst-affected Subjects reposed in him ; and that her pleasure therefore was , That he should declare unto him his knowledge therein : and whether the said Parry himself had let fall any speech unto any person ( though with an intent onely to have discovered his disposition ) that might draw him in suspition , as though he himself had any such wicked intent . But Parry with great and vehement protestations denied it utterly ; whereupon Mr. Secretary , the rather to induce him to deal more plainly in a matter so important , declared unto him , That there was a Gentleman of Quality , every way as good or better than himself , and rather his Friend than Enemy , that would avouch it to his face : Yet Parry persisted stubbornly in his former denial , and justification of his own innocency ; and would not in any respect yield that he was party or privy to any such Motion , Enterprize , or intent . And being lodged that night at Mr. Secretaries house , the next morning he desired earnestly to have some further speech with Mr. Secretary ; which granted , Parry declared to him , that he had called to remembrance that he had once some speech with one Nevil a Kinsman of his ( so he called him ) touching a point of Doctrine contained in the Answer made to the Book , entituled , The Execution of Justice in England ; by which book it was resolved , That it was lawful to take away the Life of a Prince , in furtherance of the Catholick Religion : But he protested that they never had any speech at all of any Attempt intended against her Majesties Person . Which Denial of his ( at two sundry times , after so much light given him ) doth set forth most apparently both the Justice and Providence of God : His Justice , for that ( though he was one of a sharp conceit ) he had no power to take hold of this Overture , thereby to have avoided the danger that Nevil's Accusation might bring him into by confessing the same , as a thing propounded onely to feel Nevil's mind , whom before he had reported unto Master Secretary he found a person discontented , and therefore his Confession might to very great purpose have served to have cleared himself touching the intent : His Providence , for that of his great Mercy he would not suffer so dangerous and wicked a member to escape , and to live to Her Majesties peril . The same day at Night Parry was brought to the Earl of Leicester's house , and there eftsoons examined before the said Earl of Leicester , Master Vice-Chamberlain , and Master Secretary : He persisted still in his denial of all that he was charged with . Whereupon Nevil , being brought before him face to face , justified his Accusation against him . He notwithstanding would not yet yield to confess it , but very proudly and insolently opposed his Credit against the Credit of Nevil , affirming that his No was as good as Nevil's Yea ; and as by way of recrimination , objected the Crime to Nevil himself . On the other side , Nevil did with great Constancy affirm all that he had before said , and did set down many probable Circumstances of the Times , Places , and Manners of their sundry Conferences , and of such other Accidents as had happened between them in the course of that Action . Whereupon Parry was then committed to the Tower , and Nevil commanded by their Honours to set down in writing under his Hand , all that which before he had delivered by words : which he did with his own hand , as followeth . Edmund Nevil his Declaration the 10th of February , 1584. subscribed with his own Hand . WIlliam Parry the last Summer , soon after his repulse in his Suit for the Mastership of St. Katherines , repaired to my Lodging in the White Friars , where he shewed himself a person greatly discontented , and vehemently inveighed against Her Majesty , and willed me to assure my self , that during this time and state , I should never receive Contentment . But sith , said he , I know you to be Honourably descended , and a Man of Resolution , if you will give me assurance , either to joyn with me , or not to discover me , I will deliver unto you the only means to do your self good . Which when I had promised him , he appointed me to come the next day to his House in Fetterlane : and repairing thither accordingly , I found him in his Bed ; whereupon he commanded his men forth , and began with me in this order . My Lord , said he , ( for so he called me ) I protest before God , that three Reasons principally do induce me to enter into this Action , which I intend to discover unto you ; the replanting of Religion , the preferring of the Scotish Title , and the advancement of Justice , wonderfully corrupted in this Commowealth : And thereupon entred into some Discourses what places were fit to be taken , to give entrance to such Forreign Forces as should be best liked of , for the furtherance of such Enterprizes as were to be undertaken . And with these Discourses he passed the time , until he went to Dinner : after which , the Company being retired , he entred into his former discourses . And if I be not deceived , ( said he ) by taking of Quinborough - Castle , we shall hinder the passage of the Queens Ships forth of the River . Whereunto when he saw me use no contradiction , he shook me by the hand ; Tush , said he , this is nothing : If men were resolute , there is an Enterprize of much more moment , and much easier to perform ; an Act honourable and meritorious to God and the world . Which seeing me desirous to know , he was not ashamed to utter in plain terms , to consist in killing of her Majesty : Wherein , saith he , if you will go with me , I will loose my Life , or deliver my Countrey from her bad and tyrannous Government . At which Speeches finding me discontented , he asked me , if I had read Doctor Allen's Book , out of which he alledged an Authority for it . I answered , No , and that I did not believe that Authority . Well , said he , what will you say , if I shew further Authority than this , even from Rome itself a plain Dispensation for the killing of her , wherein you shall finde it ( as I said before ) meritorious ? Good Cousin , said I , when you shall shew it me , I shall think it very strange , when I shall see one to hold that for meritorious , which another holdeth for damnable . Well , said Parry , do me but the favour to think upon it till to morrow : And if one man be in the Town , I will not fail to shew you the thing it self : and if he be not , he will be within these five or six days ; at which time if it please you to meet me at Chanon-row , we may there receive the Sacrament to be true each to other , and then I will discover unto you both the party , and the thing itself . Whereupon I prayed Parry to think better upon it , as a matter of great charge both of Soul and Body . I would to God , said Parry , you were as perfectly perswaded in it as I am , for then undoubtedly you should do God great service . Not long after , eight or ten days , ( as I remember ) Parry coming to visit me at my lodging in Herns rents in Holborn , as he often used , we walked forth into the fields , where he renewed again his determination to kill her Majesty , whom he said he thought most unworthy to live , and that he wondred I was so scrupulous therein . She hath sought , said he , your ruine and overthrow , why should you not then seek to revenge it ? I confess , quoth I , that my case is hard , but yet am I not so desperate as to revenge it upon my self , which must needs be the event of so unhonest and unpossible an enterprise . Unpossible , said Parry , I wonder at you ; for in truth there is not any thing more easie : you are no Courtier , and therefore know not her customs of walking with small train , and often in the Garden very privately , at which time my self may easily have access unto her , and you also when you are known in Court. Upon the fact we must have a Barge ready to carry us with speed down the River , where we will have a ship ready to transport us if it be needfull : but upon my head , we shall never be followed so far . I asked him , How will you escape forth of the Garden ? for you shall not be permitted to carry any men with you , and the Gates will then be locked , neither can you carry a Dagge without suspition . As for a Dagge , said Parry , I care not : my Dagger is enough . And as for my escaping , those that shall be with her , will be so busie about her , as I shall finde opportunity enough to escape , if you be there ready with the Barge to receive me . But if this seem dangerous in respect of your reason before shewed , let it then rest till her coming to St. James , and let us furnish our selves in the mean time with men and horse fit for the purpose : we may each of us keep eight or ten men without suspition . And for my part , said he , I shall finde good fellows that will follow me without suspecting mine intent . It is much , said he , that so many resolute men may do upon the suddain , being well appointed with each his Case of Dagges : if they were an hundred waiting upon her , they were not able to save her ; you coming of the one side and I on the other , and discharging our Dagges upon her , it were unhappy if we should both miss her . But if our Dagges fail , I shall bestir me well with a sword ere she escape me . Whereunto I said , Good Doctor give over this odious enterprise , and trouble me no more with the hearing of that , which in heart I loath so much . I would to God the enterprise were honest , that I might make known unto thee whether I want solution . And not long after , her Majesty came to St. James's ; after which , one morning ( the day certain I remember not , ) Parry revived again his former discourse of killing her Majesty , with great earnestness and importunity perswading me to joyn therein : saying , he thought me the onely man of England like to perform it , in respect of my valure , as he termed it . Whereupon , I made semblance as if I had been more willing to hear him than before , hoping by that means to cause him to deliver his minde to some other that might be witness thereof with me ; wherein nevertheless I failed . After all this , on Saturday last , being the sixth of February , between the hours of five and six in the afternoon , Parry came to my Chamber , and desired to talk with me apart : whereupon we drew our selves to a window . And where I had told Parry before , that a learned man whom I met by chance in the fields , unto whom I proponed the question touching her Majesty , had answered me that it was an enterprise most villanous and damnable , willing me to discharge my self of it : Parry then desired to know that learned mans name , and what was become of him , saying , after a scornful manner , No doubt he was a very wise man , and you wiser in believing him : and said further , I hope you told him not that I had any thing from Rome . Yes in truth , said I. Whereunto Parry said , I would you had not named me , nor spoken of any thing I had from Rome . And thereupon he earnestly perswaded me estsoons to depart beyond the Seas , promising to procure me safe passage into Wales , and from thence into Britain ; whereat we ended . But I then resolved not to do so , but to discharge my conscience , and lay open this his most traiterous and abominable intention against her Majesty : which I revealed in sort as is before set down . Edmund Nevil . After this confession of Edmund Nevil , William Parry the 11th . day of February last , being examined in the Tower of London , by the Lord Hunsdon , Lord Governour of Barwick , Sir Christopher Hatton knight , Vicechamberlain to her Majesty , and Sir Francis Walsingham Knight , principal Secretary to her Majesty , did voluntary and without any constraint , by word of mouth make confession of his said Treason ; and after , set it down in writing all with his own hand in his Lodging in the Tower , and sent it to the Court the 13th . of the same , by the Lieutenant of the Tower. The parts whereof concerning his manner of doing the same , and the Treasons wherewith he was justly charged are here set down , word for word , as they are written and signed with his own hand and name , the 11th . of February , 1584. The voluntary Confession of William Parry , in writing all with his own hand . The voluntary Confession of William Parry Doctor of the Laws , ( now Prisoner in the Tower ) and accused of Treason by Edmund Nevil Esquire , promised by him ( with all faith and humility ) to the Queens Majesty , in discharge of his Conscience and Duty towards God and her . Before the Lord Hunsdon , Lord Governour of Barwick , Sir Christopher Hatton Knight , Vicechamberlain , Sir Francis Walsingham Knight , principal Secretary , the 13th . of February , 1584. Parry . IN the year 1570. I was sworn her Majesties servant , from which time until the year 1580. I served , honoured , and loved her with as great readiness , devotion , and assurance as any poor subject in England . In the end of that year , and until Midsummer 1582. I had some trouble for the hurting of a Gentleman of the Temple . In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men ( to whom I have of late been beholden ) that I never had contented thought since . There began my misfortune , and here followeth my woful fall . In July after , I laboured for licence to travail for three years , which ( upon some consideration ) was easily obtained . And so in August , I went over with doubtful minde of return , for that being suspected in Religion , and not having received the Communion in twenty two years , I began to mistrust my advancement in England . In September I came to Paris , where I was reconciled to the Church , and advised to live without scandal , the rather , for that it was mistrusted by the English Catholiques , that I had Intelligence with the greatest Councellour of England . I staied not long there , but removed to Lions ( a place of great Traffick ) where , because it was the ordinary passage of our Nation to and fro , between Paris and Rome , I was also suspected . To put all men out of doubt of me , and for some other cause , I went to Millain , from whence , as a place of some danger ( though I found favour there ) after I had cleared my conscience , and justified my self in Religion before the Inquisitor , I went to Venice . There I came acquainted with father Benedicto Palmio , a grave and a learned Jesuite . By conference with him of the hard state of the Catholicks in England , and by reading of the Book De persecutione Anglicana , and other discourses of like argument , 1 I conceived a possible mean to relieve the afflicted state of our Catholicks , if the same might be well warranted in religion and conscience by the Pope , or some learned Divines . I asked his opinion ; he made it clear , commended my devotion , comforted me in it , and after a while made me known to the Nuntio Campeggio , there resident for his Holiness . By his means I wrote to the Pope , presented the service , and sued for a Pasport to go to Rome , and to return safely into France . Answer came from Cardinal Como , that I might come , and should be welcome . I misliked the warrant , sued for a better , which I was promised : but it came not before my departure to Lions , where I promised to stay some time for it . And being indeed desirous to go to Rome , and loth to go without countenance , I desired Christofero de Salazar , Secretary to the Catholick King in Venice , who had some understanding by conference , of my devotion to the afflicted Catholicks at home and abroad , to commend me to the Duke di Nova Terra , Governour of Millain , and to the County of Olivaris Embi , then Resident for the King his Master in Rome : which he promised to do effectually for the one , and did for the other . And so I took my journey towards Lyons , whither came for me an ample Passeport ( but somewhat too late , ) that I might come and go in verbo Pontificis per omnes jurisdictones Ecclesiasticas , absque impedimento . I acquainted some good Fathers there , of my necessity to depart towards Paris by promise , and prayed their advises upon divers points ; wherein I was well satisfied . And so assuring them that his Holiness should hear from me shortly , it was undertaken that I should be excused for that time . In October I came to Paris , where ( upon better opinion conceived of me amongst my Catholick Country-men ) I found my credit well setled , and such as mistrusted me before , ready to trust and imbrace me . And being one day at the Chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholick Gentleman ( greatly beloved and trusted on that side ) amongst other Gentlemen , talking ( but in very good sort ) of England , I was desired by Morgan to go up with him to another Chamber , where he brake with me , and told me that it was hoped and looked for , that I should do some service for God and his Church . I answered him , I would do it , if it were to kill the greatest subject in England ; whom I named , and in truth then hated . No , no , said he , let him live to his greater fall and ruine of his house : 2 It is the Queen I mean. I had him as I wished , and told him it were soon done , if it might be lawfully done , and warranted in the opinion of some learned Divines . And so the doubt once resolved ( though as you have heard I was before reasonably well satisfied ) I vowed to undertake the enterprise , for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the Sea Apostolick . Divers Divines were named . Doctor Allein I desired , Parsons I refused . And by chance came Master Wattes a learned Priest , with whom I conferred , and was over-ruled . 3 For he plainly pronounced ( the case onely altered in name ) that it was utterly unlawful : with whom many English Priests did agree as I have heard , if it be not altered since the book made in answer of The execution of the English Justice was published , which I must confess hath taken hard hold in me , and ( I fear me ) will do in others , if it be not prevented by more gracious handling of the quiet and obedient Catholick subjects , whereof there is good and greater store in England , than this age will extinguish . Well notwithstanding all these doubts , I was gone so far by letters and conference in Italy , that I could not go back , but promised faithfully to perform the enterprise , if his Holiness upon my offer and letters would allow it , and grant me full remission of my sins . 4 I wrote my letters the first of January 1584. by their computation ; took advice upon them in confession of Father Anibal a Codreto a learned Jesuite in Paris , was lovingly embraced , commended , confessed , and communicated at the Jesuites at one altar with the Cardinals of Vandosmi , and Narbone , whereof I prayed certificate , and enclosed the same in my Letter to his Holiness , to lead him the rather to absolve me ; which I required by my Letters , in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without promise or reward . 5 I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni , to whom I read the Letter and certificate enclosed , sealed it , and left it with him to send to Rome : he promised great care of it , and to procure answer : And so lovingly imbraced me , wished me good speed , and promised that I should be remembred at the altar . 6 After this I desired Morgan , that some special man might be made privy to this matter , lest he dying , and I miscarrying in the execution , and my intent never truly discovered , it might stick for an everlasting spot in my Race . Divers were named , but none agreed upon for fear of beraying . 7 This being done , Morgan assured me , that shortly after my departure , the L. Fernehurst ( then in Paris ) should go into Scotland , and be ready upon the first news of the Queens fall to enter into England with 20 or 30000 Men to defend the Queen of Scotland , ( whom , and the King her Son , I do in my conscience acquit of any privity , liking , or consent to this , or any other bad action , for any thing that ever I did know . ) I shortly departed for England , and arrived at Rie in January 1583. from whence I wrote to the Court , advertised some , that I had a special service to discover to the Queens Majesty ; 8 which I did more to prepare access and credit , than for any care I had of her Person , though I were fully resolved never to touch her ( notwithstanding any Warrant ) if by any device , perswasion , or policy she might be wrought to deal more graciously with the Catholicks than she doth , or by our manner of proceeding in Parliament meaneth to do , or any thing yet seen . I came to the Court , ( then at Whitehall , ) prayed audience , had it at large , and very privately discovered to her Majesty this Conspiracy , much to this effect , though covered with all the skill I had : she took it doubtfully , I departed with fear . And amongst other things , I cannot forget her Majesties gratious speech then uttered touching the Catholicks , which of late , after a sort I avowed in Parliament : she said to me , that never a Catholick should be troubled for Religion or Supremacy , so long as they lived like good Subjects . Whereby I mistrusted that her Majesty is born in hand , that none is troubled for the one or the other . It may be truly said , that it is better than it hath been , though it be not yet as it should be . In March last , while I was at Greenwich ( as I remember ) suing for St. Katherines , came Letters to me from Cardinal Como , dated at Rome , the last of January before , whereby I found the enterprise commended , and allowed , and my self absolved ( in his Holiness name ) of all my sins , and willed to go forward in the name of God. That Letter I shewed to some in Court , who imparted it to the Queen : what it wrought , or may work in her Majesty , God knoweth : onely this I know , 9 that it confirmed my resolution to kill her , and made it clear in my conscience , that it was lawful and meritorious . And yet was I determined never to do it , if either policy , practice , perswasion , or motion in Parliament could prevail . I feared to be tempted , and therefore always when I came near her , I left my Dagger at home . 10 When I looked upon her Majesty , and remembred her many excellencies , I was greatly troubled : And yet I saw no remedy , for my Vows were in Heaven , my Letters and Promises in Earth , and the case of the Catholick Recusants , and others , little bettered . Sometimes I said to my self , Why should I care for her ? what hath she done for me ? have I not spent 10000 Marks since I knew her service , and never had peny by her ? It may be said , she gave me my life . But I say ( as my case stood ) it had been Tyranny to take it : And I fear me it is little less yet . If it please her gratiously to look into my discontentments , I would to Jesus Christ she had it , for I am weary of it . And now to come to an end of this tragical discourse : In July I left the Court , utterly rejected , discontented , and as her Majesty might perceive by my passionate Letters , careless of my self . I came to London : Doctor Alleins Book was sent me out of France : 11 it redoubled my former conceits : Every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind : It taught that Kings may be excommunicated , deprived , and violently handled : It proveth that all Wars Civil or Forraign undertaken for Religion , is Honorable . Her Majesty may do well to read it , and to be out of doubt ( if things be not amended ) that it is a warning , and a Doctrine full dangerous . This is the Book I shewed , in some places read , and lent it to my Cousin Nevil ( the accuser ) who came often to mine house , put his finger in my Dish , his hand in my Purse ; and the night wherein he accused me , was wrapped in my Gown , six moneths at least after we had entred into this Conspiracy : In which space her Majesty , and ten Princes in several Provinces might have been killed . God bless her Majesty from him : for before Almighty God , I joy and am glad in my soul , that it was his hap to discover me in time ; though there were no danger near . And now to the manner of our meetings . He came to me in the beginning of August , and spake to me in this or like sort . Cousin , let us do somewhat , sithens we can have nothing . I offered to joyn with him , and gladly heard him , hoping because I knew him to be a Catholick , that he would hit upon that I had in my head : but it fell not out so . He thought the delivery of the Queen of Scotland easie , presuming upon his Credit and Kindred in the North : I thought it dangerous to her , and impossible to men of our fortunes : He fell from that to the taking of Barwick : I spake of Quinborough and the Navy , rather to entertain him with discourse , than that I cared for those motions , my head being full of a greater matter : 12 I told him that I had another manner of Enterprise , more honourable and profitable to us , and the Catholicks Common-wealth , than all these , if he would joyn in it with me , as he presently vowed to do : He pressed to know it ; I willed him to sleep upon the motion : He did so , ( and belike overtaken ) came to me the next morning to my Lodging in London , offered to joyn with me , and took his Oath upon a Bible , to conceal and constantly to pursue the enterprise for the advancement of Religion ; which I also did , and meant to perform : the killing of the Queen was the matter . The manner and place , to be on Horsback , with eight or ten horses , when she should ride abroad about St. James , or some other like place . It was once thought fit in a Garden , and that the escape would be easiest by water into Shepey , or some other part : but we resolved upon the first . This continued as agreed upon many moneths , until he heard of the death of Westmoreland , whose Land and Dignity ( whereof he assured himself ) bred belike this Conscience in him to discover a Treason in February , contrived and agreed upon in August . If it cost him not an ambitious Head at last , let him never trust me . He brought a tall Gentleman ( whom he commended for an excellent Pistolier ) to me to Chanon-Row , to make one in the match : but I refused to deal with him , being loth to lay my head upon so many hands . Master Nevil hath ( I think ) forgotten , that he did swear to to me at divers times , that all the advancement she could give , should serve but for her scourge , if ever time and occasion should serve : and that though he would not lay hand upon her in a corner , his heart served him to strike off her Head in the field . Now leaving him to himself , this much ( to make an end ) I must confess of my self , I did mean to try what might be done in Parliament , to do my best to hinder all hard courses , to have prayed hearing of the Queens Majesty , to move her ( if I could ) to take compassion upon her Catholick Subjects ; and when all had failed , to do as I intended . If her Majesty by this course would have eased them , though she had never preferred me ; I had with all comfort and patience born it : 13 but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them , the Enterprise had held . Parry God preserve the Queen , and encline her merciful heart to forgive me this desperate purpose ; and to take my Head ( with all my heart ) for her better satisfaction . After which , for the better manifesting of his Treasons , on the 14th of February last , there was a Letter written by him to her Majesty , very voluntarily , all of his own Hand , without any motion made to him : The tenor whereof , for that which concerneth these his Traiterous dealings , is as followeth . A Letter written by Parry to Her Majesty . YOur Majesty may see by my voluntary Confession , the dangerous fruits of a discontented minde ; and how constantly I pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice , for the relief of the afflicted Catholicks ; continued it in Lions , and resolved in Paris to put it in adventure , for the Restitution of England to the antient Obedience of the See Apostolick . You may see withal , how it is Commended , Allowed , and Warranted in Conscience , Divinity , and Policy , by the Pope and some great Divines : Though it be true or likely , that most of our English Divines ( less practised in matters of this weight ) do utterly mislike and condemn it . The Enterprise is prevented , and Conspiracy discovered by an honourable Gentleman , my Kinsman and late familiar Friend , Master Edmund Nevil , privy and by solemn Oath ( taken upon the Bible ) party to the matter , whereof I am hardly glad , but now sorry ( in my very Soul ) that ever I conceived or intended it , how commendable or meritoritous soever I thought it . God thank him , and forgive me , who would not now ( before God ) attempt it ( if I had liberty and opportunity to do it ) to gain your Kingdome . I beseech Christ , that my Death and Example may as well satisfie you Majesty and the world , as it shall glad and content me . The Queen of Scotland is your Prisoner ; let her be honourably entreated , but yet surely guarded . The French King is French , you know it well enough , you will finde him occupied when he should do you good ; he will not loose a Pilgrimage to save you a Crown . I have no more to say at this time , but that with my Heart and Soul I do now honour and love you ; am inwardly sorry for mine Offence , and ready to make you amends by my Death and Patience . Discharge me à culpâ , but not à poenâ , good Lady . And so farewel , most gracious , and the best-natured and qualified Queen that ever lived in England . From the Tower , the 14th of February , 1584. W. Parry . After which , to wit , the 18th of February last past , Parry , in further acknowledging his wicked and intended Treasons , wrote a Letter all of his own hand , in like voluntary manner , to the Lord Treasurer of England , and the Earl of Leicester , Lord Steward of her Majesties house ; the Tenour whereof is as followeth . William Parry's Letter to the Lord Treasurer , and the Earl of Leicester . MY Lords , now that the Conspiracy is discovered , the Fault confessed , my Conscience cleared , and Minde prepared patiently to suffer the Pains due for so heinous a Crime : I hope it shall not offend you , if crying Miserere with the poor Publican , I leave to despair with cursed Cain . My Case is rare and strange , and , for any thing I can remember , singular : A natural Subject solemnly to vow the Death of his natural Queen ( so born , so known , and so taken by all men ) for the Relief of the afflicted Catholicks , and Restitution of Religion . The Matter first conceived in Venice , the Service ( in general words ) presented to the Pope , continued and undertaken in Paris ; and lastly , commended and warranted by his Holiness , degested and resolved in England , if it had not been prevented by Accusation , or by her Majesties greater Lenity and more gracious Usage of her Catholick Subjects . This is my first and last Offence conceived against my Prince or Country , and doth ( I cannot deny ) contein all other faults whatsoever . It is now to be punished by Death , or most graciously ( beyond all common expectation ) to be pardoned . Death I do confess to have deserved ; Life I do ( with all Humility ) crave , if it may stand with the Queens Honour , and Policy of the Time. To leave so great a Treason unpunished , were strange : To draw it by my Death in example , were dangerous : A sworn Servant to take upon him such an Enterprize , upon such a ground , and by such a warrant , hath not been seen in England : To Indict him , Arraign him , bring him to the Scaffold , and to publish his Offence , can do no good : To hope that he hath more to discover than is Confessed , or that at his Execution he will unsay any thing he hath written , is in vain : To conclude , that it is impossible for him in time to make some part of amends , were very hard , and against former Experiences . The Question then is , whether it be better to kill him , or ( lest the matter be mistaken ) upon hope of his amendment to pardon him . For mine own opinion ( though partial ) I will deliver you my Conscience . The Case is good Queen Elizabeths , the Offence is committed against her Sacred Person , and she may ( of her Mercy ) pardon it without prejudice to any . Then this I say , in few words , as a man more desirous to discharge his troubled Conscience , than to live . Pardon poor Parry , and relieve him : for life without living is not fit for him . If this may not be , or be thought dangerous , or dishonourable to the Queens Majesty ( as by your favours , I think it full of Honour and Mercy ) then I beseech your Lordships ( and no other ) once to hear me before I be Indicted , and afterwards ( if I must dye ) humbly to intreat the Queens Majesty to hasten my Trial and Execution , which I pray God ( with all my heart ) may prove as honourable to her , as I hope it shall be happy to me ; who will , while I live , ( as I have done always ) pray to Jesus Christ for her Majesties long and prosperous Reign . From the Tower , the 18th of February , 1584. W. Parry . And where in this mean time Sir Francis Walsingham , Secretary to her Majesty , had dealt with one William Creichton , a Scot for his Birth , and a Jesuit by his Profession , now Prisoner also in the Tower , for that he was apprehended with divers Plots for Invasions of this Realm , to understand of him , if the said Parry had ever dealt with him in the parties beyond the Seas touching that Question , Whether it were lawful to kill her Majesty , or not : the which at that time the said Creichton called not to his remembrance ; yet after upon better calling it to minde , upon the 20th day of February last past , he wrote to Master Secretary Walsingham thereof voluntary , all of his own hand , to the effect following . William Creichtons Letter . February 20. RIght honourable Sir , when your Honour demanded me if Mr. Parry did ask me , If it was reason to kill the Queen , indeed and verity , then I had no remembrance at all thereof . But since , thinking on the matter , I have called to mind the whole fashion of his dealing with me , and some of his Arguments : for he dealt very craftily with me , I dare not say maliciously . For I did in no ways think of any such design of his , or of any other , and did answer him simply after my conscience and knowledge to the verity of the question . For after that I had answered him twice before , Quòd omnino non liceret , he returned late at Even , by reason I was to depart early in the next Morning toward Chamberie in Savoy where I did remain , and being return'd out of the Close within one of the Classes of the Colledge , he proponed to me of the new matter , with his Reasons and Arguments . First , he alledged the utility of the deed for delivering of so many Catholicks out of misery , and restitution of the Catholick Religion . I answered , that the Scripture answereth thereto , saying , Non sunt facienda mala , ut veniant bona . So that for no good , how great that ever it be , may be wrought any evil , how little that ever it be . He replyed , that it was not evil to take away so great evil , and induce so great good . I answered , That all good is not to be done , but that onely , Quod bene & legitime fieri potest . And therefore , Dixi , Deum magis amare adverbia quàm nomina . Quia in actionibus magis ei placent bene & legitime , quam bonum . Ita ut nullum bonum liceat facere , nisi bene & legitimè fieri possit . Quod in hoc casu fieri non potest . Yet said he , that several learned men were of the opinion , Quod liceret . I answered , that they men perhaps were of the opinion that for the safety of many in Soul and Body , they would permit a particular to his danger , and to the occult judgment of God : Or perhaps said so , moved rather by some compassion and commiseration of the miserable estate of the Catholicks , not for any such Doctrine that they did finde in their Books . For it is certain , that such a thing is not licite to a particular , without special revelation Divine , which exceedeth our Learning and Doctrine . And so he departed from me . Out of the Prison in the Tower , the 20th of February . Your Honours poor servitor in Christ Jesu . William Creichton Prisoner . And where also the same Parry was on the same 20th day of February examined by Sir Francis Walsingham Knight , what was become of the Letter contained in his Confession to be written unto him by the Cardinal de Como , he then answered , that it was consumed and burnt : and yet after , the next day following , being more vehemently urged upon that point in examination ( because it was known that it was not burnt ) he confessed where he had left it in the Town : whereupon , by Parrys direction it was sent for , where it had been lapped up together with other frivolous papers , and written upon the one side of it , The last Will of William Parry , the which Letter was in the Italian Tongue , as hereafter followeth , with the same in English accordingly Translated . A mon Signore , mon Signore Guglielmo Parry . MOn Signore , la Santita di N. S. ha veduto le Lettere di V. S. del primo con la fede inclusa , & non puo se non laudare la buona disposittione & risolutiene che scrive di tenere verso il servitio & beneficio publico , nel che la Santita sua lessorta di perseverare , con farne riuscire li effetti che V. S. promette : Et accioche tanto maggiormente V. S. sia ajutata da quel buon Spirito che l'ha mosso , le concede sua Beneditione , plenaria Indulgenza & remissione di tutti li peccati , secondo che V. S. ha chiesto , assicurandos si che oltre il merito , che n'havera in cielo , vuole anco sua Santita constituir si debitore a riconoscere li meriti di V. S. in ogni miglior modo che potra , & cio tanto piu , quanto che V. S. ùsa maggior modestia in non pretender niente . Metta dunque ad effetto lìesuoi santi & honorati pensieri , & attenda astar sano . Che per fine io me le offero di core , & le desidero ogni buono & felice suceesso . Di Roma a 30 di Gennaro , MDLXXXIV . Al piacer di V. S. N. Cardinale di Como , Al Sig. Guglielmo Parri . Cardinal de Como's Letter to Will. Parry , January 30th 1584. by accompt of Rome . MOnsignor , the Holiness of our Lord hath seen the Letter of your Signory of the first , with the assurance included , and cannot but commend the good disposition and resolution , which you write to hold towards the Service and Benefit publick : Wherein his Holiness doth exhort you to persevere , with causing to bring forth the effects which your Signorie promiseth . And to the end you may be so much the more holpen , by that good Spirit , which hath moved you thereunto , his Blessedness doth grant to you plenary Indulgence and Remission of all your Sins , according to your request . Assuring you , that besides the Merit that you shall receive therefore in Heaven , his Holiness will further make himself Debtour , to re-acknowledge the deservings of your Signorie in the best manner that he can . And that so much the more , in that your Signorie useth the greater Modesty , in not pretending any thing . Put therefore to effect your holy and honourable thoughts , and attend your Health . And to conclude , I offer my self unto you heartily , and do desire all good and happy success . From Rome the 30th of January , 1584. At the pleasure of your Signorie , N. Card. of Como . UPon all which former Accusation , Declaration , Confessions , and Proofs , upon Munday the 22th day of February last past , at Westminster-Hall , before Sir Christopher Wray Knight , Chief Justice of England , Sir Gilbert Gerrard Knight , Master of the Rolls , Sir Edmund Anderson Knight , Chief Justice of the Common Pleas , Sir Roger Manwood Knight , Chief Baron of the Exchequer , Sir Thomas Gawdy Knight , one of the Justices of the Pleas before her Majesty to be holden , and Will. Perriam , one of the Justices of the Common Pleas , by vertue of her Majesties Commission to them and others in that behalf directed ; The same Parry was Indicted of High Treason , for intending and practising the Death and Destruction of her Majesty , whom God long prosper , and preserve from all such wicked attempts . The tenour of which Indictment appeareth more particularly in the course of his Arraignment following . The manner of the Arraignment of Will. Parry the 25th of February , 1584. at Westminster , in the place where the Court , commonly called the Kings-Bench , is usually kept , by vertue of her Majesties Commission of Oyer and Terminer , before Henry Lord Hunsdon Governour of Barwick , Sir Francis Knolles Knight , Treasurer of the Queens Majesties Houshold , Sir James Croft Knight , Comptroller of the same Houshold , Sir Christopher Hatton Knight , Vice-Chamberlain to her Majesty , Sir Christopher Wray Knight , Chief Justice of England , Sir Gilbert Gerrard Knight , Master of the Rolls , Sir Edmund Anderson Knight , Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas , Sir Roger Manwood Knight , Chief-Baron of the Exchequer , and Sir Thomas Hennage Knight , Treasurer of the Chamber . FIrst , three Proclamations for silence were made , according to the usual course in such cases . Then the Lieutenant was commanded to return his Precept ; which did so , and brought the Prisoner to the Bar , to whom Miles Sandes Esquire , Clerk of the Crown , said , William Parry , hold up thy hand ; and he did so . Then said the Clerk of the Crown , Thou art here Indicted by the Oaths of twelve good and lawful men of the County of Middlesex , before Sir Christopher Wray Knight , and others , which took the Indictment by the name of William Parry , late of London , Gentleman , otherwise called William Parry , late of London , Doctor of the Law ; for that thou , as a false Traitor against the most Noble and Christian Prince , Queen Elizabeth , thy most gracious Soveraign and Liege-Lady , not having the fear of God before thine eyes , nor regarding thy due Allegiance ; but being seduced by the instigation of the Devil , and intending to withdraw and extinguish the hearty Love and due Obedience which true and faithful Subjects should bear unto the same our Soveraign Lady , didst at Westminster in the County of Middlesex , on the first day of February , in the 26th year of her Highness Reign , and at divers other times and places in the same County , maliciously and traiterously conspire and compass , not only to deprive and depose the same our Sovereign Lady of her Royal Estate , Title and Dignity ; but also to bring her Highness to Death and final Destruction , and Sedition in the Realm to make , and the Government thereof to subvert , and the sincere Religion of God established in her Highness Dominions to alter and subvert . And that , whereas thou William Parry , by thy Letters sent unto Gregory Bishop of Rome , didst signifie unto the same Bishop thy purposes and intentions aforesaid , and thereby didst pray and require the same Bishop to give thee Absolution ; that thou afterwards , that is to say , the last day of March in the 26th year aforesaid , didst traiterously receive Letters from one called Cardinal de Como , directed unto thee William Parry , whereby the same Cardinal did signifie unto thee , that the Bishop of Rome had perused thy Letters , and allowed of thine intent ; and that to that end he had absolved thee of all thy Sins , and by the same Letter did animate and stir thee to proceed with thine Enterprize ; and that thereupon , thou , the last day of August , in the 26th year aforesaid , at Saint Giles in the fields , in the same County of Middlesex , didst traiterously confer with one Edmund Nevil Esquire , uttering to him all thy wicked and traiterous devises , and then and there didst move him to assist thee therein , and to joyn with thee in those wicked Treasons aforesaid , against the Peace of our said Soveraign Lady the Queen , her Crown and Dignity . What sayest thou , William Parry , Art thou guilty of these Treasons whereof thou standest here Indicted , or not guilty ? Then Parry said , Before I plead not guilty , or confess my self guilty , I pray you give me leave to speak a few words : and with humbling himself , began in this manner . God save Queen Elizabeth , and God send me grace to discharge my duty to her , and to send you home in charity . But touching the matters that I am Indicted of , some were in one place , and some in another , and done so secretly , as none can see into them , except that they had eyes like unto God ; wherefore I will not lay my Blood upon the Jury , but do minde to confess the Indictment . It containeth but the parts that have been openly read , I pray you tell me ? Whereunto it was answered , that the Indictment contained the parts he had heard read , and no other : whereupon the Clerk of the Crown said unto Parry , Parry , thou must answer directly to the Indictment , whether thou be guilty or not . Then said Parry , I do confess that I am guilty of all that is therein contained : And further too , I desire not life , but desire to die . Unto which the Clerk of the Crown said , If you confess it , you must confess it in manner and form as it is comprised in the Indictment . Whereunto he said , I do confess it in manner and form as the same is set down , and all the circumstances thereof . Then the Confession being Recorded , the Queens learned Council being ready to pray Judgment upon the same Confession , Master Vice-chamberlain said , These matters contained in this Indictment , and confessed by this man , are of great importance : they touch the Person of the Queens most excellent Majesty in the highest degree , the very state and well-doing of the whole Common-wealth , and the truth of Gods Word established in these her Majesties Dominions , and the open demonstration of that capital envy of the man of Rome , that hath set himself against God and all godliness , all good Princes and good Government , and against good men . Wherefore , I pray you , for the satisfaction of this great Multitude , let the whole matter appear , that every one may see that the matter of it self is as bad as the Indictment purporteth , and as he hath Confessed . Whereto in respect that the Justice of the Realm hath been of late very impudently slandered , all yielded as a thing necessary to satisfie the world in particular , of that which was but summarily comprised in the Indictment , though in the Law , his Confession served sufficiently to have proceeded thereupon unto Judgment . Whereupon the Lords and others the Commissioners , her Majesties learned Councel , and Parry himself agreed , that Parry's Confession ( taken the 11th and 13th of February 1584. before the Lord of Hunsdon , Master Vice-chamberlain , and Master Secretary , ) and Cardinal de Como his Letters , and Parry's Letters to the Lord Treasurer and Lord Steward , should be openly read . And Parry , for the better satisfying of the people and standers by , offered to read them himself : but being told that the Order was , the Clerk of the Crown should read them , it was so resolved of all parts . And then Master Vice-chamberlain caused to be shewed to Parry his said Confession , the Cardinals Letter , and his own Letter aforesaid ; which after he had particularly viewed every leaf thereof , he confessed , and said openly they were the same . Then said Master Vice-chamberlain , Before we proceed to shew what he hath Confessed , what say you , said he to Parry , is that which you have Confessed here true , and did you Confess it freely and willingly of your self , or was then any extort means used to draw it from you ? Surely , said Parry , I made that Confession freely without any constraint , and that is all true , and more too : for there is no Treason that hath been sithens the first year of the Queen , any way touching Religion , saving receipt of Agnus Dei , and perswading of others , wherein I have not much dealt , but I have offended in it . And I have also delivered mine opinion in writing , who ought to be Successor to the Crown , which he said to be Treason also . Then his Confession of the eleventh and thirteenth of February , all of his own hand writing , and before particularly set down , was openly , and distinctly read by the Clerk of the Crown . And that done , the Cardinal di Como his Letter in Italian was delivered unto Parry's hand by the direction of Master Vicechamberlain , which Parry there perused , and openly affirmed to be wholly of the Cardinals own hand writing , and the Seal to be his own also , and to be with a Cardinals Hat on it : And himself did openly read it in Italian , as before is set down . And the words bearing sence as it were written to a Bishop , or to a man of such degree , it was demanded of him by Master Vice-Chamberlain , Whether he had not taken the degree of a Bishop ? He said , No : But said at first , those terms were proper to the Degree he had taken . And after said , that the Cardinal did vouchsafe , as of a favour , to write so to him . Then the Copy of that Letter in English , as before is also set down , was in like manner openly read by the Clerk of the Crown ; which Parry then acknowledged to be truely translated . And thereupon was shewed unto Parry his Letter of the 18th of February , written to the Lord Treasurer , and the Lord Steward : which he confessed to be all of his own Hand-writing , and was as before is set down . These matters being read openly , for manifestation of the matter , Parry prayed leave to speak : Whereto Master Vice-chamberlain said , If you will say any thing for the better opening to the world of those your foul and horrible Facts , speak on : but if you mean to make any excuse of that which you have confessed , which else would have been and do stand proved against you , for my part , I will not sit to hear you . Then her Majesties Attourney-General stood up and said , It appeareth before you , my Lords , that this man hath been Indicted and Arraigned of several most hainous and horrible Treasons , and hath confessed them , which is before you of Record ; wherefore there resteth no more to be done , but for the Court to give Judgment accordingly , which here I require in the behalf of the Queens Majesty . Then said Parry , I pray you hear me for discharging of my Conscience . I will not go about to excuse my self , nor to seek to save my Life , I care not for it ; you have my Confession of record , that is enough for my Life . And I mean to utter more , for which I were worthy to die . And said , I pray you hear me , in that I am to speak to discharge my Conscience . Then said Master Vice-Chamberlain , Parry , then do thy Duty according to Conscience , and utter all that thou canst say concerning those thy most wicked Facts . Then said Parry , My cause is rare , singular and unnatural , conceived at Venice , presented in general words to the Pope , undertaken at Paris , commended and allowed of by his Holiness , and was to have been executed in England , if it had not been prevented . Yea , I have committed many Treasons , for I have committed Treason in being reconciled , and Treason in taking Absolution . There hath been no Treason sithens the first year of the Queens Reign touching Religion , but that I am guilty of ( except for receiving of Agnus Dei , and perswading as I have said : ) And yet never intended to kill Queen Elizabeth . I appeal to her own knowledge , and to my Lord Treasurers , and Master Secretaries . Then said my L d Hunsdon , Hast thou acknowledged it so often , and so plainly in writing under thy hand , and here of record ; and now , when thou shouldest have thy judgment according to that which thou hast Confessed thy self guilty of , doest thou go back again , and deny the effect of all ? How can we believe that thou now sayest ? Then said Master Vice-chamberlain , This is absurd . Thou hast not onely Confessed generally , that thou wert guilty according to the Indictment , which summarily , and yet in express words doth contain that thou hadst Traiterously compassed and intended the death and destruction of her Majesty ; but thou also saidst particularly that thou wert guilty of every of the Treasons contained therein , whereof the same was one , in plain and express letter set down , and read unto thee . Yea , thou saidst that thou wert guilty of more Treasons too besides these . And didst thou not upon thy examination voluntarily confess , how thou wast moved first thereunto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the Realm , And that thou didst mislike her Majesty for that she had done nothing for thee ; How by wicked Papists and Popish Books , thou wert perswaded that it was lawful to kill her Majesty ; How thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort , that held her Majesty for neither lawful Queen nor Christian , And that it was meritorious to kill her ? And didst thou not signifie that thy purpose to the Pope by Lettersand , receivedst Letters from the Cardinal , how he allowed of thine intent , and excited thee to perform it , and thereupon didst receive Absolution ? And didst thou not conceive it , promise it , vow it , swear it , and receive the Sacrament that thou wouldst do it ? And didst not thou thereupon affirm , that thy Vows were in Heaven , and thy Letters and Promises on Earth to binde thee to do it ? And that whatsoever her Majesty would have done for thee , could not have removed thee from that intention or purpose , unless she would have desisted from dealing as she hath done with the Catholicks , as thou callest them ? All this thou hast plainly Confessed : And I protest before this great Assembly , thou hast Confessed it more plainly and in better sort , than my memory will serve me to utter : And saist thou now , that thou never meant'st it ? Ah , said Parry , your Honours know , how my Confession upon mine Examination was extorted . The both the Lord Hunsdon and Master Vice-Chamberlain affirmed , that there was no Torture or threatning words offered him . But Parry then said , that they told him , that if he would not confess willingly , he should have torture : whereunto their Honours answered , that they used not any speech or word of torture to him . You said , said Parry , that you would proceed with rigour against me , if I would not confess it of my self . But their Honours expresly affirmed , that they used no such words . But I will tell thee , said Master Vice-chamberlain , what we said . I spake these words : If you will willingly utter the truth of your self , it may do you good , and I wish you to do so : If you will not , we must then proceed in ordinary course to take your Examination . Whereunto you answered , that you would tell the truth of your self . Was not this true ? Which then he yielded unto . And hereunto , her Majesties Attourney-General put Parry in remembrance what Speeches he used to the Lieutenant of the Tower , the Queens Majesties Serjeant at Law , Master Gaudie , and the same Attourney , on Saturday the twentieth of February last , at the Tower , upon that he was by them then examined by Order from the Lords : which was , that he acknowledg'd he was most mildly and favourably dealt with , in all his Examinations : which he also at the Bar then acknowledg'd to be true . Then Master Vice-chamberlain said , that it was wonder to see the magnanimity of her Majesty , which after that thou hadst opened those Trayterous Practices in sort as thou hast laid it down in thy Confession , was nevertheless such , and so far from all fear , as that she would not so much as acquaint any one of her Highness Privy-Council with it , to his knowledge , no not until after this thine Enterprise discovered and made manifest . And besides that which thou hast set down under thine own hand , thou didst confess , that thou hadst prepared two Scottish Daggers , fit for such a purpose ; and those being disposed away by thee , thou didst say , that another would serve thy turn . And withal , Parry , didst thou not also confess before us , how wonderfully thou wert appaled and perplexed upon a sudden , at the presence of her Majesty at Hampton-Court this last Summer , saying , that thou didst think , thou then sawest in her , the very likeness and image of King Henry the Seventh ? And that therewith , and upon some Speeches used by her Majesty , thou didst turn about and weep bitterly to thy self ? And yet didst call to minde that thy Vows were in Heaven , thy Letters and Promises on Earth ; and that therefore thou didst say with thy self , that there was no remedy but to do it ? Didst thou not confess this ? The which he acknowledged . Then said the Lord Hunsdon , Sayest thou now , that thou didst never mean to kill the Queen ? Didst thou not confess , that when thou didst utter this practice of treachery to her Majesty , that thou didst cover it with all the skill thou hadst , and that it was done by thee , rather to get credit and access thereby , than for any regard thou hadst of her Person ? But in truth thou didst it , that thereby thou mightest have better opportunity to perform thy wicked Enterprise . And wouldest thou have run into such fear as thou didst confess that thou wert in , when thou didst utter it , if thou hadst never meant it ? What reason canst thou shew for thy self ? With that he cryed out in a furious manner , I never meant to kill her : I will lay my Blood upon Queen Elizabeth and you , before God and the World : And thereupon fell into a rage and evil words with the Queens Majesties Attourney-General . Then said the Lord Hunsdon , This is but thy Popish Pride and Ostentation , which thou wouldst have to be told to thy fellows of that Faction , to make them believe that thou diest for Popery , when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous Treasons against her Majesty , and thy whole Country . For thy laying of thy Bloud , it must lye on thine own Head , as a just Reward of thy wickedness . The Laws of the Realm most justly condemn thee to die , out of thine own mouth , for the conspiring the Destruction both of her Majesty , and of us all : Therefore thy Bloud be upon thee ; neither her Majesty nor we at any time sought it , thy self hast spilt it . Then he was asked , What he could say , why Judgment of Death ought not to be awarded against him . Whereto he said , he did see that he must die , because he was not settled . What meanest thou by that , said Master Vice-Chamberlain ? Said he , Look into your Study , and into your new Books , and you shall finde what I mean. I protest ( said his Honour ) I know not what thou meanest : thou dost not well to use such dark Speeches , unless thou wouldst plainly utter what thou meanest thereby . But he said , he cared not for Death , and that he would lay his Bloud amongst them . Then spake the Lord Chief-Justice of England , being required to give the Judgment , and said , Parry , you have been much heard , and what you mean by being settled , I know not ; but I see you are so settled in Popery , that you cannot settle your self to be a good Subject . But touching that you should say , to stay Judgment from being given against you , your Speeches must be of one of these kinds , either to prove the Indictment ( which you have confessed to be true ) to be insufficient in Law ; or else to plead somewhat touching her Majesties Mercy , why Justice should not be done of you . All other Speeches , wherein you have used great Liberty , is more than by Law you can ask . These be the matters you must look to , what say you to them ? Whereto he said nothing . Then said the Lord Chief-Justice , Parry , thou hast been before this time Indicted of divers most horrible and hateful Treasons , committed against thy most gracious Soveraign and Native Country : the matter most detestable , the manner most subtle and dangerous , and the occasions and means that led thee thereunto , most ungodly and villanous . That thou didst intend it , it is most evident by thy self . The matter was the destruction of a most Sacred and an Anointed Queen , thy Sovereign and Mistriss , who hath shewed thee such Favour , as some thy betters have not obtained : Yea , the Overthrow of thy Country wherein thou wert born , and of a most happy Commonwealth whereof of thou art a Member , and of such a Queen , as hath bestowed on thee the Benefit of all benefits in this world , that is , thy Life , heretofore granted thee by her Mercy , when thou hadst lost it by Justice and Desert . Yet thou her Servant , sworn to defend her , meant'st with thy bloudy hand to have taken away her Life , that mercifully gave thee thine , when it was yielded into her hands : This is the matter wherein thou hast offended . The manner was most subtle and dangerous , beyond all that before thee have committed any Wickedness against her Majesty . For thou , making shew as if thou wouldest simply have uttered for her safety the Evil that others had contrived , didst but seek thereby credit and access , that thou mightest take the apter opportunity for her Destruction . And for the occasions and means that drew thee on , they were most ungodly and villanous , as the perswasions of the Pope , of Papists , and Popish Books . The Pope pretendeth that he is a Pastor , when as in truth , he is far from feeding of the Flock of Christ ; but rather as a Wolf , seeketh but to feed on and to suck out the blood of true Christians , and as it were thirsteth after the bloud of our most Gracious and Christian Queen . And these Papists and Popish Books , while they pretend to set forth Divinity , they do indeed most ungodly teach and perswade , that which is quite contrary both to God and his Word . For the Word teaches Obedience of Subjects towards Princes , and forbideth any private man to kill : But they teach Subjects to disobey Princes , and that a private wicked person may kill ; yea , and whom ? A most godly Queen , and their own natural and most gracious Soveraign . Let all men therefore take heed how they receive any thing from him , hear or read any of their Books , and how they confer with any Papists . God grant her Majesty , that she may know by thee , how ever she trust such like to come so near her Person . But see the end , and why thou didst it ; and it will appear to be a most miserable , fearful , and foolish thing : For thou didst imagine , that it was to relieve those , that thou callest Catholicks , who were most likely amongst all others to have felt the worst of it , if thy devilish practice had taken effect . But sith thou hast been Indicted of the Treasons comprised in the Indictment , and thereupon Arraigned , and hast confessed thy self Guilty of them , the Court doth award , that thou shalt be had from hence to the place whence thou didst come , and so drawn through the open City of London upon an Hurdle to the place of Execution , and there to be hanged and let down alive , and thy privy parts cut off , and thy entrals taken out and burnt in thy sight , then thy Head to be cut off , and thy Body to be divided in four parts , and to be disposed at her Majesties pleasure : And God have mercy on thy Soul. Parry nevertheless persisted still in his rage and fond Speech , and ragingly there said , he there summoned Queen Elizabeth to answer for his Blood before God : wherewith , the Lieutenant of the Tower was commanded to take him from the Bar , and so he did . And upon his departure , the people stricken as it were at heart with the horror of his intended Enterprise , ceased not , but pursued him with out-cryes , as , Away with the Traitor , away with him , and such like : whereupon he was conveyed to the Barge , to pass to the Tower again by water , and the Court was adjorned . After which , upon the second day of this instant March , William Parry was by vertue of process in that behalf , awarded from the same Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer , delivered by the Lieutenant of the Tower early in the morning , unto the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex , who received him at the Tower-hill , and thereupon , according to the judgment , caused him there to be forthwith set on the Hurdel . From whence he was drawn thereupon threw the midst of the City of London , unto the place for his Execution in the Pallace at Westminster : where , having long time of stay admitted unto him before his Execution , he most maliciously and impudently , after some other vain discourses eftsoons and often delivered in Speech , that he was never guilty of any intention to kill Queen Elizabeth , and so ( without any request made by him to the people to pray to God for him , or prayer publickly used by himself for ought that appeared ; but such as he used , if he used any , was private to himself ) he was executed according to the judgment . And now for his intent , howsoever he pretended the contrary in words , yet by these his own Writings , Confessions , Letters , and many other proofs afore here expressed , it is most manifest to all persons , how horrible his intentions and Treasons were , and how justly he suffered for the same ; and thereby greatly to be doubted , that as he had lived a long time vainly and ungodly , and like an Atheist and godless man , so he continued the same course till his death to the outward sight of men . Here endeth the true and plain course and process of the Treasons , Arrest , Arraignment , and Execution of William Parry the Traitor . An addition not unnecessary for this purpose . FOr as much as Parry in the abundance of his proud and arrogant humour , hath often both in his Confession , and Letters , pretended some great and grievous causes of discontentment against her Majesty , and the present State : It shall not be impertinent , for better satisfaction of all persons , to set forth simply and truly , the condition and quality of the man , what he was by Birth and Education , and in what course of life he had lived . This vile and Traiterous Wretch was one of the younger Sons of a poor man , called Harry ap David : he dwelled in North-Wales in a little Village called Northoppe , in the County of Flint : there he kept a common Ale-house , which was the best and greatest stay of his living . In that house was this Traitor Born , his Mother was the reputed Daughter of one Conway a Priest , Parson of a poor Parish called Halkin , in the same County of Flint : his his eldest Brother dwelleth at this present in the same House , and there keepeth an Ale-house as his Father did before him . This Traitor in his Childhood , so soon as he had learned a little to Write & Read , was put to serve a poor man dwelling in Chester , named John Fisher , who professed to have some small skill and understanding in the Law. With him he continued divers years , and served as a Clerk , to write such things , as in that Trade which his master used , he was appointed . During this time , he learned the English Tongue , and at such times of leasure , as the poor man his Master had no occasion otherwise to use him , he was suffered to go to the Grammer-School , where he got some little understanding in the Latin Tongue . In this his Childhood he was noted by such as best knew him , to be of a most villanous and dangerous nature and disposition . He did often run away from his Master , and was often taken and brought to him again . His Master , to correct his perverse and froward conditions , did many times shut him as Prisoner in some close place of his house , and many times caused him to be chained , locked , and clogged , to stay his running away . Yet all was in vain : For about the third year of her Majesties Reign , for his last farewel to his poor Master , he ran away from him , and came to London to seek his Adventures . He was then constrained to seek what Trade he could to live by , and to get meat and drink for his belly , and cloaths for his back . His good hap in the end was to be entertained in place of Service above his Desert ; where he staid not long , but shifted himself divers times from Service to Service , and from one Master to another . Now he began to forget his old Home , his Birth , his Education , his Parents , his Friends , his own Name , and what he was . He aspired to greater matters , he challenged the Name and Title of a great Gentleman , he vaunted himself to be of Kin and allied to Noble and Worshipful ; he left his old Name , which he did bear and was commonly called by in his Childhood , and during all the time of his abode in the Country , which was William ap Harry ( as the manner in Wales is . ) And because he would seem to be indeed the man which he pretended , he took upon him the Name of Parry , being the Sirname of divers Gentlemen of great Worship and Honour . And because his Mother Name by her Father ( a Priest ) was Conway , he pretended Kindred to the Family of Sir John Conway , and so thereby made himself of kin to Edmund Nevil . Being thus set forth with his new Name and new Title of Gentleman , and commended by some of his good Favourers , he matched himself in Marriage with a Widow in South-Wales , who brought him some reasonable Portion of Wealth . She lived with him but a short time , and the wealth he had with her lasted not long : it was soon consumed with his dissolute and wastful manner of life . He was then driven to his wonted shifts , his Creditor were many , the Debt which he owed great , he had nothing wherewith to make Payment , he was continually pursued by Serjeants and Officers to Arrest him , he did often by slight and shifts escape from them . In this his needy and poor estate , he sought to repair himself again by a new match in Marriage with another Widow , which before was the Wife of one Richard Heywood ; this matter was so earnestly followed by himself , and so effectually commended by his Friends and Favourers , that the Woman yielded to take him to Husband : a Match in every respect very unequal and unfit ; her Wealth and yearly Livelihood was very great , his poor and base Estate worse than nothing ; he very young , she of such age , as for years she might have been his Mother . When he had thus possessed himself of his new Wives wealth , he omitted nothing that might serve for a prodigal , dissolute , and most ungodly course of Life . His Riot and Excess was unmeasurable ; he did most wickedly deflower his Wives own Daughter , and sundry ways pitifully abuse the old Mother : He carried himself for his outward port and countenance ( so long as his Old wives Bags lasted ) in such sort , as might well have sufficed for a man of very good haviour and degree . But this lasted not long ; his proud heart and wastful hand had foon poured out of Heywood's Wealth . He then fell again to his wonted shifts , borrowed where he could finde any to lend , and engaged his Credit so far as any would trust him . Amongst others , he became greatly indebted to Hugh Hare , the Gentleman before-named ; who after long forbearing of his Money , sought to recover it by ordinary means of Law. For this cause Parry conceived great displeasure against him , which he pursued with all Malice , even to the seeking of his Life . In this murtherous intent , he came in the night-time to Mr. Hares Chamber in the Temple , broke open the door , assaulted him , and wounded him grievously , and so left him in great danger of Life . For this Offence he was Apprehended , Committed to Newgate , Indicted of Burglary , Arraigned , and found Guilty by a very substantial Jury , and Condemned to be Hanged , as the Law in that Case requireth He standing thus Convicted , her Majesty , of her most gracious Clemency , and pitiful Disposition , took compassion upon him , pardoned his Offence , and gave him his Life , which by the Law and due course of Justice he ought then to have lost . After this he carried not long , but pretending some causes of discontentment , departed the Realm , and travelled beyond the Seas . How he demeaned himself there from time to time , and with whom he conversed , is partly in his own Confession touched before . This is the man , this is his Race , which he feared should be spotted , if he miscarried in the execution of his Traiterous Enterprise ; this hath been the course of his Life , these are the great causes of his Discontentment . And whereas at his Arraignment and Execution he pretended great care of the disobedient Popish Subjects of this Realm , whom he called Catholicks , and in very insolent sort seemed to glory greatly in the Profession of his pretensed Catholick Religion : The whole course and action of his Life sheweth plainly , how profanely and irreligiously he did always bear himself . He vaunted , that for these two and twenty years past he had been a Catholick , and during all that time never received the Communion : Yet before he travelled beyond the Seas , at three several times within the compass of those two and twenty years , he did voluntarily take the Oath of Obedience to the Queens Majesty , set down in the Statute made in the first year of her Highness Reign ; by which , amongst other things , he did testifie and declare in his Conscience , that no Forreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State , or Potentate , hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , Power , Preeminence , or Authority , Ecclesiastical or Spiritual , within this Realm ; and therefore did utterly renounce and forsake all Forreign Jurisdictions , Powers , and Authorities ; and did promise to bear Faith and true Allegeance to the Queens Highness , her Heirs and lawful Successors . With what Conscience or Religion he took that Oath so often , if he were then a Papist indeed , as sithence the discovery of his Treasons he pretended , let his best friends the Papists themselves judge . But perhaps it may be said , that he repented those his Offences past ; that since those three Oaths so taken by him , he was twice reconciled to the Pope , and so his Conscience cleared , and he become a new man ; and ( which is more ) that in the time to his last Travel , he cast away all his former lewd manners : that he changed his degree and habit , and bought or begged the grave Title of a Doctor of Law , for which he was well qualified with a little Grammar-School Latine ; that he had Plenary Indulgence , and Remission of all his Sins , in consideration of his undertaking of so holy an Enterprise as to kill Queen Elizabeth , a sacred anointed Queen , his Natural and Soveraign Lady : That he promised to the Pope , and vowed to God to perform it : that he confirmed the same by receiving the Sacrament at the Jesuits , at one Altar with his two Beaupeers , the Cardinals of Vendosme and Narbonne : And that since his last return into England , he did take his Oath upon the Bible to execute it . These Reasons may seem to bear some weight indeed amongst his Friends the Jesuits , and other Papists of State , who have special Skill in matters of such importance . But now lately in the beginning of this Parliament in November last , he did eftsoons solemnly in publick place take the Oath before mentioned , of obedience to her Majesty . How that may stand with his reconciliations to the Pope , and with his Promises , Vows , and Oath to kill the Queen , it is a thing can hardly be warranted , unless it be by some special priviledge of the Popes omnipotency . But let him have the glory he desired , to live and die a Papist . He deserved it , it is fit for him , his death was correspondent to the course of his life , which was disloyal , perjured , and Traiterous towards her Majesty , and false and perfidious towards the Pope himself , and his Catholicks , if they will believe his solemn protestations which he made at his Arraignment and Execution , that he never meant nor intended any hurt to her Highness Person . For if that be true , where are then his Vows which he said were in Heaven , his Letter and Promise upon Earth ? Why hath he stollen out of the Popes shop so large an Indulgence and plenary Remission of all his Sins , and meant to perform nothing that he promised ? Why was his Devotion and Zeal so highly commended ? Why was he so specially prayed for and remembred at the Altar ? All these great favours were then bestowed upon him without cause or desert : for he deceived the Pope , he deceived the Cardinals , and Jesuites , with a false semblance , and pretence to do that thing which he never meant . But the matter is clear , the Conspiracy , and his traiterous intent is too plain and evident : it is the Lord that revealed it in time , and prevented their malice : there lacked no will , or readiness in him to execute that horrible fact . It is the Lord that hath preserved her Majesty from all the wicked Practices and Conspiracies of that Hellish Rabble : it is he that hath most gratiously deliver'd her from the hands of this Traiterous miscreant . The Lord is her onely defence , in whom she hath always trusted . A Prayer for all Kings , Princes , Countries and People which do profess the Gospel ; and especially for our Soveraign Lady Queen Elizabeth : used in Her Majesties Chappel , and meet to be used of all persons within Her Majesties Dominions . O Lord God of hosts , most loving and merciful Father , whose power no creature is able to resist , who of thy great goodness hast promised to grant the petitions of such as ask in thy Sons Name : We most humbly beseech thee to save and defend all Princes , Magistrates , Kingdoms , Countries and People which have received and do profess thy holy Word and Gospel ; and namely this Realm of England , and thy servant Elizabeth our Queen , whom thou hast hitherto wonderfully preserved from manifold Perils and sundry Dangers , and of late revealed and frustrated the Traiterous Practices and Conspiracies of divers against her : for the which , and all other thy great goodness towards us , we give thee most humble and hearty thanks , beseeching thee in the Name of thy dear Son Iesus Christ , and for his sake , still to preserve and continue her unto us , and to give her long life and many years to rule over this Land. O Heavenly Father , the practices of our Enemies , and the Enemies of thy word and truth , against her and us , are manifest and known thee . Turn them , O Lord , if it be thy blessed Will , or overthrow and confound them , for thy Names sake : Suffer them not to prevail : Take them , O Lord , in their crafty Willness that they have invented , and let them fall into the Pit which they have digged for others . Permit them not ungodly to triumph over us : Discomfort them , discomfort them , O Lord , which trust in their own multitude , and please themselves in their subtile devices , and wicked Conspiracies . O loving Father , we have not deserved the least of these thy Mercies which we crave : For we have sinned , and grievously offended thee ; we are not worthy to be called thy Sons : We have not been so thankful unto thee as we should , for thy unspeakable benefits powred upon us : We have abused this long time of Peace and Prosperity ; We have not obeyed thy Word : We have had it in Mouth , but not in heart ; in outward appearance , but not in deed : We have lived carelesly : We have not known the time of our visitation : we have deserved utter destruction . But thou , O Lord , art merciful , and ready to forgive ; therefore we come to thy Throne of Grace , confessing and acknowledging thee to be our only refuge in all times of peril and danger : And by the means of thy Son , we most heartily pray thee to forgive us our Vnthankfulness , Disobedience Hypocrisie , and all other our Sins ; to turn from us thy heavy wrath and displeasure , which we have justly deserved ; and to turn our hearts truly unto thee , that daily we may increase in all goodness , and continually more and more fear thy holy Name : So shall be glorifie thy Name , and sing unto thee in Psalms , and Hymns , and Spiritual Songs : And thy enemies and ours shall know themselves to be but men , and not able by any means to withstand thee , nor to hurt those whom thou hast received into thy protection and defence . Grant these things , O Lord of Power , and Father of Mercy , for thy Christ's sake ; to whom with thee and thy Holy Spirit , be all Honour and Glory for ever and ever . Amen . A Prayer and Thanksgiving for the Queen , used of all the Knights and Burgesses in the High Court of Parliament , and very requisite to be used and continued of all her Majesties loving Subjects . O Almighty and most merciful God , which dost pitch thy tents round about thy people , to deliver them from the hands of their enemies ; we thy humble Servants , which have ever of old seen thy Salvation , do fall down and prostrate our selves with Praise and Thanksgiving to thy glorious Name , who hast in thy tender Mercies from time to time saved and defended thy Servant ELIZABETH , our most gracious Quéen , not only from the hands of strange Children , but also of late revealed and made frustrate his bloody and most barbarous Treason , who being her natural Subject , most unnaturally violating thy Divine Ordinance , hath secretly sought to shed her blood , to the great disquiet of thy Church , and utter discomfort of our Souls : his snare is hewen in pieces , but upon thy Servant doth the Crown flourish . The wicked and bloodthirsty men think to debour Iacob , and to lay waste his dwelling place : But thou ( O God ) which rulest in Iacob , and unto the ends of the world , dost daily teach us still a trust in thée for all thy great Mercies , and not to forget thy merciful Kindness shewed to her , that feareth thy Name . O Lord , we confess to thy Glory and Praise , that thou only hast saved us from destruction , because thou hast not given her over for a prey to the wicked : Her Soul is delivered , and we are escaped . Hear us now we pray thée , ( O most merciful Father ) and continue forth thy loving Kindness towards thy Servant , and evermore to thy Glory and our Comfort , kéep her in health , with long Life , and Prosperity ; whose rest and only refuge is in thée , O God of her Salvation . Preserve her , as thou art wont , preserve her from the snare of the Enemy , from the gathering together of the froward , from the insurrection of wicked Doers , and from all the traiterous Conspiracies of those which privily lay wait for her life . Grant this , O Heavenly Father , for Iesus Christs sake , our only Mediator and Advocate , Amen . Io. Th. A Prayer used in the Parliament onely . O Merciful God and Father , forasmuch as no counsel can stand , nor any can prosper , but only such as are humbly gathered in thy Name , to féel the swéet taste of thy Holy Spirit ; we gladly acknowledge , that by thy favour standeth the peaceable protection of our Quéen and Realm , and likewise this favourable liberty granted unto us at this time to make our méeting together ; which thy bountiful Goodness we most thankfully acknowledging , do withal earnestly pray thy Divine Majesty so to encline our hearts , as our counsels may be subject in true obedience to thy Holy Word and Will. And sithe it hath pleased thée to govern this Realm by ordinary assembling the three Estates of the same : Our humble Prayer is , that thou wilt graff in us good mindes to conceive , free liberty to speak , and on all sides a ready and quiet consent to such wholesome Laws and Statutes , as may declare us to be thy people , and this Realm to be prosperously ruled by thy good guiding and defence : So that we and our Posterity may with chearful hearts wait for thy appearance in Iudgment , that art only able to present us faultless before God our Heavenly Father : To whom with thée our Saviour Christ , and the Holy Spirit , be all Glory both now and ever . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A51173-e21420 The Indictment . Parry's answer to the Indictment . Parry confesseth that he is guilty of all things contained in the Indictment . Parry's Confession of his Treasons was read by his own assent . A Letter of Cardinal di Como to Parry , also read . Parry's Letter of the 18th of February to the Lord Treasurer and the Earl of Leicester , read . The Queens Atturny requires Judgment . Parry had for his credit aforetime said very secretly , that he had been solicited beyond the Seas to commit the fact , but he would not do it ; wherewith he craftily abused both the Queens Majesty , and those tw● Counsellers whereof he now would help himself with these false Speeches , against most manifest proofs . Master Vice-chamberlains Speeches , proving manifestly Parry's Traiterous intentions . Parry reproved of false Speeches , and so by himself also confessed . The L. of Hunsdon's Speeches , convincing Parry manifestly of his Treason . The Lord Chief-Justices Speech to Parry . The Form of the Judgment against the Traitor . 2. Martii . William Parry the Traytor Executed . Parry Condemned for Burglary , Pardoned of the Queen . 
A86261	----	November the 5. 1605. The quintessence of cruelty, or, master-peice of treachery, the Popish pouder-plot, invented by hellish-malice, prevented by heavenly-mercy. / Truly related, and from the Latine of the learned, religious, and reverend Dr. Herring, translated and very much dilated. By John Vicars. Pietas pontificia. English. Herring, Francis, d. 1628. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86261 of text R203901 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E1100_1). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 247 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 70 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86261 Wing H1602 Thomason E1100_1 ESTC R203901 99863685 99863685 115896 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86261) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115896) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 163:E1100[1]) November the 5. 1605. The quintessence of cruelty, or, master-peice of treachery, the Popish pouder-plot, invented by hellish-malice, prevented by heavenly-mercy. / Truly related, and from the Latine of the learned, religious, and reverend Dr. Herring, translated and very much dilated. By John Vicars. Pietas pontificia. English. Herring, Francis, d. 1628. Vicars, John, 1579 or 80-1652. [26], 46, [2] 47-103, [9] p. : ill. (woodcuts) Printed by G.M. for R. Harford at the signe of the guilt Bible in Queens-head-ally in Pater-noster-row, London : 1641. A translation of: Pietas pontificia. In verse. The leaf after E2 is an insert bearing a woodcut and text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. An epigram to Iesuites, the principall disturbers of peace and unity -- An enigmatical riddle to Romes Iesuiticall black-crows, who pretend themselves to be religions white swans -- A paraphrasticall psalm of thanksgiving for Englands most happy deliverance from the most horrible intended gun-pouder treason. eng Catholics -- England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Gunpowder Plot, 1605 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800. A86261 R203901 (Thomason E1100_1). civilwar no November the 5. 1605. The quintessence of cruelty,: or, master-peice of treachery, the Popish pouder-plot, invented by hellish-malice, prev Herring, Francis 1641 35855 43 5 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion November the 5 1605. THE QVINTESSENCE OF CRVELTY , OR , MASTER-PEICE OF TREACHERY , THE POPISH POUDER-PLOT , Invented by Hellish-Malice , Prevented by Heavenly-mercy . Truly related , and from the Latine of the Learned , Religious , and Reverend Dr. HERRING , translated and very much dilated . By JOHN VICARS . Sonne of man , write the name of the day , even of this same day , wherin the King of Babylon set himselfe against Jerusalem ; This same Day . EZEK. 24. 2. LONDON , Printed by G. M for R. Harford at the signe of the guilt Bible in Queens-head-ally in Pater-noster-row . 1641. SEe , here , the Popish Pouder-plots fair thriving ; Fauks and his Father-Satan fit contriving The fatall-Instruments , to puffe and blow Hell out of Earth , a State to over-throw , At Once , for All : But , here , behold likewise , Heavens All-seeing-Eye , which deepest-pits espies : This desperate Worke of Darknesse sees most clear , And , timely , makes the mischiefe All appeare : To Israels blessed Shepheards endlesse glory , As is full-shown in this succeeding Story . To all loyall-hearted English Protestants which sincerely relish the power and purity of CHRISTS GOSPELL , and zealously detest the damnable doctrines of Antichrist ; J. V. wisheth the blessings of GODS right hand , and of his left ▪ the blessings of this life and of the life to come . THe richest rarest mercies , daily sent ( Right Christian brethren ) to us of this land , From Gods ore-flowing grace , al-filling hand May be compar'd to th'Sun in firmament . Whose glorious rayes all creatures hearts revive , Whose light enlightens all the world throughout , Whose heat doth cherish plants that spring and sprout , Whose shine to want doth us of ioy deprive . Yet since , so daily , man doth it enjoy , Who is 't ( almost ) that valews it aright ? Who yeelds due praise to heaven for heavens sweet light ? O few or none . Abundance does us cloy . From whence , we ( therefore ) iustly may conclude , That Gods rich mercies , which we oft possesse , Wherwith he daily , hourly doth us blesse , We all receive with great ingratitude . I need not stand t' exemplifie the same , It is a fault too frequent , too rank grown , And yet to God , more odious , ther 's not one , And which to Christians brings more smart and shame . Of spirituall-blessings , our thrice blest Salvation Wrought by our Saviour , bought with 's precious-blood , Was most divine , gave man his chiefest good , Was more admir'd than was the worlds Creation . But , of all temp'rall-blessings we enioy'd Since God did form the Earth and heavenly frame To our deliverance , never greater came , When Rome by pouder , would have us destroy'd . How thankfull for the first , to God we are I 'll tax nones conscience , but examine mine : But for the second , how we doe decline From giving thanks to God , I may not spare , To tell you all ( my Christian brethren deare ) That , which if I should silence , sencelesse stones , ( T is to be fe●r'd ) would sound with mournfull groans ; Englands ingratitude is too-too cleare . For why ? not only Popish Jebusites , Already do begin ( as plain appeares ) To buze , with brazen browes , into the ears And mindes of their seduced proselytes . Yea and perswade too-many Protestants That there was never any pouder-plot , But , that ( we falsly ) stain them with that spot The Cath'likes to disgrace with c●uslesse taunts . For this cause , therfore ▪ I have ta'ne in hand , Again to sing ( to Gods due praise and glory In this revived and most faithfull Story ) How powerfully God to our Church did stand . Which , now , at last ( though , with much strugling ) I , ( By Gods aid , in our pious Parliament ) Have brought to publike view , thus to prevent Our times dough - * Bakers base malignity : Who , heated had their Oven , extremely ▪ hot , To burn-up in Oblivions smoakey-flame , The memory ( to our eternall shame ) Of this nefarious Popish Pouder-Plot . And 'gainst which , though some temporizing-minde May scoffe and scorn , in this my good intention , Though from Romes favorites , nought but reprehension And taunting termes I shall ( uniustly ) finde , Though Rome doth curse me with bell , book and candle And like a gal'd-backt-iade doth kick and winch ; Yet I their sores have laboured so to pinch , As in their nature , iustly , them to handle . But , if to you ( my brethren deare ) I may For my poore labour kindly be respected , And from calumniators fangs protected I shall acknowledge this a rich repay . If I ( hereby ) may move and stimulate , Your Christian hearts to zealous detestation Of Romes most impious foule abhomination , And heavens rich mercies oft to ruminate , Chiefly , the great miraculous defence From this nefarious pouder-plot of Rome , Wherin our King and Kingdomes they did doome To dire destruction , fatall violence . Then , happy I ( maugre Romes worst despight ) That God , hereby , may have due thanks and praise , That this occasion may mens hearts incite This fact , with fame to memorize alwayes ; Read then ( kinde Reader ) what 's amisse amend , And kindly take the good-will of thy friend , JOHN VICARS . To his very good Cousin M. JOHN VICARS , on his decasyllables a Decastich . THree mercies great proper to this our State My tongue , with praise to God shall still relate ; a Salvation from Romes tyranny and band , b Safeguard from Spaniards proud insulting hand , c Saf'ty from Popish-pouder-plots and trains : O! this deserves ( if any ) heavenly strains . Such strains are thine , thus streaming from thy quill , Which fain applaud I would , but want the skill . But what I want in skill to praise thy parts Shall be suppli'd by all true English hearts . THOMAS VICARS , olim Reginensis Oxon. The same hand ( upon second thoughts ) writeth his symphony , with the pious Author of this perpetuall monument of Gods mercy in our manifold and miraculous Deliverances from Popish machinations . To the READERS . VVhat mischiefs to this Church & state The Pope and Popelings wrought , In former times and later dayes , Our men to light have brought , How GOD defeated all their plots And counsels vain detected , Here in this lasting-Monument Of praise to GOD erected You have to th'life , in briefe , set-down , The just and true relation , And then to lay it to our hearts , Some morall observation . What feares within , what foes without , What death , what danger fell Did ever vexus , but it came By Rome and Spain from Hell ? Rome , thou art drunke with blood , in vaine , Thou Serpent-like dost rage Against the holy-Seed , which stand Most firme in every age . Thy water-forces , in the Fleet , Thy pouder-plot in fire , Wherby thou ment'st , in pride , on us To teem-out all thine ire : The Lord from Heaven scatter'd to smoake And did thy deeds deride , And made the actours mocking stocks , Throughout the world so wide . Thus we through fire and water went , For GOD was with us still , He fought our battles , sav'd our lives , And did our hopes fullfill . The Lord of Hoasts of Israel , For ever more doth raign ; From time to time , from tide to tide , His praise shall aye remain . Sic concinit T. V. S. T. B. A Friend at a stand at his Friends Worke . VVHo reads this work , aread my wonder ; tell What skill to verse a fact so ill , so well . Aliàs . The placet of his friends Essay . OThers , thy Zeale and Vowes , I praise thy skill ; So well to lay the plot , Rome laid so ill : Another . Arts pyramides , from Treasons Pouder-fire . VVhat al fire hath , hath thine , black smoke , bright flame , The flame , thy Verse ; the smoke , the Traitors name . Who can , decide ; in which most time to spend ; Or damn their smoke , or thy bright flame commend . Himself not yet determined . T. S. S. T. B. To my good friend M. JOHN VICARS . THy love to Truth I love , thy hate of errours , Thine honesty , thine industry , thy Zeale For God , the king , the Church and common-weal , Against the rage of Romes intended terrours . I like thy loathing of those Treason-stirrers , That for Apollyon , in these plots do deale With ghastly , ghostly fathers that conceale , Or rather counsail , so inhumane horrours . I praise thine Authours and thine owne desire To have recorded unto all posterity , Th' Ignatian-furies ignominious fire Flaming from hell against Christs heavenly verity . In Fauks , Grants , Garnets , Winters , Catesbies , Percies , Let others praise thy Vowes , I praise thy Verses . JOSUAH SYLVESTER . In Viri , mihi fratris vice , JOHANNIS VICARSI dignissimos labores , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . MIttor Apollineos ego parvulus inter alumnos Vt tibi pro libro laurea serta feram . Ne metuas Romae * larvas , lemuresve sequaces , Nec criticos , criticâ qui gravitate valent . Est liber ille tuus scelerato nomine liber , Perge igitur , libro praela subire tuo . Idem ad eundem . THou carping Momus , poyson of good wits , I call not thee to give the Authour praise ; Silence , I tell thee , better thee befits , Because , detraction is thy common-phrase : Thou canst not come and mend , yet must commend This worke so neatly , by the Authour pen'd . THOMAS BRACKLEY , M. A. To his most affectionate kinde Friend M. JOHN VICARS . THy Muse Romes hellish traitors so displaies , That they deserve the halter , she the bayes . View her , all English hearts , with care ; and than , Love Romes faith ( blacke high-Treason ) if you can . WILLIAM PRINNE . Gent. To my loving friend Mr. John Vicars , in praise of his praise-worthy worke ; encouraging him to discourage our enemies . I Saw thy worke , should not I land the same , With Traitor thou maist iustly brand my name . I saw thy worke , and from my soule I vow , I thinke none honest will it disallow . I saw 't , or Who els sees't , without commend , He is a Traitor or a Traitors friend . I saw and praise thy worke , in spight of Rome , Hell and the Pope ; I say t is sweetly done . I saw thy worke , though thee I do not know , But , figs ( I knew ) on thistles could not grow . Courage ( brave Spirit ) thou hast done so well , Thou needst not feare Romes candle , booke or bell . Thou hast a Master , in all our hopes , That will protect thee 'gainst a thousand Popes . Shew it thy Master , then his censure past , Let others blow , regard not thou their blast ▪ But , tell them , yea , and tell them to their face , That they are Traitors , which do treason grace . Your Friend unknowne NATHANIEL CHAMBER of Grayes-Inne Gent. In Authorem . LEt Rome with bell , booke , candle , curse thy name , Thy hand , thy pen , the broachers of her shame ; Passe not if good accept , though bad refuse , Religious hearts bid welcome to thy muse . It may be , some condemn thee ; what 's the reason ? They hate thy worke , because they lov'd the Treason . W. C. M. A. The names of the chiefe Traitours that plotted and endeavoured this Pouder-Treason . Jesuite Priests . Henry Garnet John Gerrard Osw . Tesmond Edward Hall . Hammon Wm. Baldwin . S Evera . Digby Rob. Winter . Tho. Winter . Guido Fauks . John Grant . Amb. Rookwood . Robert Keyes . Thomas Bates . Henry Morgan . Tho. Abington . S. Edm. Bainham . S. Wm. Stanley . Hugh Owen . Catesby , Thom ▪ Percy , John Wright and Christo . Wright were slain in rebellious fight ; the former two with a gun , the other two with Halberts . Francis Tresham murthered himself in prison . To Momus or the carping-Catholike . LEt Zoylus bark and Momus carp , Let Masse-Priests mumble and mutter , Let Romish-Jesuites raile and rage And all their venome utter : Yea , though they should with envy swell , And toad-like burst in sunder , Yet truth will shine and errour pine , To Babels wo and wonder . J. V. An Advertisement to the READER . Courteous READER , LEt me intreate thee to take notice , that wheras in this History thou shalt meete with a most materiall passage , which intimates the Papists most hellish purpose to have translated this plot from themselves on those whom the world impiously and injuriously termes Puritans ; It hath pleased the Lord to give me this notable testimony of the truth therof from two of my most loving Christian Friends , who , on my certaine knowledge , were both so truely pious , as that they feared ( as it is , Revel. 22. ) to tell a lye , much more , to make a lye ; the one being departed this life , the other yet surviving , both of them eminent Christians and Citizens of London . And this it is . TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE Richard Gurney , Lord Major of London , the right Worshipfull S. Christopher Clethrow Knight , President of Christs Hospitall , Sr. William Acton Knight and Baronet , Sr. Paul Pindar Knight , Alderman Goare , Alderman Atkins , Alderman Pennington , Alderman Wollaston , Alderman Adams , Alderman Warner , and the right worshipfull Alderman Garret one of the Shrieves of London ; All of them most worthy Governours of Christs-Hospitall ▪ as also the worshipfull Mr. John Babington Treasurer of the said Hospitall , Mr. Roger Drake . Sub-Treasu●er , M. Richard Aldworth ; and to the rest of the most worthy Governours therof : Iohn Vicars wisheth the kingdome of Grace here , and the Kingdome of Glory hereafter . Right Honourable and Right Worshipfull , YOur constant Favours which I alwayes find , Do me in all my best endeavours bind , Upon all fair occasions , to expresse My due and deeply bounden thankfullnesse , Aswell for past as present sweet-Supplies , Which from your blessed-House of Charities Poore Orphant-cheering-brests , my-Self have found , With Thousands-more , whom ( else ) distresse had drown'd In over flowing floods of Poverty , Our Parents poor being forc't from us to fly , And leave us hopelesse Imps , in helplesse age To all Earths woes , fully , on us to rage . These , these ( I say ) indissoluble Tyes Of ancient and of modern Courtesies , Which to Heavens glory , here , memorate , Doe me ( blest Patrons ) stirre and stimulate , To dedicate and consecrate to You What ere I am or can , as Tribute , due To your full-Sea , from my small-Rivolet , Thus to repay some part of my great debt : And since I owe more then I know to pay , My humble-All rests to my dying-day Your Honours and Worships Sincerely to be commanded , JOHN VICARS . A Table of the Heads of the most materiall passages in this Historie . A ABsolution given to the Traitors in rebellion by Haman a Jesuite , pag. 63. Achabs sicknesse for Naboths vineyard alluded to , 77. Allusion to the plot intended now in our daies , which hath beene discovered by this Parliament , 1641. 80. Aggravations of this plot , 42 , 43 , 44. An Angell to Lord Morley , 37. Apprehension of Faux at the cellar , 41. Armado in 88. 87. The Attempt of Grant a Traitor , 63. B BArons warres , 87. Bloody-builders of a bloudy Church , 11. C CAtesby and others sit to plot a Treason , 10. Catesby the inventer of this pouder Plot , 12. Catesbies project approved by all , 14. Catesby adviseth with Garnet , 16. Catesby and Percy bring news to the other Traitors of the plots discovery , 58. Catesby , Percy and Winter fight all 3 together , 72. Catesbies and Percies heads set on the Parliament house 74. A Cellar hyred . 23. City of Coventry , 65. Consultation about the Kings Children , 24. A Country-man suspects the Traitours in their hunting , 55. Coventry comforts the young Lady Elizabeth , 66. Court-traitors most dangerous , 81. D DEes five , 98. Description of the plots effects had it taken , 26 Discovery of the pouder , 41. The Divels speech to the Traitors in Hell , 80. Description of the Hunt , 54. Divers treasons projected , 12. Dun-church-Heath , 53. E ENcouragements to Papists to the Treason , 11. Sr. Everard Digbies bounty towards the work of this Treason , 23. Sr. Everard Digby a chief hunter , 57. Empedocles described and alluded to , 77. England the Land-mark of Gods mercies , 86. England like Canaan , 88. Equivocation , 100. Exhortation to give all praise to God alone , 92. F FAmine , 88. Faux the chief actor of this Treason , 5. Faux sent to the Pope , 21. Faux returns home , 22. Faux is imprisoned , 46. Faux sent to the Tower , 47. Faux frighted with the rack , 47. A Fore-running judgement , 69. A Fight pell-mell , 71. Sr. Fulk Grevill , 64. G GArnet and Gerard two Priests , 14. Garnets answer to Catesby , 18. Garnets simile , 19. Garnets Doctrine compared with Christs , 20. Garnets opinion confirmes the plot , 21. Garnets opinion of themselves , 60. God speaks to his Angell , 31. Greenwell the Priests resolution , 60. Gun-pouder , 13. H HAll a Jesuite startled , 60. Halls divellish change and judgement on the fact . 62. Lord Harrington , 65. A holy Hunt , 54. I IEsuites impudency , 61. Impossibility to escape the blow , 45. Impudency of Faux , 42. Impudency of Faux at the Court being examined , 46. Ingratitude of England , 90. Introduction to the plots discovery , 31. Justice , 89. K KIng James succeeds Qu. Elizabeth in peace , 9. King James interprets the Letters oenigma , 38 , 39 Sr. Thomas Knevet sent to search , 39. The Kings-evill , 101. L LOndons misery , 30. The Letter , 34. Littletons house the Traitors refuge , 67. A Lie , 61. M MArtyres of Rome , 63. Manna , 89. Motives foure to plot a treason , 10. Lord Mounteagle , 33. Mounteagle goes to Court with the Letter , 37. Mounteagles serving-man , 34. N NEroes wish , 29. Nocents and Innocents , 17. November the 5t . 25. O OAth for secrecy and constancy in the plot , 15. Oration of Percy to his fellow Traitors , 59. Observation remarkable , 78. P PArliament-House , 13. Parliament-House undermined , 22. Parliament-House , 33. Percy and Catesby staied about Westminster to heare the event of things , 53. Percy and Catesby slain , 72. Perillus the Engineer , 71. Pestilence , 1628. 88. Pope and Divell Treasons Parents , 5. Provision of pouder and fatall instruments , 25. Prayer for the King and State , 84. Puritans falsly to be accused as the traitors , 50 , 51 , 52 Q QVeene ELIZABETHS death , 8. R REbellion attempted by the traitors , 60. Recapitulation of Romes abhominations , 85. Report of the treason is spread abroad , 46. Return of thanks to God our sole deliverer , 82. Remorse seeming in the traitors , 70. Rookwood and Winter are shot , 71. S SAcrament taken by the conspirators , 15. Search made , 39. Simile , 28. Simile , 72. Simile , 83. Spanish king plotted withall in this Treason , 9. Spanish king refuseth to ayd the traitors , 9. A Stone-wall hinders the traitors worke , 22. Supposition of the deed done , 30. Suspition of the Hunters by a friend , 56. A Smith smites Winter the Traitor , 64. The Steed being stoln shut the stable-doore , 63. T TReason was the Popes first-born Son , 2. Tressams perjury , 49. The Traitors hunt Religion , 57. The Traitors amazed to heare the Plot was discovered , 58. A Tray of pouder fired among the Traitors , 69. The Traitors grow desperate , 71 The Traitors apprehended , 73. The Traitors convayed to London , 73. The Traitors arraigned , 73. Treason against Queene Elizabeth , 87. V Sr. Rich: Verney high-Shrieve , 64. W Sir ▪ Rich : Walsh besiegeth the traitors , 68. Winter sent into Spain to plot treason against Qu. Elizabeth , 7. Winter and Faux talk in the Tower , 48. Winters dream , 69 Wrights both are slain , 71. Winter wounded in the belly , 73. FINIS . To my worthy Friend Mr. IOHN VICARS . SIR , I Have here sent you a true relation most faithfully delivered as I received it from our deare deceased friend M. Clement Cotton , the Authour and Composer of the Concordance of the Bible , which is this . Lewis Pickering Esquier of Tits-marsh-grove in the County of North-hampton , a Gentleman of an ancient and most noble Family , as being alied to Queene ELIZABETH by her mothers side , and was the secondman , that brought newes to King JAMES into Scotland of Queene ELIZABETHS death , and was afterward sworne his Servant . This Gentleman had a Sister that was married to Keyes one of the Popish Conspiratours , whereby there could not choose , but be much familiarity betweene them ; By which Keyes most divellish contrivement , that hellish plot ( had it taken effect ) should have beene translated from the Papists to the Puritans ( as I had the Relation from the mouth of M. Clement Cotton , who also received it from the said M. Pickering himselfe in his life time ) after this manner . This worthy religious Gentleman M. Pickering , being in great esteeme with King JAMES , with whom he oft times rod a hunting , and as they rode , had frequent private conference , and informed the King above sixe months before that treason brake out , that the Papists had some notable villany in hand , but what it was he could by no meanes learne . Now this said M. Pickering had a horse of speciall note , and well known among the Courtiers , on which he used to hunt with the King , a little before the blow was to be given , which his brother M. Keyes desired to borrow of him for some present speciall use , which he said he had for him , and it was somewhat probable to be for their pretended hunting on Dunsmow-heath , where many of the conspiratours contrived a hunting match for divers dayes together a little before the blow was to be given , that so they might be neare to come where the Lady ELIZABETH lay : But what ever Keyes pretence was , the horse so borrowed was conveyed to London , and there kept for another purpose , which thus was plotted . Faux on the day of the fatall Blow was appointed to retire himselfe into St. Georges feild , where this said horse was to attend him , to make his escape so soone as the Parliament House was blowne up : It was likewise contrived that the said M. Pickering was that very morning to be murthered in his bed , and secretly conveyed away ; as also that Faux himselfe should have bin murthered in St. Georges field , and there so mangled and cut in peeces as that it might not be discovered who he was ; wherupon it was to be bruited abroad , that the Puritans had blowne up the Parliament-House , and the better to make the world beleeve so , there was M. Pickering with his horse ready to make an escape , but that God stirred up some , seeing the hainousnesse of the fact , and he ready to escape by flight , in detestation of so horrible a deed fell upon him and killed him , and so had hackt him in peeces . And yet to make it more apparent to be so indeed , there was his horse found also , which was of speciall speed and swiftnesse to convay him away ; and upon this rumour , a massacre should have gone through the whole kingdome upon the Puritans . But when this Plot thus contrived was confest by some of the conspiratours ; and Fauxs in the Tower was made acquainted with it , who had beene born in hand to be bountifully rewarded for that his Service in the Catholick cause , when hee saw how his ruine was contrived , he also therupon confest freely all that he knew touching that horrid and hideous conspiracy , which ( before ) all the torture of the racke could not force him to , &c. Thus I kindely rest , Your loving Friend W. PERKINS . The Cloud of Ignorance and Errour . Curses and Excomunications The Armado in 88. Daggors Doggs Poison kill all . Blasphemies and Lies . Envy and malice . Recusancy and Rebellion . Opposing the Thruth . Falsification of Scriptures FRVSTRA . ENclos'd with Clouds of Ignorance and Errour , Rome , Hell and Spain do threaten Englands terrour ; The Card'nall Legate , Jesuite , impious Fryers , Home-bred Recusant , Brittanes bane desires : Each puffs and snuffs with Envy ( All in Vain ) At Christs pure Gospell , which shall still remain . THE QVINTESSENCE OF CRVELTY . AND MASTER-PEECE OF TREACHERY . THE POPISH POUDER-PLOT . PRoud Pluto , King of darknes , Prince of th' ayre , Became enamoured of Romes Strumpet faire ; His lustfull pleasure on her to effect , From Hell to Rome , he forthwith doth direct A speedy Post , to bring her out of hand , Or'e Styxes flood , where his black-court did stand ; And Charon , hels fierce ferry-man●●d charge To row her o're Avernus in his bar●e . To hell Shee ( thus ) had quick and kinde accesse , Where mutuall-love their liking did expresse . Strait , they enjoy'd infernall copulation , Whose foule effects had present procreation . A base-borne brat , Romes whore , soon bred brought out ▪ An impious imp , most monstrous , proud and stout , A more than Centaure strange , strong , fierce & fell , A most mis-shapen cursed feind of hell , A brazen-fac't , a marble-hearted frame , A divellish genius , Treason cal'd by name . To Lerna's poole this purple-Strumpets doom , Was to return ; where with the milke of Rome , Infectious milk , I say , of doctrines base , It fearfully was nurs'd , grew strong a pace . There , there , I say , did this fierce Hydra live , There , to this Monster , she did vigour give . No sooner was this Off-spring of the Divell Fraught with Thessalian-spels , pride , mischief , evil , With Serpentine-deceit prompt to beguile , Yea , every-way an impious viper vile ; But that his damned * Dam observes it well , What a sweet son she had begot from hell , How full of wit and Acherontine-art , Of unheard impudence to act the part Of any most transcendent treachery ▪ Of any most nefarious villany ; Him , therfore strait , she does most kindly greet , With oft and soft imbraces , kisses sweet , And hony-words , calling him by his name , Her mischief-thirsting thoughts she doth proclaim ; Wrath boyls within , revenge and furies fire , And , thus to him unfolds her foule desire . Fair first-born-Son , whom art and heart have made The basis , bulwark , whence our hopes are staid , Are firmliest founded and erected high , Without whose skill and will , we faint and die ; Long have we in our sacred Cath'like chair , Even we thy holy-Mother , full of care , Sat mourning and bewailing ( but in vain ) The matchlesse losse wch Rome doth ( still ) sustain , And long , yea , too-too-long hath felt and found , And therwith ta'ne a desperate , deadly wound : I mean by Englands foule Apostacy , From Peters chair to Luthers heresie ; For , since that time , no land in Europe fair , Hath labour'd , more , our welfare to impaire , Hath born more open and intestine hate To our Apostolike , imperiall-State , Than those damn'd hereticks of Britans nation , Endeavouring daily our dire extirpation . Alas ( dear Son ) t is wofull to declare , Yea , the meer thought does me even kil with care , To think how many mischiefs , by their fall , Like corrasives , our heart do grinde and gal ; Yea , how they daily strive to work our wo , Hoping t' effect our finall over-throw . Their Scripture-goads our sides so deeply gore , Their textuall-tortures wound our heart so sore , That if we , timely , do them not prevent , Romes last , least-drop of hearts-blood wil be spent ▪ Ay me , I grieve to think on our great losse , What Sums we did into our coffers tosse . Whiles they were ours , what rents we did possesse , What Zeal they did to Peters chair expresse , What gain , by them , we found , strange to be spoke , How bounteously they made our chimnies smoke ! What swarms of Friers and Nuns , even numberlesse By them were fost'red , love to us t' expresse , What stately Monastries with turrets high , What Temples fair , whose steepls toucht the sky ! Did they then spare most sumptuously to build , With reliques richly garnished and fil'd , For holy Votaries and Virgins chast , Whom we with Saints and Angels blest have plac'd . Whose deepe devotion was ( sweet Son ) so great , As it had bin our second-Sons , Spains Seat . By them our holy-Masse , great Pluto's lore , Was gorgeously bedeckt , him to adore . In every city each fair wealthy seat , Hath bin possessed by our champions great ; In every country , each most fertile soyle , On them conferred without cost or coyl . I tell thee ( Son ) this only Albions-Isle Through daily discord , variance , fraud and guile , Which , twixt them rais'd , for bribes , we quickly ceast , Hath Romes revenues mightily increast . Not specious France , nor spacious Germany Came neer to this , for our utility . And thinkst thou , than , I can with patience brook , So rich a prey to be , thus , from me took ? And only by damn'd Luthers haeresie , That turn-coat caiti●s matchles villany ? Shall I put-up these heavy losses so , And ope a gate to greater over-throw ? No , no , irrevocable is my doom , I 'll be reveng'd , not cease , til they consume , But , least too-long , with tedious ambages , I tire thine ears , thy thoughts too-long disease , It now behooves us forth-with to be wise , And how to crosse and curb them to devise . Yea , now , I see that our declining hope Bids us not linger , nor give longer scope : Bids us advised be and counsell take , Intricate snares , with unheard craft to make , On Pluto's anvil strange wiles , now to frame , And subtil Stratagems , to work their shame , All practises to prove , no shifts to shun , Wherby our glorious welfare may be wonne . Wherfore ( sweet Nursling ) ease us of this moane , For all our hopes consist in thee alone . In thee alone ( I say ) our great intent Expects to finde a fortunate event . So expert art thou Treason to contrive , So apt whole Kingdoms vitals to deprive , So exactly practis'd in thy * Fathers skill , So well acquainted with thy * Mothers will . Nimble thou art without or stop or study To plot a mischief be it ere so bloody , Horrid or hatefull ; yea a King or Nation To ruinate with matchlesse devastation ; To swear , forswear , couzen and equivocate , By mine instructions rarely literate . Then , hast with speed ( Alecto be thy guide ) To Britane , big with insolence and pride ; Be it just or unjust , leave no means unwrought , That to our ancient yoak they may be brought . Then Romes officious , most pernicious son , Replies but this ; deare Mother count it done . Then , like swift Tyber , without least delay , With vultures appetite he takes his way , To England , where to fit his enterprise , A Priest-like habit shapes his best disguise , A gown all garded with religious lace , The Cath'like-cause is vizard for his face . And marvell not , for , thus the Divell doth use , Like Angel-bright Gods children to abuse . And thus , within * Guy Fauks his faithlesse brest , He harbour finds , and is a welcome guest ; A man to mischief prompt , incarnate Divell , Swift to shed blood , active to any evill . With envy stuft and puft , sly , malecontent , Dissembling Sinon , double-diligent : Whose name he ever changed with his place Of residence , like Proteus various face , Foster , sometimes , Johnson and Brown , he 'll be , To passe unknown , suspicion ( thus ) to flee ; His name , not nature ; habit , not his heart ; He takes , forsakes , as best befits his part . Here ( now ) Romes base-born brat makes no delay , But , farther flings , works others to his bay ; Whose hearts already hankered very sore , ( Like muttering Israel ) after Babels whore , For Egypts flesh-pots , and with factious thirst , To quaffe Romes poyson , till their bellies burst . These doth he stir with spur of innovation , And charms them ( thus ) with hellish incantation , With high-built hopes ( thus ) labours to perswade thē , And with these sly delusions doth invade thē . The day so long desir'd , your foes to foyle , To plunge them deep in matchlesse , helples toyl , Is , now , comn-on , wherin base Calvins rout , And Luthers vassals you may clean root-out Romes wals to rear and ruins to repair , To make her splendour shine , her beauty fair , Her enemies triumphantly to bane , Romes rare Religion strongly to maintain . Straight , they , to Sinons sugred words do vow , Theirs and themselvs unto his becke and bow . This good successe adds fuell to the fire , To Court he ( therfore ) comes with foul desire , His Doctours hellish Documents to broach , And into favour , hopes , there to encroach . There this bilingued-Sinon ramps about , Most sedulous and serious to finde-out The man he long'd to see ; whom straight he found , A wisht companion , Traitour most profound . Percy , infected , yea of treason confected , And even by nature therunto addicted . A gracelesse guardian to his gracious King , A fiery forge to frame each traiterous thing ; A most bold bond-slave to his holy Pope , A strong supporter of Romes hellish hope . To whom Fauks openeth each materiall thing , Assures good-luck , the work to passe to bring : Who , man and message , presently , imbraceth , And , in his love , much confidence , soon placeth . Then , each to other , they themselvs fast ty , What , neither had , faith and fidelity , They mutually do promise to fullfill , Like Pilate and proud Herod , Christ to kill . Then , as their pledges , each gave hand to others , And here , were made treasons chief sworn-brothers . Perfidious Percy , and false Fauks made one , Fauks must ( forsooth ) be Percies servant known , His name being chang●d ; thus , Mr , and the man Their projects , throughly , do discusse and scan . And thus , disguis'd , in this sly unknown hew , Securely they their rancorous poyson spew , And now with Fauks and Percy , Catesby met , An ancient Traitour soon on mischief set ; Whose heads , hearts , hands and all , plod and contrive Some horrid treason how to make to thrive ; Some strange , domestick-deluge to ordain , Since ( now ) their hopes were frustrated in Spain . For why , long since , in sweet Eliza's daies , That Paragon of time ; times peerlesse praise ; They had sent * Winter to the King of Spain , To crave his aid their mischiefs to maintain , Our Kingdome to invade and to possesse , Romes power ( here ) to re-plant , their wrongs redresse ; Assuring him that in his puissant ayd The English-Cath'liks would be parties made ; The King ( that time ) promis'd with them to joyn And that he 'd furnish them with store of Coyn , An hundred thousand crowns he would bestow , And being Victor , them all favour show . And , this desir'd ; that if the Queen did dye , He might have knowledge of it instantly , For , therupon , he would his power advance , And speedily prevent sinister chance . This was on both-sides promis'd and concluded , But , Heaven , in mercy , all their hopes deluded . Then , then ( I say ) did Spain intend our doom , Together with the proud high-Priest of Rome , When as , That miserable-Woman dy'd , For , thus , the Pope had term'd her in his pride ; But , O nefarious lyer , how could She Unhappy or so miserable be ? Whom , neither th'arrow , which by day did fly , Nor Pestilence , by night , to wit , Romes sly And secret practis'd treasons , ere , could quail , Nor yet th'Armado , mighty Spanish-sayl . Who in her self and subjects was most blest , Whose kingdom , while she liv'd , enjoy'd sweet rest , Full peace and plenty , princely-royalty With peoples love and cordial-loyalty . Thus Rome and Spain lay gaping , but in vain , To see fair Englands lustre in the wain . But , now , behold , a wonder you shall hear , That glorious - * Sun did set in this our sphere , And yet although our Sun did so go-down , No night ensu'd , no cloud did on us frown , No losse appear'd , only a change we had , Which many ( then ) neer-dying-hearts made glad . For why , in our horizon did arise Another * Jubar-bright to cheer our eyes , King James succeeded as a glorious-Sun , In whom his subjects joy , a fresh begun ; Their happy dayes , again , did sprout and flourish , And , with the milk of peace their hearts did nourish . But , malecontent , malignant Catesbies heart , Together with his mates hereat did smart , With galling-grief , to see their hopes so thwarted . These accidents they ( therfore ) soon imparted Unto the King of Spain , as was agreed , Requesting ( now ) his promis'd ayd with speed , Protesting that their hearts were all on fire Firmly t' effect both his and their desire , To serve him in this great negotiation , If he would second them with supportation . For why , they said , they ( now ) began to doubt That things were like aversly to break-out , And that the English-Cath'liks cause was worse , Because king James held-on the late Queens course . But , Spain , grown ( now ) more politick than so , And well perceiving how the cards would go , ( A cunning-gamester ) bent himself for peace , With England , wishing them their suit to cease . Whose unexpected answer did them trouble , Yet did their malice and their rancour double , With most Infernall rage their hearts did burn , What course to take , which way themselvs to turn . And when they saw al forrain hopes forsook them Unto this powder-treason they betook them . And now that furious fierce triplicity , Those impious brethren in iniquity , Catesby and Percy , Fauks , together met , Their hellish hearts for mischief ( now ) to whet . Then Catesby , speciall Authour of this ill , Their thoughts with traiterous poison ( thus ) did fill ▪ Right trusty friends , since now we private are , My minde to you I freely will declare . My swelling-tympany of hate is such , My discontent and grief of heart so much , To see our Holy Father so neglected , And how small hope to have him ere respected , Within this Kingdom ( for I plainly see The late Queens courses will maintained be . I see ( I say ) and to our grief we finde King James is like to prove to us unkind . ) That therfore t is high time to take advice , ( And herein we must not be fondly nice , Nor with faint-hearted fear must we proceed ) To pluck-up and supplant this growing weed , For when a wound is grown much putrifi'd , The sharper med'cines must therto be pli'd . Four strong inducements hereunto have we , In whose firm truth we all instructed be . First , that the King , and all his Subjects , are Vile Heretikes , fit ( therfore ) for the snare . Next , hence , we know our great High-Priest of Rome Them excommunicate , accurs'd doth doom . A third motive , which does our fact maintain , Is , that no Heretick ought , king to raign . And lastly , that it is a work most glorious , Yea , a most holy act and meritorious , To extirpate , destroy and quite root-out This King and his hereticall base rout . O then , dear friends , why stand we to demur ? Let this , to us , be a sharp goad and spur , Why fear we ? faint we ? Doubt we to go-on ? Let this incite our resolution , Namely , that we in Romes rare rubricks shall Our name eternize and our fame enstall ; That Rome ( I say ) will ever us account , The Wings , wheron , her glory did re-mount ; Re-edifiers of Saint Peters rites , This hope , this hap , our valiant hearts incites ; To be such Fosterers and such fautours strong , Thus to redeem our selvs , our Saints from wrong . See , here ( good Reader ) see what course they take , The Pope , their Romish-Idoll , great to make ; To set-up irreligious adoration , To work truths shipwrack and dire extirpation . O must our bloud be spilt , our King be slain ? And many death-door-knocking Souls complain ? O divellish-doctrin , whence such fruits do flow ! O miserable souls seduced so ! David a good man to Gods own heart made , To God to build a Temple was gain-said , And all because his hands were full of blood , Yea , though his battles were both just and good : And yet must Romes base bond-slaves under-take With blood , yea must they their oblations make With blood of Gods annoynted Saints elect , Not Gods , but Belials Temple to erect ? Romes faithlesse Synagogue to re-advance , Full stuft with pride , errour and ignorance ? Then cursed Cain might also think it good , To please the Lord with Abels guiltlesse blood . And Jeroboam might have hope to please , And with his Idols Gods wrath to appease . But far be this from each true Christians thought , For wo be to the work which blood hath wrought . Wo unto those which Sions ground-work lay With crying blood ; thus doth king David say . But yet , these Romish — Absaloms , past grace , Would seem than God more wise , like Atheists base , Or els , with Davids foole , do say in heart , There is no God to pay them their desert . For , instantly , at Catesbies curs'd oration , They vow revenge with ardent protestation . And therupon , being fild with hellish craft , They counsell take , each shoots his deadly shaft . Some , this way would their will effect ; some , that , But dire destruction each-one aimed at . Ones vile opinion was , with sword or knife , The guiltlesse king to rob of his sweet life . Another would perfidiously him slay With powerfull poyson . Then a third did say When he by hunting , tyr'd , to sleep did lay-him , Pretending friendly-harbour , he would slay-him . Medusas * son sate silent , all this while , His heart being hatching a transcendent wile ; Hears their opinions , counts them all but shallow . He had a gulf found out a Realm to swallow . I mean that caitiff Catesby , who at last , From 's poisonous stomack ( thus ) this vomit cast . True zealous Cath'liks , Romes approved friends , My heart your fervour worthily commends , Your love you show , but yet , believe me this , Me thinks , you all do point the way amisse . For that which you advise doth doubtlesse bend And more to our than their destruction tend . So small attempts bring danger , we 'l contrive To leave nor boughes , nor branch , nor root alive . For , what though we the King-alone destroy , Leaves he not after him , a Prince t' enjoy His Crown ▪ and Scepter ? a most hopefell heir , To take revenge , as we may justly fear ; A Prince , I say , of pregnant , sprouting hope : Then , let us not give vengeance so great scope , Great flames have grown & burnt-down cities fair , Even by small sparks , left kindling without care . This young Prince Henry to my minde doth call Revolting Henry th' eighth , that chief of all Did work our holy-Fathers downfall first , A deed most heynous , hatefull and accurst . Whose odious name may ere be execrable , And t'all good Catholiks abhominable . Wherfore , this is my mind and constant doom , To extirpate and utterly consume This Seed hereticall , which bears such hate To royall Romes imperiall fair estate . Now , that this stratagem may prosperous be , With patience tend and lend your ears to me . An ancient house there is near situate To Percies house , whither in princely state , To parle about the Kingdoms great affairs , Englands chief Peers and counsell grave repairs , The Nobles , Bishops , Knights and Burgesses , In Parliament to give their suffrages ; Thither also ( as custome doth maintain ) The King , Queen , Prince & all their princely train , The first day of the Parliament do go , Most sumptuously , making a glorious show , In scarlet robes , glistering with pearl ▪ and gold , Great multitudes assemble it to behold . Under this house we closely may prepare An undermined vault , and fill that snare With plenteous store of gun-pouder most fierce , Which , like a mighty whirl-wind , quick may pierce And pull in peeces and blow-up to th'skies The cursed corps of those our enemies , Of King and Counsellours of Prince and Peer ; Your liking and consent ( now ) let me heare . With joynt consent and great content they all , Laud and applaud this Diabolicall , This horrid , hatefull , hideous , foule invention ; Yea traiterous Fauks with nimble apprehension , Finding the drift therof . O thus ( sayes he ) The House which Rome hath spoild , shall spoiled be ▪ Thus we ( says he ) for our dear Cath'like truth , Shall fill our foes with horrour , wo and ruth . Thus we shall canonized be and much renown'd ▪ Whiles we our foes supplant and quite confound ; Thus , those ( I say ) which 'gainst us made sharp laws , Shall griped be within fierce vengeance paws ; Thus , those which quondam us'd to prosecute And Romes pure-Priests and Saints did persecute ▪ These , these ( I say ) made proud by our rich spoyls ▪ Shall tumble head-long in our nets and toyls . Now heerupon , more Copesmates they invite , Amongst the rest Gerrard a Jesuite ; Chiefly to Garnet they this plot impart , An expert Doctour in the Jesuites art . Gray-headed , but green-hearted traitour right , Superiour of the Priests , whose very sight , Was a strong warrant to confirm and prove This enterprize : so did they prize his love ! Whom , as a Demi-god , they all respected , Without whose counsell , nothing was effected ; And , whose advice confirmed all they did , Did what he would ; left , what he should forbid . O most satanicall , nefarious Doctours ! Anti-christs chaplains , Lucifers arch-proctours ! Can ye for shame , assume the sacred name Of Jesus Christ , and yet his grace disclaim ? Can ye with titles , seem so holy , pure , And yet your lives so stain and so inure Your selvs and followers how to kill and slay All such as do your Jesabell gain-say ? Can they ( said I ? ) yes that they can . Nay , more , They 'll brag and boast therin , yea aid implore Of God above from whom none ill proceeds , To prop and patronage accursed deeds . These , even these holy Fathers of that Sect , Confirm the plot , advise , instruct , direct . From sacrilegious Gerrards hand they took , For Secrecy , this-Oath , upon a book . The Oath . YOu shall sweare by the blessed-Trinity , and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive ; never to disclose directly or indirectly , by word or circumstance , the matter , which shall be proposed to you to keep secret , nor desist from the execution therof , untill the rest shall give you leave . This Oath did Catesby , Percie , Thomas Wright , And Kit Wright take , at once , to th'Jesuite . Bates , Catesbies-man , and all the rest beside , From Greenwell , Priest , took it , another-tyde . Then , for a yet more firm ratification , ( Right Judas-like ) they took their own domnation . For , every-one , to knit the faster band , Receiv'd the Sacrament from those Priests hand . O Heavens ! ô Earth ! ô impious age and times ! Were ever known like blasphemous foule crimes ? O gracelesse , godlesse , more than divellish fact ! So damnably t' abuse that sacred act ! Of mans terrestriall comfort , confirmation Of faith , of grace , and of mans blest salvation ! Nay , will you ( yet ) heare more impiety , Equall ( almost ) to deepest villany ? Inhumane Catesby , each-way to prevent ( As fondly he suppos'd ) all discontent , Which might in his or any's heart arise , About full-warrant of this enterprize ; To give the action , yet , more strong protection , Casts in his thoughts to answer each objection . For why , he now considered in his mind , That he could not a way contrive or find , But that in this great slaughter they should make , Their friends must equally with foes partake . The lawfullnesse heerof since some might doubt , And so perchance stagger or els stand-out : Therfore he hasts to his Achitophel , That out-side Angell , in-side Divell of hell , Grand-Jesuite Garnet , his advice to have , To whom in all doubts , they most credit gave ; Whose answer , if it to his mind did hit , He knew all was cock-sure and firmly fit . Then , in this sort , to Garnet he began , O holy Sir , whose discreet counsell can Resolve all doubts , dissolve heart-daunting fears By wisdom , learning , gravity and years , In whom Romes sanctimonious oracles Are powerfull in effecting miracles . Vice-Vicar to our Deified Father , High-Priest of England , thither sent , to gather , To re-unite and to Romes fould reduce The wandring flock with-held ( thence ) by abuse Of cursed Calvins , Beza's , Luthers sect , Whose damned Doctrines do their souls infect ; O thou , I say , vice-gerent to our Pope , Whose holy-counsell in an anxious hope , I much desire , gladly would impetrate , In a great action , which to perpetrate , Many of Vs devoted Catholicks Have joyn'd and sworn our selvs 'gainst hereticks . Romes sacred Zeal hath so enflam'd our hearts , To vulnerate with penetrating darts , The souls of those who heretofore have long Done unto Rome intolerable wrong . Which we considering , seriously in mind , And that t is like , we worse and worse shall find , We vow to work our freedom from this wo , To give our foes one fatall , finall blow ; Wherwith their souls and bodies shall be sent , By sulphure fierce , to Pluto's regiment . But heerin , holy-Sir , the doubt remains , That time and place this action , so constrains , That all at once must perish in one fire : Heerin ( therfore ) your counsell we desire , To clear this doubt , which heerin doth arise , Whither our friends may dye with enemies ? Whither : with nocents , innocents may die , ( For , in that place are both promiscuously ) We cannot possibly cast or contrive The one from th'other how to save alive ; Yet on this facts effecting doth depend , Of Romes great wrongs , the happy , hopefull end . This Pseud-Apostle full of Romes affection , Travelling with iniquities conception , Brought forth the imp of mischief ; thus doth heal Base Catesbies sore , with diabolike zeal . Heare , ô ye heavens , hearken both God and man , How holily this Baals-Priest began . First , with accurst-salutes , they oft imbrace , And then with poysonous heart and brazen-face , ( Hyena with the crafty Crocodile ) He utters words most impious , false and vile ; With green-device , not gracious grave advice , Thus spake this hell-hound , Romish Cockatrice . O thou dear darling to the Church of Rome , Which so high honour dost to thee assume , As by a fact , so meritorious , rare , To be protectour of Saint Peters-chair ! Thou Atlas of our ( now ) succeeding joyes , Herculean-chaser of our sharp annoyes ! Matchlesse Mecaenas of Romes doctrines rare , Perillus , the engineer cannot compare With cunning Catesby , arts-master of treason , For stratagems past humane reach and reason . I cannot chuse but like and love thee dearly , And yet much marvell thou couldst not see clearly Of so rare enterprize , so blest intents , ( O apt proficient in Romes documents ) The strong inducements to perseverance , Not to desist for some ill-petty-chance . I see thou art not ( yet ) so inly seen Into the Jesuites doctrines : raw and green Thy knowledge is ; not regulated right , That mak'st a monster of a little mite . That in smooth-bulrushes dost seek a knot , Like questionists who ask they know not what . The case is most apparent , clear and plain , That , since occasion , time and place constrain , Such expedition to so high-desire , And such advantage Rome shall ( thence ) acquire , You may most justly by the rules of Rome , Some innocents with nocents vile consume . And , heerin thee more strongly to instruct , That , none 'gainst this assertion may reluct , And to repell all objects in this kinde , That in thy Creed it may more credit finde ; Mark this comparison which thou shalt heare , Wherby this truth will clear as Sun appeare . As in a town , beseiged by fierce foes Which doth some friends ( inhabitants ) inclose , To whom , the Generall , in love was bound ; Yet , how to help them no means could be found , Delayes would danger breed inevitable , And so the town might prove unconquerable . Should he not ( then ) from due discretion swerve ? Whiles in fond pitty , few friends to preserve , He a whole towne ( to him most turbulent ) Should , thus , let-go , some few friends to content . Would not his foes within , him , dastard deem ? Yea , all , them sots , not souldiers stout esteem ? If ( then ) heerby , our Church much good may gain , Some friends with foes may fearlesly be slain . And as for me , the best that I can do , Which is my prayers and Orisons for you , And your so high designe ; I most devout , Will duly , truly , to the heavens poure-out , And all our Saints and meritorious Martyres Implore , to ayd you and your zealous partners . O most pernicious Priest ! O Scythian sect ! Do you with blood your followers , thus infect ? Is this the charity you all professe ? Your false conceived wrongs ( thus ) to redresse ? Now how this Jesuites judgement doth agree With Jesus doctrine , you shall briefly see . When God with sinfull-man vouchsaf'd to talk , Told he not Abraham , that if ten just folk In Sodom could be found ; his wrath he 'd stay , And would not all , in his just vengeance , slay : But , for those righteous sakes would mercy show . But ghostly Garnet was more wise than so . Did not the heavenly husband-man declare His sacred minde , touching the wheat and tare ? Since , both grew-up , to let them both alone : But of this husbandry , Garnet will none . Doth not St. Paul , doth not all Scripture show , No evill ought be done that good may grow ? Was it not Mercies majesty and joy , That none of his he brought unto annoy ? Not one was lost : saying he came to save , Not to destroy , whom God unto him gave . But yet , Loiola's Priests more wise do grow , They hold it lawfull to kill friend or foe . Though Peter may not strike in Christs defence , Yet Popish-Priests may use all violence . Catesby was heerwith ( now ) full satisfi'd ; And glad that all things to his thoughts compli'd , For , now he judgd himself most strongly able To settle his man Bates his minde unstable . For Catesby noted , how he , jealously Observ'd each-passage , with anxiety ; And saw how Rookwood was amaz'd in minde , And toucht in conscience that he had combinde To ta●e away and let-out so much blood ; And that they-both , much wavering , theron stood ; He therfore told them that most certainly , He was resolv'd by good authority , No lesse than Garnets , their chief Jesuite , That with good-conscience , voyd of least affright , They might destroy nocents and innocents , Rather than leave-off their so high intents . With which assurance they were satisfi'de , And so resolv'd all hazards to abide . Now , then to Rome is Fauks sent , privily , Vnto the Pope , their plot to signifie , To make-known to his holinesse with speed , From first to last , how all things did proceed . His holinesse his traiterous Son commended , Perswades to persevere till all were ended ; Assures successe and fortunate conclusion ; And so dismist this Master of Confusion , With benediction and a bounteous gift . Then , rapid Tibris-like , he flyes full swift , Visits his ancient friends and old acquaintance , I' th' Duke of Austria's Court , with welcome entrance : Wheras he meets with many fugitives , Questioning how each thing in England thrives . And banisht Shavelings of our English nation , Greedy to heare of change and alteration ; With sanguinary Nero , who desire Their countries grace extinct with sword & fire . Monsters of men , like those who love to angle In troubled-waters , discord , strife and wrangle . These , these ( I say ) prickt forward him that ran , And contribute to help what he began , Furnishing him with counsell as with coyn ; Brothers in mischief , heads and hearts do joyn : His head they fill with cunning , craft and guile , His heart , to hatch , his tongue to ly , they file ; They teach him , how , with Demonologie , To hide the plat-form of this ●reachery . Like furious hagg , he home returns most bold , And to his master Percy doth unfold His good successe , and prayes they might proceed With expedition to this hellish deed ; For he was stuft with all the arts and arms That Rome could yeeld , or Acherontine charms . They , having ( now ) with blasphemous intent , ( As is fore-shown ) receiv'd the Sacrament , And , bound themselves by oath , to act their parts , To heare Plutonick-Masse , their murtherous hearts They , them prepare ; which done , they all desire , Now , to proceed to build this furious fire . And hereupon , some choice-men they select , Whose charge should be , with diligent respect , The Parliament to dig and undermine , Who furnisht were with bakd-meats , beer & wine , That so they might not ( oft ) go in or out , Fauks , at the door stood Sentinell or scout , Who still discover'd all that passed by , And markt occurrents with a watchfull-eye ; And warning gave , as he occasions spide , Sometimes to work , sometimes to lay aside . Thus , to the work , themselvs they closely gave , And by their sides , their peeces charg'd they have : Resolving there to dye , if so it hapt , That by discovery they should be intrapt . These pioners through Percies chamber brought Th' exhausted Earth , to digg a hollow-vault , Conveying-out great baskets full of clay , And of the house , the ground-worke took away . But lo , at last , an obstacle they found , A thick stone-wall they met-with in the ground , Full 3 yards thick , which with much industry Though with great doubt and deep anxiety , They having half-wrought-through , they eas'ly heard A rushing noyse of Charcoal , which them feard , That they discovered were ; strait Fauks was sent To see what all that noise and rushing ment , Who finding that the coals were selling-out And that the cellar might ( past fear and doubt ) Be hired by them , as a place most fit For their design : He Percy told of it , Who , seeing its most pat-conveniency , And under th'upper-house , immediately He hir'd the Cellar for a yearly rent , And with a traiterous heart and foule intent Feined to fil 't with charcoal , wood and beer , From all suspect themselves to cloake and cleer . Here now they did consider Catesby charge , Upon whom ( hitherto ) with love too-large , The cost of all this coyle had chiefly ly'n , Wherfore , to forward this their deep design , Sr. Everard Digbies bounty did abound , Who to it , promis'd fifteen hundred pound . Then traiterous Tressam his great zeale t' expresse , Two-thousand pounds would have in readinesse , To be employd in each necessity , To prop this work of Popish-piety . Percy to pierce the eye of Church and State , Did also promise he 'd associate And beare a part in this so rare collection ; Four thousand pounds at least , with pure affection , He from Northumberlands great rents would get , And all things orderly dispose and set . Others , both horse and armour would provide , Others procure an Army gainst the tide ; Wherwith they might destroy and quite deprive , With fury great , the rest that did survive , Of life and liberty and their best treasure , Even Christs pure-Gospell , their souls precious pleasure . Such was the hatred of this holy-brood , Such the effects of their nefarious mood ! Among them ( then ) was this objection made That since the Prince ( as could not be gain-said ) Would be in Parliament : How best might be , The next-heire to surprize ? But , Percy , he Soon freed them of this care , and under-took With his bold mates to ceaze upon the Duke . For , this they had resolv'd , with firm decree , That the Kings issue-male destroy'd should be . Next how to get into their custody , ( O hellish guardians of such royalty ! ) The precious Princesse , fair Elizabeth , Then , with Lord Harrington by Dunchurch-heath ; Together with the Princesse Mary fair , And having got this royall female-pair , Elizabeth they would their Queen proclaime , And on her person sequell projects frame . At Dunchurch ( therfore ) they 'd a hunt pretend , And friends ( there ) meeting , might that businesse end . Lastly , they all consult and take advice , What forrein Prince , they heerto might intice ? What English Lords and Noble-men to save , Who of this Kingdome , should possession have ? Of these , and all these circumstances , they Firmly resolv'd against the pointed-day . Each thing , thus , hapning to them , passing-well ; To Fauks ( whom , we , not man , but hagg of hell May justly term , a title best befitted ) The finall , fatall-blow was ( then ) committed , This gastly , ghostlike-monster , night by night , To th' Cellar went , all things to order right . Which Cellar ( now ) they filled had , complete , With firkins , barrels and with hoggs-heads great . Thirty and six with gun-pouder all stuft , Which should earths intrals to the skies have puft . Lord , what a puffe , what a combustious flame , What motion , what commotion by the same , Had from the Earth , into the ayre bin rais'd , Hels stoutest furies to have made amaz'd ? And yet to make the blow more strangely fierce , More desp'rately the corps to pash and pierce ; Upon the barrels they had laid also , Great crowes of iron to increase the blow , And massie-stones and logs had plac't theron , Right underneath the Kings and Princes throne . And to prevent the danger of suspect , That none those Stygian engines might detect , These traiterous hell-hounds with Medaea's guile , Great store of billets therupon did pile , And fagots ; so the gun-pouder to hide , That it could not without great search be spide . Thus having fram'd this Chaos of confusion , This seven-fold heated fornace : For conclusion Of Englands fatall-doome , they ( now expect The long-wisht day , their purpose to effect ; The happy , hoped-day , Novembers-fift , To drive all head-long with a horrid drift . Thus Fauks that ravening-Wolf with hungry-jaws Greedily gap'd to gripe us in his pawes . Thus , thus , he stood prepar'd to perpetrate With more than barbarous , most inhumane hate ) A treason passing Catelines compact , Against old Rome with hot Cethegus backt . Ambitious Hamans arrogant proud thought , Against the Jewes could no such ruth have wrought . Inferiour farre to this transcendent treason Was Paris massacre with most just reason . And that Sicilian wofull Even-song Came farre behinde this proiect . And among The best Chronographers thou canst not finde A fact so foule , so cruell and unkinde , Not barbarous Scythia , nor Tartaria wild Did ever heare or see a plot so vilde , Much lesse ere dreame the like to enterprize ; Than which , a worse , Pluto could not devise , Nor such a palpable Aegyptian-fogg Have rais'd to rear Romes faithlesse Synagogue . Wherin they hopt a kingdome to devoure , At once , with one blow , in lesse than one houre , Like unresistible , remorslesse waves , To make the open-ayre the tombes and graves Of our dread King , the Queen , the Prince our joy , Of Englands peerlesse Peers , with dire annoy , Of all our choice and chief Nobility , Of Levies-Sons , props of the Prelacy , Lycurgus-Sons , our Justices and Judges , To whom their Romish foes bare secret grudges , The flower of gentry , creame of Common-weale , Her skilfull Surgeons , countries sores to heale . Her most accomplisht Knights , the bravest part And prudent Burgesses had felt that smart ; Most of the soundest Lawyers of the Land Had altogether perisht out of hand . All These ( I say ) thus marked-out to die , ( Had not heavens fore-sight given their wrath the lie Smother'd in smoake and dust , to th'Ayr blown-up , Had drunke full-drafts of deaths most direfull cup . Their bodies batterd , shatterd , torne and rent , Arms , heads and legs , flying i th' firmament , Dismembred bodies all besmeard with gore ; A sight , which very Scythians might deplore , Yea roare to see , and seeing , curse the hearts Of all such barbarous Actors of such parts . Thus , thus , I say , those pious Patriots had Been All ingulft in death and dolour sad , By this most woefull , fearfull Stygean Act , Likest it-selfe , paralel'd by no fact . O mischief , murther , massacre most strange ! New snare , base ware brought forth from hels exchange . O Popish cruell-crue , inhumane quite ! Monsters in Gods , monsters in all mens sight . O wretched work , to which all woes are due , Great wrack , more great than may beheld for true , Who , present , saw All , noted All he saw , To trust All seen , his Own-eyes scarce could draw . With such fierce flames of quick Sulphurious scath , Doth Rome promove , approve her Cath'lick Faith ▪ Nay , not these reasonable-souls , alone , Had in that roaring-thunder up bin blown . Without distinction or least difference , Of mean or mighty , people or of Prince , Of Majesty or honour , sex or age , ( Such was the horrour of Romes wrath & rage ) But many senslesse-creatures they had ment , To make partakers of that hideous rent . Both those most ancient famous houses fair Of Parliament , the springs of laws most rare , Westminster-hall , fair Englands judgement-seat , Yea doubtlesse , White-hall had to dust bin beat ; The Church , wherin Kings had their coronation , All turn'd to ashes , by that conflagration . That Church , I say , wherin the tombes most rare Of former famous Kings and Princes are , With precious , curious cost and care erected , From age to age most gorgeously protected , As endlesse trophies of triumphant raign , All these had faln , dasht into dust again . Yea all the marks of Britanes royall-Grace , The Crown of England , Scepter , Sword and Mace , Records and Charters , which appropriate To all , their portion , honour , right and state . O wofull , ruthfull ! these had bin Romes prey In this sulphurious-furious dark doomes-day . So horrid and exorbitant a plot , So foul a stain , so black an ugly-spot , Doubtlesse mans tongue ( before ) did never tell , His eyes behold , or in his heart could dwell . Nay , all the furies of th'infernall-pit Could never ( surely ) such foule poyson spit . So rare a King , so rare a Queen to kill , So rare a Prince , so rare a Race to ill , So rare a State to stab with cruelty , So rare a Realm to bring to misery ! Whom , all the world admir'd , belov'd of all , Whom , none but Pope and Papists wisht to fall . If , a mean-man to slay be detestable , Then , how much more had this bin execrable ? If , to shed-bloud , be cal'd a crying-sin , How much more monstrous had this murther bin ? This mo●● than crying , yea , this roaring-crime , Unparalell'd , unpattern'd , by all time . For , these destroy'd , what were a Realm , but dead ? A most dismembred corps without a head . And as a silly Hare ( feare laid aside ) Securely thinks within his form to 'bide , Whom , when the Country-man asleep doth finde , With his plow-staffe , he kils with eager minde : Even so Romes cruell bloody-dragon had Obliterated Englands fame , and clad Her glorious beauty , glist'ring name and nation In sable mourning , wo and lamentation . So huge a throat had this wilde wolf of Rome , Christs stocke ( at once ) to swollow and consume . Who , thus , at one , indeed deep Cath'like blow , ( Had not , heaven-only , therunto said no ) Had Nero's most inhumane wish effected , Namely , all Englands heads to be erected , And plac't upon one-body , with one-stroke , To smite them off ; not needing to invoke A yeers , months , weeks or days-space , but one-hour , To strike-off all those heads , with Romish powre . Yea , as it were , with one loud thunder-clap , As with a pettard , instantly , to snap And break our peacefull Janus-gate wide-ope , Of all our halcyon-dayes to quench the hope . With more than Canibals blood-thirsty mood , Deeming , than Mans-flesh , nothing sweeter food . O , who is able to articulate , Or , who can liv●ly paint and personate The severall sorrows of that dismall-day , Those vile Nerorians , vaunting in their prey ? Triumphing in the trophies , pitteous spoyl , Of their destroyed Kingdome , native-soyle ? No , though I had an hundreth tongues and hearts , Both hearts & toungs would fail to do their parts , T' indite and write th'extent of their intention ; In sense and science of so strange invention . Yea , learned Homer , doubtlesse would refuse A task so great , so grievous for to choose . Yet , that I may but give a short survey , A glimmering-view of that intended-day , We 'll here suppose ( and blest be heavens great name , That we can therof but conjecture frame ) We 'll ( here ) suppose ( I say ) the fact effected , The traitours bloody-banners ( now ) erected ; By Hercules his foote , the Lyons paw , The wise may see the widenesse of Romes maw . For heer ( me thinks ) had ( then ) a fresh bin shown London , great-Britanes fairest princely throne , Like conquered Troy in furious flames a burning , Spoyl'd & abus'd , replete with moan & mourning ; The happiest City Europe ere enjoy'd , With Aetnaean-fire and smoke , confum'd , destroy'd . Her wals with Canon-ruptures rent and torn , Her stately turrets batter'd-down , forlorn . Rubbish-heaps made of her Pyramides , Her streets with souldiers fild ; none them t' appease . Then Mars usurping milde Astraea's room , Their swords , not words , must give the fatall-doom . In streets , great streams of blood like rivers run , Loud screeks and cryes , help , help , we are undone ; But none to help , except to help them die , Or add more griefe to groaning misery , In houses and in sanctified places Women with blubbering tears bedrensh their faces , Wringing their hands and running up and down , Fearfully frighted with foes rage and frown ; Children in Parents arms trembling and quaking , Mothers into their lapps their infants taking With gushing tears , kissing their tender-cheeks , Chambers even ring with Damsels wofull fcreeks : Aged-men murthered , Young-men butchered , Wives widows made , chaste Virgins ravished . This corollary let me also adde , Which would have made the mischief farre more bad , It was confest to be their hellish drift ( The King & State confounded ) they would shift The blame & shame on those whom most they hate , Their own foul guilt ( therby ) to paliate ; A villain , falsly , should proclaim as truth , That Puritans were Authours of this ruth . So that in every country , town , and city All that were godly-given , without all pitty , ( O most unsampled , ô most wicked wile , ) Had beene destroy'd , as malefactours vile . But how this hellish plot contriv'd should be , In its more proper place , you , plain shall see . Now then return we whence we have digrest ; Hels Romish-agents , thus , most ready prest , As was fore-shown , each thing in readinesse , To bring their country into deep distresse . Our great Jehovah , God omnipotent , Who sits in Heaven , above the firmament , His Israels carefull keeper , shepheard great , Who mans affairs views from his mercy-seat , And knows the closest and most secret deed , Whose sight doth fained Lynxes farr exceed , He , he , I say , in mercy did behold The miseries and mischiefs manifold , Wherwith those Romish-bears , their King did threat , Wherby they gapt to make Saints-flesh their meat . Thus to his glorious Angell with sweet voyce , His will unfolds , which they to do rejoyce . You , saith Jehovah , now shall understand , How Satan that sly-hunter takes in hand With Cholcos spels and spight by agents proud , Great Britanes soyle to spoyle : yea and hath vow'd To root-out of the Earth the English-nation , Who to our name perform pure adoration . Which if they should accordingly atchieve , * Babell would her dead hopes again revive ; The monstrous * Beast would salve her deadly sore And re-erect a Stews for her great Whore . Then Rome , the mistresse of enormity Would bask her selfe in sins deformity ; Then also would the Prophesies of old , Seem ( and that justly ) all in vain fore-told ; All those praedictions clean annihilated , Which said the Beast should ( sure ) be captivated , That Babylon should fall and ruin'd be , And that the Kings on Earth her fall should see . All these ( I say ) might ( hereby ) frustrate seem . And thus my people , Me forgetfull deem . Wherfore I purpose with all expedition , To interrupt and thwart this their ambition , This hasty , hatefull enterprize to stop , Of this rank-rising-weed the flowers to crop . And , although Englands sins my wrath deserve , Yet , for my names-sake , I will them preserve , Although ( I say ) Englands ingratitude Justly deserves judgements amaritude , Because it doth my mercies much abuse , Yet will I not permit this Beast to use Mysword of power , nor give those * Imps my right , But , speedily in wrath their sins I 'll smite . This God of mercy , just-mans consolation , With most ineffable commiseration , To shew to us his love and bounty large , A heavenly Angell forthwith gives in charge To Albions kingdome with swift course to fly , And in his sleep the king to certifie , How many dangers he was wrapt into , Which him and 's peacefull kingdom would undo ; How many stinging-Snakes in Court did lurke , For him and his , strange snares and gins to work . Wish him be circumspect , the * place refrain Where Julius Caesar treacherously was slain : Their impious plotted Protasis doth frown , Like Sampsons-house , intending to pull-down His kingdome all at once about his ears , And their Epitasis portends great fears ; But both of these , he joyfully shall see Transacted to a blest Catastrophe . Then , to the Lord MOUNTEAGLE hast with speed , To whom the traitors closely have decreed To send a Letter , this harme to prevent , That from the Senate he himself absent . For why ? say they , both God and man decree , By a fierce blast Romes foes down-cast to see , And that he should into the country fly , And there in saf'ty and security A wofull sodain spectacle expect ; And that this Caution might breed no suspect , They wisht him ( having read ) the Letter burn , That so no danger might upon him turn . Him thou shalt warn his duty to perform , And of this perill , his dread Prince t' enform , The Kingdoms and his Countries weal to further , And so prevent this direfull dreadfull murther , Which that same Letter mystically ment , Without a name , but not a blest event . Then from great Jove doth wing'd Minerva fly , And ere bright Titan from the spangled-sky Had banisht Cynthia , dancing on Spains flood , This blessed Messenger with message good Ariv'd upon the coasts of Britane fair , His charge to discharge duly doth prepare . Who noble Morley's heart doth first inspire With honest care and diligent desire Of his deare King and Countries happy state ; And then the Kings brest doth illuminate With iudgement most profound the knot t' unty ( Like Oedipus ) of that oenigma high . For , thus , the Lord , in his all-guiding grace , Ordain'd , that one of that most traiterous race Did meet the Lord Mounteagles serving-man , Ten dayes before the Parliament began ; Who , about seven a clock at night was sent Upon some errand : And as thus he went , Crossing the street , a fellow to him came , A man to him unknown , by face or name , Of personage tall , making a sodain stand , Strait put the Letter in the Servants hand , Earnestly pray'd him , with all speciall heed , To give it into his Lords hands with speed . The foot-man home unto his Lord did hie , And gave the Letter to him , instantly , And told him how it was unto him brought ; Which , soon , he opened , found the hand but naught No name therto subscrib'd , without a date ; To read it , therfore he did properate , But , hardly could , wherfore , a gentleman He cald to help him read , which ( thus ) began . THE LETTER . MY Lord , out of the love I beare to some of your Friends , I have care of your preservation . Therefore I would advise you as you tender your life to devise some excuse to shift-off your attendance at this Parliament . For , God and man have concurred to punish the wickednesse of this time ; and thinke not sleightly of this advertisement , but retire your self into your country , where you may expect the event in safety . For , though there be no appearance of any stir , yet , I say , they shall receive a terrible blow , this Parliament , and yet they shall not see who hurts them . This counsell is not to be contemned , because it may doe you good , and can doe you no harme ; for the danger is past , so soon as you have burnt the LETTER . And I hope GOD will give you the grace to make use of it ; to whose holy Protection I leave you . These strange contents his mind did discontent , In 's heart a thousand thoughts both came and went ; What fact , what friend , what this oenigma told , What mystick-danger these words might infold ? Or whither 't were some addle , idle-brain , That this had writ to cause him thence refrain ? If it should prove a fond fantastick-thing , To stir therin , disgrace to him would bring : But if it should include some dire event , Unto his Person or the Parliament ; To keep it close , might make him prove disloyall : He 's loath and yet desires to ma●e a tryall , Wherfore , at last , as was fore-specifi'de , Gods sacred Angell to him swiftly hi'de , And in his anxious thoughts infus'd sweet grace , Willing him this occasion to imbrace ; And kindled in his heart a zealous flame , Not to conceale , but to reveale the same . THe gallant EAGLE soaring-up on high , Beares in his beake Treasons discovery : MOUNT noble EAGLE , with thy happy Prey , And thy rich Prize unto thy Prince convey . THrice noble Morley ( saies this Angell bright ) Who art so honour'd in thy makers sight , That thou must be the man shall first disclose The Kings and countries bitter threatned woes , By that usurping whorish Beast of Rome , Who Albions I stand hopes ( now ) to consume ; O stand not doubting , pond'ring in thy thought , Whither this be a truth or thing of nought ; A truth , a happy-truth it does import , Of woe and wrack to Country and to Court . If thou it hide a world of woes ensue , If thou reveale it honour be thy due . And though this Letter seemeth most obscure Like a darke-riddle , yet will I procure A Josephs or a Daniels ingeny , T' untwine the twist of its obscurity . Since in thy hands ( then ) lies both weale and wo , Haste , haste with speed , in Court thy Letter show . This happy motion makes all doubt depart From this right noble Lord Mounteagles heart , Who ( now ) resolves the businesse to display , To search the truth , to Court to haste away ; And , though it were both dirty , dark and late , Yet , he the time will not procrastinate . But , like a noble-Eagle with a prey , A princely prey ( indeed ) he sears away , He is not quiet with this prize ( thus ) catcht , Untill he have his high-affairs dispatcht . Heavens ayd imploring for a blissefull end , To this most anxious act he did intend : And , thus , with loyall-heart away he goes To Court , this waighty busines to disclose , Resolv'd therto , what ever should betide , And , to the Earle of Salisbury's lodging hi'de , To this Vlisses , he the LETTER shows , He th'other counsell ; hence thick doubting grows Among them all , they in most doubtfull wise Possesse the King therwith , and so advise : Each-one propounds his judgement severally As in a case of great anxiety , One thinks it was some idle vain conceit , Others do judge it did some danger threat ; Another is quite of another-mind , None could the right-way of this Lab'rinth finde . Not one of them could dive into its ground , None could this mystick-riddle right expound . At last our prudent-King , Apollo's sonne , Fair Englands Joseph , thus to them begun ; ( Weighing each circumstance with deep discretion ) Well , sirs , our iudgements must take more impression , This is no triviall work or fantasie . But must be sifted with great scrutiny , I well remember , and you all do know , That little-smoke being ( at first ) kept low , Doth mighty flames ( though hid ) most fiercely work : And in this grasse some Serpent foule doth lurk , Or else I am deceiv'd ; for to my mind Now comes that * old-rule touching Romists blind , Whose genius guided by Erynnis vile , Never pull-down the Flag of wrath and guile , But , what with threats , poisons , deceit , contentions , They practise still t' effect their foule inventions , Plodding and plotting as a most just thing , By Jesuites-principles to kill their King . No doubt but heer 's some danger fabricated , Some second Troian-horse is machinated , Some bloody Jesuite , with some traiterous train , Who would his hands in our dear heart-blood stain , Some monstrous machination ( credit me ) Is in this LETTER couched privily . T is not the froth of any brittle-brain , But , doubtlesse , does some treachery contain ; In that his friend he counsels to forbear From comming thither , so to voyd the feare : Yea , farther , he great danger menaceth , A sodain , terrible , fierce stroake of death . Which with great wonder like a thunder-clap , Should , on their foes , precipitately hap ; Unlesse by Gun-pouder this thing must be , Nought els , so likely therto , I can see . And it may be that they 'll abuse that-art , To our great ruine and ensuing-smart . Therfore most loyall Sirs , I much desire That speedy course be taken to enquire What neighbours and what houses neer do stand To our great Capitoll , what Cellars , and What arched-vaults there are under the ground ; Let secret search be made , the truth out-found . Then strait , Lord Chamberlain , with others moe , Made carefull inquisition for to know What houses who them held , and of each thing , In all particulars informe the King ; Percy ( saith he ) dwels there and hath a vault , With wood and charcoale plentifully fraught . Hence , instantly , greater suspect did rise , And therupon S. THOMAS KNEVET wise Was ordered to search-out what he might ; Who on the 4th-day of Novembers-night , Perlustrated each doubted part and place , And did each thing uncover and uncase . And least suspition might their search betray , They feign'd to seek the Queens-roabs stoln away . INfernall Fauks with Daemoniack heart , Being ready , now , to act his hellish part ; Booted and spur'd with Lanthorne in his hand , And match in 's Pocket at the doore doth stand : But wise Lord KNEVET by Divine Direction , Him apprehends and findes the Plots detection . ANd first , S. Thomas , Guido Fauks did find , ( Divel of that den ) ord'ring things to his mind , Booted and spur'd , then standing at the doore , Having dispatch his taske , but late before . Having ( then ) set ( I say ) in order fit , His all-disordering fuming Aetna's-pit , Which should have made his country quite forlorn , And all her stately towres have rent and torn . He apprehends him , grasps and clasps his hands With hempen-cords ; and then no longer stands , But quickly enters that infernall-cell , Where , entred , he observes and views all well . And trustily puls-down the piles of wood , And as his servants tumbling all things , stood , A sodain fright this knight and them amaz'd , Which , 'mong them all an exclamation rais'd ; See , see ( say they ) this wood doth pouder hide , For , we two barrels full have heer espi'de , Let us search farther , we shall more descry Hid ( doubtlesse ) mongst these billets privily . O treason , treason , heer we more do finde , O treason , past the reach of mortall mind ! Then more and more , they instantly found-out , And therby , clear'd the truth of former doubt . Full thirty barrels more with pouder fraught , Two hogs-heads great they foūd as thus they sought . All which did Fauks his heart with rancor woūd , Whō straight they searcht & soon about him found A crucifix , which from his neck they snatch , A shirt of hair he wore his skin to scratch . From forth his pocket ( then ) that match they took ( Maugre his traiterous rage and hellish-look ) Wch should have brought Vulcan from hels black station To work in Aetna dolefull desolation . Wherwith he vow'd to burn-up and destroy Albions illustrious lustre fame and joy , The peace and plenty , strength and valour stout Of England , famous all the world throughout . This glorious Realm in twinckling of an eye He would have rob'd of all her royalty . Yea , with such unheard cruelty and guile They woven had this webb most foule and vile , And every thred so slily did contrive , That but poor twelve-hours England should survive Heaven having ( thus ) hels foule intentions stopt , The project crost , their flower of hope ( thus ) cropt ; The traitor straight the fact confest , but said He grieved most to see his purpose staid , And that , but this , nought should have held his hand From turning all into a smoky-brand . The standers-by in wonder , thus , burst out , Heare ô ye heavens , tremble all earth through-out Was ever heard or seen so bold a foe , A heart so hard , prodigious ? Nay , we know That scarce the heart of Turky , Barbary , Like plotted-mischiefe ever did descry . To which the bloody-butchery in France Is unequivalent , gives but a glance , ( Respecting this ) of Romes rebellious stock , In these vile Edomites , on us Christs flock . Whose memory much dims each former slaughter , Disgrace of this , and of all ages after . The unheard horrour wherof may appeare In these six circumstances following here . First , if they had adjudged us , by hand Of reasonable-creatures , to deaths band , If men by men should have bin deaths fierce fuell , The fact had bin more humane , farre lesse cruell ; For then , there had bin hope by force or fence ; By tears or treats to swage their violence . As to Heavens glory our blest King did find In Gowries treason , cruell and unkind . Or if by other brutish-animals , Inexorable at our wofull cals , And being , than most-men , more pittilesse , Would us confound , with beast-like greedinesse ; This kind of death ( indeed ) had bin more fierce , Yet heer were hope deaths sentence to reverse : For why ? by force or pleasurable-cause , Some men have scaped Lyons fangs and claws , Daniel i' th Den , the Roman in the Cave , David , King Richard , o're them , conquest have . Again , which is most cruell of the three , By things-insensible destroy'd to be , To which , all groanes , all moanes must needs bee vain Being senslesse of themselves , most of our pain ; By these , I say , to perish and decay , No hope , no help , nought can their fury stay . Besides , observe , of any senseles-thing , These elements , Water and Fire do bring Most dammage , most devouring fierce confusion , By restlesse , by redreslesse strong intrusion ; Whose inundations , all-confounding flames Orewhelms whol realms , makes dust of rarest frames . Add , yet , this fifth materiall observation , Which , to this purpose brings great aggravation ; Of these two all-devouring elements , By fire we have most grievous detriments . For , though the waters hugely over-flow , Drown man and beast , bring all to deadly woe , Yet , when into their bounds they have recourse , All things remain , in substance , little worse : But when or whersoever fires fierce rage , Burns Shepheards-cottage or rich-heritage , Takes hold on houses , pallaces or places , Of gold or treasure , all it quite out-races , Cattle and corn are altogether thrust , Are all consum'd , nought left but drosse and dust . Therfore that we should be consum'd with fire , And of all fires , that of most furious ire , By puffing Gun-pouder , the most out-ragious , A death most desperate , cruell and contagious ; O speak ( alas ) what hope was of relief , From this so mortall , mischievous great grief ? No strength , no power was able to assail , No tears , no treats could , here , a jot prevaile . For why ? O woe , no time for tears was given , With such strange violence had all bin driven ! No mortall-might might stay this mortall-blow , No power protect us from that deadly woe . No means ( I say ) lesse than a miracle , Such as is mention'd in the Oracle Of sacred Scriptures , when Heaven did command ( Even as it were by his immediate hand ) That Babylonian fiery-fornace powre , That it could not once touch , much lesse devoure That rare pair-royall of true piety , True worshippers of Heavens great Deity , Sweet Shadrack , Mesheck and Abednego , In whom the Lord did such a wonder show . And , certainly such was to us Gods grace , And we well-nigh , in as like dangerous case . But , blessed , ô thrice-blessed trine-one Lord , Thine endlesse-praise , we ( ever ) shall record , Our powerfull and most pittifull protectour , O our most holy , glorious , just directour ! The gratious smiles of thy preventing pitty Made blest Ho sanna be our joyfull Ditty , Here we may not omit this observation , Th' impossibility of preservation , Or hope , this treason ( ever ) to discry , By all the reach of humane policy ; And therfore , that God-only did us save , And heerunto five reasons more we have . First to keep secret and performe the fact , They bound themselvs by Oath and firm compact . Then heerupon , receiv'd the Sacrament , To tye themselvs with stronger ligament . Thirdly , were tutour'd by their Jesuits To use all couzening-tricks , deluding sleights , Namely , to answer by equivocation , To any Magistrates examination ; Their senses thus to circumvent and flout , That none the truth might from them ( ere ) get-out . Moreover , though , that Letter we confesse , Was the first-instrument the plot t' expresse ; Yet , certainly , for all that mystick-Letter , Our case had still bin very little-better , If God had not another-way wrought peace , Necessitating them that worke to cease Of undermining that great Capitoll , By reason of the thick and stony-wall , Which so did crosse what they did first desi●● As that they must the pouder-cellar hire , Wherinto they their hellish-stuff did lay , Our King and State by flames to make away ; Which , had it bin of those things voyd and free , Where might it have bin thought , that stuff to be ? How could the vault in time , have bin detected , Which all the while was never ( once ) suspected ? Nor , till the Traitours-selves confest , was sought , For , no man , therof ever dream'd or thought . The last , not least note , in this horrid act , Is , that God mov'd the King still to protract And to rejourn the time of Parliament , Which , fitted ( still ) the Traitors ill-intent , But , chiefly , unto us it fell-out best , As by those notes before hath bin exprest . The Treason ( thus ) most happily display'd , The Traitour Fauks to prison was convay'd . Then , through both Court and Country speedily , Through all the Kingdome did the rumour fly , Through Town and City , street and every place , Of this deliverance , Gods preventing-grace ; Annoy is turn'd to joy and sweet content , Mens hands and hearts and knees to praises bent : Making great bonfires , feasting , ringing bels , Each-one h●s neighbour this Gods goodnesse tells . And , now , return we , where we new-now left Incarcerate Fauks , whose heart was clean bereft Of piety and grace , incarnate Divell , Most strangely hard'ned with infernall evill . For , being brought before the Councell grave , He did himselfe so sturdily behave , And put-on such a Romish Resolution , A vouching his intended-execution , Wit●●uch a setled and immarbled face , As that a Mutius Scaevola most base , He lively represented to them all , Full of remorslesse rancour , rage and gall . For why ? he durst most shamelesly proclame This hatefull fact , a deed of holy fame , And that the Zeal of Romish Faith indeed , Enflam'd his heart so boldly to proceed ; And , that he griev'd for nothing more then this , That , of the works-conclusion he did misse . Adding , more-over , with a heart of stone , That , if he had but of their comming known , And if he had bin in the Cellar ta'ne , He would have set on fire the pouder-train , And , both himself and those that had him catcht Would ( there ) have blown-up and of life dispatcht . Yea , when before the King and Councell grave , That night , he question'd was , he did behave Himself with right-Ravilack scorn and pride , And oftentimes would seem even to deride What was demanded ; so small grace he had , So hard a heart , his conscience was so bad . And the next day being in safe custody , And by some Lords question'd , most seriously , Touching his complices in this designe , He stubbornly , would such demands decline , And all that while , nought could be from him got , Which he conceived might disclose the plot ; But on himself-alone laid all the blame , Protesting that he undertook the same Meerly for conscience and religions sake , Avouching , that the King he did not take To be his lawfull Soveraign , Gods annoynted , But , as an Haeretick , from Rome disjoynted ▪ But , the next morn , being to the Tower sent , And , there , some two or three dayes being spent , In strict examination , twice or thrice , And , he rejecting all their grave advice ; The Councell ( theron ) profering him the rack , The sight therof did all his courage crack ; And all his former Romish valour stout , Unmask , and made his guilt of heart break-out . So that he ( then ) began for to confesse The truth of all th'intended-wickednesse . Then there they left him in his divellish heart , To bide the Sentence of his just desert ; To taste the bitter cup to traitors due , Which yet did nothing cause his soule to rue , But desperately his heart more hard than stone , With divellish impudence was overgrown . For in the time of his imprisonment , Some other traitors to the Towre being sent , There were , that did avouch that they did heare Vile Robert Winter , Winter voyd of fear ; In whom ( also ) was graces Autumn shown , And fruitlesse-Winter of all goodnesse known , Who being in the Towre , a time did finde To speak to Fauks , and ( thus ) to break his minde . Thou knowst ( friend ) Fauks , my old & trusty mate ) That boyes may , once , grow-up to mans estate , And Catesby and my selfe have children left , Then are we not of comfort , quite , bereft . For why ? I hope they will revenge Romes wrong , And , for our sakes , her foes ( once ) lay along . Yea , though we had no children of our own , Yet God is able from the sterile-stone To Abraham of Rome , children to raise ; And I much marvell , no man in our praise For this our Cath'lick constant zeal doth write , And Panegyricks unto us indite . How-ever , yet , let us vow and protest To maintain our just-cause and manifest , Our ardent zeal for Romes supremacy , When we before the people are to die . Content ( quoth Fauks ) for , surely , I suppose The Divell not God , did this our sact disclose , O monstrous men , ô hard hearts , brazen faces ! To offer God and man these foule disgraces , Past grace , past goodnesse , voyd of fear or shame , Our good Heavens God , thus falsly to defame , Farre worse than Julian , that Apostata , Or Ecebolius , worse than these , I say , For Julian did ( at last ) confesse and cry , Thou Galilaean hast the victory . And th'other with remorse confest his fault , Crying-out , O tread on me unsavoury-salt . But this remorslesse , gracelesse , godlesse brood , Of ramish-Romists , with most impious mood , Are not asham'd ( like most unsavoury-salt ) Not only , not to grieve for this great fault , But most impenitent , avouch and joy , Their hellish-plot , their country to destroy . To this unpattern'd impudence , I may The traitor Tressams perjury display ; As most apparent marks to testifie This Beast of Babell and her blasphemy . And let no Romish-Rabsheca be mov'd , And say t is false ; for both were justly prov'd . This Tressam to the Councell had confest , That he and Garnet had their minds exprest , And often-times had serious conference About this treason and intelligence Of that invasion by the King of Spain , Which greedily they gapd-for , but in vain . This also , being prov'd to Garnets face , Yet Tressam , ere he dy'd ( quite voyd of grace ) Did on his souls-salvation take his oath , Vilely recant , falsly forswear them-both ; And said , that sixteen yeers , at least were past , Since he did see or talk-with Garnet last . O what a wretched-state live these men in , Who hold it but a triviall , veniall-sin , To wrest and jest with oaths and Sacraments , And have indulgence for such damn'd attempts ! But , desperate Judas-like Tressam did dye , Murthering himselfe in prison wickedly . O who , so Stoick-like , so senslesse Stock Cannot be mov'd to see these wretches mock , And gull their souls with Romish incantation ! Nay , who are so bewitch ( past admiration ) With the bedawb'd face of that rotten-Whore I' th' Revelations spoken of long before . But , to omit digression and proceed , And briefly to relate each scelerous deed Which did and should succeed that fatall-houre , Let 's here leave Fauks fast lockt in Londons towr , ( A lodging fit for such a traiterous guest ) Where now he might take time , without molest , His corrupt-conscience seriously to sift , To cry for grace , to Christ his thoughts to lift . Untill the day , of execution due To him , and those of his accursed crue , Was brought about in its appointed time To pay the wages of his cursed crime . In which discourse each godly-wise shall see By truth and reason all confirm'd to be . First , here behold there more than marble faces T' invert the odium , and the foule disgraces Of this black-deed , had it so ta'ne effect , On Innocents , who did it least suspect . There liv'd at that time in Northampton-shier , A worthy Gentleman , allyed neare To Robert Keyes , whose Sister Keyes did wed , Wherby acquaintance was between them bred , This pious Gentleman well known at Court , And in his Country of most rare report , For Grace and Goodnesse and true Piety , Had a swift running-Nag , and Keyes must be The man must borrow it for some choice use , A staulking-horse , indeed , to this abuse . This Horse thus borrowed ( as the plot was laid ) Must unto London forthwith be convay'd , And there to stay till Fauks had given the blow , Which should have wrought his coūtries bleeding wo . Which given , the horse was ordered to attend Fauks in St. Georges-field away to wend , And make escape by speedy flight from thence . They likewise had , with hellish impudence , Contriv'd about that time t'have murthered This pious Gentleman at night in his bed , And 's murthered Corps to have convey'd away To London , whereabout his horse did stay . And in this interim , even Fauks himself That furious fire-brand , Alecto's elf , Should also have by Villains murthered been , And be so hackt that it should not be seen Or known what one he was ; thus , t was dec●reed , To pay him home with his deserved meed . He hopd for honour they would pay 't with horror , His dignity should be his death and dolour , He gap't for gold , they would it turn to gall , Now when he hop't to rise he down should fall . Thus Fauks so mangled , as not to be known , A rumour sodainly must forth be blown , That Puritans were authours of the fact , And more to cleare their project and compact , And make the world beleeve 't was so indeed There Mr. Pickering lay in Fauks his stead , Who was the kindler of that furious flame , And as prime Authour must beare all the blame . ( The traitor Fauks his corps being sodainly Convayd away that none could him descry . ) There also M. Pickerings horse did stay , Ready with speed to hasten him away ; But heavens all-seeing-eye , revengefull hand , His hop'd escape did timely countermand , And stir'd up some in odious detestation Of that so foule sulphureous perpetration , To fall upon him , and with wrath most due Him in that manner there to hack and hew , To cleare all which , hard by him smeard in blood , His wel-known horse bridled and sadled stood . On which suspition , strengthened in that sort Straight must break forth ( I say ) that false report That Puritans were authours of this ill , And therupon a Massacre must fill The kingdome with the blood of righteous men , All that were pious known , and godly , then , By Romish rash and wrongfull accusations Must have bin forc't to bloody devastations . Hence , hence , I say , had rufully bin rais'd Clamours of men , out-cryes of hearts amaz'd , Death threatning tortures in all parts to reare , On all that godly , gracious Christians were . And was not this a craft rak'd out of Hell By divellish furies ? falsly to repell From guilty on the guiltlesse , all their blame , And then like Divels incarnate voyd of shame , With perjur'd stony-hearts and brazen faces Upon Gods Saints to dash their own disgraces . He that the nimble drops can number all , Which from the Pleiades and moyst Orion fall , Or Bees of thousand swarms wch suck May-flowers , Might ( then ) have told poor Britans brinish shewers , Might , thē , have nūbred Englāds heart-fetcht-groās Might , then , have counted all her matchles moans . O English Protestants , why stand you still , As if affraid to curbe Romes cursed will ? Why seem ye ( yet ) to hault twixt two opinions , Pretending truth , fostring these Romish Minions ? O cast out these accursed Canaanites , These subtill foxes , bloody Jesuites , Which lye but lurking for a watched prey , Whom nought can satiate but your dire decay ! Impunity does nought but cause them ' bide Sharp thorns t' our eyes and goads unto our side . But now to passe to that which doth remain , Farther to view this traiterous hatefull train , Here , then what Satans pseud-Apostles did , Shall be declar'd after all was unhid . And , heer you must observe and notice take That Percy , Catesby , all things sure to make , 'Bout Westminster and Lambeth staied still , The issue to observe or good or ill , Sure news therof unto their mates to carry , Who , for their coming did 'bout Dunchurch tarry . This impious Dog-couple of traitours base ; These bold co-partners in shames deep disgrace , Perceiving that by Heavens most blest decree , Their treason was made known , make haste to flee , Their prey ( now ) lost , they both like Bears , in chace Finding themselvs ( now ) in a desp'rate case , Their hearts began to ake and quake with fear , Like Dogs , indeed , they grin , rage , sweat and swear To horse they haste and swiftly poste away To Dunchurch , where ( I say ) their mates did stay . Which place they had their rendevous assign'd , Their after-game to play ( there ) to their mind . There , falsly , did Sr. Everard Digby fain His holy-hunt , a fat-buck to be slain . A hunt , indeed , like that of Nimrod proud , Their farther mischiefs cunningly to shroud , A holy-hunt for hell-hounds only fit , To hunt Christs lambs into Romes wolvish-pit . And , as in word , so to avoid suspition , Of all things , for a hunt , they made provision . Their toils and nets they place , with joyfull cheer , Their hounds with yelping noise to chace the deer , The sturdy stag , the tripping , skipping hare , Their horns they blow , which pierce the ecchoing ayr , Making their choice of a large champion-ground , A fitter for their turne could not be found , With shrubs and bushes set commodiously , And here and there , oaks planted , broad and high , Convenient places horse-carriers to see , And nothing wanting that desir'd could be ; Yea , 't was a plain so spacious , that they might , An army place in battle-ray to fight . In this great heath proud Digby and his train With traiterous Tressam rod about a main , And after them a mighty thrust and throng Of Catholikes and others past along , Inhabiting the villages about , Admiring much the cause of that huge rout . Then forthwith , all the gallants and best choice Of Gentlemen and Youth , with hollowing-voice , Do ride and run , and to this sport allure All that were fit that pleasing sport t' endure ; And most of all the villages , therby , Do thither flock , together hastily . The woods about with snares and hayes they fill , Some blow their bugle-horns both loud and shrill , Some , with their swords cut boughs , some , nets do lay , Yea , all prepare them to their sport and play , And from their hounds the collers do unty , Who to their game do run most eagerly . At whose loud opening and huge yelping-noise , The Deer , now , sodainly , to all their joyes , Out of the thickets , mongst them nimbly rushes , Which , fearfully , lay hid among the bushes , And from them all doth swiftly run and scud , Whom Men and Dogs pursue , as they were wood . But in the midst of this their hasty pace , At heels of one of that most traiterous race , An honest-Country-man , by chance did keep , And , as he leaped ore a ditch most deep , A clattring armour perfectly did heare , Which under 's cloaths that traitor , then , did wear ; And that which in him more suspition bred , The winde , as then , blew much and blustered , And , up and down his coate ( oft ) hovered , so , That , he an harnesse , clear , might see and know . The sight wherof amaz'd him , wondrously , And , thus , he whisp'red to one standing by . Good neighbour tell me what you thinke of this , I know not , but me thinks t is much amisse , That in these parts , so great a company , Are thus assembled and yet unknown , why . God grant that all be well . This hunt , I feare , Is not 'gainst Foxes ( only ) Hares and Deer ; No , no , I fear , they gape for greater things , These subtill Serpents ( doubtlesse ) hide their stings . Themselvs being fiercest wolvs , though sheep-like clad , This hunt , I fear , is not for bruit-beasts had , Worse mischief ( surely ) in their bosome lyes , Not Beasts to kill , but mens lives to surprize . Lord keep the King and royall Progeny From being caught and trapt in treachery By these audacious subtill-hunters snare , Who , to these ends , no cost nor labour spare . My mind presageth some great villany , But , heaven , I pray , my fear may falsifie . Yet , otherwise , why should they armour weare ? Under their cloathes ? Besides all of them are Vassals to th' Pope of Rome , who ( oft ) did spit With rancour sore , fetcht from th'infernall-pit ) His envious poyson 'gainst ELIZABETH , Whose fame , as in her life , lives after death . They are ( I say ) the friends and fautours all Of the great Beast , that strumpets champions tall , Who sends her bellowing-bulswith bāning stings , Realms to dispose , to depose lawfull Kings , Which , she composeth of false couched treason , Beyond the bounds of piety and reason . Doubtlesse , this most seditious generation , Disloyall brood , thirsting for innovation . Both ever was , and so continue still , The cunning craft-masters of fraud and ill , The foes to our felicity and peace ; But heer 's more need of swords than words . I 'll cease , I 'll for my self provide the best I may ; And from this dangerous crue will haste away ; And with these words his staff on 's neck he threw , And without answer , thence , himself with-drew . By chance , also , as they , thus hunting were , A friend of traiterous Winter , this did feare , And therfore he thus unto Winter said , I prethee tell me ( Winter ) what hath made This great assembly ? what may be the reason Of all this-concourse , at this unfit season ? What winde hath blown our Catholiks together , I prethee tell me wherfore come they hither ? To whom , thus , Winter , in his eare repli'de , Deer Sr. the truth from you I will not hide , This hunt of beasts is but a thing pretended , We have a holy-hunt forthwith intended . We hope to hunt the wolves hereticall From our too-long enjoy'd possessions all . And in these few hours this will be effected , Then let not these my speeches be rejected , But take advice , remember what say , Hold on our side , it is the wisest way . But , now the night draws-on , our sport must end , And with those words he parted from his friend . The hunts-men , then , their horns aloud did blow , Both hounds and hunters to their homes do go , Making their retrograde , home they repair , And by the way their passed sports declare . When , being hous'd , their hoste had set on board , Such viands as the time would best affoord . Great fires were made themselvs to warm & heat , Their tables spread with linnen cloths most neat , A Parlour fair , to sup in ready drest , And gold and silver goblets of the best . Then Digby , who was chiefest of them all , Puts-off his arms , and for his gown doth call , Wherin he walks and staulks with princely gate , Amidst his cursed-consorts , in great state , Prescribes them statutes , asks , replies again , His brest no triviall-trifles doth contain . His heart and head negotiate great affairs , He unto each his place of honour shares . So insolent and confident is he , That all things shall , to them , most prosperous be , That he even loades his mates with dignity , This done , to supper they go instantly , Where was no want of mirth and dainty cheer , As in their quaft-carouses did appeare , In drinking healths and wishing good successe , To their companions whom with eagernesse From London they expected , where they staid , Thinking each houre was ten , till they were made Partakers of their tydings . But , mean-while , With mirth and musick , they , the time beguile . But , as they sate , as 't were ore-whelm'd in pleasure , Glutting themselvs with dainties in deep measure , In jesting-scoffs and flouts taking delight , Gainst those whom they terme pure in scorne and spight , On whom they breaking jests in high disdain , Would hoote and hollow , laughing-out amain . As , thus , I say , they jeering , jesting , sat , Drown'd in delight , glutted with merry-chat , News was brought in that Percy and Catesby Were at the door ; to whom most earnestly , They , starting-up , made haste to meet , salute , Hoping the message to their minde did sute . Whom Digby , first , with speedy pace did meet , And 'bout their middle does them kindely greet , Often demanding , what good news , they brought , Who with dejected face , abjected thought , As briefe , as full of griefe , did thus reply , All is stark-nought . Which dampt them instantly . Strange alteration , like to Ghosts they stand , As if not able to stir foot or hand , Such numbnesse , dumbnesse seem'd in them to be , A chilling-cold all-ore them you might see , Their bodies quake , their bones began to tremble , Their face could not their foule disgrace dissemble , Their countenance cast-down , they stare and gaze , Their fainting-hearts half-dead at that amaze . And thus , ô thus , the Lord converts the joy Of unjust men , into most sharp annoy , Their pleasure into pain and penury ; All ( thus ) quite dasht , in twinckling of an eye : A while they flourish like a pleasant-bay , But sodainly , they fade , like withered-hay . Percy , at length , all feare doth from him cast , And seeing how his friends stood all agast , Thus , dissolutely , resolute , began To utter words befitting such a man . Take courage ( friends ) do not all hope neglect , The first-attempts do seldome take effect , Had it bin ( thus ) with Caesar in the field , Pompey had victour bin , made Caesar yeeld , ( When they at Thessalie the battle fought ) And Caesar had bin slain , past feare or doubt , And with his life , his Empire he had lost , Each enterprize ( at first ) great pains doth cost . Yea , commonly great obstacles with-stand The noblest actions that we take in hand . Life is resembled to a chance at Dice , Where ( oft ) more 's wone at once , than lost at thrice . Though for the time , the gamester suffers losse ; At last much coyn , into his purse he 'll tosse . Beleeve me ( noble Sirs ) Vertue best shines In troublesome and intricate designes ; The time requires bold-spirits ; plaisters strong Must cure the sore which cowardize did wrong . Fortune 's a friend to the couragious wight , Dastardly feare declares a pesant right . What ? are we not all of us Catholicks ? Does not our High-Priest curse those Hereticks , And pray for us ? is not our cause most right , Religious , just ? valiantly , then , let 's fight . This Pluto's Orator scarce made an end , When all to arms themselvs do fiercely bend ; Then forthwith , Catesby and his traiterous mates Consult together . Catesby sendeth Bates To Garnet with a letter , which should show What ill-successe did on their projects flow . Garnet at Coughton was in Warwick-shire , And all Recusants rendevous was there ; And in that letter Catesby him desir'd ( For so their ominous-estate requir'd ) With all convenient expedition , To stir-up Wales into rebellion , And els-where , as he could all Papists stout To stimulate and move to fight it out . Now Garnet ( who with Greenwell was that time ) Seeing , they Jesuites were deep in the crime , And fully certifi'd that all was known , Began their ill-successe much to bemoan , And seem'd to prophesie their Sects decay ; O that we ( once ) could see that happy day ! But hot-spur'd Greenwell , being more resolute , More firy-spirited and dissolute , Boldly resolved ( thence ) away to poste , To raise rebellion all about that coast ; And instigates Recusants unto arms , With all his utmost Jesuitick-charms . Then at the house of Abbington , he meets With Hall a Jesuite , and him kindly greets . And after greetings , doth him then advise To work as many as he could to rise . But Hall ( as in a dump ) a while did stay , Much doubting what therin to do or say . To whom so doubting Greenwell , thus , began , Why how now ( brother Hall ) what frights thee man ? The difference , twixt a flegmatick faint heart , I plainly understand ( such as thou art ) And me , who am more cholerick and hot , Why ▪ man it moves not ; fears not me a jot . And wilt thou ( now ) a milk-sop dastard be ? And hide thy head , when ther 's most need of thee ? Fie , fie for shame , take heart , be not affraid , And help me stir-up friends our foes t' invade , With martiall-might these hereticks to slay , Nor must we now , to pause , the time delay . And , thus , away he flies , like northern-winde , And , as he past , he publisht with false minde , A monstrous-lye through every town and city , That Catholicks that night without all pitty , By Protestants should all have murthered bin , Hoping hereby rebellion to begin ; Wishing them all take heed not to prolong To save themselvs , but make resistance strong , If they desir'd in saf'ty to abide , And for their wives and children to provide , And if they would their lives and lands possesse , And free themselvs from imminent distresse . Then Hall the Jesuite , meeting ( after this ) With Littleton , who finding all amisse , Did urge the Priest therwith exceeding much , Told him it did his conscience neerly touch , And that he thought the Lord was much offended With such a course as so much blood intended . But Hall , as whiteliver'd , as late , he seem'd , As harmlesse holy-lambes as th' are esteeem'd , As simple Doves as Jesuites would appeare , Now , doffs the mask which he ( before ) did weare . The violent and virulent hearts-gall , He , now , declares even of the Jesuites all . For why ? instead of meek acknowledgement Of true contrition , heart right-penitent , Of late dissembled grief for this foule fault , When Greenwell him to stir-up rebels wrought . He divellishly began to justifie Their most atrocious , vicious villany . And thus to Littletons great doubt repli'de , Good Sir , you shoot your censure very wide . And much transgresse 'gainst charities right laws , If by the ill-successe you judge a cause . For why ? th'eleven tribes , which two battles bent 'gainst Benjamin , at Gods commandement , In both the conflicts those tribes had the worst , Shall we ( therfore ) account their cause accurst ? So , when as Lewis , King of France did fight Against the Turks , was by them put to flight , And , he himself ( then ) of the plague did dye . The Christians , eke , defending valiantly Their town of Rhods , 'gainst Pagans , lost the same ; Must we the cause ( then ) by th' event ( here ) blame ? No , good Sir , no ; our cause was just and right , How ere the event hath prov'd amisse in sight . What better , greater cause to spend our bloods , Than for Religion to spend life and goods ? Thus , thus , this bloody Jehuite did perswade That Papist , who was heerwith well apaid . Doubtlesse , great Lucifer could never find , More expert instruments to please his mind , Among his hellish-hags , more flinty-hearts , To act his most infernall tragick-parts ; Than these inhumane Jesuites , Satans sect , These most pernicious props , which Rome protect . To Robert Winters house the rebels came , Where , that rank Jesuite of no little fame , Old faithlesse father Haman did reside , Whose heart with Romish zeal being fir'd & fry'd , When he , together did the traitours see , He gave them all his absolution free ; Even , then , when they were in rebellion hot , And after the discovery of the plot . This holy father of that hell-spawn'd Sect , Told them their High-Priest highly did respect Their zeal & would them Saints & Martyrs make , Therfore he bad them all bold courage take . These pious words Ignatians-imp did utter , And , shewd them the Popes * pardon seald with butter . Hell being , thus , broke-loose , though but a while , Sēds-forth more hell-hoūds , blood-hoūds fierce & vile . Grant , whose foule hopes , Heaven also foolifi'd , To whom , none ( yet ) had these things certifi'd , ( For why ? he kept his house and stir'd not out , Till he suppos'd all ( now ) past fear or doubt , But thinking now the plot was fully ended , And that good-hap their hopes had well befriended ) Now like a Tygre-fierce abroad doth fling , Armed all-over with foul-mischiefs sting . But , He which makes his reckoning and his prize , Without his hoste , must make his reckoning twice . And as the 40. Jews with divellish will , Swore , in an ambush , they St. Paul would kill : So Grant what he had sworn-to , long before , Now , hopes to execute , with rancour sore . And with his rabble of Recusants stout , Perfidious Papists , now , he issueth-out . And thus , by night , to Warwick-castle came , Where divers Nobles of great note and name , In time of peace , warrs danger to prevent Fed and bred-up great horses for content . Those Grant did steale and to his camp convay , Their owners to confront ; assault and slay . This most audacious fact , this strange ambition , This robbery-bold , quickly , bred much suspition , In Sr. Fulk Grevill , th'elder , who was then , Lieutenant of that Shire : And bands of men Caused him like a faithfull worthy Knight To muster-up in readinesse for fight ; And with all speed , to fortifie those parts , And unto his assistance , wins the hearts Of all the chiefest Gentlemen there dwelling , Fearing ( as 't was indeed ) some strange-rebelling ; And wise directions he sent up and down , Into each village , place and neighbouring-town . So that as up and down the traitors went , A Smith to Winter such a sound-blow lent , As had not he bin rescu'd , by the rout , He then had bin laid-hold-on , past all doubt . But , at that time , the townsmen sixteen took , The rest , in haste their captiv'd mates forsook . Now , as they fled ( I mean , Grant and his mates ) At length , he there himself associates With Catesby , Percy , and with all the rest , To whom then Catesby their estate exprest , Told Grant their enterprise was all descri'd , And that they must all hazards now abide . Thus as they altogether troop'd in haste , Sr. Richard Verney from his confines chac'd These roaming-rebels , who to Worster-shire , Betook themselvs , as full of guilt as feare ; Yet hoping ( still ) their numbers to augment , But , our good God their hopes did still prevent . Mean-while that they thus roam'd tumultuously , The honoured Lord Harrington therby , Who to his fame and praise , in princely state , With loyalty and love did educate The eldest Daughter of our Soveraign King , The Lady Elizabeth that princely thing . Whose feare and fright him greatly pittied , Hearing how things were much disordered . He ( therfore ) carefull of his royall-gemm , This princely-branch , sprung from a Regall-stemm , Whom he more neerly , dearly tendered , Than his own-life ; to him assembled And call'd about him all his faithfull friends , Whom all his gates to lock he forthwith sends , And with a double-watch he strongly pent ( All traiterous intentions to prevent ) And fortifi'd his house 'gainst ingruent feare : And yet his heart doubted her safety there , For in his private-house he thought not good Her long to keep , and thus in doubt he stood . But taking counsell , he most prudently , Resolved with all true fidelity To Coventry , the Princesse to convay , Which from his house was distant no great way . Whose dutious Citizens good government Had made that city famous , eminent , Being also fenc't with wals and bulwarks strong , Thither this Peere the Princesse led along . Whose Citizens with joy assembled are With joynt consent themselvs all to prepare , This princely-Lady , there to entertain , In glist'ring armes her safety to maintain . The City Major and all his brethren grave , Decking themselvs in gowns and garments brave , With kindest salutations did her meet , And with most cordiall wellcomes did her greet , And finding feare opprest her tender mind , All grief they banisht , with these words most kind ; Be comforted ( sweet Princesse ) we you pray , Let all sad thoughts and fears be cast away . For we with all our Citizens are prest , In your defence to shew and manifest Our love and loyalty , to do you good , To spend our strength , our state , yea dearest blood , Our gold , our goods , our love and labours all , Yea , whatsoere is ours , you yours may call ; We nought wil spare ( sweet Princesse ) you to pleasure , Even to the utmost of our lives and treasure . These words the tender Ladies heart rejoyce , Whom , to the City they , with cheerfull voyce , Conduct unto a fair house well prepar'd , Befitting her estate and high regard , Most sumptuously set-out and richly dight , Where a strong guard was kept both day & night , And watch and ward the City round about , And carefull search who-ere went in or out . Now , all this while that band of bandogs rage , Sweating , intreating ayd and equipage , For their affairs , but nothing did take place , As they did rove and rave , like Bears in chace ; All was in vain , for none how bad soever , Would with them joyn , but from them part and sever , Nay , scarce , in one of all their own profession , Could all their plaints procure the least impression . Such was the hatred of their hellish deed , Such love of quietnesse sweet peace did breed ! And when they had got all they could perswade , Some fourescore-persons their most number made . Yea , when they had don all they could ; threat , pray , Even their own-servants gladly shrunk away , Fearfull of ill-successe and conscience-prick , Knowing 'gainst thorns it was in vain to kick . But these out-ragious Romists did conceit And fondly dreame , in this their furious heat , That they were of small snow-bals nature , right , Which rowled to and fro , grow to great hight , And hugely are increast ; these traitors , so , Thought rebels would like rivers to them flow ; And sure suppos'd that what they had begun , In this one-part of England would be done By all the Catholickes in other parts , And spur them on , with like rebellious hearts , To symbolize with them and arms to take , To joyn their might & power , strong head to make , Which , also , though their lying-Jesuites sought , Yet , heaven , their helish hopes did bring to nought . Wherfore , like vagrants , stragling to and fro , Through all those parts they hopelesly did go , Of comfort , ayd or counsell , quite bereft , And , as they past , the people never left To prosecute with bitter execrations , The divellish agents of such conjurations . These miserable miscreants ( then ) did enter Into a mighty wood ; and thence did venture To Holbeach , where , with desperate mood they came Into the house of Littleton by name . A spacious-house and able to contain These Romish rebels and their traiterous train . Here , then they pitcht their most nefarious tent , Drown'd in despair , drencht in disparagement . Wch whiles they were here lodg'd , as in their cāp , Strook to their hearts much madnes , wrath & damp . Like angry Bears who when their whelps are slain , Run up and down , ramp , rage and roar amain . The gates and doors , some lock-up and fast barre , Some whet their swords and fit themselvs for warr . Some do their Peeces charge with pouder & shot , Others their armour scoure from stain or spot , Their vain and hair-braind-labour was but lost , And must them all their dearest heart-blood cost . For now Sr. Richard Walsh the high-Shrive came , Besieg'd the house with souldiers , did proclaime Favour to those that yeilded , stood not out , But utmost wrath to th'obstinate and stout , Fairly intreats them , then , not to resist , But peaceably from farther harm desist , To yeild unto the mercy of their Prince , Or els he must their stubborn hearts evince . The Sumner in his masters name , thus , said . But they like madd-men , him this answer made , Go tell thy Master we do scorne his threats , And hold as empty-ayre his wea● intreats . If he by dint of sword will force us yeeld , He must bring greater forces to the field . Wish him ( therfore ) break-off his female-fight , With silly-syllables our hearts to fright , That he must not contend with us in words ; We 'll fight it out and trust unto our swords . Thus when this valiant Gentleman did see Him and his counsell scorn'd , to arms flies he . Whiles things , thus , past , a most strange accident , A sore fore-runner of due punishment , A tang and touch to meet their treason right Happ'ned within ; which did the traitors fright . Namely , that by a fire of wood did lye A bagg of Gun-pouder to be made dry , Not farre from which , nearer the fire of wood A tray of pouder ( there ) uncovered stood : Into which tray a crackling sparke did glide , And , instantly , the tray and bagg beside It fired , insomuch that furiously , It with fierce flames and smoake flew up on high , And with resistlesse rage ( to amaze and wonder ) The houses roofe it reft and cleft asunder , And on the face of traiterous Catesby came , To his and all those Traitors stinging shame . Grants face it scorcht , and Rookwoods face also , Did not in this great judgement untoucht go , But like the foule stigmatick-slaves most base Of Dionysius branded in their face , They marked were , their hearts and sense seem'd dead , Their souls seem'd in their bodies buried , All stood astonisht , pale-fac'd , faint , affright , Their hair did stare with horrour , bolt up right . Yea , Robert Winter , but the day before , This fearfull chance ( to make his horrour more ) Dreamt , that he Churches saw , and as it were , Steeples to stand awry , and with much fear , That in those Churches he strange faces saw ; This sad event , these to his thoughts did draw , And caus'd him , that , his dreame to mind to call , And therof , thus , made him resolve withall , That sure those faces which did there appeare , Were right like these that now before him were ; And did unto him rightly shew the frame , And shapes of these whom thus the pouder-flame Had scorcht and burnt . This him amazed much , And did his traiterous heart most deeply touch . And , then , with guilty-consciences they eye , Their Epidemick purpos'd treachery , Confessing Christ to be th'avenger just , Who turns the glory of the proud to dust . Then , they , their Countries causlesse wo do minde , The fires they should have kindled most unkinde . Yea , then they seem to see the blood-shed great , Which to their harmlesse brethren they did threat . Which on the ground like rivers should have run , And on their bended-knees , they ( now ) begun , To wring their hāds with tears their faults cōfessing Beating their brests , their groans , their griefs expressing , And now , too-late they do lament their folly , Acknowledging the Lord to be most holy , And this great judgement on them to be just , Cursing the time they did such counsell trust . Read , ô ye Atheists , read and mark this well , Who are perswaded ther 's no heaven nor hell ; Yea , read , ô ye blind Romish Jebusites , Who think the Lord sees not your jugling-slights , Who think God marks not nor regards your deeds , Or els , who count hels horrour , crackling reeds . Saying , with Davids-fool , God sees us not , Th'almighty slumbers or hath us forgot . O , if ye have not browes more hard than brasse , Or if one spark of grace may from you passe , Then , thinke , nay be assur'd the Lord doth fight For his afflicted flock , their wrongs to right . Yea , know that Gods invincible strong arm , The righteous and religious saves from harm . And that he ( sure ) can catch at unawares , Malicious proud men in their nets and snares . And pouder-plotters burn in such like flame , As they for others impiously did frame . And like Perillus , that rare engin-maker , Of others perill they are prime-partaker . O let this ( therfore ) tell all traitors hearts , That heaven will ( surely ) pay them their deserts . But , to proceed . The hooded hypocrite , A while may couzen & cog and cheat mens sight , But long it shall not last , heaven will detrude Their impious vizards , wherwith they delude The eyes of mortall men , and this abuse The Lord will to their sorrow ( soon ) reduce . For presently , their temporizing tears Were dryed up , no shame in them appears . All former seeming sorrows quite forsaken , And their new virtue proves old-vice mistaken . A sodain madnesse did all grace push-out , Op'ning the gates they armed all rush-out , And like mad-dogs or Gaderens divellish hogs , Despairing with their conscience heavy-clogs , They head-long run among their enemies , Smiting on all-sides in most desperate wise . Vowing and swearing , since , such was their fate , To sell their hatefull blood at a dear rate . The valiant high-Shrieve , seeing 't was in vain , ( As was declar'd ) by love them to constrain , To due submission ; with true martiall heat , Resolves them therunto with blowes to beat . Stoutly they fight on both sides ; these for fame , The others fight with desperate fear and shame , Then Thomas Winter vaunting in the Court , And traiterous Rookwood one of this consort , Th' one shot in 's shoulder , lost the use of 's arm , Tother with shot had also no small harm . Then , both the Wrights with halberts ( there ) were slain , Which , much discourag'd their perfidious train . With cursed Catesby , Percy pestilent Doth joyn himself , and to them Winter went . And , thus , this knot of knaves fought back to back , And Winter at their sides doth hold them tack , Placing themselves in manner like a wedge , And , thus , they boldly fought with eager edge . The traitors smite about with furious blows , These to defend , those to offend their foes . And like the fight of Buls ( as Stories say ) By sturdy Dogs assaulted on the way , And sorely set upon ; they , tail to tail , With their strong horns the furious dogs assail : But , as Alcides , though most stout and strong , Or Theseus brave could not continue long 'gainst many foes , maugre their courage bold , No more could these their enemies long hold . For at them , presently , a peece was shot , Whose bullet both those traitours deadly smot . Through Percies & through Catesbies cursed heart The bullet pierced to their deadly smart ; When with a deep life-yeelding hollow groan , Unable to subsist , they both fell prone Upon the Earth , strugling with pangs of death , And quickly gasp'd their last accursed breath . And like two mighty Oaks whose branches high Did seem ( just now ) to touch the lofty-sky , But by a rapid whirl-wind in the ayr Are blown and over-thrown ; whose branches are Laid low upon the ground , the boughs made meat For cattell in the field to brouse and eat . Thus , to those gracelesse Champions of the Pope ( Who had already ) swallowed up in hope , Englands fair Realm and seat-Imperiall , It did directly happen , justly fall . Who thus , I say , in hellish fond conceit Had clim'd the top of high promotions seat , But see ( I say ) their huge Pyramides Of hatefull pride ( for so it heaven did please ) With shame was shattered into peeces smal , Their flesh made food for birds & worms that crawl . But , Rookwood , Winter , Grant , alive were taken , And all the rest of comfort ( soon ) forsaken . Here Robert Winter having stoutly fought , But , now , unable , longer to hold-out , His Cateline and hot Cethegus slain , By his fierce foes , alive , was quickly ta'ne . But with a Pike in 's belly ( first ) receiv'd A dangerous wound , yet , not of life bereav'd . Now , all the rest being taken and disarm'd , ( By prick of conscience , than deaths fear more harmd ) Were thus subjected unto justice stroke , Their fainting hearts confounded , wounded , broke . And as the custome is , with hempen bands They were fast bound , behinde their backes their hands . And so to London , fast on hors-back tyde , They were convayd : whom people as they ' spide , Did all the way they went , still flock to meet , And them with execrable curses greet . And so to London being brought , at last , In pris'n with fetters they were locked fast . And not long after was the 'pointed day For their arraignment . When in grave array , Nobles and Judges , as the cause requir'd , Unto their Judgement came ; where with admir'd And learned eloquence , deliberately , The Kings Atturney ( then ) did signifie And recapitulate from first to last Each most materiall action which had past . And found them guilty of that damn'd intention , Crost ( thus ) in th' act , by heavens , alone , prevention . The Judges ( then pronounc'd their sentence due ; And , on the traitors all in open view , Was execution done in divers places , To the most just confusion of their faces . On th'upper-house of Parliament , most high , ( A just reward of horrid treachery ) Catesbies and Percies heads were fixed fast , ( To use the Prophets words ) like a ship-mast , That passers-by might to each other tell , The just deserved issue that befell Unto those roving , robbing Pirates vile , Who hop'd to rife by treason , theft and guile ; Who by ambitious and pernicious wayes , The golden-fleece did hope to them to raise , Not by stout Jasons valour and brave grace , But by Medaea's sorceries most base , They gap'd ( I say ) a golden-fleece to gain , A glorious-realm to swallow ; but in vain . Wasps ( thus ) we see , make combs as well as Bees , But , for sweet hony , work-out pouder-lees . Their hearts contain'd nought but sulphurious wind , And foul effects of a most treacherous mind . PErfidious Fauks , whose hopes were lately high By Treason to be rais'd to Dignity ; By Justice , findes Treason retaliated , His Head upon a Pole high elevated : That All may see Gods vengeance prosecuting , The proudest Traitors , treason executing . The wanderfull deliuerance — 1605 OUr great Jehovah having brought to light This deep-Designe full fraught with Romish-spight ; The fame therof through all the Realm being blaz'd , The Peoples hands and hearts to Heaven are rais'd : They pray'rs and praises send to Israels King , They bounteous-Bonfires make , their Bels they ring : Tryumphing in their Streets with fire-works rare , Rockets , Fire-wheeles , Fire-drakes flying in the Ayre , Fierce-mounting Fire-bals blazing in the Skies , Quick cracking Squibs to please beholders eyes : And , All heart-cheering signes of Joy expresse , Being , thus , redeem'd from Death and dire distresse . THen see you pole-shorn Papists what 's the end Which al your traiterous projects doth attend . See you Achitophels , you Jesuites all , What prize doth to your Absolons befall . Bad counsell , still , to Authours fals-out worst , An impious-project gains an end-accurst . For , these , who , like great Consuls would have raign'd , As false conspirators were , now , arraign'd . And like as fond Empedocles did cast Himself int' Aetna's fire , hoping t' have past Unspide of any in the furious flame , And so beheld a god with endlesse fame : But , when the flame his slippers did retort , His hair-braind-folly was the peoples sport : So , these , which hop'd , which fondly hop'd t' have got Saints names ( at least ) by this their Aetnean plot , God ( who in mercy did their mischiefe see , And such strange folly in their hearts to be ) The slippers of discovery did cause To foolifie their deifide applause . And by this blest Catastrophe , to call ( Instead of that usurped name they all Hop'd-for , to wit , Romes meritorious-Martyrs ) And justly term them , most notorious traitors . And curs'd be they which call such evill good , Accurs'd Romes doctrins grounded ( thus ) on blood . Most deadly-sicke was Catesby and his train , Of Achabs sicknesse , none could ease his pain , His stomach was with Naboths ground so cloy'd ; Till bloody Jesabell her skill imploy'd To give him physick with poor Naboths blood . But these , vile Achabs case far worser stood , For ; why ? although their greedy appetite Old Achabs did exceed , with gaping spight , And that this upstart Jesabell of Rome Did us to death with greater mischief doom ; Yet , since they could not kill nor yet possesse , They were in farre more desp'rate wretchednesse , In silence , here , I cannot pretermit , How that these traitours past all grace or wit , In conscience touch't did at their death professe , That , what they did , was for Romes holinesse ; That , for advancement of the Cath'lick-cause , They , thus , had plung'd themselvs into hels jaws . And that they had for their more firm direction , The precepts of Romes faith and full protection , The Zeale wherof did strongly them incite To execute what-ere , with all their might : Which precepts are , by force , fraud or deceit , To cog , collogue , to threat , intreat and cheat , By just or unjust means , by buls or bans Hugonets , Calvinists and Lutherans , To prosecute , to cut-off , and to kill All that oppose their holy Popes great will . For all 's most true , they teach , which Rome doth say ? Or charge her children ; for she cannot stray . Hence we may note that Romes rebellious feed , All other malefactours farre exceed ; For , though it cannot be gain-said , withstood , But some in all professions are not good ; But do offend by treason , murther , theft , For which , they justly are of life bereft , Yet when they are to dye , they nere accuse The Doctrine or Religion which they use , To be the cause that they did so transgresse , Or stain themselvs with such soul-guiltines . But that their naturall bad inclination , And want of grace brought them to desolation ; But these besotted eat-gods , voyd of shame , Do not their nature , but religion blame ; These foule-birds , thus , their own nests do beray , And , if in ought , heerin , the truth they say . But , ô , ô misery , beyond compare , That with such basenesse they contented are ! O , if the understandings-eye be blind , How hard it is truths perfect paths to finde ! If once the Lord unto our selvs us leave , How hard , the truth from errour to perceive . O wo to those which lock-up heavens blest gates Both from themselves and their seduced mates . O strong delusions , as St. Paul doth call them , How can it choose but danger must befall them ! O poysonous-cup of Romish fornication , To be bewitcht by such strange incantation ! O , if the blind do lead the blind , both stumble ! Nay , both do headlong into mischiefe tumble . O , what true Christian , Protestant , is he That does not from truths-fountain clearly see That God in vengeance , and in judgement just , Such Doctours and such Doctrins , sure , will thrust To hells deep-pit ( at last ) whence first they rose , Which do Christs wholsome-doctrins so oppose . For , what sayes Christ , the spring of verity , To all his Saints , for all posterity ? My deare Disciples go and teach each Nation , Baptizing all men to regeneration . Clean contrary , this base-childe of perdition , The Pope of Rome , with hellish admonition , His blinde-disciples , thus , most blindly teacheth , To his proud-Proselites this Doctrine preacheth . Go extirpate , kill and confound each nation , Which doth refuse our yoake and usurpation . O are not these foule broods of vipers vile , And Pluto's Locusts full of fraud and guile ? Yea , are they not the very spawn of Hell , The furies of Avernus fierce and fell ? Satan their fathers foot-steps imitating , By sword and fire fair vertue ruinating , From whose most damned counsell and consent , They , spider-like this Stygian-poyson vent , Which treacherous Faux , that vessell full of vice , To us , to minister , they did intice . Doubtlesse the Divell was not a little glad , That he that Popish-prey and purchase had ; For , to those Romish friends might Pluto say , As they , with him , in Tartars flashings lay , You see brave friends th' effect of our intentions , Hels secrets , hidden counsels , strange inventions , Wch , though they have not wrought as we intended , Yet are they not , with this plot wholly ended . Indeed I must confesse we did expect A greater harvest , and more full effect Of our designes : But this shall now suffice , ●ntill we can procure a * richer prize . For yet , we hope fortune , hereafter , may Grant us a time more mischief to display , And to the full our counsels to contrive , To make our stratagems more fairly thrive , Nor shall this fact our counsels quite deny Our future hopes . Hell is not , yet , drawn-dry , Our coffers are not empty ( yet , indeed , This last did all our others , farre exceed ) Which , after-times may taste-of to their pain , As fast as we can grace and favour gain , With our choice * friends in Court Romes champions bold , For , these are they wch all our hopes uphold . This said , fly Satan , those his agents all , Leaves to themselves in sense of endlesse thrall . The customary practise of the Divell , Who , when he hath suggested men to evill , First , makes them sin , and when they are to die , Comfortlesse leaves them in their misery , Voyd of all help , full of disconsolation , Headlong to tumble into dire damnation . Mark this , ô ye , whose hearts with deep devotion , Are so bewitch'd with Circes poysonous potion , With love of Romes great whore , recall , recall , Your understanding from her divellish thrall ; Abjure that Doctrine , cease to call them blest , In whom such maps of mischief are exprest , Learn with relenting tears , repenting heart , From Romes false jugling Jebusites to part . Those subtill Syrens from you to repell , Those impious Amorites , Magogs of hell . O take unto you Christs collyrium sweet , And you shall see how they from truth do fleet , Yea , you shall , then , perspicuously perceive , How , they sound faith do hate and wholly leave : How they true saving knowledge paths pervert , How they Gods Saints with malice do begirt , Assaulting them with mischief and despight ; Yet shall the just prevail and stand upright . For why ? both Christ and all the heavenly hoast Do fight for them wherof they well may boast . Yea from the stars , according to their kind , They day & night , do sweet protection find O , why doth man , then , Christs true Church disturb , Since heaven resists him and his wrath doth curb ? O thou great guider of the heavens high , Who by thy thunder dost All terrifie , Almighty ruler of the earth below , In promise just , to anger very slow ! O , how can we sufficiently recount Thy condign-praise , which doth the heavens surmount , Thou didst us save from slaughtring sword and fire , From those which 'gainst thy laws our lives conspire . From miserable massacre and death , Thou only Sions-Saviour gav'st us breath . And as from teeth of greedy savage Bears Did'st us recover and redeem from fears . Thou , only-thou , by power of thy right hand , Didst for us most unworthy wretches stand , And our poor silly sinfull souls preserve , Even , then , when we from thee , by sin did swerve , We though thy foes , yet did thy mercy finde , Thou wast most courteous , when we were unkind . Though we , alas , daily delight in sin , Endangering heavens losse , our lusts to win , Quenching thy Spirit in us , fostring the flesh , Like dogs to vomit , sinning still a fresh , Contemning thy behests and holy name , Using thy Saints with scornfull scoffs and shame . Choosing the wrong , forsaking the right way , Blindly persisting , when we go astray ; Lab'ring to please our selvs , though displease thee , Thinking to live as Saints , yet goodnesse flee , Neglecting thee and thine , preferring more Our profit , pleasure , thy sweet grace before . O let thy grace our gracelesse hearts revive , O let us not still live , as dead alive ; Sleeping in sin , fearlesse of sins great feares ; O turn our eyes into a spring of tears , O give us grace the old-man to forsake , And with true-faith , fast-hold on Christ to take . Illuminate the blindnesse of our heart , And grant ( dear father ) though not for desert , That we may see the ill that we have done , With tears , it seen , we may desire to shun . And with incessant sighes and groaning grief , Give grace to wail our wants and find relief . Yea , feed us , Lord , with heavenly manna sweet , Thy sacred word , ô guide our wandring feet To tread the paths which lead to lasting pleasure , To which , all other best terrestriall treasure Is but dry mosse and drosse , foule dirt and clay , Vain butter-flies for fooles or childrens play . O lift our souls , our heaven-born souls more high , To seek their riches in Heavens-treasury . That as Christs name with tongue we do professe , So by our works we may our faith expresse . The year preceding this was fatall found , When a great-plagne infectiously did wound , Full many a thousand of our brethren deare , And next this pouder-plot we scap'd most neer . For , thy strong-hand , ô Lord , the slaughtering blade Did back retort , and those our foes dismaid . These things , good God , do plainly testifie That we have much provok'd thy clemency . That our great sins have highly thee displeas'd , And yet how quickly is thy wrath appeas'd . Thou shew'st thy rod , and mildly dost it shake , That we might see thy grace and sin forsake . And as a mother chastizing her childe , Deals with it in affection sweet and milde , Lothly lifts up her hand , soone lets it fall , And presently her anger doth recall : Even so , ô Lord , most like a Parent kind , Do we thy love and tender mercies find . But if nor words nor warnings will reclaim us , Thy punishment , great God , will justly tame us . And , doubtlesse , though the Lord to wrath be slow , Yet , if , too-far provok'd , he down will throw The viols of his wrath , his ire will burn , Against the wicked which will not return , From vanity ; like stubble in the field , They shall consume and to his judgements yeeld , Then , let us , ô let us with speciall care , Learn both to love and feare God and declare The Gospels fruits in our lives reformation , And by the Lords so frequent exhortation , T'abhominate proud Babell , just mens foe , That Seat of Antichrist , where sin doth flow , The very basis of impiety , The cage of unclean-birds of villany . Of which , I may affirm and justly hold That though thou hadst Alcides courage bold , Thou couldst not cleanse Romes sin-polluted-hals More foule , by farr , than foule Augea's stalls . That so , that ancient Prophets true prediction , Of Babels bane , of Roms proud Whores conviction , This age ( in Gods due time ) to passe may bring ; This conquest great , Lord , grant unto our King , Whose life , as 't is most precious in thy sight , So let thy glory shine in his great might , To propagate and farther to extend The Gospels glorious Sun-shine , and to bend His utmost wisedome to discern and hate The fly and secret foes of Church and State , To love the good , the haughty to suppresse , To maintain vertue , beat-down wickednesse . That Justice like a river with swift source May flow with streams of uncorrupted course , Through all the kingdome , that in peace he may This noble Realme with grace and glory sway . That all the Nobles and right noble-Peers , Whose hearts this thy great love and mercy cheers , The most illustrious Senate of this Land May feare thy name and Gospels foes withstand . And , for so great , so good deserts , so free , So blest deliverance , life and liberty , Grant from that sacred-house , such laws divine May be establisht and perform'd , in fine , As may redoun'd to th' honour , joy and health Of King & subjects , Church & Common-wealth , That these most cruell cursed Canaanites , These sons of Edom , Churches Ismaelites , The props and pillars of that shamelesse-whore Who even as sheep to die , had mark'd us o're , May be cut-off from mongst us , which so long Have wrought & sought our peace to break & wrong . Which like inhumane barbarous Paracides , Like cursed Canibals , vile homicides , Would cut their Parents throat , their Country dear , With one-fierce blow , to make their passage clear . Who plot and practise guiltlesse-blood to spill , Teaching as most true doctrine , Kings to kill , Delighting most in rapine , theft and lyes , Forbidding marriage , not adulteries ; Yea incest and such other sins of shame , They sleight esteem , which Christians should not name . Whose Pope and holy Priest-hood , for their gain , Their odious Stews in publick do maintain , Most impudently counting it no shame A yearly tribute for such cause to claim . Whose practise is to couzen and dissemble , Whose blasphemies do make the godly tremble . Who do by grounds of their Religion hold ( That which nor Turks , nor Jews , nor Pagans bold , Nor any other Hereticks what-ere , Nor those of Calycut , which serve and feare The Divell ) to kill their King ( ô most notorious ) For conscience-sake , and say t is meritorious ; Who mingle with Gods word , yea , do prefer Their own traditions , causing men to erre ; Using , abusing Scripture as they lust , And do esteem the same a thing most just , Teaching for truths the dreams of filthy Fryers , Slandring Gods word like most nefarious lyers . Who , both the laws of God and man abuse , ( The Turks , I say , more vilenes , scarce , can use ) Breaking the bands of blest humanity , Of serious vows and hospitality . Savage Assyria , surely , never saw Th' impieties which Rome maintains by law . O why , then , favour we these poysonous snakes , With whom what Realm or people long partakes , In which Romes furious fangs are not discride , Who are not curb'd and crusht by Romish-pride ? O , if we will persist them ( still ) to spare , Let 's blame our-selves , if we fall in their snare . Thee , thee ( ô England ) I may happy call Thou little-isle , whom father Neptunes wall , And mighty arms embrace ; I past all doubt , May term thee happiest , all the world throughout ; If thou didst truly know thy blest estate , Or heavens rich mercies would'st commemorate . If in the tables of a thankfull heart , Thou wouldst imprint Gods love ; to all impart By registers of never-ending dayes The endlesse , matchlesse , due deserved praise Of thy ay-living , all-good-giving King , Who still doth fill thy heart with each good thing . O , say , how oft and from what great assaults Wch were brought on thee for thy grievous faults , Hath heavens free-grace , most safely thee protected ; God in his mercy having thee respected . And when thou wast in dangers almost drown'd , Thy proud prefumptuous foes he did confound . Witnesse that grand-assault in eighty-eight , When faithlesse Spain with impious pride and hate Insulting and consulting , vaunting loud , Thy fearfull , finall , fatall woe had vow'd . And his great madnes to that passe had brought , That English-seas with Spanish-ships were fraught . But how did God ( maugre their might and spight ) Make windes and Seas and all for thee to fight . Wracking their Ships , chaining their Princes great , Swallowing the rest in Seas for fishes meat ? How hath the Lord other great mercies shown , Calming uncivill-civill discords grown In this thy Realm , in former dayes of old , Which oft were raised by thy Barons bold ? How did the Lord in blest Eliza's dayes , To his eternall glory and just praise , ( Beside that eighty-eights great victory ) Redeem thy crown and state from jeopardy Of many private Popish-treacheries , Which by their agents Rome did still devise , Against the Person of that Peerlesse-Queen , Whose equall , hardly , all the world hath seen , How did thy God watch over her for good , And nip those traitors hopes , even in the bud ? Lopping their sprigs , cropping them in the floure , That they could nere take root nor raging-power . How often hath the Lord from thee with-held , His all-devouring plagues wch would have quel'd And quencht the glory of abused-peace , When God had fild thy heart with joyes encrease ? And though thy sins and grosse ingratitude Did make thee taste the sharp amaritude Of a late furious raging pestilence , Which , with most deplorable vehemence Devoured rich and poore , made desolate , Thy houses , Churches , streets , in wofull state , Without respect of simple or of sage , Of Cottage or of Palace , sex or age : Yet , ô yet with what wondrous admiration Did thy great Lord , on thy humiliation , Most strangely and most sodainly command His Angell to with-draw his wounding-hand , And in a moment ( as it were ) to cease Thy weekly thousands to a cleare decrease . How oft , I say , hath thy Almighty God With-held the fangs of famines pinching-rod , By parching drought , or by immoderate rain , To break thy staff of bread in corn and grain ? Instead wherof , how doth thy land , still , flow , With milk and honey ? How fair doth it show , With peace and plenties blessed harmony , With every mercies sweet variety ? Like fertile Canaan , no land ere did find Dame Natures bounty in like copious kind . Thus , thou ô England justly seem'st to be A pleasant Paradise , wherin's the Tree Of knowledge , wherwith thou art most indu'd ; Another world , all things ( a fresh ) renew'd . A Land ( I say ) which doth all nations passe , As farre as christall does thick-spotted-glasse . And yet to make thy glory more compleat , The Lord hath given thee Manna , angels meat , The glorious Sun-shine of his word divine , Thy blisse and blessednesse more cleare to shine ; The everlasting Gospell , spring of grace , The precious pearl which wisdom doth purchase . Thus is thy Land the Land of Goshen right , Both for the Gospels power and purenesse bright . Do but compare this thy felicity With other Nations foggy misery , Who stifled are , as t were , in piteous case With cloudy ignorance and errour base : Living , alas , in beast-like wretchednesse , As in the shade of death most comfortlesse . Without the knowledge of or Christ or God , Without whose knowledge , al 's a dirty-clod . Worshipping for the glorious Lord most high , ( Vnto their souls eternall misery ) Dumb-idols , rotten-timber , mettals vile , Farre fitter under-foot to tread and spoyle . Again , to make thee yet and yet more blest , To make thy lustre shine past all the rest , Hath not the Lord in thee most richly placed The light of justice , wherwith thou art graced . Wherby thy peoples houses , Castles are , Themselvs , their states freed from offensive care , Of wrong or robb'ry : Thus thy beauty shines , Whiles all-men sit in peace under their vines . But of all temp'rall blessings under heaven , Which ever were to any Nation given , The power and praise of God most to advance , All come most short of this Deliverance . This monstrous , matchlesse , Popish pouder-treason Beyond the power of former reach or reason , This Quintessence of barbarous treachery Transcendeth all of past antiquity . And cannot these sweet mercies manifold Thy heart with cords of gratitude with-hold From sinning 'gainst thy God , him to provoke To smite thee deeplier with some heavier stroke ? Yea , canst thou ( England ) canst thou possibly Be so orewhelmed in stupidity ? So sottish , senslesse , impiously ingrate , As to forget , or to obliterate Out of thy thankefull-heart , the odious smell Of this projected pouder-smoake of hell , So long as ever thou a Kingdome art ? O do it not , least heaven doth make thee smart , By some as strange a plague ( if it may be ) When he such grosse ingratitude shall see . But rather , all thy power and parts imploy , To evidence thy hearts triumphing joy , To blesse thy God for this thy new-Salvation , To keep That-day with endlesse recordation , Christ freed thy soul from hell-fire ; and this fire Than any other flame to hels came nigher . That-day , which they Britans black-day would see , Novembers 5. Britans bright-day shall be . The day was Tewsday , but by Popish-spight Papists Ashwednesday , it had bin more right . For ever , then , fell Popelings , howle , lament , Your Romish Pouder-pieties intent , For all the Oceans-floods will nere make clean , ( Perfidious Rome ) thy knavish-sincke obscene , Englands Transalpinated Papistry Hath ( often ) wrought blood-smearing cruelty , Bred our Transmarine-Travellers light mind , Then let them be ( by law ) t' our homes confin'd . For , as was said , This detestable fact Was counsel'd , courag'd by the Popes compact . For He that bids doe , what 's so ill-done , He Must stay the worke , or els Its authour be . Had he not cast Paternall-care from 's heart , He 'd nere have plaid such a Step-fathers part . Who from his Bubble-bellowing Buls belcht-out All 's Caco-curses , hellish-broyles about . Saying , thus , let one-day all great Britane make One-grave , whose name in future daies shall slake , Vices Vice-roy , or vice it selfe is He , Who Peters-chaire soyls with such villany . Forget not ( then , I say ) but ever hate Romes Pope and Papists , foes to Church and State : Who in their calmest-case do but couch-low To watch advantage for a deadlier blow . Hugg not such vipers in your bosomes then ; Foster not festring Snakes in shapes of men , Within your houses , much lesse in your hearts By loving , liking , pleading on their parts . Least , thus , you more than seem most gracelesse sots , Hankering after Aegypts foule flesh-pots , By temporizing tricks , backsliding wayes , Till Gods fierce wrath you thus against us raise . Let us take heed we surfet not in store , And turning grace to wantonnesse grow poor , Poor in our souls , barren in piety , And so be made the maps of misery . Be not more blind than Earth-devouring Moles , Who love to grovell under-ground in holes : Or so unthankfull as the sottish Swine , Who eat up Acorns , but ne're cast their ey'ne , Up to the Oake from whence they to him fell , Who thus their Swinish-nature plainly tell : So do not thou thy brutish-heart declare , Receive not blessings , but with gratefull care To retribute unto thy God above , According to his great redundant love . Shake-off , shake-off , and shun such brutishnesse , With thankfull heart acknowledge and confesse The most admired , least deserved favour Of thy so gracious God , so sweet a Saviour . Who plenteously replenisheth and fils Thy soul with blessings , Nectar-drops distils Of favours of his left and his right-hand On soule and body , and doth guardian stand , Still to refell , repell the dangers great , Wch thy worst foes could menace , work or threat . Snatching the prey out of their hungry jaws , Recovering it from their most bloudy claws . Thrusting them headlong into their own pit , Breaking their teeth , wherwith they would have bit , Nay utterly have swallowed at one meale , Our Kingdom , King , Peers , Prophets , Common-weal . Wch thee with amiable-peace hath blest , Such as our Predecessours nere possest , And such ( I fear ) as our Posterity Are never like to see and taste and try . Yea , God alone hath given us this great rest , His liberall-love these mercies hath exprest , That God ( I say ) whose majesty and might , Whose greatnesse , goodnesse , justice , most upright , The heavens , the earth , deep seas & works of wōder , Rain , hail , frost , snow , loud winds , lightning & thunder , Do mightily shew-forth , tell and declare ; What Heathen-god with thy God can compare ? He is thy Saviour , Sun and Shield most strong To whom doth all true praise and laud belong , Both for thy being and thy best-estate , Whose tender mercies most compassionate , Whose patience , power and pitty infinite , All people shall to future times recite . O let us ( then ) ô let us never cease On trumpets loud to make his praise increase ; In heart and voyce his mercies to record , By Hymns and Psalms to laud the living Lord . To sound his fame unto the Indian-coasts , To those whose clime continuall-Sommer rosts . Let Phoebus first leave-off his annuall race , Let Phoebe want her monthly-borrowed grace ; Let Neptune stop the Oceans billowing source , Let nature want ( in all things ) wonted course ; Yea , Lord , then , let us cease to be , I pray , When in oblivion we this mercy lay . But doubtlesse , if this duty we neglect , The Lord most justly will this sin correct , And on our heads his heavy hand will fall , And turn our hony into bitterest gall . Nothing the Lord can worse endure or hate , Than thanklesse persons and a mind ingrate . The husbandman that sows most plenteously , The greater Harvest hopes in equity . The land wch nought but thorns & thistles yeelds Though well manur'd , no man regards such fields . Since God hath given , he looketh to receive , O let 's take heed how we our duty leave . Did God with grievous punishments afflict His holy-off-spring , when they did addict And give themselves to vanity and lust , And him that fed them , so forget , distrust . Abusing his most gracious clemency , His patience , love and longanimity ; If he did his peculiar-people ' stroy , Who , first , his laws and worship did enjoy , If , thus , for their ingratitude it far'd , If they were smitten and might not be spar'd , Alas , what madnesse should us Gentiles move , To thinke that God of us will more approve ? And since he hath cut-down his choisest-vine , Because it would not to his word incline , Thinkst thou the fruitlesse wilde-Olive shall stand , Unprofitably comb'ring his good land ? O , no ; he 'll make it wither ( soon ) and dye , Like to our Saviours barren Fig-tree dry . And thou whom God hath , thus , with mercies blest , If thanklesse , shalt with dangers be distrest . Yea multitudes of mischiefs will thee follow , And thee in treasons greedy-jawes will swollow . Yea , troupes of traitors ( then ) shall daily strive , Of life and liberty thee to deprive . Wherfore that thou , ô England , still maist have Gods friendly favour , thee from foes to save , Preach and proclame with heart and hearty cheer , With thanks & praise , each hour & month & yeer . This matchlesse-mercy of thy loving Lord , And it on marble-pillars , aye , record . Yea , teach thy childrens children to rejoyce , To sing Gods-prayses with shrill-sounding voyce . And every way his name and fame to reare For this so great Deliverance . And to beare A zealous hatred , deadly detestation To Romes false doctrines , base abhomination . Thou , then , the God of our inheritance , Thy Sions Saviour , strong deliverance , Our part , our portion , buckler , staffe and stay , Under thy wings , preserve us ( still ) we pray . Make void and frustrate Romes most hatefull pride . The cause is thine ( ô Lord ) stand on our side . Resist their rage ; for 'gainst thy Church they rave , And let thy people thy protection have . Revenge the blood of thy distressed Saints , And when they grieve , relieve their sad complaints . O Lord , we pray thee blesse and dresse thy Vine , Thy Love , thy Dove , this little-flock of thine . Yea , Lord at all times , in extremest straits , Thy sacred arms upon our armies waits , Thy help is present and thy presence sweet , To foyle our foes and cast them at our feet . Thou , Lord , dost cause the fell Monocerate , To beare on 's brow a soveraign-Antidote . Wherfore , this wond'rous work of thine , ô Lord , Our voyce , our verse , for ever , shall record . Our hearts we will incline thy praise to sing , Even thy great name ; ô our celestiall King . In every house , Shire , City , Street and Temple , And teach our children this by our ensample . Throughout the Kingdom , we thy fame will raise , While vitall-breath from death prolongs our days . And tell this thy great work to every Nation , While Sun and Moon shine in their cloudy-station . Our singers shall sing Psalms to thee on high , O blessed , blessed , blessed-Trinity . FINIS . An Epigram to Iesuites , the Principall Disturbers of Peace and Unity ; the Authours and Firebrands of Sedition and Treachery throughout the Christian-world . OR , The ROMISH WHITE-DIVELL . Qui cum Iesu itis , non itis cum Iesuitis . THe Fatall-Sisters , Latine-Poets call Parcae ; though , parcunt nulli ; they kill all . And Latinists , the thick-wood , Lucus , write ▪ Ceu nunquàm lucens ; wherin comes no light . And by the same Antiphrasis of late , The Jesuites to themselvs appropriate The sacred name of Jesus , though their works Declare their lives to be farr worse than Turks . Heavens lightnes , brightnesse differs not so great From ponderous , drossie Earth : Nor Southern heat To Northern chilling , killing frosts so far Differ : Nor th'Artick from th'Antartick star Is more remote ; than this rank of makes-shifts ( Whose hatefull lives , crafts , couzenage , subtill drifts To all good-men apparent ) are unlike To Christ or Jesus Doctrine , if you strike Their name out ( only ) and their works behold , Their best-part ( then ) will prove but drosse to gold . Do thorns bear grapes ? do figs on thistles grow ? Or the tall-palme , yeeld pleasant fruite ? ô no . The tree by 's fruit may manifested be ; On good-trees , good ; on ill , bad fruit we see . The Jesuites-Doctrine who to know doth list , It doth of 5. dees , Five dees . properly , consist : In Daunting subjects ; in Dissimulation ; To Depose , Dispose , Kings , Realms , Devastation . Whither the Jesuites come more near to those Which beare the armes of Christ or Mars , with blows , It is a question ▪ but , with ease decided . As thus . Christs souldiers , ever , are provided Of these blest weapons ; tears , prayers , patience ; These foyl and spoyl their foes with heavenly fence ; But daggers , dags , keen-swords , poysons , deceit , Close-fawning treasons , wiles to couzen and cheat ; These are the Jesuites-arms , and with these arts , Their Pope to deifie , they play their parts , Nor faith , nor piety their followers have ; For , divellishly , 'gainst truth , they rage and rave . How fit those armes Loiola's-brats beseem , Britane can witnesse , and the whole-world deem . I 'll passe-by other-slights , all , in this one , In this foule pouder-plot , they all are shown . Blush , blush ( ô Jesuites ) England knows too well , Your counsell furthered , most , this worke of Hell . Yea , impious Garnet for the traitors pray'd , Prick't & pusht-forward those he might have staid , Being accessary to this damn'd intent , Which , with one-word this Jesuite might prevent . Such barbarous traitours and strange treachery To hide and silence is grosse villany : Gentem auferte perfidam &c. But , ô , with orisons God to implore , To grant successe , ô speak , was ere , before , In all the world like wickednesse ere known , In any age , such monsters seen or shown ? Which , with religious shows , shelter foule-crimes With vertues cloake hiding them , oft , oft-times . And , then , ô then , I tremble to declare , Calling the Lord of Heaven with them to share In this foule-fact ; nor yet heerwith content To offer heaven this high disparagement , But that they 'll act more grosse impiety , If any can be worse t'heavens Deity . These sacrilegious traitors falsly think , No surer bands themselves to tie and link , To secrecy and resolution strong , Than , therunto blasphemously to wrong Our Saviours glorious body and blood also , To their eternall and infernall woe . And who so impious , so audacious bold ? In 's wretched hands the Eucharist to hold ? Who was so godlesse , who so gracelesse , trow ? So rich a pearle unto such swines to throw ? Who but a Priest of this Society ; Wouldst know his name ? t was Gerrard certainly . Perswade your selves , ye holy fathers all , This is a truth , which you a lye will call ; For nought is said against you , but most right ; Then blush for shame & hide your selvs from sight . O heavens ! ô earth ! ô treachers times and season ! Degenerous minds and hard-hearts void of reason ! Truly t is doubtfull , difficult to tell , Whether of these two mischiefs did excell ; At one-blow , bloodily , so , to confound A King and Queen , three Kingdomes , so renownd , Nobles and Senate , thus , to strike and stroy , By pouder them to spoyle with great annoy ; Or that Christs glorious , sacred body and blood , His holy , yea most holy Supper shou'd By such damn'd unbidden guests be ' taminated So base a band to be conglutinated , And link't , thereby , with such vile vehemence , To perpetrate that Stygian foule offence . The Pristine Poets us'd in verse to sing , The noble Gests of every Prince and King ; But , now , t is needfull , in this weedfull age , Wherin impiety and vice do rage , Yea and all too-too little to declare The hatefull times and crimes which most rife are ; Whose monstrousnes to paint to publike sight , The true relation would passe credit , quite . For to these stains , worthy eternall shame , Add this , a peece of these sweet fathers frame ; I mean Equivocation , Equivocation . which they use , Mens understanding , neatly , to abuse . T is , doubtlesse , Gyges-ring , for , hereby , they Though captivated , can themselvs convay ; And with a tricke , which Jesuites use to try , They can delude and few can them descry . They 'll smooth and sooth , and one thing to you say , And yet their heart goes clean another way . This ambiguity was Apollo's art , Vnder whose name the Divell play'd his part . Even Tully may these Priests well reprehend , By whom , such lamb-skind wolvs are oft condemnd Who , if he ( now ) liv'd , ô how 's eloquence Would thunder-out Loiola's impudence ! Satan , that subtill Serpent did them teach , This lying-art ; they n'ere heard Christ so preach . Are not these , thē , Roms white-divels ? fie for shame . Nought , but bare outsides ; their best-part , their name ? Beleeve me , for , Christs sacred-writ most true , ( If , truth it be , as t is . ) This truth doth shew ; Their practise smelleth of a fugitive , Or Divell ; or ( surely ) I am not alive . What was the Divell ? a lyer , homicide ; What 's he ? a sly-dissembler , regicide And with just reason , The kings Evill . may this Jesuite-divell , Most properly be called the Kings-evill . If , then , affinity of manners vile , If just proportion of like fraud and guile , If deeds so consonant and disposition , To practise ' greeable , may with permission , Availe to prove a truth , then , Magog , know , These do a great part of thy warrfare show , And palpably declare to th' truly-wise , This off-spring did from thee , their Father , rise . Avaunt you locusts ; hence you spawn of hell , From whose black-smoake , you are descended wel . If still you will the name of Jesus take , Let all men know you do it only make A cloake to hide your knavery ; for , you are But gray-wolves , bearing in your front a star . And since you plead ●ntiquity , with flights , We 'll justly call you jugling Gibeonites . Instead of Jesus , Gibeonites . take you Judas name , Your hatefull-lives will best befit the same . For by your works we perfectly do find , No part , with Christ , is unto you assign'd . FINIS . An oenigmaticall-Riddle to Romes Iesuiticall black-Crows , who pretend themselves to be religions white-Swans . A Bird of late , When birds could prate , Said , black 's the Crow . The Crow repli'de , Told him he ly'd , And 't was not so . Mine eyes , quoth he Shall witnesse be That I am fair ; The Swan so white , And Snow most bright , Foule to me are . The bird again , Laughing amain , Said , strange t is not , For ones own-eye Cannot espy The stain or spot , Which its-own face Doth much disgrace , And vilifie . This matter , straight , To arbitrate , The Eagle high , Their King , they move ; Who ( soon ) doth prove This folly great . A mirrour fair Bids them prepare Both large and neat . The Crow it took , Therin to look , Wheron he gaz'd On 's shape most true And proper-hew Which he so prais'd . Then with great shame He much did blame His own blear-eyes ; And all there by , Did laugh full high , And 's pride despise . FINIS . A Paraphrasticall Psalm of thanksgiving for Englands most happy-deliverance from the most horrible intended Gun-pouder Treason , practised by the Synagogue of Satan , the Romish Babylonians ; and fitted to one of the familiar Tunes of Davids Psalmes , to be sung November the 5th . Psalm 124. King DAVID against the Philistims . King JAMES against the Antichristians . IF great JEHOVAH had not stood assistant on our side , May England say , most thankfully & bin our guard & guide : If heavens Almighty Lord himself had not our cause maintain'd When men , yea , most blood-thirsty men our downfall had ordain'd . Then had their Antichristian rage and hellish policy Devoured us with greedy-jaws , and swallowed sodainly : Then like huge over-flowing floods , which proudly swel & roar , They all our souls orewhelmed had and spoyl'd in flames and gore . Our royall King , the Queen and Prince , and princely Progeny , Our prudent Counsellors of State , and prime Nobility : Our learned Judges , Prelates all , best Commons of the Land , In Parliament by pouder fierce had perisht out of hand . Romes raging streams with roaring noise and Popish cruelty Had all at once ingulft our souls in matchlesse misery . They dig'd a mine & delved deep , in hope to hurt their brother , But they did fall into the pit that they had made for other . For , as a bird out of a snare by furious Fowlers made , Doth safely scape ; even so our souls securely did evade . Their net was broke , themselvs were caught , our God that nere doth sleep In heaven did sit & see & smile , & us in saf'ty keep . This was the Lords most worthy work , this was the Lords own fact And 't is most wonderous to behold this great and glorious act . This is the joyfull day indeed , which God for us hath wrought , Let us be glad and joy therin , in word , in deed , in thought . O let us never make an end to magnifie Gods name , To blesse the Lord our staffe and stay , to sound abroad his fame : To tell to all posterity , what wonders God hath wrought , To save us from the woes which Rome and Spain against us sought . All glory ( then ) to God on high , let men and Angels sing , Let heaven and earth and all therin give glory to heavens king : And sing and say with heart & voice all honour , laud & praise , To God who makes us thus rejoyce . So be it , Lord , alwaies . Omnis gloria solius est Domini . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86261e-490 * Hos. 7. 4 , 6 , 7. D. Baker a late most impudent Apostate , who would not license this my Historie , because , as he said , we were not so angrie with the Papists now a dayes ( though wee never had greater cause than in these our daies ) as they were 20. or 30. yeers agoe , and one Mr. Crosfield a Senior fellow of Queenes Colledge in Oxford , could not ( as he endeavoured ) get it licensed for the Presse there . Nor could Mr. Daniell ▪ Cambridge Printer ( who would have printed it there ) get it licensed at Cambridge , Dr. Brumrick being then Vicechan . O tempora ! O mores ! Notes for div A86261e-1700 a In the time of King Hen. 8th . b In the time of Q. Elizabeth . c In the time of K. Iames . * Iesuitas Notes for div A86261e-8570 * The Pope . The Whore of Rome makes her complaint to her first born Son Treason . * The Divell . * The Pope . * Fauks is not heere first mentioned , as the prime Authour ; but because hee was so inhumane as to be the fatall actor of this intended Tragedy , for Catesby ( as is afterward showne ) was the first authour of this Pouder-treason . * Thomas Winter was sent into Spaine in Qu. Eliz. dayes by Catesby an arch-traitor . Q. Elizabeth . * Sol occubuit , nox nulla secuta est . * K. Iames They send againe to the King of Spain . The King of Spaine refuseth to aid them . The traitors sit in counsell to plot a treason . Catesby begins . 4 Motives to the plot Encouragements to treason . Coacta fides vix vera fides . Bloudy builders of a bloudy Church Psa. 83. Diverse treasons projected * Catesby . Catesby strikes the stroake . The Parliament-House . Gun-pouder . Catesbies opinion approved by them all . Fauks . Garnet & Gerrard , Priests . They sweare secrecy and constancy in the businesse . They receive the Sacrament for more full assurance . Catesby to Garnet . Nocents and innocents . Garnet to Catesby . Garnets simile . Garnets doctrine compared with Christs doctrine . Garnets opinion confirms all . Fauks is sent to the Pope . Fauks returnes home . They begin to undermine the Parliament . They find a thicke stone-wal A Cellar hired . S. Everard Digby . A consultation among the Traitours touching the Kings children . The provision of Gun-pouder & instruments of destruction . The 5th of November A briefe description of the most lamentable effects of the plot had it taken effect . Simile . Nero's wish . Suppose the deed done . Londons misery . An introduction to the discovery of the plot . GOD speaks to his Angel . * Rome . * The Pope . * Traitors * The Parliament house . Lord Mounteagle A Letter . The Lord Mounteagles serving-man . The Angell to Lo. Morley . The Lord Mounteagle goes to Court with the Letter . The Lords K. Iames . * Magna licet nunquam nocuit cautela monarchi● . The letter expounded by the King . A search . Sr Thomas Knevet sent to search . Fauks is apprehended at the Cellar doore . The pouder is discovered . Fauks his impudency . Six observations or aggravations . 1. Men . 2. Beasts . 3. Insensible things . 4. Fire and water . 5. Fire . 6. Gun-pouder . The three children in the fiery fornace . Another observation of the impossibility to escape the blow . Fauks is imprisoned . The report of the treason spread abroad . Fauks his most impudent behaviour at the Court . Fauks sent to the Tower . Frighted with the rack . Conference in the Towr twixt Winter & Fauks . Tressams perjury . Percy and Catesby staid about Westminster to see the issue . Dunchurch heath . Venatio Catholica A holy Hunt. A description of their pretended hunt . A prettie note by the way of a Country-mans suspition of these hunters . Another suspition . Venamur religionem Sr. Ever . Digby . Catesby & Percy came to the traitors with the newes of the discovery of their treason . The traitors are amazed . Percies oration . They put themselvs into open rebellion . Garnets opinion . Greenwels resolution Hall a Iesuite . Horrible impudence in holy Iesuites . A monstrous lye . Hall the Priest his divellish change & judgment on the fact Hamon the Jesuite gives the traitors absolutiō . Romish Martyrs . * When the Steed is stolne , shut the Stable doore . Grants attempt . Sr. Fulke Grevill . A Smith smites Winter . S Richard Verney . The Lord Harringtō . The city of Coventry . The Citizens comfort the Lady . Littletons house is their Sconce . Sir Rich. Walsh besiegeth them . A fore-running judgment . A tray of pouder set on fire . In quo peccavimus , in eodem plectimur . Winters dream . Seeming remorse in the traitors . Perillus. The traitors grow desperate . They now fight pell mell Rookwood and Winter are shot , and both the Wrights are slain . Catesby , Percy and Winter fight all three together . Simile . Percy and Catesby are slain . Simile . The traitors apprehended . Winter wounded in the belly . The traitors are conveyed to London . Their arraignment . Catesbies and Percies heads are set on the Parliament house . Malum confilium consultori pessimum . Empedocles . Achabs . Note this remarkable observation . Note this . The Divell to the traitors in hell . Mark this . * This hath bin most fully confirmed by Satan and his Agents , our Church & State projectors , in this lately discovered plot , by our blessed Parliament , 1641. which would have far transcended this of the Pouder-plot had it taken effect . O the desperate invētiōs of mans more than divelish heart ! * Hos ô rex magne caveto . A grateful returne to the Lord our sole deliverer . Simile . A prayer for the King and State . A recapitulation of Romes abominations . England the Land-marke of all Gods mercies . The Armado in 88. The Barons wars . Treasons against Q. Elizabeth . The pestilence in Ao . 1628. Feare of famine . England like unto Canaan . Manna . Justice . The Popish pouder-plot . England too justly taxed with ingratitude Deus nobis haec otia fecit . An exhortation to give al the praise to God alone 
A20647	----	Pseudo-martyr Wherein out of certaine propositions and gradations, this conclusion is euicted. That those which are of the Romane religion in this kingdome, may and ought to take the Oath of allegiance. Donne, John, 1572-1631. 1610 Approx. 742 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 217 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20647 STC 7048 ESTC S109984 99845610 99845610 10519 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20647) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 10519) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 727:04) Pseudo-martyr Wherein out of certaine propositions and gradations, this conclusion is euicted. That those which are of the Romane religion in this kingdome, may and ought to take the Oath of allegiance. Donne, John, 1572-1631. [40], 392 p. Printed by W. Stansby for Walter Burre, London : 1610. Dedication signed: Iohn Donne. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Oath of allegiance, 1606 -- Early works to 1800. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Allison Liefer Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Allison Liefer Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PSEVDO-MARTYR . Wherein OVT OF CERTAINE Propositions and Gradations , This Conclusion is euicted . THAT THOSE WHICH ARE of the Romane Religion in this Kingdome , may and ought to take the Oath of Allegeance . DEVT. 32.15 . But he that should haue beene vpright , when he waxed fatte , spurned with his heele : Thou art fat , thou art grosse , thou art laden with fatnesse . IOB . 11.5 . But oh that God would speake and open his lips against thee , that he might shew thee the secrets of wisedome , how thou hast deserued double according to right . 2. CHRO . 28.22 . In the time of his tribulation , did he yet trespasse more against the Lord , for he sacrificed vnto the ●ods of Damascus , which plagued him . LONDON Printed by W. Stansby for Walter Burre . 1610. TO THE HIGH AND Mightie Prince IAMES , by the Grace of God , King of Great Britaine , France and Ireland , defender of the FAITH . Most mightie and sacred Soueraigne . AS Temporall armies consist of Press'd men , and voluntaries , so doe they also in this warfare , in which your Maiestie hath appear'd by your Bookes . And not only your strong and full Garisons , which are your Cleargie , and your Vniuersities , but also ob●cure Villages can minister Souldiours . For , the equall interest , which all your Subiects haue in the cause ( all being equally endanger'd in your dangers ) giues euery one of vs a Title to the Dignitie of this warfare ; And so makes tho●e , whom the Ciuill Lawes made opposite , all one , Paganos , Milites . Besides , since in this Battaile , your Maiestie , by your Bookes , is gone in Person out of the Kingdome , who can bee exempt from waiting vpon you in such an expedition ? For this Oath must worke vpon vs all ; and as it must draw from the Papists a profession , so it must from vs , a Confirmation of our Obedience ; They must testifie an Alleageance by the Oath , we , an Alleageance to it . For , since in prouiding for your Maiesties securitie , the Oath defends vs , it is reason , that wee defend it . The strongest Castle that is , cannot defend the Inhabitants , if they sleepe , or neglect the defence of that , which defends them ; No more can this Oath , though framed withall aduantagious Christianly wisedome , secure your Maiestie , and vs in you , if by our negligence wee should open it , either to the aduersaries Batteries , or to his vnderminings . The influence of those your Maiesties Bookes , as the Sunne , which penetrates all corners , hath wrought vppon me , and drawen vp , and exhaled from my poore Meditations , these discourses : Which , with all reuerence and deuotion , I present to your Maiestie , who in this also haue the power and office of the Sunne , that those things which you exhale , you may at your pleasure dissipate , and annull ; or suffer them to fall downe againe , as a wholesome and fruitfull dew , vpon your Church & Commonwealth . Of my boldnesse in this addresse , I most humbly beseech your Maiestie , to admit this excuse , that hauing obserued , how much your Maiestie had vouchsafed to descend to a conuersation with your Subiects , by way of your Bookes , I also conceiu'd an ambition , of ascending to your presence , by the same way , and of participating , by this meanes , their happinesse , of whome , that saying of the Queene of Sheba , may bee vsu●p'd : Happie are thy men , and happie are those thy Seruants , which stand before thee alwayes , and heare thy wisedome● For , in this , I make account , that I haue performed a duetie , by expressing in an exterior , and ( by your Maiesties permission ) a publicke Act , the same desire , which God heares in my daily prayers , That your Maiestie may very long gouerne vs in your Person , and euer , in your Race and Progenie . Your Maiesties most humble and loyall Subiect : IOHN DONNE . A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS handled in this Booke . CHAP. I. OF Martyrdome and the dignity thereof . CHAP. II. That there may be an inordinate and corrupt affectation of Martyrdome . CHAP. III. That the Roman Religion doth by many erroneous doctrines mis-encourage and excite men to this vitious affectation of danger : first by inciting secular Magistracy : Secondly by extolling the value of Merites , and of this worke in special , by which the treasure of the Church is so much aduanced : And lastly , by the doctrin of Purgatory , which by this act is said certainly to be escaped . CHAP. IIII. That in the Romane Church the Iesuits exceed all others , in their Constitutions and practise , in all those points , which beget or cherish this corrupt desire of false-Martyrdome . CHAP. V. That the Missions of the Pope , vnder Obedience whereof they pretend that they come into this Kingdome , can be no warrant , since there are laws established to the contrary , to giue them , or those which harbor them , the comfort of Martyredome . CHAP. VI. A Comparison of the Obedience due to Princes , with the seuerall Obediences required and exhibited in the Romane Church : First , of that blinde Obedience and stupiditie , which Regular men vow to their Superiours : Secondly , of that vsurped Obedience to which they pretend by reason of o●r Baptisme , wherin we are said to haue made an implicite surrender of our selues , and all that we haue , to the church : and thirdly , of that obedience , which the Iesuits by a fourth Supernumerary vow make to be disposed at the Popes absolute will. CHAP. VII . That if the meere execution of the function of Priests in this Kingdome , and of giuing to the Catholiques in this land , spiritual sustentation , did assure their consciences , that to dye for that were martyrdome : yet the refusall of the Oath of Alleageance doth corrupt and vitiate the integrity of the whole act , and dispoile them of their former interest and Title to Martyrdome . CHAP. VIII . That there hath beene as yet no fundamental and safe ground giuen , vpon which those which haue the faculties to heare Confessions , should informe their owne Consciences , or instruct their Penitents : that they are bound to aduenture the heauy and capitall penalties of this law , for refusall of this Oath . And that if any man haue receiued a scruple against this Oath , which he cannot depose and cast off , the Rules of their own Casuists , as this case stands , incline , and warrant them , to the taking therof . CHAP. IX . That the authority which is imagined to be in the Pope , as he is spiritual Prince of the monarchy of the Church , cannot lay this Obligation vpon their Consciences : First because the Doctrine it selfe is not certaine , nor presented as matter of faith : Secondly because the way by which it is conueyed to them , is suspitious and dangerous , being but by Cardinall Bellarmine , who is various in himselfe , and reproued by other Catholiques of equall dignity , and estimation . CHAP. X. That the Canons can giue them no warrant , to aduenture these dangers , for this refusall : And that the Reuerend name of Canons , is falsly and cautelously insinuated , and stolne vpon the whole body of the Canon law , with a breefe Consideration vpon all the bookes thereof : and a particular suruay , of all those Canons , which are ordinarily cyted by those Authours , which maint●ine this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope . CHAP. XI . That the two Breues of Paulus the fift , cannot giue this assurance to this Conscience ; First , for the generall infirmities , to which all Rescripts of Popes are obnoxious : And then for certaine insufficiencies in these . CHAP. XII . That nothing requir'd in this Oath , violates the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction ; And that the clauses of swearing that Doctrine to bee Hereticall , is no vsurping vpon his spirituall right , either by preiudicating his future definition , or offending any former Decree . CHAP. XIII . That all which his Maiesty requires by this Oath , is exhibited to the Kings of Fraunce , And not by vertue of any Indult , or Concordate , but by the inhaerent right of the Crowne . CHAP. XIIII . Lastly , That no pretence , eyther of Conuersion at first , Assistance in the Conquest , or Acceptation of any Surrender from any of our Kings , can giue the Pope any more right ouer the Kingdome of England , then ouer any other free State whatsoeuer . AN ADVERTISEMENT TO the Reader . THough I purposed not to speake any thing to the Reader , otherwise then by way of Epilogue in the end of the Booke , both because I esteemed that to be the fittest place , to giue my Reasons , why I respited the handling of the two last Chapters , till another time , and also , because I thought not that any man might well and properly be called a Reader , till he were come to the end of the Booke : yet , because both he , and I , may suffer some disaduantages , if he should not be fore-possessed , and warned in some things , I haue changed my purpose in that point . For his owne good therefore ( in which I am also interessed ) I must first intreat him , that he will be pleased , before hee reade , to amend with his pen , some of the most important errors , which are hereafter noted to haue passed in the printing . Because in the Reading , he will not perchance suspect nor spy them , and so he may runne a danger , of being either deceiued , or scandalized . And for my selfe , ( because I haue already receiued some light , that some of the Romane profession , hauing onely seene the Heads and Grounds handled in this Booke , haue traduced me , as an impious and profane vnder-valewer of Martyrdome , ) I most humbly beseech him , ( till the reading of the Booke , may guide his Reason ) to beleeue , that I haue a iust and Christianly estimation , and reuerence , of that deuout and acceptable Sacrifice of our lifes , for the glory of our blessed Sauiour . For , as my fortune hath neuer beene so flattering nor abundant , as should make this present life sweet and precious to me , as I am a Moral man : so , as I am a Christian , I haue beene euer kept awake in a meditation of Martyrdome , by being deriued from such a stocke and race , as , I beleeue , no family , ( which is not of farre larger extent , and greater branches , ) hath endured and suffered more in their persons and fortunes , for obeying the Teachers of Romane Doctrine , then it hath done . I did not therefore enter into this , as a carnall or ouer-indulgent fauourer of this life , but out of such reasons , as may arise to his knowledge , who shall be pleased to read the whole worke . In which , I haue abstained from handling the two last Chapters vpon diuers reasons ; whereof one is , that these Heads hauing beene caried about , many moneths , and thereby quarrelled by some , and desired by others , I was willing to giue the Booke a hasty dispatch , that it might cost no man much time , either in expecting before it came , or in reading , when it was come . But a more principall reason was , that since the two last Chapters depend vpon one another , and haue a mutuall Relation , I was not willing to vndertake one , till I might perseuere through both . And from the last chapter it became me to abstaine , till I might vnderstand their purposes , who were formerly engaged in the same businesse . For the first Discouerie giues some title to the place , and secludes others , without the Discouerers permission ; And in men tender and iealous of their Honour , it is sometimes accounted as much iniurie to assist , as to assault . When therefore I considered , that the most Reuerend and learned Sir Edward Coke , Lord chiefe Iustice of the cōmon Pleas ( whom , they which are too narrow to comprehend him , may finde arguments enow to loue , and admire , out of the measure and proportion of his malice who hath written agains● him , ( since wee ought to loue h●m so much , as such men hate him ) had in this point of Iurisdiction , laid so solid foundations , raised so strong walls , & perfited his house vpon so sure a Rocke , as the lawes of this Kingdome are . And when I saw , that as the diuell himselfe is busiest to attempt them , who abound in strength of Grace , ( not forbearing our Sauiour himselfe ) so an ordinary Instrument of his , ( whose continuall libels , and Incitatorie bookes , haue occasioned more afflictions , and drawne more of that bloud , which they call Catholique , in this Kingdome , then all our Acts of Parliament haue done , ) had oppugned his Lordships Booke , and iterated and inconculcated those his oppositions , I could not know whether his Lordship reserued any farther consideration of that matter to his owne leasures , or had honoured any other man , with his commandement , or allowance to pursue it . Till therefore I might know , whether any such were embarqued therein , as would either accept my Notes , and dignifie them with their stile , or submit their Notes to my method , and the poore apparell of my language , or vndertake it entirely , or quit it absolutely , as a body perfit already , by that forme which his Lordship hath giuen it , I chose to forbeare the handling thereof at this time . One thing more I was willing the Reader should be forewarned of ; which is , that when he findes in the printing of this Booke oftentimes a change of the Character , hee must not thinke that all those words or sentences so distinguished , are cited from other Authors ; for I haue done it sometimes , onely to draw his eye , and vnderstanding more intensly vpon that place , and so make deeper impressions thereof . And in those places which are cited from other Authors ( which hee shall know by the Margine ) I doe not alwayes precisely and superstitiously binde my selfe to the words of the Authors ; which was impossible to me , both because sometimes I collect their sense , and expresse their Arguments or their opinions , and the Resultance of a whole leafe , in two or three lines , and some few times , I cite some of their Catholique Authors , out of their owne fellowes , who had vsed the same fashion of collecting their sense , without precise binding themselues to All , or onely their words . This is the comfort which my conscience hath , and the assurance which I can giue the Reader , that I haue no where made any Author , speake more or lesse , in sense , then hee intended , to that purpose , for which I cite him . If any of their owne fellowes from whom I cite them , haue dealt otherwise , I cannot be wounded but through their sides . So that I hope either mine Innocence , or their own fellowes guiltinesse , shall defend me , from the curious malice of those men , who in this sickly decay , and declining of their cause , can spy out falsifyings in euery citation : as in a iealous , and obnoxious state , a Decipherer can pick out Plots , and Treason , in any familiar letter which is intercepted . And thus much it seemed necessary to mee , to let the Reader know , to whose charitable and fauourable opinion● I commit the booke , and my selfe to his Christianly and deuout Prayers . Those literall and punctuall Errors , which doe not much endanger the sense , I haue left to the discretion and fauour of the Reader , as he shall meete with them . The rest he may be pleased to mend thus . In the Preface , § . 24. For Sacerdotes non●ntes . Reade Sacerdoturientes . Pa. Li. Faults . Correct . 3 1 During . Daring . 14 14 Inciting . Auiling . 15 vlt. Princesse . Prince 18 14. To proceede . So proceedes 29 vlt. Churches church . 30 11 Establing . Establishing . 38 28 Genuit Gemunt . 41 8 Vestram Nostram 45 21 I● . T● Ibid. 26 Princes . Prince 47 14 calles call 57 2 Emperours . Emperour . 58 22 Profession possession 66 10 Now here . No where . Ibid. 16 VVrit . VVrits . 68 7 VVent . Meant Ibid. 18 Ingenious Ingenuous . 70 20 The Then 71 vlt. After And● adde As. 72 9 Priuatur . priuetur 73 1 End Ends 74 15 Other Others 75 3 Intituled . Instituted 80 vlt. Exemply Exemplifie . 100 26 Ariseth . Arise● 102 4 After A●e , out out So 107 26 After which , adde That Ibid. vlt. Heaued . Heard . 113 25 Not. Now. 152 7 Enlaline . E●lalias 157 28 Your . The. Pa. Li. Faults . Correct . 169 26 After As put out At 170 18 Thereof for Therefore 172 5 Conduced Conducted 175 20 VVords VVord 179 8 Chappels . Chappell 193 1 After Are adde Not 195 9 Your The 212 26 VVaine VVaiue 218 7 Extend the Sect. 37. one line into the § . 38 225 19 Your The 228 22 After Oath ●dde Bee 229 21 Belong Belongd 233 8 Gaue Giue . 240 11 To bey To obey ●44 14 The This 265 25 After And adde Not 274 8 Re-enuersing renuersing . 275 8 That It Ibid. 14 After B●t add the panegyricke 276 5 Heads Beards 277 6 Hyol Holy 278 17 Fall Fallen 280 13 Certaintie ( Certainely ) 297 21 After Alleadge adde This 304 27 Name Nature 305 5 Recei●e Relieue 313 20 God The good . 322 2 There This 324 25 Since Sinne 378 21 A● Vs 379 11 Dominium . Domicilium Those Faults which are in the Margin by placing the Citations higher or lower , I must leaue to the Readers discretion , the rest he may mend thus . PReface § . 8. Pilireade Poli. Fol. 7. lin . 28. adde Homil. de Dauid & Saul . ibid. 24. adde Mar. 10.29 . fol. 9. lin . 7. for Rauolta reade Raccolta . fol. ●7 . lin . 27. for Poss●re . reade Possessor . fol. 31. lin . 11. for Hu. reade Offi. fol. 40. lin . 5. adde 1. Sam. 24.15 . fol. 309. lin . 3. adde De potest . Eccles. § . 6 Nn. 2. A PREFACE TO The PRIESTES , and IESVITS , and to their Disciples in this KINGDOME . I Am so well acquainted with the phrases of Diminution and Disparagement , and other personall aspersions , which your writers cast , and imprint vpon such of your owne side , as depart from their opinions in the least dramme or scruple ; as I cannot hope that any of them will spare me , who am further remoued from them : For since Cassander , whom the two Emperour● Ferdinand and Maximilian consulted , and called to them ; not in any schisme betweene the Emperours and Popes , about temporall Iurisdiction : in which quarrell , whensoeuer it happened , the Emperours cause was euer sustained by as learned , and as Religious , and as many men , as the Popes , but in matters of Doctrine , and for a way of Reformation , when the Popes themselues confessed , that the Church was in extreame neede thereof : Since hee ( I say ) is called by one of them but a Grammarian ( to which honour , if he , which cals him so in scorne , had beene arriued , he would neuer haue translated vindiciae contra Tyrannos , reuenge vpon Tyrants , since vindiciae signifies a Decree or Order of the Iudge , in a cause of Bondage and Liberty depending before him , by which it is ordered , that the party whose condition is in question , shall remaine either free or bond , till the matter be heard without any preiudice , if it fall out otherwise vpon the hearing : ) And since of Caietane ( when hee differs from them in the point of the Canon of scriptures ) they say , That though he were well seene in Scholastique subtilties , yet he was not so in the Fathers : though in that very matter the same Authour confesse , that a Caietane followed Saint Hieromes foot-steps : b since ( because he denies marriage to be proued a Sacrament out of one place of Saint Paul ) they say that he fell into grieuous errors in both Testaments , Hebraizando and Erasmizando : Since , when he distasts the coursenesse of the vulgar edition , they say , that in three or foure pages of his Psalter , there are more Barbarismes and Solaecismes then in the whole vulgar Bible : Since Erasmus ( following the opinion of Driedo and other Catholickes , and so denying some part of Daniel to be Canonicall ) is called by Bellarmine a Halfe-Christian , these men will certainely be more rigid and seuere vpon me . 2 And if they will be content to impute to me all humane infirmities , they shall neede to faine nothing : I am , I confesse , obnoxious enough . My naturall impatience not to digge painefully in deepe , and stony , and sullen learnings : My Indulgence to my freedome and libertie , as in all other indifferent things , so in my studies also , not to betroth or enthral my selfe , to any one science , which should possesse or denominate me : My easines , to affoord a sweete and gentle Interpretation , to all professors of Christian Religion , if they shake not the Foundation , wherein I haue in my ordinary Communication and familiar writings , often expressed and declared my selfe : hath opened me enough to their malice , and put me into their danger , and giuen them aduantage to impute to me , whatsoeuer such degrees of lazines , of liberty , of irresolution , can produce . 3 But if either they will transferre my personall weakenesses vpon the cause , or extend the faults of my person to my minde , or to her purest part , my conscience : If they will calumniate this poore and innocent worke of mine , as if it were written , either for Ostentation of any ability or faculty in my selfe ; or for Prouocation , to draw them to an aunswere , and so continue a Booke-warre ; or for Flattery to the present State ; which , thogh my seruices be by many iust titles due to it , needs it not ; or for exasperation , to draw out the ciuill sword in causes , which haue some pretence and colour of being spirituall ; or to get Occasion hereby to vncouer the nakednes , and lay open the incommodious and vndefensible sentences and opinions , of diuers seuerall Authors in that Church ; or to maintaine and further a scisme and diuision amongst you , in this point of the Popes pretence to temporall iurisdiction : I haue no other shelter against these imputations , but an appeale to our blessed Sauiour , and a protestation before his face , that my principall and direct scope and purpose herein , is the vnity and peace of his Church . For as when the roofe of the Temple rent asunder , not long after followed the ruine of the foundation it selfe : So if these two principall beames and Toppe-rafters , the Prince and the Priest , rent asunder , the whole frame and Foundation of Christian Religion will be shaked . And if we distinguish not between Articles of faith & iurisdiction , but account all those super-edifications and furnitures , and ornaments which God hath affoorded to his Church , for exteriour gouernment , to be equally the Foundation it selfe , there can bee no Church ; as there could be no body of a man , if it were all eye . 4 They who haue descended so lowe , as to take knowledge of me , and to admit me into their consideration , know well that I vsed no inordinate hast , nor precipitation in binding my conscience to any locall Religion . I had a longer worke to doe then many other men ; for I was first to blot out , certaine impressions of the Romane religion , and to wrastle both against the examples and against the reasons , by which some hold was taken ; and some anticipations early layde vpon my conscience , both by Persons who by nature had a power and superiority ouer my will , and others who by their learning and good life , seem'd to me iustly to claime an interest for the guiding , and rectifying of mine vnderstanding in these matters . And although I apprehended well enough , that this irresolution not onely retarded my fortune , but also bred some scandall , and endangered my spirituall re●putation , by laying me open to many mis-interpretations ; yet all these respects did not transport me to any violent and sudden determination , till I had , to the measure of my poore wit and iudgement , suruayed and digested the whole body of Diuinity , controuerted betweene ours and the Romane Church . In which search and disquisition , that God , which awakened me then , and hath neuer forsaken me in that industry , as he is the Authour of that purpose , so is he a witnes of this protestation ; that I behaued my selfe , and proceeded therin with humility , and diffidence in my selfe ; and by that , which by his grace , I tooke to be the ordinary meanes , which is frequent praier● and equall and indifferent affections . 5 And this course held in rectifying and reducing mine vnderstanding and iudgment , might iustifie & excuse my forwardnes ; if I shold seeme to any to haue intruded and vsurped the office of others , in writing of Diuinity and spirituall points , hauing no ordinary calling to that function . For , to haue alwaies abstained from this declaration of my selfe , had beene to betray , and to abandon , and prostitute my good name to their misconceiuings and imputations ; who thinke presently , that hee hath no Religion , which dares not call his Religion by some newer name then Christian. And then , for my writing in Diuinity , though no professed Diuine ; all Ages , all Nations , all Religions , euen yours , which is the most couetous and lothest to diuide , or communicate with the Layety , any of the honours reserued to the Clergie , affoord me abundantly examples , and authorities for such an vndertaking . 6 But for this poore worke of mine , I need no such Aduocates , nor Apologizers ; for it is not of Diuinity , but meerely of temporall matters , that I write . And you may as iustly accuse Vitr●uius , who writ of the fashion of building Churches , or those Authors which haue written of the nature of Bees and vse of Waxe , or of Painting , or of Musique , to haue vsurped vpon the office of Diuines , and to haue written of Diuinity , because all these are ingredients into your propitiatory medicine , the Masse , and conduce to spirituall and diuine worship : as you may impute to any , which writes of ciuil obedience to the Prince , that he meddles with Diuinity : not that this obedience is not safely grounded in Diuinity , or that it is not an act of Religion , but that it is so well engrau'd in our hearts , and naturally obuious to euery vnderstanding , that men of all conditions haue a sense and apprehension , and assurednes of that obligation . 7 The cause therefore is reduced to a narrow issue , and contracted to a strict point , when the differences betweene vs are brought to this ; Whether a Subiect may not obey his Prince , if the Turk or any other man forbid it ? And as his Maiestie in his Kingdomes , is Religiously and prudently watchfull , to preserue that Crowne , which his Predecessors had redeemed from the rust , and drosse , wherewith forraine vsurpation had infected it ; so is it easie to be obserued , that all the other Princes of Christendome , beginne to shake off those fetters , which insensibly and drowsily they had admitted ; and labour by all waies , which are as yet possible to them , to returne to their naturall Supremacy and Iurisdiction : which besides many other pregnant euidences , appeares by Ba●ronius his often complayning thereof ; both in his Annals , when he sayes , That the Princes of this age do exercise so much Iurisdiction ouer the Clergie , that the Church suffers some scandall thereby : And in his Apologie of his owne writings , against the Cardinall Columna , where he notes , That the Cardinals deputed for the hearing of those causes at Rome , are tired and oppressed in these later times , with the Messengers and Appeales of Bishoppes , which in euery Countrey complaine , how much the secular Princes iniure them . And this must of necessity be vnderstood of Countries , which professe the Romane Religion , because such as are Apostoliquely reformed , or are in that way , haue shut vp all waies of Appellations to Rome , or remedies from thence . 8 And not to speake of the Kingdome of France at this time , because I haue sepos'd and destin'd a particular Chapter for that consideration , nor of the fresh Historie of the Venetians , maintaining their iust Lawes for this temporall Iurisdiction : which lawes Parsons , without any colour of truth , or escape from malitious and grosse deceiuing , saies they haue recalled , when as ( not to affright you with any of those Authours which write on the Venetian part , ) you may see an excellent relation of that negotiation , and vpon what conditions the Pope withdrew his censures , in that letter of Cardinall Peron to his Master the French King , about Cardinal Ioyeuse his instructions , when the Pope sent him to Venice for that purpose ; nor to looke so farre backe , as to consider what the other States of Italy and of Rome it selfe haue done herein , which , as an Author which liued in profession of that Religion , informes vs ; durst alwaies brauely and boldly defend it selfe against the Popes vsurpations , though he protested , that if they would but admit him to enter againe into the towne , hee would deale no more with temporall matters ; and this , at that time when England vnder Henry the second , and the remoter parts trembled at him , who trembled at his owne neighbours and Subiects , as he pretended : To omit all these , the Kingdome of Spaine , which they call so super-eminently Catholicke ; and of whose King , the Cardinall which writes against Baronius saies , that he is the only Prince , who bends all the sinewes of his power , and all the thoughts of his minde , not only to oppresse barbarous enemies of Christianity , but to containe christian Kings in their duetie : This Kingdome ( I say ) hath by all meanes , which it can , expressed how weary it is of that iurisdiction which the Pope exerciseth there , in these points which we complaine of : though the Popes haue euer beene most readie to recompence these temporall detriments to those kings ; as the Donations of the Indyes , and of the Kingdome of Nauarre , and of England , testifie at full . 9 And yet if we consider , what all sorts of persons in that Nation haue done against this temporall power , wee cannot doubt , but that they trauaile of the same childe , which our Kingdome and diuers others haue brought forth , which is their libertie from this weakning and impouerishing thraldome . For first , for Booke-men and Writers , a great Idolatrer of this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope , Confesses , That many of the principall Authours of the Spanish nation , concurre in this opinion , that these exemptions and immunities of the Clergie , so much debated , are not Iuris diuini . And it is easie to obserue , what the Collection and resultanse vpon this conclusion will be ; Since , if they bee enioyd by the fauour of Princes , though a conueniencie , and a kind of right grounded in the law of nature , haue moued Princes to graunt them● yet all graunts of Princes are mortall , and haue a naturall frailtie in them , and vpo● iust cause are subiect to Reuocation . 10 And for the Sword-men , by that hostile Act vpon Rome it-selfe , by Charles Bourbon , which was done at least by the conniuencie of Charles the fift ; and by that preparation made against the same place , by the expresse commaundement of Philip the second , vnder the Duke of Aluaes conduct , and by many other associations and Leagues against the Pope : It appeares how iealous and watchfull , they are vpon this Temporall iurisdiction , and how they oppose themselues against any farther groweth thereof . For wh●n in the differences about the Kingdome of Portugall , the Pope made offers to Ph●lip the second , to interpose himselfe for the setling of all pretences to that Crowne , the King , though with sweete and dilatorie answers , refusd that offer , because ( sayes the Author of that Storie ) he would not by this example , acknowledge him to be the Iudge of Kingdomes . And after this , when the King had proceeded farther therein , and Antonie was proclaimed , and that a Legate came into Spaine , and offred there , in the name of the Pope , to be a Iudge betweene all pretenders , though Philip did not doubt the Legates inclination to his part , because he came into his Countrey to make the offer , and though he had more vse of such a seruice then , then before , yet he abstaind from vsing him therein , because hee thought that the Pope , vnder colour of doing the Office of a common father , went about to make himselfe absolute Iudge of Kingdomes ; and besides the extraordinarie Authority , which he endeuoured to draw to his Sea , would oblige the Kings of Spaine to his house , as the same Author expresses that Kings iealousies . 11 And for the politique gouernement of that State euen in that Kingdome , which they pretend to hold of the Church , which is Sicily , they exercise a stronger Iurisdiction , and more derogatorie to the Pope , then this which our King claimes . And though Parsons● who is no longer a subiect , and Sonne of the Church of Rome , then as that Church is an enemy to England ( for in the differences betweene her and Spaine , he abandons ●er ) a●erre in one place , that this iurisdiction is by Indult , & Dispensation from the Pope , yet a more credible man then he , and a natiue Subiect to the King of Spaine , hath vtterly annuld and destroyed that opinion , that any graunt or permission of the Popes , hath enabled the Kings of Spaine to that Authoritie , which they exercise there . And he hath not onely told his brother Cardinall Columna , that the matter it-selfe , Is a point of the Catholicke faith , but in his Epistle to King Philip the third , hee extols and magnifies that Booke , in which he had deliuered that Doctrine , so authentically , as if he meant to draw it into the Canon of the Scriptures : for do these words import any lesse ? The Booke issued frō the very Chaire of S. Peter , by the commandement of S. Peter , and is confirmed by S. Peter , and shal without doubt endure for euer . And he addes this Commination , speaking to the King , Let them which resist these writings take heede , least they stumble , In hanc Petram , and least they bee vtterly trode in pieces , Ab ipsa , ab alto ruente Petra . But of Baronius his detestation of Monarchie , and ill behauiour towards all Kings , as well as his owne Soueraigne , I haue another occasion to speake . All which I purpose to euict here , was , that if Parsons haue spoken so heretically , in saying , that this is done by vertue of the Popes Indult ; that remaines true , which I said before , that that Kingdome of Spaine , endeuours by all wayes it can , to redeeme it-selfe from these vsurpation● , and re-inuest it-selfe in her originall Supremacie . 12 For as in one of the Greeke States when Nycippus sheepe brought forth a Lyon , it was iustly concluded that , that p●rtended a Tyrannie , and change of the State , from a peaceable to a bloody Gouernement : so since the Spirituall principalitie hath produced a Temporall , since this mild and Apostolique sheepe hath brought forth this Lyon , which seekes whom hee may deuour : as by his first Iurisdiction , he would make in this Kingdome a spirituall shambles of your soules , by corrupt Doctrines : so by the latter , he labours to make a Temporall shambles and market of your bodies , by selling you for nothing , and thrusting you vpon the Ciuill sword , which it is a sinne to sheath , when the Law commaunds to draw it , in so dangerous cases of polluting the Land. And though it be pretended by you , and for you ; that the Popes haue laide both a spirituall and temporall Obligation vpon you : Because , besides their care for instructing your soules ; they haue also with some charge erected and endowed some Colledges for your Temporall sustentation , who come into those parts : yet , as the wisemen of Persia , being set to obserue the first actions of their new King Ochus , when they marked that be reachd out his hand at the Table to Bread , and to a Knife , presumd by that , that his time would be plentifull and bloody , and faild not in their coniecture : So since the Pope reaches out to you , with his small Collegiate pittance , the Doctrine of the materiall and temporall sword , howsoeuer hee may seeme to relieue your miserie and penurie , which you drawe vpon your selues , yet it is accompanied with the presage of much blood , since either his purposes must be executed vpon vs by you , or our iust Lawes for preuention thereof be Executed vpon you . 14 One of your owne Authors relates , that Anastatius a Monke , had a hundred Diuels appointed to vexe and tempt him for foure yeares , and after hee had ouercome that trouble , and tamed them , he set them on work to build him a great Monastery , & to bring Aqueducts , and other conueniencies therunto , for his temporal prouision : so after the Pope hath passed ouer that little cost which he is at , to feede you a few yeares , you are euer after his instruments , to build vp his spirituall Monarchy to the ruine of all others , and your selues must ciment and morter the wals with your blood . 15 To let blood in some diseases , saith the eloquentest Physitian , is no new thing ; but that there should ●carce be any disease , in which we should not let blood , is ( saith he ) a strange and new fashion : So to offer our liues for defence of the Catholique faith , hath euer beene a religious custome ; but to cal euery pretence of the Pope , Catholique faith , and to bleede to death for it , is a sickenesse and a medicine , which the Primitiue Church neuer vnderstood . For the implicite faith , and blinde assent , which you were vsed heretofore to giue to the spirituall supremacy , was put vpon you , as Annibal , to entrappe and surprise his enemies , mingled their wine with Mandrake , whose operation is betwixt sleepe and poyson : for though it brought you into a drowsie and stupid adoration of the Pope , & some dull lethargies & forgetfulnesses of your temporall dueties , yet it was not so pestilent and contagious , but that a ciuill state might consist with it , though in a continual languishing and consumption . But this doctrine of temporall Iurisdiction , is not onely a violent and dispatching poyson , but it is of the nature of those poysons , which destroy not by heat nor cold , nor corrosion , nor any other discerneable quality , but ( as physitians say ) out of the specifique forme , and secret malignity , and out of the whole substance . For as no Artist can finde out , how this malignant strength growes in that poyson , nor how it workes , So can none of your Writers tell , how this temporall Iurisdiction got into the Pope , or how he executes it , but are anguished and tortured , when they come to talke of it , as Physitians and Naturalists are , when they speake of these specifique poysons , or of the cause and origen thereof , which is , Antipathie . 16 And yet we finde it reported of one woman , that she had so long accustomed her body to these poysons , by making them her ordinary foode , that shee had brought her selfe , and her whole complexion and constitution , to be of the same power as the poyson was , and yet retaind so much beauty , as shee allurd Kings to her embracement , and kild and poisond them by that meanes : So hath the Romane faith beene for many yeares , so fedde and pampred with this venemous doctrine of temporall iurisdiction , that it is growne to some few of them to bee matter of faith it selfe ; and shee is able to drawe and hold some Princes to her loue , because for all this infection , she retaines some colour and probability of being the same shee was . And as that Fish which Aelianus speakes of , lies neere to the rocke , and because it is of the colour of the rocke , surprises many fishes which come to refresh themselues at the rocke : so doth the Romane doctrine , because it can pretend by a locall and personall succession ( though both interrupted ) that it is so much of the colour of the rocke , and so neare it , as Petrus and Petra , enuegle and entrappe many cred●lous persons , who haue a zealous desire to build vpon the rocke it selfe . 17 It is an Aphorisme of an auncient Physitian , that we must not purge raw humours , but such as are matur'd and con●octed , except they be stirred and moued with their owne violence . Such a patience and moderation this State vsed towards professors of your Religion ; and onely prouiding some better lawes , to haue them in a readinesse in occasions of much necessity ; the rest of the Statutes were onely medicinall and preparatory , to lead them to Church sometimes , and so to mollifie their obduratenes , by making diuine seruice their physicke , since they would not admit it for their ordinary dyet ; and so in time to draine them , and deliuer them from those inundations of errours , which the Sea of Rome had degorged vpon them . And though it might seeme vnseasonable , by any sharper meanes to haue wrastled or contended with them at beginning , because euerie sudden remoue , euen into a better ayre , is vnwholsome , and the worse , the purer the aire is ; yet now it is time to worke vpon you , being of better experience , since you may haue obserued the birth and prosperous growth of this Reformation ; and seene , that though diseases affect and corrupt suddenly and violently , and the cures thereof are orderly and long in accomplishing ; yet this Reformation spent lesse time then the corruption , and the Church hath recouered more health in one age , then she had lost in a●ie two : In so firme and constant a state of health , did the Apostles and their followers , especially the first Bishoppes of Rome , deliuer her ouer , that shee was able a long time , to resist those infectious , and was likely to haue done it much longer , if her danger had beene onely intrinsique , by breeding Heresies in her selfe , and that shee had not receiued the outward poysons of Riches and Honour , and the naturall companions of those , Auarice and Ambition . 18 If you will consider the occasion of this Reformation , which Pope Adrian the sixt ( as your Espencaeus relates it ) ingenuously confessed in the Imperiall Parliament , That it was occasioned chiefly by the sinnes of the Priests and Prelates , whose abuses and excesses had beene for many yeeres abominable , And that all things were peruersly ouerturnd , And that the Disease was in the head , And that therefore he would prouide that the Court of Rome , from whence all this corruption was deriued , should be reformed , since all the world did hungerly expect it at that time : which Reformation , sayes Espencaeus , he died before he could performe , and his successor would not performe it ; If you consider by what instruments it tooke first hold , and that your owne Authors , euen when they meane to calumniate these beginnings , say , that the desire of the French King Francis the first , and of his sister Margaret , and of the Bishop of Meaux , and the rest of the Lords by their example , to haue about them learned and vnderstanding persons , an● such as were conuersant in the holy and originall languages , gaue the first entrance and way to this Reformation : If you consider with what prosperity and blessing Almightie God hath aduanced it ; and that in a few yeares it hath produced so many excellent authors in the Artes , and in Diuinity , that neither our Schooles nor our Pulpits neede bee beholding to them , who deliuer no golde without some drosse . and that for temporall blessings hee hath made vs as numerous , and as potent as his aduersaries , the aduerse partie : If you consider the good health and sound constitution of the Reformed Religion , and that it is in all likelyhood long-liued , because it neither admits vnwholesome and putrifying Traditions , and Postscripts , after the holy Ghost had perfited his writings ; which Additions enuenome the pure blood inwardly : nor is it outwardly in her practise deformed with the leprosies and vlcers of admitting Iewes and Stewes : nor proposes and iustifies any such books , as your Taxa Camerae Apostolicae is , in which ( saies your Espencaeus ) a man may learne more sinne , then in all the Summists and Casuists : and in which the price of all sinnes are taxed ; so that one may know before hand , what an Adultery , an Incest , a Parricide , or any other enormious sinne will stand him in , before he resolue to doe it : If you consider how peaceable and compatible it is with secular Magistracy , by this experience , that more Catholique Princes admit toleration of the reformed Religion , then princes of our profession , admit yours ; out of an assurance of the turbulency , and tempestuousnesse naturally venting out of the grounds of the Iesuits : you will then perceiue how blinde a prognosticator that Dutch-man is , who vpon two and fortie vaine and imaginary reasons , hath grownded a prophecy of the imminent ruine of this Religion ; and how hasty that abortion , and precipitation was in the French-man , who hath written the history of the actuall ruine of this profession , whilst it is yet in her growing estate , and by the mercy of our Saui●ur , euery day more and more aduanced . 19 And if you will suffer these things to enter your vnderstanding and iudgement , I cannot doubt of your will to conforme your selues : For it is truely said , Nothing is so contrarie to the will and consent , as Errour : And whatsoeuer appeares true to the Iudgment , seemes good to our will , and begets a desire to doe it . But if you shut vp that dore , and so expose your selues , that men may possesse your Will , without entring by your Iudgement , they enter like Theeues at the window , and in the night . For , though the will bee as a window , somewhat capable of light , yet your selues benight your whole house , by drawing these Curtaines vpon your iudgement . And in all afflictions drawne vpon your selues by this will or wilfulnes , when you shall say to God , as his people did by Esay , Wherefore haue we fasted , and thou seest it not ? we haue punished our selues , and thou regard'st it not : God will answere , as he did then ; Beholde , in the day of your fasts you seeke your will : That is , you pursue your owne stubborne determinations , and haue humane and corrupt respects in all your tribulations . 20 There was a law amongst some Grecians , that if a sicke man drunke wine without aduise of his Physitian ; though that ●aued his life , he should be put to death , for doing it before he was commaunded . O what bitter punishment must then attend your presumption , who in stead of their wine , take Gall and poyson , and instead of their recouery , endanger your selues to a double perishing ; and are so farre from hauing any direct commandement for it , that you haue expresse and iust inhibitions against it ? O what spirituall Calenture possesses you , to make this hard shift to destroy your selues ? If you be fishers of men , why dooth hee which sends you , first raise stormes and tempests of Treason , and scandall ; and expose you to a certaine shipwracke ? It is a note which one of your famous Preachers hath giuen ; That fish will not be taken with a bloody Nette ; and yet your Fishermen are sent with no other nets , then such as must be stained with our blood , if they can get it , or if they misse it , with yours and their owne . 21 They are content to teach in other places , That the Pope cannot binde a man to impossible things ; and to extend the worde Impossible to any thing , which cannot iustly , honestly , or conueniently bee done ; they are content to teach , That the Pope cannot command somethings , though they be naturally good and meritorious , as to iterate a Confession after it is once made : Onely to you they are so rigid and sowre , that a Breue which you are not sure was sent , and you are sure that it ought not to haue beene sent , must binde you to an obedience in these Capitall dangers ; and like Pythagoras schollers , you must suffer your selues to be slaine , rather then stirre your foote , and tread downe a Beane . 22 And what is your recompence ? You shall bee Martyrs ; and yet Baronius himselfe , who is liberall enough of Martyrdome , speakes of your case somewhat inconstantly and irresolutely , when he sayes of English and French Martyrs , Scimus eos esse in Caelo , vt par est credere , We know they are in heauen , as it is fit for vs to beleeue . But as he which died of the bite of a Weasell , lamented because it was not a Lyon : So consider , it is not the Catholicke faith , which you smart for , but an vniust vsurpation , and that it is not the Lyon of Iuda , for whose seruice and honour your liues were well giuen , but it is for a Weasell , which crept in at a litle hole , and since is growne so full and pamperd , that men will rather die , then beleeue that he got in at so little an entrance . 23 How hungerie of poyson , how Ambitious of ruine , how peruious and penetrable to all meanes of destruction are you , vpon whom your Iesuits and other Confessors , haue not onely the force of those men , who are said to haue beene able to kill men by looking vpon them in anger , but of those also , which can bewitch by faire words , and can prayse a man to death ? For as the angrie eye of the first sort slew some : So doe the comminations and terrors of these Breues , thrust some of you into these dangers . And as , if the men of the second sort ( whereof there were whole families in Afrique ) did but commend Trees , Corne , Cattell , or Children , they prosperd no farther , but perish'd presently : So , after these men , with whose families Europe abounds , doe but tell you , that you are borne of Catholicke parents , That onely you are in the Arke , That you are in possession of good estates , fit sacrifices for the Catholicke Church , That tyou are remarkeable and exemplar men , by whom your Tenants , and Seruants , and Children are led and guided ; That you are chosen by God for pillars to sustaine his materiall Church , as Priests are for the spirituall : That you are Martyrs apparant , and attended and staid for in the triumphant Church : you prosper no more , but wit●er in a Consumption , and hauing headlongly dissipated and scattered your estates , you runne desperately into the danger of the Law , or sustaine a wretched life by the poore Crummes of others pensions . 24 And that vicious affectation of Priesthood , or of Regular Religion , which one of your Preachers notes out of Cassianus , to possesse many men , whome therupon he cals Sacerdotes non entes , hath bewitched you with a stronger charme . And as that drawes them from their Office of societie , by a ciuill and Allegoricall Death , in departing from the world into a Cloyster , so this throwes you into a naturall , or vnnaturall and violent Death , by denying due Obedience , and by entring into Rebellious actions . Many men , sayes that Preacher , are caried to this desire by humane respects , and by the spirit , either of their blood and Parents when they doe it to please them , or by the spirit of giddinesse and leuitie , or by the spirit of libertie , to be deliuered from the bondage and encombrances o● wife and child●en , or else violently , by aduersitie and want . And these diseases , which hee obserued in them , I know you cannot chuse but find in your selues , and in a more dangerous , and deadly measure and proportion . 25 And if there bee not too much shame and horror in such a Meditation , but that you dare to looke backe vpon all the passages betweene your Church and ours , in the time of the late Queene , and his Maiestie who now gouernes , you shall see , that the Rocke was here , and all the stormes and tempests proceeded from you , when from you came the thunders a●d lightnings of Excommunications . But as in those times , when diuinations and coniectures were made vpon the fall of lightnings , those lightnings which fel in the Sea , or tops of Mountaines , were neuer brought into obseruation , but were cald Bruta fulmina : so how vaine his Excommunications against Islanders , and dwellers in the Sea , haue proued , we and Venice haue giuen good testimonie , as many other great Princes haue done , by despising his Bruta fulmina , when they haue beene cast vpon so great and eminent Mountaines , as their Supremacie is . 26 From you also haue come the subtill whisperings of Rebellious doctrines , the frequent and personall Trayterous practises , the intestine Commotions , and the publique and foraine Hostile attempts , in which , as we can attribute our deliuerance to none but God , so we can impute the malignitie thereof originally , to none but the deuill . Whose instruments the Iesuites ( as we in our iust warres haue giuen ouer long bowes for Artillerie ) being men of rounder dispatch , then the Church had before , impatient of the long Circuit and Litigiousnes of excommunications , haue attempted a readier waie : and as the inuention of Gun-powder is attributed to a contemplatiue Monke ; so these practique Monkes thought it belonged to them , to put it into vse and execution , to the destruction of a State and a Church ; through which nimblenesse and dangerous actiuitie , they haue corrupted the two noble Inuentions of these later ages , Printing and Artillery by filling the world with their Libels , and Massacres . 27 It becomes not me to say , that the Romane Religion begets Treason ; but I may say , that within one generation it degenerates into it : for if the temporall iuris●diction ( which is the immediate parent of Treason ) be the childe of the Romane faith , and begot by it , treason is the Grand-childe . But as Erasmus said of that Church in his time , Syllogismi nunc sustinent Ecclesiam , wee may iustlie say , that this Doctrine of temporall Iurisdiction , is sustained but by Syllogismes , and those weake , and impotent , and deceiueable . And as it cannot appeare out of all the Authors , which speake of Saint Peters remaining at Rome , whether his body be there , or onely his ashes : So can it not be cleare to you , that the body of Christian Religion is there , since it is oppressed with such heapes of ashes , and dead Doctrine , as this of temporall Iurisdiction ; so that diuers other Churches , which perchance were kindled at that , may burne more clearely and feruently , then that from which they were deriued● 28 But my purpose is not to exasperate , and aggrieue you , by traducing or drawing into suspition the bodie of your Religion , otherwise then as it conduces to this vicious and inordinate affectation of danger : Yet your charitie may giue me leaue to note , that as Physitians , when to iudge of a disease , they must obserue Decubitum , that is , the time of the Patients lying downe , and yeelding himselfe to his bedde ; because that is not alike in all sicke men , but that some walke longer before they yeelde , then others doe ; therefore they remooue that marke , and reckon ab Actionibus laesis : that is , when their appetite , and digestion , and other faculties fail'd in doing their functions and offices : so , if we will iudge of the diseases of the Romane Church , though because they crept in insensiblie , and the good state of health , which her prouident Nources indued her withall , made her hold out long ; we cannot well pitch a certaine time of her lying downe and sickning , yet we may wel discern Actiones laesas , by her practise , and by her disusing her stomach from spirituall foode , and surfetting vpon this temporall Iurisdiction : For then she appeared to be lame and impotent , when she tooke this staffe and crouch to sustaine her selfe , hauing lost the abilitie of those two legges , whereon shee should stand , The Word and Censures . 29 And if the suspicious and quarrelsome title and claime to this temporall Iurisdiction ; If Gods often and strange protection of this Kingdome against it , by which he hath almost made Miracles ordinarie and familiar , If your owne iust and due preseruation , worke nothing vpon you , yet haue some pitie and compassion towards your Countrey , whose reputation is defaced and scandalized by this occasion , when one of your owne Authors , being anguished and perplexed , how to answere these often Rebellions and Treasons , to put it off from that Religion , layes it vpon the nature of an Englishman , whom , in all professions he accuses to be naturally disloyall and trecherous to his Prince . 30 And haue some pitie and compassion ( though you neglect your particulars ) vpon that cause , which you call the Catholicke cause : Since , as we say of Agues , that no man dies by an Ague , nor without an Ague : So at Executions for Treasons , we may iustly say , No man dies for the Romane Religion , nor without it . Such a naturall consequence , or at least vnluckie concomitance they haue together , that so many examples will at last build vp a Rule , which a few exceptions , and instances to the contrarie will not destroy . 31 I call to witnesse against you , those whose testimonie God himselfe hath accepted . Speake then and testifie , O you glorious and triumphant Army of Martyrs , who enioy now a permanent triumph in heauen , which knew the voice of your Shepheard , and staid till he cald , and went then with all alacritie : Is there any man receiued into your blessed Legion , by title of such a Death , as sedition , scandall , or any humane respect occasioned ? O no , for they which are in possession of that Laurell , are such as haue washed their garments , not in their owne blood onely ( for so they might still remaine redde and staind ) but in the blood of the Lambe which changes them to white . Saint Chrisostome writes well , that the Sinner in the Gospel bath'd and wash'd her selfe in her teares , not in her blood : And of Saint Peter , hee askes this question ; When he had denied Christ , Numquid sanguinem fudit ? No , sayes he , but hee powrd foorth teares , and washed away his transgression . 32 That which Christian Religion hath added to old Philosophie , which was , To doe no wrong , is in this point , no more but this , To keepe our mind in an habituall preparation of suffering wrong : but not to vrge and prouoke , and importune affliction so much , as to make those punishments iust , which otherwise had beene wrongfully inflicted vpon vs. Wee are not sent into this world , to Suffer , but to Doe , and to performe the Offices of societie , required by our seuerall callings . The way to triumph in secular Armies , was not to be slaine in the Battell , but to haue kept the station , and done all Militarie dueties . And as it was in the Romane Armies , so it ought to be taught in the Romane Church , I●s legionis fac●le● Non sequi , non fugere . For we must neither pursue persecution so forwardly , that our naturall preseruation be neglected , nor runne away from it so farre , that Gods cause be scandaliz'd , and his Honour diminished . 33 Thus much I was willing to premit , to awaken you , if it please you to ●eare it , to a iust lo●e of your owne safetie , of the peace of your Countrey , of the honour and reputation of your Countreymen , and of the integritie of that , which you call the Catholicke cause ; and to acquaint you so farre , with my disposition and temper , as that you neede not be afraid to reade my poore writings , who ioyne you with mine owne Soule in my Prayers , that your Obedience here , may prepare your admission into the heauenly Hierusalem , and that by the same Obedience , Your dayes may bee long in the land , which the Lord your God hath giuen you . Amen . PSEVDO-MARTYR . CHAP. I. Of Martyrdome and the dignitie thereof . AS a Depositarie to whose trust some pretious thing were committed , is not onely encombred and anxious , to defend it from the violencies and subtleties of outward attempters , but feeles within himselfe some interrupt●ons of his peace , and some inuasions vpon his honesty , by a corrupt desire , and temptation to possesse it , and to employ vpon his owne pleasure or profit , that of which he is no Proprietary : and neuer returnes to his security , out of these watchfulnesses against other , and reluctations with himselfe ; till he who deliuered this Iewell , resume it againe : So , till it please the Lord , and owner of our life to take home into his treasurie , this rich Carbuncle our soule , which giues vs light in our night of ignorance , and our darke body of earth , we are still anguished and trauelled● as well with a continuall defensiue warre , to preserue our life from sickenesses , and other offensiue violences ; as with a diuers and contrary couetousnes , sometimes to enlarge our State and terme therein , somtimes to make it so much our owne , that we may vnthriftily spend it vpon surfets , or licentiousnes , or reputation . 2 From thence proceeded that corrupt prodigality of their liues , with examples whereof all Histories abound ; honour , ease , deuotion , shame , want , paine , any thing serued for a reason , not only to forsake themselues , or to expose themselues to vn-euitable dangers , but also to be their owne executioners● yea we read of the women of a certaine town , that in a wantonnes had brought it vp for a fashion , to kill themselues . 3 Which corruption , and Ambition of beeing Lord of our selues , euery sort of men , which contributed their helpes to the preseruation and tranquility of States , laboured against● as first the Philosopher , who obseruing that honour and ●ase did principally draw men into this inclination , because they were desirous to get a name of during , and of greatnes , and to escape the miseries which euery day in this life presents , and heapes vpon vs ; did therefore teach , That nothing was more base and cowardly , then to kill ones selfe , so to correct that opinion of getting honour by that Act : and to ouerthrow the other opinion of ease , they taught Death to be the most miserable thing which could fall vpon vs. 4 And when the Spaniard in the Indies found a generall inclination , and practise in the inhabitants to kill themselues , to auoide slauer●e ; they had no way to reduce them , but by some dissemblings and outward counterfeitings , to make them beleeue , that they also killed themselues , and so went with them into the next world , and afflicted them more then , then they did in this . 5. The Emperors also by their lawes and ciuil Constitutions , haue opposed remed●es against this ordinary disease , by inflicting forfaitures and infamou● mulctes vpon them which shold do it . And the Church hath resisted it by her Canons , which denie them Christian buriall , and refuse their oblations at the Altars . And with what seuere lawes , other particular States haue laboured against it , appeares by the law of our nation , which esteemes it not only Man●slaughter but Murder . And by that law in the Ea●ledome of Flanders , which reckons it amongst the heinous names of Treason , Heresie , and Sedition . 6 And yet it was obserued , that this corruption was so inhaerent and rooted , and had so ouergrowne our nature , or that corruption which depraues it , that neither those imperiall lawes , nor that forme of a State which Plato Ide●ted , nor that which Sir Tho. Moore did imagine and delineate thought it possible vtterly to extirpate and roote out this disposition , but onely to stoppe and retard the generall precipitation therein : And therefore in their lawes they haue flattered our corruption so much , as to appoint certaine cases and reasons , and circumstances , in which it might be lawfull to kill ones selfe . 7 And Almightie God himselfe , who disposes all things sweetely , hath beene so indulgent to our nature , and the frailty thereof , that he hath affoorded vs a meanes , how wee may giue away our life , and make him , in a pious interpretation , beholden to vs for it ; which is by deliuering our selues to Martyredome , for the testimony of his name , and aduancing his glorie : for in this we restore him his Talent with profite ; our owne soule , with as many more , as our example workes vpon , and winnes to him . To denie him this , is not onely to steale from him , that which is his , by many deare titles ; as Creating , Redeeming , and Preseruing ; but at such a time , as his honour hath vse of such a seruice at our handes , then to withdraw our testimony from him , is as much a betraying and crucifying of him againe , as it was in them , who by their false witnesse , occasioned his death before . 8 Saint Iohn saith , that the Baptist was not that light , but ( as though that were the next dignity ) hee came to beare witnesse of that light . And when our blessed Sauiour re●used to beare witnesse o● him●elfe ; those , whom he reckons as his witnesses , are all of ●o high dignity , as no ambition can be higher , then to be admitted amongst those witnesses of Christ ; ●or they are thus laide downe ; First the Bapt●st , then his Miracles , then his Father , and then the Scriptures . 9 How soone God beganne to call vpon man for this seruice , by sealing his acceptation of Abels sacrifice , in accepting Abel for a Sacrifice : for so saith Chrysostome , Abel , in the beginning , before any example , first of all Dedicated Martyredome . And as soone as Christ came into the world , after he receiued the oblations of the kings , presenting part of their temporall fortunes ; the next thing wherein he would be glorified , was that Holocaust and Hecatombe of the innocent children , martyrd for his name . 10 And though wee cannot by infinite degrees , attaine to our patterne Christ , the generall Sacrifice ; yet we must exceed those Typique times , and Sacrifices of the old law ; and be no more couetous of our selues , then they were of their beasts , when that Sacrifice is required at our hands : for when we sacrifice our concupiscences , by rooting them out we equall them , who sacrificed their beasts ; but we exceede them , when we immolate our soule and body to God. 11 The blood of the Martyres was the milke which nourished the Primitiue Church , in her infancy , and shall it be too hard for our digestion now ? It was the seede of the Church , out of which we sprung ; and shall wee grudge to Tithe our selues to God , in any proportion that hee will accept ? As Zipporah said to Moses , vere sponsus sanguinum es mihi ; the Church may well say to Christ , who lookes for this Circumcision at her hands , and this tribute of blood , which he hath so well deser●ed● both by begetting the Church by his blood vpon the Crosse● and feeding her still wi●h the same blood in the Sacrament . 12 But those whom hee hath pre-ordained to this supreame Dignity of Martyrdome , God doth ordinarily bring vp in a nouitiate , and Apprentisage of worldly Crosses and Tribulations . And as I●stinians great Officer Tiberius , when out of a reuerence to the signe of the Crosse , he remoued a Marble stone from the Pauement , and vnder it found a second stone , with the same Sculpture , and vnder that a third , and vnder all , great plenty of treasure , had not this treasure in his hope , nor purpose , nor desire before hand , but satisfied himselfe in doing that honour to that signe , which those first times needed : So is the treasure and crowne of Martyredome seposed for them , who take vp deuoutly the crosses of this life , whether of pouerty , or anguish'd consciences , or obedience of lawes which seeme burdenous , and distastefull to them ; for all that time a man serues for his freedome , and God keeps his reckoning , from the inchoation of his Martyredome , which was from his first submission to these tribulations : which Chrysostome testifies thus ; That when one is executed , he is then made a Martyr ( that is , declared and accepted ●or a Martyre by the Church ) but from that time , when he begunne to shewe , that he would professe that Religion , he was a Martyre , though he endured not that which Martyres doe . 13 Saint Paul●aith ●aith of himselfe , I die daily ; and Chrysostome of Dauid , He merited the Crowne of Martyrdome a thousand times in his purpose and disposition , and was slaine for God a thousand times . And these persecutions are not onely part of the Martyredome , but they are part of the reward : for so St. Marke seemes to intimate , when hee expresseth Christ thus ; No man shall forsake any thing for my ●ake , but he shall receiue a hundred folde now at this pre●ent , houses Brothers , Sisters , Mothers and Children , and land , with Persecutions . So that Christ promises a reward , but not to take away the persecution ; but so to mingle and compound them , and make them both of one taste , and indifferency , that wee shall not distinguish , which is the meate and which is the sawce , but nouri●h our spirituall growth as well with the persecution , as with the reward . 14 For this high degree of a consummate Martyre , is not ordinarily attained to per Saltum , but we must be content to ●erue God first in a lower ranke and Order : for as much Kings , as come to the possession of a Kingdome , by a new , or a violent , or a litigious Title , doe vse at the beginning to signe their Graunts , and Edicts , and o●her publ●que Acts , not onely themselues , but admit the Subscription and testimony of their Counsellers , and Nobility , and Bishoppes ; but being est●blished by a long succession , and entring by an indubitate Title , are confident in their rights , and come to signe Teste me ipso : So doth our Sauiour Christ ordinarily in these times , when hee is in possession of the world , seale his graces to vs by himselfe in his word and Sacraments , and do●h not so frequently c●ll witnesses and Martyrs , as he did in the Primitiue Church , when he induced a new Religion , and saw that , that maner of confirmation was expedient for the credite and conueiance thereof . And if a man should in an immature and vndigested zeale , expose his life for testimony of a matter , which were already beleeued , or to which he were not called by God , he did no more honor God in that acte , then a Subiect should honour the King by subscribing his name , and giuing his T●stimony to any of the Kings Graunts . CHAP. II. That there may be an inordinate and corrupt affectation of Martyrdome . THe externall honours , by which the memories of the Orthodox Martyres in the Primitiue Church were celebrated and enobled , ( as styling their deaths Natalitia , obseruing their Anniuersaries , commemorating them at their Altars , and instituting Notaries , to register their actions and passions ) inflamed the Heretiques also to an ambition of getting the like glory . And thereupon they did not onely expose and precipitate themselues into ●ll d●ngers , but also inuented new wayes of Martyredome ; with hunger whereof they were so m●ch enraged and transported , that some of them taught , That vpon conscience of sinne to kill ones selfe , was by this acte of Iustice , a Martyrdome● vpon which ground Petilian , against whom Saint Augustine writes , canonized Iudas for a x Martyre . The rage and fury of the Circumcelliones , in extorting this imagined Martyrdome ; brought them first to solicite and importune others to kill them ; and if they fail'd in that suite , they did it themselues . And another Sect prospered so farre in heaping vp numbers of Martyres , that their whole sect was called Martyriani . 2 And a zealous scorne to be ouertaken , and ●qual'd in this honor , prouoked sometimes those who write the Actes of the Orthodoxe Martyrs , to insert into their Histories some particulars which were not true , and some which were not iustifiable : for of the first sort of these insertions , which proceeded ( as he saith ) out of too much loue to the Martyrs , Baronius in his Martyrologe complaines ; and by the Canon which forbids these Histories to be reade publiquely in the Romane Church , it seems they were careful that the people should not thereby be taught and encouraged , to bring such actions into consequence and imitation , as , ( if the immediate instinct of Gods spirit , did not iustifie them ) would seeme indiscreete and intemperate . Nor were they onely , which corrupted the stories in fault , but out of Binius , the last compiler of the Councels , we may perceiue , that euen they which were Orthodoxe pro●essors , had some tincture of this ouer-vehement affectation of Martyredome : for he saies , that the sixeteth Canon of the Eliberitane councell ( by which it is enacted , That those Christians which attempted to breake the Idols of the Gentiles , and were slaine by them , should not be numbred amongst the Martyrs ) was made to deterre men from following such examples , as Eulalia , who being a maide of twelue years , came from her fathers house , declared her selfe to be a Christian , spit in the Iudges face , and prouoked him to execute her . To which they were then so inclin●ble , that as a Catholique Author hath obserued , that state which inflicted those persecutions ; sometimes made Edicts , that no more Christians should be executed , because they perceiued how much contentment and satisfaction , and complacency some of them had in such dying . 3 And although these irregular and exorbitant actes be capable of a good interpretation ; that is , that the spirit of God did by secret insinuations e●cite and inflame them , and such as they were , to pu● feruor into others at that time ; yet certainly God hath already made his vse of them , and their examples belong no more to vs , in this part and circumstance of such excesses . 4 And though this secret and inward instinct and mouing of the holy Ghost , which the Church presumes , to haue guided not onely these martyres , in whose forwardnesse these authors haue obserued some incongruity with the rules of Diuinity , but also Sampson , and those Virgines which drowned themselues ●or preseruation of their chastity , which are also acounted by that Church as martyres ; although ( I say ) this instinct lie not in proofe , nor can be made euident ; yet there are many other reasons , which authorize and iustifie those zealous transgressions of theirs ( if any such were ) : or make them much more excuseable , then any man can be in these times , and in these places wherein we liue . 5 For the persecutions in the Primitiue Church were raised either by the Gentiles or the Arrians ; either the vnity of the God-head , or the Trinity of the persons was euer in question : which were the Elements of the Christian Religion , of which it was fram'd and complexioned ; and so to shake that , was to ruine and demolish all . And they were also the Alphabet of our Religion , of which no infant or Neophyte might be ignorant . But now the integrity of the beliefe of the Roman Church , is the onely forme of Martyrdome ; for it is not allowed for a Martyrdome to witnes by our blood , the vnity of God against the Gentiles , nor the Trinity of persons against the Turke or Iew , except we be ready to seale with our blood contradictorie things , and incompatible for the time past : ( since euidently the Popes haue taught contradictorie things ) and for the time present , obscure and irreuealed thinges , and entangling perplexities of Schoolemen ; for in these , yea in future contingencies , we must seale with our blood , that part which that Church shall hereafter declare to be true . 6 This constant defence of the foundation , and this vndisputable euidence of the truth , was their warrant : And they had another double reason , of making them extremely tender , and fearefull of slipping from their profession ; which was first the subtilties and Artifices of their aduersaries , to get them to doe some acte , which might imply a transgressing and dereliction of their Religion , though it were not directly so ; and so draw a scandall vpon their cause , and make their simplicity seeme infirmity , and impiety : and secondly , the seuerity which the Church vsed towards them , who had done any such acte , and her bitternesse and a●ersenes , from re assuming them , euen after long penances , into her bosome . For by the third Canon of the Eliberitane Counc●l , which I ment●oned before , it appeares , that euen they whom they called Libellaticos , because they had for money bargained and contracted with the State , to spare them from sacrificing to Idolles ( though this were done but to redeeme their vexation and trouble ) were seperated from the holy Communion . But none of these reasons can aduantage or relieue those of the Romane perswasion in these times , because no point of Catholique faith , either primary and radicall , or issuing from thence by necessary deduction and consequence , is impugned by vs ; nor their faith in those points , wherin it abounds aboue ours , explicated to them by any euidence , which is not subiect to iust quarrell and exception ; nor are our Magistrates laborious or actiue to withdrawe them by any snares from their profession , but only by the open and direct way of the word of God , if they would heare it nor is the Church so sowre and tetricall , but that she admits with ease and ioy , those , which after long straying , not only into that Religion , but into such treasons and disobediences , as that Religion produces , returne to her againe . CHAP. III. That the Romane Religion doth by many erroneous doctrines mis-encourage and excite men to this vicious affectation of danger : first by inciting secular Magistracy : secondly by extolling the value of merites , and of this worke in special , by which the treasure of the Church is so much aduanced : and lastly , by the doctrine of Purgatory , which by this acte is said certainely to be escaped . The first part of Principallity and Priest-hood . HAuing laide this foundation , that the greatest Dignitie , wherewith God hath enriched mans nature , ( next to his owne assuming thereof ) may suffer some infirmitie : yea , putrefaction , by admixture of humane and passionate respects , if when we are admitted to bee witnesses of Gods honour , we loue our owne glory too much , or the Authoritie by which this benefit is deriu'd vpon vs , too little , which is the function of secular Magistracie : We are next to consider , by what inducements , and prouocations , the Doctrine and practise of the Romane Church doth put forward , and precipitate our slipperie disposition into this vicious and inordinate affection , and dangerous selfe-flatterie . 2 In three things especially they seeme to me , to aduance and ●oment this corrupt inclination . First , by abasing , and auiling the Dignitie and persons of secular Magistrates , by extolling Ecclesiasticke immunities and priuiledges : Secondly , by dignifying and ouer-valewing our merits and satisfactions , and teaching that the treasure of the Church , is by this expence of our blood increased . And thirdly , by the Doctrine of Purgatorie , the torments whereof are by this suffering said to be escaped and auoided . 3 And in the first point , which is a dis-estimation of Magistracie , they offend two wayes . Comparatiuely , when they compare together that and Priest-hood , and Positiuely , when not bringing the Priestly function into the ballance , or disputation , they giue the Pope authority as Supreame spirituall Princesse , ouer all Princes . 4 When the first is in question of Priesthood and Magistracy , then enters the Sea , yea Deluge of Canonists , and ouerflowes all , and carries vp their Arke ( that is the Romane Church , that is the Pope ) fifteene cubites aboue the highest hils , whether Kings or Emperours . And this makes the Glosser vpon that Canon , where Priesthood is said to exceede the Layetie , as much as the Sunne , the Moone , so diligent to calculate those proportions , and to repent his first account as too low , and reforme i● by later calculations , and after much perplexity to say , That since he cannot attaine to it , he will leaue it to the Astronomers ; so that they must tell vs , how much the Pope exceedes a Prince : which were a fit work for their Iesuite Clauius , who hath expressed in one summe , how many granes of Sand would fill all the place within the concaue of the firmament , if that number will seeme to them enough for ●his comparison . But to all these Rhapsoders , and fragmentar● compilers of Canons , which haue onely am●ss'd and shoueld together , whatsoeuer the Popes themselues or their creatures haue testified in their owne cause ; Amandus Polanus applies a round , and pregnant , and proportionall answere , by presenting against them the Edicts and Rescripts of Emperours to the contrary , as an equiualent proo●e at least . 5 And for the matter it selfe , wherein the Ecclesiastique and Ciuill estate are vnder and aboue one another , with vs it is euident and liquid enough , since no Prince was euer more indulgent to the Clergie , by encouragements and reall adu●ncing , nor more frequent in accepting the foode of the worde and Sacrament at their hands , in which he acknowledges their superiority , nor the Clergy of any Church more inclinable to preserue their iust limits ; which are , to attribute to the king so much , as the good kings of Israel , and the Emperours in the Primitiue Church had . 6 It is intire man that God hath care of , and not the soule alone ; therefore his first worke was the body , and the last worke shall bee the glorification thereof . He hath not deliuered vs ouer to a Prince onely , as to a Physitian , and to a Lawyer , to looke to our bodies and estates ; and to the Priest onely , as to a Confessor , to looke to , and examine our ●oules , but the Priest must aswel endeuour , that we liue ver●uously and innocently in this life for society here , as the Prince , by his lawes keepes vs in the way to heauen : for thus they accomplish a Regale Sacerdotium ; when both doe both ; ●or we are sheepe to them both , and they in diuers relations sheepe to one another . 7 Accordingly they say , that the subiect of the Canon law is Homo dirigibilis in Deum , & Bouū Commune ; so that that Court which is , forum spirituale , considers the publique tranquility . And on the other side Charles the great , to establish a meane course between those two extreame Councels , of which a one had vtterly destroyed the vse of Images in b Churches● the other had induced their adoration , takes it to belong to his care and function , not onely to call a c Synode to determine herein , but to write the booke of that important and intricate point , to Adrian then Pope ; which d Steuchius saith , remaines yet to be seene in Bibliotheca Palatina , and vrges and presses that booke for the Popes aduantage . And in the preface of that booke , the Emperour hath these wordes : e In sinu Regni Ecclesiae gubernacula suscepimus ; and to proceede , that not only he , to whom the Church is committed , ad regendum , in those stormy times , but they also which are Enutriti ab vberibus must ioine with him in that care : and therefore he addes , That he vndertooke this worke , Cum Conhibentia Sacerdotum in regno suo ; neither would this Emperour ( of so pious affections towards that Sea , expressed in pro fuse liberalities ) haue vsurped any part of Iurisdiction , which had not orderly deuolued to him , and which he had not knowne to haue beene duely executed by his predecessors . 8 Whose authoritie , in disposing of Church matters , and direct●on in matters of Doctrine , together with the Bishops , appeares abundantly and euidently out of their owne Lawes , and out of their Rescripts to Popes , and the Epistles of the Popes to them . For we see , by the Imperial Law , the Authoritie of the Prince and the Priest made equall , when it is decreed , a That no man may remoue a body out of a Monument in the Church , without a Decree of the Priest , or Commandement of the Prince . And yet there appeares much difference , in degrees of absolutenesse of power , betweene these limitations of a Decree and a Commandement . And Leo the first , writing to the Emperour Martianus , reioyses , that he found b In Christianiss mo Principe Sacerdot alem affectum . And in his Epistle to Leo the Emperour , vsing this preface for feare least hee should seeme to diminish him in that comparison ( Christiana vtor libertate ) he saith , I exhort you to a fellowshippe with the Prophets and Apostles , because you are to be numbred inter Christi praedicatores : Hee addes , that kings are instituted , not onely ad mundi regimen , but chiefly ad Ecclesiae presidium : and ●herefore he praies God to keepe in him still , Animum eius Apostolicum & Sacerdotalem . 9 So for his diligence in the Church gouernement , Simplicius , the Pope salutes the Emperour Zeno. E●ultamus vo●i● in esse animum Sacerdotis & principis : For which respect his successor a Felix the third , writing to thesame Emperour , salutes him wi●h his stile : Dilectissimo fratri Zenoni , which is a stile so peculiar to those , which are constituted in the highest Ecclesiastique dignities as Bishoppes and Patriarches , b that if the Pope should write to any of them by the name of Sons , which is his ordinary stile to secular princes , it vitiates the whole Diplome , and makes it false . 10 And a c Synodicall letter from a whole Councell to a King of France , acknowledges this Priestly care in the king , thus , Quia Sacerdotalimentis affectu , you haue commaunded your Priests to gather together , &c. which right of general superintendencie ouer the whole Church , d Anastasius the Emperour dissembled not , when writing to the Senate of Rome to compose dissentions there , hee called Hormisda the pope , Papam Almae vrbis Romae , but in the Inscription of the Letter , amongst his owne Titles , he writes Pontifex inclitus . 11 e Gregory himselfe ( though his times to some tastes , seeme a little brackish , and deflected from vpright obedience to princes ) saith of the Emperours● That no man can rightly gouerne earthly matters , except he know also how to handle Diuine . And in the weakest estate , and most dangerous fitt that euer secular Magistrate suffered and endured , Gregory the seuenth denied not , that these two dignities were as the two eyes of the body , which gouernd the bodie of the Church in spirituall light ; which is more , then the Comparisons of Soule and Body , and of Golde and Leade , as they are now vsurped and detorted , can affoord . And the euidence of this truth hath extorted from Binius ( a seuere and heauie depresser of kings , ) thus much ( though but in a marginall note ) Imperatores Sacra & secularia ex aequo curant . And so much did pope Iohn the eight willingly acknowledge to Lodouic the sonne of Charles , That he was Cooperator sui certaminis . And as Balsamo saith upon the fourth generall Councell of Chalcedon , that it belongs to the Emperour to designe the limits of Diocesses , and to erect a Bishopricke into a Metrapolitane seate , and to appoint who shall possesse them . So to that Canon in the Councell of Trullo which forbidding all Lay persons to come within a certaine distance of the Altar , doth not extend to the Emperours , Si quidem voluerit Creatori dona offerre ex antiquissima consuetudine : And to Balsamoes Notes thereupon , that Orthodoxe Emperours , because they are Christi Domini , haue also Pontificall Graces from God , and by Inuocation of the holy Trinity , they create Patriarchs , they come vnto the Altar , Et sufficiunt sicut & Antistites : Binius opposes no more , but that the Canon was made in flatterie of the Emperour , which is not enough to defeate the Canon , nor eneruate the credite thereof , since that Canon was not introductory then , but Declaratorie of an auncient custome , as the words thereof doe fully euict and proue . 12 And not onely Councels submitted their Decrees to the Emperours for Authoritie , and supplemen● of defects , but the Popes themselues con●ul●ed the Emperours be●ore hand , by their Letters , in matters of greatest difficultie and importance : So Leo the fi●st writes to Martianus the Emperour , about the establishing of Easter , in which point the Church suffered more stormes & schismes , then almost in any other , that did not concerne the Trinitie , and at this time nothing was certainely determined and decreed therein . Thus then he writes to him , Cupio vestrae Clementiae studijs adiuuari , That so no error may be committed in the obseruation thereof . And Leo the eight , exhorts the Sonnes of Charles , as partners in his Pastorall care to imploy Baculos redargutionis . And concerning some spiritual matters , then to be determined , he ends his Epistle thus , The penne must first be dipped in the fountaine of your heart , and then my Hand shall frame the Characters . And so when a Bishop of Constantinople stood out in some things against the Emperor , the Bishop of Rome , who at that time had iustly acquir'd a great reputation in the Catholicke Church , writes to the Emperour , That if that Bishop perseuer in such courses , as displease God , and the Emperour , Salua Mansuetudinis vestrae Reuerentia , vtar in e●m liberiori Constantia . So that hauing first asked the Emperour leaue , he offers him his assistance . 13 And though Gregorie the first ( whom wee may iustly call a border-pope , because though hee made no deepe roades into the iurisdiction of Princes , yet he extended his owne to the vtte●most inch , and sometimes transgressed a little beyond ) though he , I say , suspended one , to whome Orders were giuen by the Emperours commandement , yet hee doeth not this absolutely , but because he knew ( as he said ) the Emperours minde therein , and that particular parties vnworthinesse ; he suspended him , vntill he might vnderstand from his Responsall with the Emperor , whether that pretended Commandement from the Emperour were not subreptitious . 14 And when this correspondence was intermitted , as it appeares often to haue beene , to the preiudice of the whole Church , the Emperours were euer forwardest to labour a re-union and concurrence of their powers , to the benefit and peace thereof ; as Anastatius testifies thoroughly in a Letter to Hormisda , in these words ; Before this time , the hardnesse of them , to whom the care of this Bishopricke , which you now gouerne , was committed , made vs abstaine from sending any Letters ; but now , since their runnes a sweete opinion of you , it hath brought backe to our memorie , the goodnesse of a fatherly affection , that we should require those things , and so foorth . By which , all these circumstances appeare , That the Emperours did vse to write , and that the fault which induced a discontinuance thereof , proceeded From the Pope ; and that the Emperour pretermitted no opportunitie of resuming that custome ; and that where he writ , he did it out of a fatherly care , and by the way of ●equiring . And how mu●h ioy Hormisda conceiued by this Letter , ap●●ares by his phrase of expressing it , Sacros affatus congrua veneratione acc●pimus . 15 With like care Iustinus the Emperour exhorts the same Pope , to a Peace and Vnion with the Easterne Church , by his Letters which hee cals Diuinos Apices . And scarse by any one thing doth this care of Princes , and obsequiousnesse of Popes appeare more , then by the Letter of Pelagius the first ( who was littl● aboue 550. yeares ●rom Christ ) to Childebert King of France , in these words . We must endeuour , for the taking away of all scandall of suspition , to present the obsequiousnesse of our Confession , vnto Kings , to whom the holy Scriptures command euen vs to bee subiect . For Ruffi●●s , your Excellencies Ambassadour , asked from vs confidently , as became him , that either we should signifie to you , that we did obserue in all points the Faith , which Leo had described , or send a Confession of our Faith in our owne words . And ●o accordingly he perfor●es both , as well binding himselfe to the Faith of his predecessours , as exhibiting to the King another forme of the same Faith , compos'd and digested by himselfe ; which , if the Bishops of that Se● would accept now , I doe not perceiue wherein there could be any Schisme . 16 And as the Emperours were carefull assistants of the Popes , that that mother Church at whose breast most o● the Westerne Churches sucked their spiri●u●ll no●rishment , should be infected with no poison , because it might easily be deriued from thence to the other members ; so did they not attend the leisure of that Churches resolution , nor the incommodity of Generall Councels but vsed their owne power to gouerne their Churches , by constitutions of their owne ; for so a Iustinian the Emperour sayes of his owne lawe , by which he priu●ledges certain religious houses ; We offer vp this Diuine law as a faire and conuenient sacrifice to Christ. So that eyther that attribute Diuinum was then affoorded to ciuill Constitutions , or the ●mperour made Ecclesiastique lawes , if that word belong on●ly to such . b The Emperours tooke it into their care , to dispose of their estates which entred into Monasteries ; c And of thei●s also which dyed in Monasteries ; so that neither the pu●pose of entring , nor the acte , nor the habite , and pe●seuerance deuested the Emperour of his right , or hindred the working of the Law. a The Emperours also by their lawes appointed which of their subiects might not take Orders , b and at what age Orders might be confer'd ; and that no woman after a second marriage might be Diaconissa ; c which was , to make a law of Bigamy . 17 Yea they commanded and instructed in matter of Faith ; for so d Iustinian saies of himselfe , we are forward to teach , what is the right ●aith of Christians , and we Anathematize Apollinarius e . So also Honorius and Theodosius inflict the punishment of death vpon any Catholique Minister ( for then neither that name was abhorred by Priests , nor they exempt from criminall lawes ) which shold re-baptize any man ; and yet this was a meere spirituall offence . And so f Valentinian , and his Co-emperours pronounce marriage betweene Iewes and Christians to be adultery . And g Iustinian interprets how a Testator shall bee vnderstood , when he appoints Christ , or an Angell , or a Saint to be his heyre . 18 Nor deale they onely with temporall punishments vpon Ecclesiast●que persons , which is farder then is affoorded them now , but they inflict also spirituall censures : for Gratian and his Co-emperours pronounce against Heretiques , ( that is , Impugners of the Nicene councell ) That they shall be vtterly secluded from the threshold of the Church : And in the next law , which is against Nestorians , they say , If the offenders be Laymen , Anathematizentur , if Clergie men , Eijciantur ab Ecclesijs . a And another of their lawes doth not only inflict temporal & ignominious punishmēt vpon Clergy men , but Ecclesiastique censures also in these words : If a Clergy man be guilty of fals witnes in a pecuniary cause● let him be suspended three yeares , and in a criminall , let him be depriued . b And another susspends for three yeares , euen Sanctissimos & venerabiles Episcopos ; if they doe but looke vpon players at Tables : and that law authorizes him , vnder whose power that offender is , if he appeare penitent , to abbreuiate his punishment ; c and of Bishoppes which will not forsake women , it pronounces thus ; Abiiciantur Episcopatibus . And in the matter of establishing and ordering Sanctuaries , d one of the writers of the Romane parte hath presented ciuill constitutions enow , to teach vs that , that was within the care and Iurisdiction of secular Princes . 19 e And when an Emperour had created a Bishop of Antioch , contrary to the forme prescrib'd in the Nicene Councell , of an intire obseruation , whereof the christian Church was extremly zealous , the Pope proceedes not by anullings and vociferations , but writes thus to the Emperour : We may not dissallow that which you haue done holily and religiously out of a loue to peace and quietnes : by which we see that Canons of Councels , though they were Directions , yet they were not Obligations vpon Princes for their gouernement . By all which it appeares , that those Christian and Orthodoxe Emperors , iustifying their inherent right , by these frequent and vn-interrupted matters of fact , apprehended not this vast and incomprehensible distance betweene secular and ecclesiastique power , but that they were compatible enough , and conduced , and concurred to one perfection , and harmony of the whole state . 20 And it is related by a an Author of great estimation in the Romane profession , that Gregory the seuenth was author of a new scisme , diuiding and tearing priesthood and principality . b And it is euident that Bertram a priest vnder Carolus Caluus , almost eight hundred yeares since , writing of that Diuine and abstruse mysterie , De corpore Domini , submits his opinion to the iudgement of the King and his Counsaile , as competent Iudges of that question : and c Cochlaeus saith , that Luthers doctrine was condemned for hereticall by an edict of the Emperours , with the common assent of the Princes and the States . And the holy Ghost had well intimated the concurrence of their two powers in d Deuter. if those wordes which are in the Text , Nolens obedire sacerdotis Imperio , & Decreto Iudici , moriatur ; were not chaunged by the vulgate edition , into Ex Decreto ; and thereby only the priest made Iudge of the controuersies , and the Magistrate onely executioner of his Sentences . 21 For certainely these two functions are not in their nature so distinct , and Diametrically oppo●ed , but that they may meete in one matter , yea sometimes in one man , and one man may doe both : for amongst the Gentiles , it was so for the most part : and sometimes amongst the Israelites . And in late times a Maximilian the first , a Catholique Emperour , thought it belonged to the Empire , to haue also the Papacy vnited to it : and therfore when Iulius the second lay desperately sicke , he endeuoured to bring to execution , that which he had often meditated , and consul●ed , and receiued as approued from some great persons of dignity in that Church , which was to bee elected Pope in the next Conclaue , and to restore the Papacy ( as he thought or pretended ) to the Emperiall Crowne . 22 b And if a Lay-man be elected Pope , he need not presently be made Priest , but he may , if hee will , stay in Subdiaconatu . And to that degree they seeme to admit the Emperour , when he comes to be crowned at Rome ; c for at the Communion he administers to the Pope in the place of Subdeacon . And this in the Primitiue Church was not ( as d themselues confesse ) Ordo Sacer : though of late it be growne to be such a perplexed case , whether it were or no , that of those commissioners , which two Popes made to suruay the Decretals , one company expunged , the other re-assumed e one place in that book , which denies this to haue beene amongst holy Orders . 23 The Emperour also puts on a Surplis , and is admitted as a Canonick not only of Saint Peters Church , but of Saint Iohn Laterane ; to which particular Churches ( of which the Pope is Parson , as he is Bishoppe of Rome , Metropolitane of Italy , patriarch of the West , and pope of the world , all those blessings and priuiledges which are ordinarily spoken of the Catholique Church are said by a some to bee irremoueably annexed and appropriate : hereupon some of their owne lawyers say , b That all kings are clergie men ; and that therefore it is sacriledge ●o dispute of the authority of a King. 24 But howsoeuer these two functions , since the establing of Christianity , haue for the most part beene preserued distinct , and ought so to be ; yet they are at most , but so distinct as our Body and Soule : and though our Soule can contemplate God of herself , yet she can produce no exterior act without the body . Nothing in the world is more spirituall and delicate , and tender then the conscience of a man ; yet by good consent of Diuines , otherwise diuersly perswaded in Religion , the ciuill lawes of Princes doe binde our consciences : and shall the persons of any men , or their temporal goods , be thought to be of so sublimed , and spirituall a nature , that the ciuill constitutions of Princes cannot worke vpon them ? Nor doe we therfore decline the comparison , so much vrged by the Romanes , that the Clergie exceede the Laiety as much as the body the soule , when it is so conditioned and qualified , as the authors thereof intended it ; That is , that the seales and instruments of Gods grace , the Sacraments , are in the dispensing of the Clergy , as temporall blessings are in the Prince and his lawes , strictly and properly , though concurrently both in both , ( for the execution of the most spirituall function of the priest , as it is circumstanced with time and place ; and such , is ordinarily from the Prince ) ● But we are a litle affraid , that by a literall and punctuall acceptation of this comparison , we may giue way to that Supremacy , which they affect ouer Princes ; because their Sepulueda saith , That the soule doth exercise ouer the body , Herile Imperium , vt Dominus in seruum● and so by this insinuation should the pope doe ouer the prince . 25 Howsoeuer in their first institution Popes were meere Soules , and purely spirituall , yet as the purest Soule becomes stain'd and corrupt with sinne , assoone as it touches the body : so haue they by entring into secular businesse , contracted all the corruptions and deformities thereof , and now transferre this originall disease into their successours . And as in the second Nicene Councell● when the Bishop of Thessalonica a●err'd it to be the opinion of Basil , Athanasius , and Methodius , and the Vniuersall Church , that Angels , and Soules were not meerely incorporeall , but had bodies● The Councell in a prudent con●i●enc●e , fo●bore to oppose any thing against that asseueration , because it facilitated their purpose then , of making Pictures and representations of Spirits ( though Binius now vpon that place , say , his Assertion was false and iniurious to the Church : ) So though in true Diuinitie the Pope is meerely spiritual , yet to enable him to depose Princes , they will inuest and organize him with bodily and secular Iurisdiction , and auerre that all the Fathers , and all the Catholicke Church were euer of that opinion . For the Pope will not now be a meere Soule and Spirit , but Spiritualis homo , qui iudicat omnia , & a nemine iudicatur . For so a late writer stiles him , and by that place of Scripture enables him to depose Princes . No● will this serue , but he must be also spirit●alis Princeps ; of which we shall hereaf●er haue occasion to speake . 26 And as a cunning Artificer can produce greater effects , vpon matter conueniently dispos'd thereunto , then nature could haue done , ( as a Statuarie can make an Image , which the Timber and the Axe could neuer haue ef●ected without him : And as the Magicians in Egypt could make liuing Creatures , by applying and suggesting Passiue things to Actiue , which would neuer haue met , but by their mediation : ) So , after this Soule is entred into this Body , this spirituall Iurisdiction into this temporall , it produces such effects , as neither pow●r alone could worke , nor they naturally would vnite and combine themselues to that end , if they were not thus compressed , and throng'd together like wind in a Caue . Such are the thunders of vniust Excommunications , and the great Earthquakes of trans●er●ing Kingdomes . 27 And these vsurpations of your Priests haue deseru'd , that that stygmaticall note should still l●e vpon them , which your Canons retaine , a That all euill proceedes from Priests . For though b Manriqe whom Sixtus the fift employ'd , had remooued that glosse , yet Faber to whom Gregorie the thirteenth committed the suruey of the Canons , re●aines it still . And ( if the Text be of better credit then the glosse ) the Text hath auerred Saint Hieromes words , That searching ancient Histories , he cannot find , that any did rent the Church● and seduce the people from the house of God , but those which were placed by God , as Priests , and Prophets , that is , Ouersee●s ; for these are turnd into winding Snares , and lay scandals in euery place . 28 Euen the Name of King , presents vs an argument of pure , and absolute , and independant Authori●ie● for it e●presses immediatly , and radically his Office of gouerning , wher●s the name of Bishop hath a metaphorica●l , and similitudinarie deriuation , and being before Christianitie applied to Officers , which had the ouerseeing of others , but yet with relation to Superiours , to whom they were to giue an account , deuolu'd conueniently vpon such Prelates , as had the ouerseeing of the inferiour Clergie , but yet gaue them no acquitance and discharge of their dueties to the Prince . 29 And God hath dignified many races of Kings , with many markes and impressions of his power . For by such an influence , and infusion , our kings cure a di●ease by touch , and so doe the French Kings worke vpon the same infirmitie . And it is said that the kings of Spaine cure all Daemoniaque and possessed persons . And if it bee thought greater , that the Pope cures spirituall Leprosies , and lamenesses of sinne , his Office therein is but accessorie and subsequent ; and after an Angel hath troubled our waters , and put vs into the Poole , that is , after we are troubled and anguished for our sinnes , and after we haue washed our selues often in the riuer Iordan , in our tea●es , and in our Sauiours blood vpon the Crosse , and in the Sacrament , then is his Office to distinguish betweene Leaper and Leaper , and pronounce who is clensed : which all his Priests could doe as well as he , if he did not Monopolize our sinnes by reseruations . 30 And this is as much as seemes to me needfull to bee said of their auiling Magistracy , in respect of Priesthood : for , for vs priuate men it must content vs , to be set one 〈◊〉 higher then dogges ; for so they say in their Missall cases , that if any of the consecrated wine fall downe , the Priest or his assistant ought to licke it vp ; but if they be not prepar'd , any Lay-man may be admitted to licke it , least the dogge should . And of the comparison of these two great functions● Principality and Priesthood , I will say no more , least the malignity of any mis-interpreter might throw these aspersions , which I lay vppon persons , vpon the Order . And therefore since we haue sufficiently obserued , how neare approaches to Priest hood the Christian Emperours haue iustly made , and thereby seene the iniustice of the Romane Church , in deiecting Princes so farre vnder it : we will now descend to the second way , by which they debase Princes , and derogate from their authority . 31 For it is not onely in comparisons with Priesthood , that the Romane writers diminish secular dignity , but simply and absolutely , when they make the Title and Iurisdiction of a king so smoakie a thing , that it must euaporate and vanish away by any lightning of the popes Breues or censures , except they will all yeeld to build vp his Monarchy , and make him heyre to euery kingdome , as he pretends to be to the Empire : for a of that ( saith a Iesuite ) now there is no more controuersie . b And if the electors dissagree in their election , then the election belongs to him . And whether they agree or no , c this forme of Election is to continue but so long , as the Church shall thinke it expedient . And if he had such title to all the rest , that Monarchie might in a vaster proportion extend it selfe , as farre as one limme thereof , the Iacobins , do in Paris : d to whom Philip le longe , gaue a Charter for their dwelling in that Citie , in these wordes : A porta eorum , ad portam Inferni , inclusiue . 32 And how easily and slipperily Princes incurre these censures , may be collected by Nauarrus , who saies , It is the Catholique faith , without firm beleefe whereof , no man can be saued ; that no Prince can erect or extinguish a benefice without the Pope ; and to thinke the contrary ( saith he ) doth taste of the English Heresie . 33 Scarce any amongst themselues can escape that excommunication Dormant , which they call Bullam Caenoe ; in which Nauarrus reckons vp so many hooks , with which it takes hold , that euery honest man , and good subiect with vs now , ought to be affraide , least he haue not incurred it , since all they are within the danger thereof , that adhere to any , who hath bu● offended a Cardinall : of whose safety the popes are growne so carefull , that in the later Decretals it is made treason , euen in a stranger and no sub●ect ; If he haue any kind of knowledge , or coniectu●e of any harme , intended to any of them . And the Emperour himselfe if he abett , or receiue , or fauour , or countenance any that doth , or intends personall harme to a Cardinall , becomes a traytor . For they are the eldest sonnes of the Church , and partake of the Maiesty of their father . Nor are they brethren to any of lesse ranke , but to such , their stile is but vester vti frater , as Baronius writes to Schultingius his abbreuiator . And though Bishops and the Emperour swear fidelity to the pope ; yet , saies Gigas , the Cardinals doe not take that oa●h , because they are parts of his body , and his owne Bowels . 34 And n●t onely all princes are bound to a reuerend respect of them , but a in solemne processions , the Image of Christ must looke backward , if a Cardinall follow ; and God himselfe in the Host , must giue them place : for at the Coronation of the pope , b when they prouide twelue horses for the Pope , and one gentle one for the Host , the dignity of the place being measured by the nearenesse to the Popes person ; the Cardinals place is , to ride betweene the Host and the Pope . And in their mysterious passages vpon Ash-wednesday , c when the Pope laies the ashes vpon a Cardinall , he saies not to him , as to all others , Memen●o homo , quia Cinis es , but quia puluis es : Intimating perchance , that they are neuer so burnt to ashes , but that the fires of lust or ambition are still aliue in them . To which , I thin●e there was some regard had , when it was so wisely prouided , d that when a Cardinall did celebrate masse , there might enter no woman , nor man without a beard . 35 Nor doth the Pope improuidently , in aduancing them with these dignities and priuiledges , nor in multiplying their number , so directly against the Councell of Basil , e which limits them to twentie foure ( except , vpon vniting the Greek Church , it might be thought fit to add two more ) and forbids expresly any Nephues of the Popes to be admitted . For no excesse in number , f ( though they were returned to two hundred and thirty at once , as they are said to haue beene in Pontianus his time ; and though he should pile them vp , and throw them downe , as fast as those Popes which created sixe and twenty in one day , and executed sixe in another ) could disaduantage that Sea of Rome , if they might be prouided out of the states of other Princes ( as in a great measure they are ) since the Church is their heyre , and they are all but stewards for her . Of which the Pope gaue a dangerous instance , when he put in his claime for the kingdome of Portugall , because the last king was a Cardinall . These p●inces , no secular prince may dare to offend , nor subiect adhere to him , if he doe , vpon danger of that Bull : and yet they are made Iudges of the actions of all Princes , as Baronius saies ; and so oppressed with infinit suits against Princes , that it may be fitly sa●d of them , which Iob saies , Ecce genuit gigantes sub aquis , & qui habitant cum eis : which wordes the Cardinals will not thanke Baronius for applying to them , if they consider that Lyra interprets this place of Gyants drowned in the flood , and now damn'd and lamenting in hell . But now , a Cardinall cannot chuse but bee a person of great holinesse and integritie , since there is a Decretall in a gen●rall Councell , and a Bull of Leo the tenth , which doe not only Hortari , and Mouere , but Statuere , and Ordinare , that euery Cardinal shall be of good life . 36 And as these censures and Excommunications of the Pope , inuolue all causes , so doe they all persons , except the Pope himselfe , and such companie , as the Canons haue appointed him in this e●emption , which are , Locusts , ●nfid●ls , and the Diuell . For these , and the Pope , sayes Nauarrus , cannot be Excommunicated : Yet as in their exorcismes of persons possessed , it is familiar to them , when the Diuell is stubborne , to call him a Heretique , and b Excommunicate , so some Popes haue kept him companie in both those titles . And as they cal their Hermits Locusts ( because as it is in Salomon , They haue no Kings , yet they goe forth by bands ) and accordingly the Hermits are subiect to no Superiour , and in that sense Locusts , as their owne Glosser stiles them : so may they prodigally extend the name and priuiledge of Ine●communicable Locusts , to many in the other Orders , since as the Hermits haue no kings , so many of the others wish , that none else had any King , and doe their best end●uour by au●ling them , to bring them into contempt , and to an nihilate their dignitie and them . 37 He that should compare the stile of Thomas Becket to his King ( Olim seruus , nunc in Christo Dominus ) with that of Dauid , after he knew Saule to be reproued by God , and himselfe anoynted , ( After whom is the King of Israel come out ? After a dead Dogge , and after a Flea ? ) Would suspect that this difference of st●le , was not from one Author . Saint Chrisostome notes , that euen to Nabuchonozor , who persecuted them for their faith , they which were condemned , said : Notum sit tibi Rex ; and would not offer to the Tyrant , that contumelious name . And to prophane and irreligious Princes , God himselfe in his Bookes , affoords one of his owne names , Christ. 38 What high stiles did many Christian and Orthodoxe Emperours assume to themselues ? The Law stiles the Emperour , a Sanctissimum Imperatorem . And his priuiledges , b Diuinas Indulgentias . So Gratian and his Colleagues in the Empire , in the first Law of the Code , call their c Motus animi , Caeleste arbitrium . And Theodosius and Valentinian making a Law with a non obstante , preclude all dispensations , which the Emperours themselues might graunt , in these words , d Si Caeleste proferatur Oraculum , aut Diuina pragmatica Sanctio . So also Theodosius and Arcadius , when they make a Law for dispatch of Suites , begin thus , e Nemo deinceps tardiores affatus nostrae Perennitatis expectet . And Iustinian in the inscription of one of his owne Lawes , ins●rts amongst his owne Ti●les , f S●mper Adorandus Augustus . And in a Lawe of Monasteriall , and Matrimoniall causes , ( which are now onely of spirituall Iurisdiction ) he threatens , that if any Bishop infringe that Law , g Quam nostra sanxit Aeternitas Capitis supplicio ferietur . In which stile also Theodosius and Arcadius ioyne , h Adoraturus aeternitat●m vestr●m di●igatur . And an other proceedes somewhat further , i Beneficio numinis nostri . And Theodosius , and Valentinian deliuer it more plainely , k Vt sciant omnes , quantum nostra Diuinitas auersatur Nestorium ; and so in fauour of the puritie and integritie of Christian Religion , in contemplation whereof , it seemes they were Religiously exercised , euen at that time , when hee assum'd these high st●les , they proceede in the same Law , We anathematize all Nestorius followers , according to those things which are already constituted A Diuinitate nostra . And Constantius , and Irene write themselues Di●os ; and the●r owne Acts , Diualia● And this , Pope Adrian , to whom they writ , r●prehended not ; but the Emperour Charles did , and another phrase of as much exorbitance , which was , Deus qui nobis conregnat . 39 The highest that I haue obser●ed any of our Kings to haue vsed , is in Edward the fourth , who in his creation of Marques Dor●e● , speakes thus of himselfe , Cum n●stra Maiestas , ad Regium Culmen subl●●ata existat ; and after , Tantum sp●endoris nostri nomen . But a little before his time Baldus gaue as much to the king of France , as euer any had ; for he said he was in his kingdome , Quidam Corporalis Deus . And in our present age , a Roman Author in a Dedication of his booke , thus salutes our Queene Mary : because your Highnesse is the strongest bul-warke of the Faith , Tua N●mina supplex posco ; which is also at●ributed to the Emperour in a late Oration to him , and to other Princes . And in some Funerall Monuments of Queene Maries time , I haue read this inscription ; Di●is Philippo & Maria Regibus , which word Di●us , Bellarmine values at so high a rate , that he repents to haue bestowed it vpon any of the Saints ; and therefo●e in his la●e Recognition blots it out : which tendernesse in him , another Ies●ite since disallowes , and iustifies the vse of the worde against Bellarmines squeamish abstinence ; because the worde , saies Se●arius , may be vsed aswel as temple or as fortune , which are also Ethnique wordes . But by his leaue he is too hasty with the Cardinall , who do●h not refuse the word , because the Ethniques vsed it , but because they appointed it onely to their Gods ; Bellarmine insimulates al them , which allow that worde to Saints , of making Saints Gods. 40 And though in some of these Ti●les of great excesse , which these Emp●rous ass●●●'d to themselues ; we may easily discerne some impressions of Gentilisme , which they retain'd sometimes , after Christian Religion had receiued roote amongst them ; as they did also their Gladiatorie spectacles , and other wastefull prodigalities of mens liues ; and Bondage and seruility , and some other such : yet neither in them , nor in other Princes , is the danger so great , if they should continue in them , as it is in the Bishoppes of Rome . For Princes , by assuming these Titles , do but draw men to a iust reuerence , and estimation of that power , which subiects naturally know to be in them : but the other , by these Titles seeke to build vp , and establish a power , which was euer litigious and controuerted , either by other Patriarchs , or by the Emperours : for Bellarmine hauing vndertaken to proue the Pope , to be Peters successor in the Ecclesiastique Monarchy ( which Monarchy it selfe is denyed , and not onely the popes right to it ) labors to proue this assumption , by the fifteene great names , which are attributed to the Popes . 41 And the farthest mischiefe , which by this excesse Princes could stray into , or subiects suffer , is a deuiation into Tyranny , and an ordinary vse of an extraordinary power and prerogatiue , and so making subiects slaues , and ( as the Lawyers say ) Personas Res. But by the magni●ying of the Bishoppe of Rome with these Titles , our religion degenerates into superstition ; which is a worse danger : and besides our temporall fortunes suffer as much danger and detriment , as in the other ; for P●inces by their lawes worke onely vpon the faculties and powers of the soule , and by reward and punishment , they encline or auert our dispositions to a loue or feare . But those Bishopps pretend a power vpon the substance of our soules , which must be in their disposition , for her condition and state in the next life . And therefore to such as claime such a power , it is more dangerous to allow and countenance any such Titles , as participate in any significa●ion of Diuinity . 42 For since they make their Tribunall and Consistory the same with Christ , since they say a It is Heresie and Treason to decline the Popes iudgement , per ludibria friuolarum Appellationum , ad futurum Concilium , as one Pope saies ; since they teach , b that one may not appeale from the Pope to God himselfe ; c since they direct vs to bow at the name of Iesus , and at the name of the Pope , but not at the name of Christ ; for that being the name of Annointed , it might induce a reuerence to Princes ( who partake that name ) if they should bow to that name ; since they esteeme their lawes Diuine , not as Princes doe , by reason of the power of God inherent in all iust lawes , and by reason of the common matter and subiect of all such lawes ( which is publique vtility and generall good ) but because their lawes are in particular dictated by the holy Ghost , and therefore it is Blaspemy and sinne against the holy Ghost to violate any of them ; since themselues make this difference betweene the name of God , as it is giuen to Princes , and as it is giuen to them : that Princes are called Dij laicorum , and they Dij principum ; since to proue this , they assume a power aboue God , to put a new sense into his word , which they doe , when they proue this assertion out of these words in Exodus ; Dijs non detra●es , & principi populi non maledices , for by the first , they say , the popes are vnderstood , and by the second princes ; when as Saint Paul himselfe applies the latter part to the high priest , and their expositor Lyra , and the Iesuite Sâ , interpret the first part of this Scripture of Iudges : Since , I say , they entend worse ends then Princes doe , in accepting or assuming like Titles ; and since they worke vpon a more dangerous and corruptible subiect , which is the Conscience and Religion ; since they require a stronger assurance in vs by faith ; since they threaten greater penalties in any which doubt thereof , which is damnation ; the popes cannot be so excuseable in this excesse as princes may be . And yet princes neuer went so farre as the popes haue done , as we shall see , when we come to consider the title and power of spirituall princes . All this I say , not to encourage princes to returne to those stiles , which Christian humilitie hath made them dis-accustome , and leaue off , and which could not be reassum'd without much scandall , but to shew the iniquitie and peruersnesse of those men , who thinke great Titles belong to Kings , not as Kings , but as Papisticall Kings . 43 For so at a Consultation of Iesuites in the Tower , in the late Queenes time , I saw it resolued , that in a Petition to bee exhibited to her , shee might not be stiled Sacred . Though one of their owne Order haue obserued that attribute to bee so cheape , that it was vsuall to say , Sancti Patres conscripti , and Sacratissimi Quirites , and Sanctissimi Milites . And our English Iesuites vse to aggrauate her defection much , by that circumstance , that shee had beene Consecrated , and pontifically Anoynted , and inuested at her Coronation , and therefore was Sacred . 44 How great a detestation they had of her Honour , and of all Princes which professe the same Religion that shee did , appeares in no one such thing more , then in Quirogaes expurgatorie Index , where admitting all the reprochfull calumnies of Eunapius against Martyrs , whose reliques he cals Salita Capita , with other opprobrious contumelies , they haue onely expunged an Epistle of Iunius to her , in which there was no words concerning Religion , but onely a gratulation of her Peace , and of her Learning ; which also they haue done in Serranus his Edition of Plato . And as God hath continued his fauours showen to her , vpon her successour , so haue they their malice : For in the second Tome of that worke , they haue taken away an Epistle Dedicatorie to his Maiestie , that now is . 45 And as in many of their Rules , for that Dissection and Anatomising of Authours , they haue prouided that all Religion , and all prophane knowledge shall depend vpon their will : So haue they made a good offer , that all cariage of State businesse shall bee open to them , by expunging all such sentences , as instructor remember Princes , in that learning , which those Rules cals Rationem status , and which ( because Italians haue beene most conuersant therein ) is vulgarly called Ragion di stato . For this Ragion di stato , is , as the Lawyers call it , Ius Dominationis ; And as others call it , Arcana Imperij . And it pretends no farther but to teach , by what meanes a Prince , or any Soueraigne state , may best exercise that power which is in them , and giue least offence to the Subiects , and yet preserue the right and dignitie of that power . 46 For it is impossible , that any Prince should proceede in all causes & occurrences , by a downright Execution of his Lawes : And he shall certainely be frustrated of many iust and lawfull ends , if he discouer the way by which he goes to them . And therefore these disguisings , and auerting of others from discerning them , are so necessarie , that though , In Genere rei , they seeme to be within the compasse of deceite and falshood , yet the end , which is , maintenance of lawfull Authoritie , for the publike good , iustifies them so well , that the Lawyers abhorre not ●o giue them the same definition ( with that Addition of publike good ) which they doe to deceit it selfe . For they define Ragion di stato to be , Cumaliud agitur , aliud simulatur , bono publico . 47 And the Romane Authors doe not onely teach , that deceit is not Intrinsecè malum , but vpon that ground and foundation , they build Equiuocation , which is like a Tower of Babel , both because thereby they get aboue all earthly Magistracie , and because therein no men can vnderstand one another . Nor can there be a better example giuen of the vse of this Ragion di stato , then their forbidding it● Because nothing conduces more to the aduancing of their strength , then that Princes should not know , or not vse their owne , or proceede by any wayes remou'd from their discernings . Indeed those bookes of Expurgation , are nothing else but Ragion di stato : That is , a disguised and dissembled way , of preferring their double Monarchie . And they that fordid Princes the lawfull vse of these Arcana Imperij , practise for their owne ends , euen Flagitia Imperij , which are the same things , when they exceede their true endes ( which are iust authority , and the publique good ) or their lawfull waies to those ends , which should euer be within the compasse of vertue , and religion . 48 Of which sort are all those enormous dispensations from Rome , which no interpretation nor pretence can iustifie● as ( to omit some sacrilegious and too immodest licenses ) that of Gregory the third is one , who writ to Boniface his Legate in Germany , that they , whose wiues being ouertaken with any infirmity , would not reddere Debitum , might marry other wiues : which Binius hath wisely left out . 49 But they are in these expurgations iniurious also to the memorie of dead princes : for a they will not admit our k. Edward the sixt , to be said to be Admirandae indolis , nor the Duke of b Wittenberg praeclarus . They will not allow c Vlrichus Huttenus to be called A learned Knight : no , d neither him , nor Oebanus Hessus to be so much as good poets . But with the same circumspection , that the e Belgique Index could add to Borrhaeus writing vppon Aristotles politiques , in this sentence , Religionis cura semper pertinuit ad principes , this clause , & Sacerdotem ; the f Spanish Index dooth mutilate Velcurio vpon Liuy , and from this sentence ( the fift age was decrepite vnder the Popes and Emperours ) takes out the Popes , and leaues the Emperours obnoxious to the whole imputation . And as with extreame curious malignity , they haue watched that none of our side be celebrated , so haue they spied some inuisible dangers , which the Popes honor might incurre : and therfore as the g Spanish Copie , hath before Luthers name expunged the letter D , least it might intimate Doctor , or Diuus ; so the h Duch Copie , hauing found nothing to quarrel at in Schonerus the Mathematician , expunges in many places a great D. at beginning of Diuisions , because in it ( as ordinarily those great initiall letters , haue some figure ) there is imprinted the popes head , and by it the diuell , presenting him a Bull. 50 But this inhumanity of theirs hath not deterr'd Thuanus from his ingenuity , in giuing to all those learned men , whom he hath occasion to mention , the attributes an● epithetes due to their vertues , though they be of a diuers perswasion in Religion from himselfe : But those other men , who in a proude humility will say brother Thiefe , and brother Wolfe , and brother Asse , ( as Saint Francis ( perchance not vn-prophetically ) is said to haue done ) will admit no fraternity nor fellowshippe with Princes . 51 And though the Iesuites by the aduantage of their fourth Supernumerary vow , of sustaining the Papacy , by obeying the Popes will ; seeme to haue gone further herein then the rest , yet the last Order erected by Philip Nerius , which was saide to haue beene purposed to eneruate the Iesuites ; and by a continual preaching the liues of Saints , and the Ecclesiastique story , to counterpoise with deuotion , the Iesuites secular and actiue learning , though they set out late , haue aemulously endeuoured to ouertake the Iesuites themselues in this doct●ine of auiling Princes : For Bozius hath made all Princes Tributary or Feudatary to the Pope , if not of worse condition . And Gallonius seemes to haue vndertaken the History of the persecutions in the Primitiue Church , onely to haue occasion by comparison thereof , to defame and reproach the lawes , and Gouernement of our late Queene . 52 But Baronius more then any other exceeds in this point , for obeying his owne scope and first purpose to aduance the Sea of Rome , he spares not the most obedient childe of that mother , the Catholique King of Spaine : for , speaking of the Title which that King hath to the Kingdome of Sicily , he imputes thus much to Charles the fift , that being possessed with employments of the fielde , hee gaue way to an Edict , by which , Grande piaculum perpetratur against the Apostolique authority and al Ecclesiastqiue lawes were vtterly dissipated : And that hee ioyned together temporall and spirituall iurisdiction● and pretended a power to excommunicate and to absolue euen Cardinals , and the Pop●s Nuncioes , and so , saies he , hath raised another Head of the Church , pro monstro , & ostento . He addes with extreame intemperance , that this claime to that Kingdome was buried a while , but reuiued againe by Tyrannicall force , by violent grassation , and by the robbery of Princes , who commaunded that to be obeyed as reasonable , which they had extorted by Tyranny . And least hee should not seeme to extend his bitternes to the present time , he saies , those Princes which hold Sicily by the same reasons , doe imitate those tyrants . And so he imputes vppon all the later kings of Spaine , as much vsupation of Ecclesiastique Iurisdiction , and as monstrous a Title of head of the Church , as euer their malice degorged vppon our king Henrie the eight . 53 And though in some passages of that history , he hath left some wayes to escape , by laying those imputations rather vpon the kings officers then vpon ●he king , yet that Cardinall who hath censured that part of his worke , espies his workemanshippe and arte of deceiuing , and therefore tels him , that he hath inuayd against Monarchy it selfe , and all defenders thereof ; and that him● Nor doth Baronius repent that , which hee hath spoken of those kings , but in his answere to this Cardinall ; he saies , that if the King were impeccable , if he were an Angell , if he were God himselfe , yet he is subiect to iust reproofe . And in his Epistle to Phil. 3. in excuse of himselfe , though hee seeme to spare the present king , yet it is ( as he professes ) because he hopes that he will relinguish that Iurisdiction in Sicily ; els he is subiect to all those reproofs & reproches , which Baro. hath laid vpon his father and Grandfather . 54 And though this were a great excesse in Baronius , to lay such aspersions vpon those Princes , yet his malice appeares to bee more generall ; for the reason why he makes this pretence so intollerable , is , because thereby ( saies he ) that King becomes a Monarch ; and there can be no other Monarch in the world , then the Pope ; and therefore that name must be cutte off , least by this example it should propagate , and a whole wood of monarchs should grow vp , to the perpetuall infamy of the Primacy of the Church . And so this care of his , that no Monarches be admitted , implies his confession , that they which are Monarches haue right in their Dominions , to all that which those kings claime in Sicily , which is as much as our kings exercise in England , ( if Baronius do not exceede in his imputation . ) 55 But because there is nothing more tender then honour , which as God will giue to none from himselfe , being a iealous God , so neither ought his Vic●gerents to doe ; it shall not be an vnseasonable and impertinent , at most , an excuseable and pardonable diuersion , to obserue onely by such impressions , as remaine in the letters betweene the Emperours and Popes , at what times , and vpon what occasions the Clergie of that Sea insulted vpon secular Magistacy ; and by what either dilatory circumuentions , or violent irruptions , they are arriued to this enormous contempt of Principality , as of a subordinate instrument of theirs . 56 Before they had much to doe with Emperours , ( for they were a long time religiously , and victoriously exercised with suffering ) we may obse●ue in Cyprians time , that he durst speake brotherly and fellowly to that Sea , and intimate the resolu●ions of his Church to that , without asking approbation and strength from thence : for to Pope Stephen , he writes , Stephano fratri ; and then Nos qui gubernandae Ecclesiae libram tenemus : and after , Hoc facere te oportet : with many like impressions of equality : But in Fir●ilianus his Epistle to Cyprian , written in opposition to Stephanus his Epistle ; who was growne into some bitternesse against Cyprian , there appeares more liberty : for thus he saies ; Though by the inhumanity of Stephen , we haue the better tryall of Cyprians wisedome , we are no more beholden to him for that , then we are to Iudas for our saluation . He addes after , That that Church doth in vaine pretend the authority of the Apostles ; since in many sacraments Diuinae rei , it differs from the beginning , and from the Church of Hierusalem , and defames Peter and Paul as Authors thereof . And therefore ( ●aies he ) I doe iust●y disdaine the open and manifest ●oolishnesse of Stephen , by whom the truth of the Christian Rocke is abolished . So roundly and constantly were their first attempts and intrusions resisted , and this not onely by this Aduocate of Cyprian , but euen by himselfe also , in as sharpe words as these , in his Epistle to Pompeius . 57 And for their behauiour to the Empero●s , as long as Zeale and Pouertie restrain'd them , it cannot be doubted , but that they were respectiue enough . The preambulatorie Letters before the Councell of Chalcedon , testifie it well : Where the Letters of the Emperours , yea , of their Wiues , are accepted by the name of Diuales , and Sacrae literae , and Diuinae syllabae . And about the same time , Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Emperour , he sayes ; Hanc Paginam necessariae supplicationis adieci ; And in the next Epistle but one , Literas Clementiae tuae veneranter accepi , quibus cuperem obedire . So also Felix the third , to Zeno the Emperour , cals himselfe Famulum vestrum , and such demissions as these ; Liceat , venerabilis Imperator , exponere ; And , Per mei Ordinis paruitatem audias , are frequent in him . And in Iustinians time , which was presently after , that Church sensible of the vse and neede , which it had of his fauour , so hee would be content to extend to their benefit , prescription , which before was limited in thir●ie yeares , to a hundred , neuer grudged at t●e phrase and language of his Law , by which he affoorded the Church that priuiledge , though it were very high ; Being willing to illustrate Rome , Lege specialj nostri Numinis , That that Church may eternally by this , remember the prouidence of our Gouernement , we graunt , &c. 58 And Gregorie the first was , out of his wisedome at least , if not Deuotion , as temperate as the rest , when he w●it to the Emperour Maurice , to sweeten and modifie that Law , which forba● some persons to enter into Monasteries ; For there he cals himselfe Famulum , and Seruum : And addes this , Whiles I speake thus with my Lords , What am I , but dust and wormes ? And though Binius is loth to pardon him this duetifulnesse , and respect to his Princes , and there●ore sayes , That he protested in the begining of that Letter , that hee spoke not as a Bishop , but Iure priuato , And so out of Baronius , he sayes , That he plaide another part , as vpon a stage : Yet , if he wore this maske and disguise cleane through the Epistle , then he spoke personately , and dissemblingly , as well with Christ , as with the Emperour , when he sayes : I , the meanest of Christs s●ruants and yours . Nor do I thinke that Binius or Baronius would say , that he spoke personately of the Execution of the Emperours Law , but that hee had truely done as he said : I haue done all which I ought to doe● for I haue both performed my obedience to the Emperor , and I haue vttered that which I thought fit concerning God. And he was wisely careful that his Letter to the Emperour , concerning his opnion of the iniquitie of that Law , should not come to the Emperours inopportunely , nor as from a person of equall ranke to him ; and therefore he forbids his own Responsall ( for the dignitie of a Nuncio , was not yet in vse ) to deliuer it , but sends it to the Emperours Phisitian , because saith he , Vestra Gloria , may secretly , at some conueniet time , offer him this suggestion ; And that this Phisitian might be confident in this employment , he assures him of his affection and Allegeance to his Prince , by this Confession , God hath appointed the Emperour to rule , not onely Souldiours ( which were the persons forbid in that Law ) but also Priests ( whose priuileges seem'd to be impayr'd thereby . ) 59 With like respect doth one of his successors Vitalian , write to Vaanus , who was Cubi●ularius , et Chartularius Imperialis , to mediate & prouide , that a Bishoppe vniustly deposed , might be restored . And to him the Pope affoords this stile , Celsitudo vestra , and addresses the depos'd Bishop , Ad vestra ambulaturum vestigia , and promises that they both shall all the daies of their liues , pray to God for the prosperity , and long liuing Suae excellentissimae Charitatis . 60 And in all this course of time , the Popes , some out of a iust contemplation of their duety , some out of the neede , which they had of the Emperours , from whom they receiued daily some additions to their immunities and exemptions , were agreeable and appliable enough to them . And when Italy suffered a dereliction , by the absence of the Emperours in the East , and thereby was prostituted and exposed to barbarous Inuaders , the Bishoppes of this Citie , which was the fairest marke to inuite the Lumbards and the rest , solicited those Easterne Emperours to their succour , with all sweetnesse and humility ; but at last , desperate of such reliefe , casting their eyes vppon the mightiest kingdome of the West , they inuited the French to their succour . 61 And at this time came from them those lamentable supplications , which Stephen the third sent to Pipin and Carloman : In the first whereof , he vrges them with their promise of certaine lands , by them vowed to the Church : And hauing called them , Dominos excellentissimos , and spiritualem Compatrem , and prepared them with wordes of much sweetenesse , Mellifluam bonitatem , Mellifluos obtutus , and such , hee comes to the point : That which you haue offered to Peter by promise , you ought to deliuer him in profession , least when the Porter of heauen , the Prince of the Apostles , at the daie of iudgement shall shew your hand-writing you be put to make a more strict account with him . So therefore he felt and lamented their slackenes in endowing the Church ; yet at that time he would not vndertake to be the Iudge , nor make the Camera Apostolica the Court ; but he referres it to Saint Peter , and to the last day , and onely remembers them , That Dominus per meam humilitatem , mediante B. Petro , vos vnxit in reges . 62 The next letter written in the person of the Pope , and all the Romane people , and Romane armie , et omnium in afflictione positorum , is an earnest and violent coniuration ; per Deum viuum vos coniuro , Saue vs , most Christian Princes before we perish ; the soules of all the Romans hang vpon you , and so forth . And when all this did not effectually stirre them to come , as the letter solicited , Cum nimia festinatione ; then came a third letter in the name and person of Saint Peter himselfe , in this stile : I Peter the Apostle , and by me all the Catholique Romane Church , Head of all the Churches of God , vobis viris excellentissimis . I Peter , exhort you , my adopted Sonnes , to defend that house , where I rest in my flesh : and with me Marie , with great Obligations , Aduises , and Protests , and so forth . And whatsoeuer you shall aske of me , I will giue you . If you doe not performe this , know ye , that by the authoritie of the Apostleshippe giuen me by Christ , you are alienated from the Kingdome of God , and from life euerlasting . 63 And when Stephen the fourth came to that Sea , and tha● the sonnes of these Princes beganne to incline to ally themselues by marriage with the Lombards ; the Pope seeing then his whole temporal ●ortune at the stake , neglects no way of withdrawing them , from that inclination : hee saies therefore , Saint Peter , by our vnhappines , beseecheth your Excellence : and then , vouchsafe to bend your eares , inspired by God , to our Petition , and to him whom we haue sent , ad Regale vestrum Culmen . And then , in an inconstant distemper , he threatens , and he promises in St. Peters name , as bitterly , and as liberally , as his predecessor had bid S. Peter himselfe to doe , in the former Epistle . 64 And when these Princes after much entreaty , had deliuered Italy from the infestation of the Lombards , and deuided the profite and spoile with the Church , and that that Sea had reco●ered some breath and heart , then their Bishopps began to reprehend with some bitternesse , the Easterne Emperours : And then came that notorious letter of Nicholas to Michael the Emperour ; In which though he stile him , Superatorem Gentium , pr●ssimum filium , Dulcissimum , Tranquillissimum ( for as yet hee doubted that he might be necessary to him ) yet he cals him also Golias , and himselfe Hymnidicum Dauidem . And part of the quarrell was , because the Emperour had written Insolentia quae●am , cert●ine vnusuall phrases : which were , ●ussimus , vt quosdam ad nos mitteretis : for , saies Nicholas , Honorius said to Boniface , Petimus ; and other Emp●rours , Inuitamus , and Rogamus , and Constantine and Irene , Rogamus , magis quidem Dominus Deus rogat : which phrase , though Charles the great , at that time , when it was written , rep●ehended , and allowed a whole Chapter in his booke for the reproofe thereof , yet not onely that Pope dissembled it , but this drawes it into example and precedent . 65 And in this letter the Pope giues the Emperour some light , that hee is not long to enioy the stile of Romane Emperour ; for he hauing despised the Romane tongue as Barbarous , ( as euery Prince loues to be saluted in his owne , or in an equall language ) the Pope replies : That if hee call the Romane tongue barbarous , because ●ee vnderstands it not , it is a ridiculous thing , to call himselfe Romane Emperour . 66 And thus hauing at once receiued and recompensed a benefite , by concurring in the aduancement of the French to the Empire , they kept good hold vpon that Kingdome , by continuall correspondencies , and by interceding with those Kings , for p●rdons and fauours , when any delinquents fled ouer to them , and by aduising them in all emergent causes , and by doing them many seruices in Italy , and so establishing the Empire in that family , vpon good conditions to them both . For so Iohn the eight writes to Charles , as well to refresh his benefit in his memorie , as the reasons that moued him to conferre it . Well knowes your Kingly Highnesse , that I was desirous a long time , for the profit and exaltation of the Apostolicke Sea , to bring you Ad Culmen Imperij . And as we with all our endeuour , haue desired to giue perfection to your Honour and glorie , you also must performe those things , which are profitable to the vtiliti● and exalt●tion of that Seate . And there he addes , That for Conference about that , he came to meete him at Rauenna , leauing his owne Church in the cruell hands of enemies . And in the next Epistle , he sends to the same purpose his Nephew Faru●fus , Deliciosum consiliarium nostrum ; Becau●e , sa●es he in anoth●r place , We desire greedily to accomplish this . And yet at this very time , for his better indemnitie , hee practis'd with the Esterne Emperour , and kept faire quarter with him also , as appeares by his Letter to him . 67 Hauing thus establish'd a stronger reputation , and laide earnest Oblig●tions vpon France , and by example and authoritie thereof , in other places also , they beganne to feele their st●ength , and to draw their swords as farre as they would goe , which was to excommunication , euen in France it selfe . 68 But because in the excommunications issuing in ●hese times , and in the ti●es betweene this , and Gregory the seuenth , and perchance in some b●fore this time , there is found often mention of p●nishment after e●communication● whi●h hath occasioned some to erre in an opinion , that besides spi●ituall c●nsures , temporall penalties were al●o inflicted vpon p●iuate persons , and consequently eradication vpon Princes , we w●●l arrest , and stay a little vppon the stile and phrase of some of those excommunications , by which it wil appeare , that they intended nothing but spirituall punishment . 69 The first which I haue obserued , is a letter of Innocent the first , to Arcadius the Emperour , whom he thought guilty of the eiecting & of the death of Chrysostome : His words are ; Ego minimus & peccator , segrego te a perceptione mysteriorum Christi . This then went no farther then to depriue him of spirituall foode , and the Pope ( if tha● Epistle be genuine ) was very hasty in it ; for the Emp●rour discharged himselfe presently , by pleading ignorance of the fact ; which that Bishoppe ought to haue tried , before hee had proc●eded to excommunic●tion . Chrysostome himselfe , whose quarrell it was , had taught s●fficiently the limits of that iurisdict●●n ; for he said , When the Pri●st had reprehended Ozias , De spreto Sacerdotio , he could doe no more ; for it is his part onely to reprooue , and to perswade , not to stirre warre : and he addes , that God himselfe ( to whom onely it belongs to punish so ) inflicted a leprosie vpon the King , in which ( saies he ) we see Humanitatem Diuinae ultionis , who sent not lightning , nor shaked the earth , nor moued the Heauens : So farre was Chrysostome from counsayling any such punishment , as should be accompanied with tumult . 70 And so a iust estimation , and true vnderstanding of their liberties , in Ecclesiastique causes , were the Fathers in the Councell at Ephesus arriued , when in that Synodicall Letter to the Emperour , which they call , Libellum supplicem , they make this protestation , The scope of our profession prouides , that we be obedient to all Princes and Potentates , as long as that obedience brings no detriment to our Soul●● health ; but if it come to that , we must dare to vse our libertie , Aduersus Regium fastigium . And how farre , may this courage and libertie carie vs , if the Prince command any thing in detriment of our soule ? As farre , as tho●e Fathers durst aduenture vpon that ground , which they expressed thus to the Emperour , If you approue the banishment of C●rill and Memnon , which were banished by persons Excommunicate , then know you , that we are ready , with that alacritie which becomes Christians , to vndergoe any danger with them , that is , to suffer as they goe . 71 But about this time of Iohn 8. it was very frequent , that Excommunications had a farther comminatorie clause . For so , against a Bastard of Lotharius , who had broke an Oath made to a French King , he sayes , VVe depriue him of all Christian Comunion , and if he perseuer , let him know , that Anathematis vinculis innodabitur . So to an Earle and h●s Lady , which had seduced a Nunne from her profession , ●e sayes , We seperate them from the body and blood , and all fellowship with Christians , and if they neglect to restore her , Anathemate innodamus . So in the next Epistle he threatens a Bishop , that refus'd to come to him , Know that you are to be Excommunicate , and if you perseuer , A Communione alienandus . And against another Bishop , and his whole charge he pronounces Priuation from the Communion , seperation from the Church , and except they conuert , Maioris damnationis sententiam , and with such as these , his time abounds . 72 And his predecessour Adrian the second , had gone thus farre towards the King of France , when hee attempted to inuade his Brothers Dominion , VVe admonish you , by our Apostolique Authoritie , and by all spirituall meanes , which we may vse , we perswade you , and in a Fatherly effection command you to forbeare ; els● , we will performe t●at which belongs to out Ministerie . But in another letter to his Nobles , he threatens them , That if they aide the Father to warre against the Sonne , who was then in his displeasure , They shall not onely be enwrapp'd in the bands of Excōmunication , but cast into hell , Vinculis Anathema●is . And this Iohn the eight , at the same time when he alowes him all due attributes , & desires him to incline his sacredeares to him , threatens Charles himself , that if he restore not certain things , taken from a Nunnerie , by a certaine day , He should bee Excommunicate till restitution , and if , being thus lightly touch●d , he repented not , Durioribus verberibus erudie●dus erat . 73 So that whether this farther punishment were no other , then that which is now called excommunicatio Maior , or that which is called in the Canons Anathema maranatha , the denouncing of which , and the absoluing from it , was acted with many ●ormalities , and solemnities , and had many ingredients , of burning tapers , and diuers others , to which none could be subiected without the knowledge of the Arch-Bishoppe , it appeares that it now here extends to temporall punishment , or forfaitures and confiscations . 74 Of which there appeares to me no euidence , no discernable impression , no iust suspition , till Gregory the seuenths time : And then , as it may well be said of Phalaris his letters , that they were al writ for execution , and of Brutus his letters , that they were all Priuy Seales for money : so may wee ●ay of Gregories iudging , by the frequency thereo● , that they were all cholerique excommunications ; and that with Postscripts worse then the body of the letter ; which were Confiscations , neuer found in his predecessors , which should haue beene his precedents . 75 And for this large and new addition of Eradication , hee first threatned it to the Fench King , and then practised it effectually vpon the Emperour . To the Bishoppes of France he writes , That their King Philip is not to be called King , but a Tyrant , which by perswasion of the Diuel is become the cause and the head of all mischiefe : Therefore ( saies he ) all you must endeauour to bow him . ( And thus farre his Pastorall care might binde him ) And to shew him , that he cannot escape the sword of Apostolique animadu●rsion ( and thus farre his iealousie of his spiritual Primacy might excuse him . ) But when he adds , Depart from communion with him , and obedience to him , forbid Diuine Seruice throughout all France , and if he repent not , we will attempt to take the Kingdome from his possession they are wordes of Babel , which no man at that time vnderstood : yet he writes in the same tenour to the Earle of Poicton , That if the king perseuere , both he and all which giue any obedience to him , shall be sequestred from the communion of the Church , by a Councell to be held at Rome . So assuredly , and confidently could hee pronounce before hand of a future determination in a Councell there . 76 And of his owne seuerity , vsed towards the Emperour , whom vpon seuere penances hee had resumed ●nto the Church , he blushes not to m●ke an Historical Narration , to the Bishops and Princes of Germany , thus : He stood three daies before the gate , despoiled of all Kingly ornaments , miserable and barefoo●e ; till all men wondred at the vnaccustomed hardnesse of our minds . And some cryed out that this was not the grauity of Apostolique seuerity , but almost the cruelty of Tyrannique sauagenesse . 77 And when Rodulphus whom he had set vp against the Emperour , was dead , seeing now , as himselfe confesses , almost all the Italians enclin'd to admit the Emperour Henry , euen they whom he trusted most ( for so he saies , ●ene omnes nostri fideles ) he protesteth that Rodolphus was made without his consent , Ab vltramont●nis , and that he went to depose him , and to call those Bishops to account which adhered to him● And then he writes to certaine Prelates , to slacken the Election of a new Emperour , and giues instruction what kind of person hee would haue to bee elected ; One which should be obedient , humbly deuout , and profitable to the Church : and that would take an oath to doe any thing which the Pope would commaund him , in these wordes : Per veram obedientiam ; and that hee would be made a Knight of Saint Peter , and of the Pope . 78 But although many watchfull and curious men of our Church , and many ingenious of the Romane , haue obse●ued many enormous vsurpations , and odious intemperances in this tempestuous Pope Gregory the seuenth , and amongst them , almost anatomiz'd euery limme of his Story ; yet it may bee lawfull for mee , to draw into obseruation , and short discourse , two points thereof , perchance not altogether for their vnworthines , pretermitted by others : Of which the first shall be the forme of the excommunication against Henry , because by that it will appeare what authority hee claimed ouer Princes : And the other ●ha●● be ●is lette●●o a Bishop , w●o desired to draw from him , some rea●ons by which he might defend that which the Pope h●d done ; because by that it will appeare , vpon what foundations he grounded th●s prete●ce and author●ty . 79 The excōmunica●ion is thus deliuered ; Con●tradico ei , I denie him the gouernment of al the kingdom of Germany , & of Italy : and I absolue all Christians , frō the band of the oth , which they haue made to him , or shall make : and I forbid any man to serue him as his king : for it is fit , that he which endeuors to diminish the honor of the Church● should loose his owne honour . And because he hath contemned to obey as a Christian , participating with excommunicated persons , and despising my admonitions , and seperating himselfe from the Church , I tie him , in vinculo Anathematis . By which we see , that he beginnes with Confiscation : And because it had neuer beene heard , that the Popes authority extended beyond Excommunication , therefore hee makes Deposition a lesse punishment then that , and naturally to precede it : for he makes this to bee reason enough , why he should forfait his dignity , because he attempted to dim●nish the Dignity of the Church : But for his Disobedience to the Chu●ch and him , he inflicts Excommunication as the greater , and g●eatest punishment which he could lay vpon him . And it is of dangerous c●nsequence , if Excommunication b● of so high a nature , and of so vast an ex●ent , that wheresoeuer it is iustly inflicted , that presupposes Confiscation and Deposition . 80 And another dangerous preiudice to the safet●e of all Princes , ariseth out of this p●ecedent , which is , that hee absolues the Subiects of all Oathes of Alleageance , which they shall make after that Denunciation : For if his successor that now gouernes , shall be pleased to doe the same in England at this time , and so giue his partie here such leaue to take the Oath of Alleageance ; doth he not thereby vtte●ly frustrate and annihilate all that , which the indulgence of a mercifull Prince , and the watchfulnesse of a diligent Parliament , haue done for the Princes safety , and for distinction betweene trayterous and obedient subiects ? Yet both this Deposition , and this Absolution of subiects and this Interdiction were all heaped , and amass'd vpon a Catholique Prince , before the excommunication it selfe , or any other fault intimated the d●minishing of the honour of that Church , and participating with excommunicated persons . 81 And now we may discend to the suruay of that letter , which he writes to a Bishoppe , who desired to haue something written by him , wherby he might be help'd and arm'd against such as de●yed that by the authority of that Sea , he could excommunicate that Prince , or absolue his subiects . First therefore he saies , That there are manie , and most certaine Documents in the Scriptures to that purpose , of which hee cites , 〈◊〉 which are ordinarily offered , as Tu es Petrus , and Tibi dabo Claues , and Quodcunqe ligaue●is : and then he askes , Whether Kings be excepted ? But , Kings are not excepted ; but this proceeding against Kings is excepted : That is , it is not included in that Commission , as hath beene enough and enough proued by many . 82 Then followes that t●stimony of Gelasius a Pope , That Priest-hood is aboue Principality , and that the Bishoppe of Rome is the chiefe Priest , If wee allow both Testem , & Testimonium , yet the c●use is safe ; he may be ●boue all , in some functions , yet not in temporall . 83 His next authority , is Iulius , another Pope , who expounding the wordes , Tibi dabo Claues , to certaine Easterne Bisho●pes , saies , Shall not ●e that opens heauen , iudge of the earth ? But this dooth as much destroy all Iudicature and all Magistracy , as iustifie the deposing of ●ings . 84 After this , he cites ( though not as Gregories words are ) a priuiledge graunted by Gregory the fi●st , to a Monasterie and depriuation from secular dignity , and excommunications to any that in ●ringe that priuiledge . And this priuiledge Bellarmine also produces , to proue the Popes soueraignty in tempo●all mat●ers . It is the pr●uiledge of the Monastery of S. Medard , which is in Gregories Epistle : and it is cyted by this other Gregory , it makes deposition the lesser punishment , and to precede excommunication , for he sayes ; That Gregory though a milde Doctor , did not onely depose , but excommunicate the transgressors : But both this Pope that cytes it , deceiues vs , by putting in the word Decreuit , as though this had the solemnities of a Popes Decree , which presumes an infallibility , and Bellarmine deceiues vs , by mutilating the sentence , and ending at that word Honore priuetur : for he that reads the whole sentence , shall see , that all this Decree of Deposition and Excommunication , was no more then a comminatory imprecation , to testifie earnestly the Founders affection to haue those priuiledges obserued , and deterre men from violating thereof ; as the vehemence and insolent phrase of the Instrument do intimate , by a bitternes vnvsuall in medicinall excommunications : For all the curses due to Heretiques ; and all the torments which Iudas endures are imprecated vpon him ; & it is subscribed not only by Gregory , with 30. Bishops , but by a King and a Queene , no competent Iudges ( in this Gregories opiniō ) of faults punishable by excōmunication . 85 And the same Pope in erecting of an Hospitall , and endowing it with some immunities , vses the same language , that the infringers thereof , should loose all their power , and honour , and dignity , and after be excōmunicate ; and yet this is neuer produced , nor vnderstood to confirme his temporall soueraignty . 86 The Donation of Constantine , which was not much lesse then 300. yeare be●ore this , end in like words : If any man violate this Donation , let him be eternally condemned , let him finde Peter and Paul in this life , and in the next his enemies , and le● him perish with the Diuell and al the reprobate , burning in Inferno inferiore . And wil they from this argue in Constantine a power , to open and shut hel gates ? And will they endanger al those Catholique authors to this eternall damnation , which haue violated this Donation of Constantine by publique bookes ? 87 And ●uch a Commination as this of Greg●ry appeares in a Canon of the first Councell at Paris , not long before his , where it is threatned , that whoso●uer shall ●eceiue a person suspended from the Communion , himself shal be seperated A concordia fratrum , and ( as we hope , or trust ) shall sustaine the wrath of the eternall iudge for ●uer . And ( not to insist long vpon examples of such imprecations ) about 160 yeare after Gregory , Paulus 1. erecting a Monastery in his owne house , ma●es this Constitution ; If any of the Popes , our successors , or any mighty or Inferiour person , of what dignity soeuer , alien any of these things , let him know , that he is anathematiz'd by Christ and Peter , and estr●nged from the Kingdome of God : and that he shall giue an account thereof to the Saints , in the day of iudgement : For ( sayeth hee ) I desire the Iudge himselfe , that hee will cast vppon them the wrath of his power , that their life may bee laborious and mournefull , and they may die consuming , and may bee burnt eternally with Iudas , in hell fire , in voragine chao● And that they that obserue this Constitution , may enioy all blessednes at the right hand of God. 88 And when in the behalfe of the Kings of Spaine , the same argument is made for them , that because there are many Diplomes extant in Sicily , by which the Kings Anathematise in●ring●rs of their Constitutions , that therefore they exe●cised Spirituall Iurisdiction : Baronius saies , that this argument is ridiculous , because i● is hard to finde any instrument of Donations from Princes , or from priuate men , or from women ; in which these bitter formes of excommunication are not : Which ( saies he ) do not containe any sentence of excommunication , but Imprecations to deterre other , as euery man was at libertie ●o doe , when he made any such graunts . So that Baronius hath laughed out of countenance this argument vpon Medardus priuiledge , which hath beene so o●●en , and so solemnly offered and iterated . And it appeares hereby that the punishments mentioned in these Constitu●ions , were not such as the makers thereo● could inflict , but onely such as ●hey wished to fall vpon them that offended : and such I doubt not , was Gregories Imprecation , in his successors interpretations , that is , that hee wished all Kings to be depriued . 89 His next reason why Princes may be deposed by Priests , is the diuersity of their Beginning and first Institution● for , as before he had said to another Bishop of the same place , Regall Dignity was found out and inuented by humane pride , but Priests were intituled by the Diuine pietie , So here he repeates it with more contumely ; Who knowes not that Kings had their beginnings from those men● who being ignorant of God , and prouoked by the prince of the world the Diuell , through Pride , Rapine , Perfidiousnesse , Murder , and all wickednesse , affected a gouernment ouer their equalls , by a blind Ambition , and intolerable presumption . 90 Then he proceeds to the examples , of Innocent who excomunicated Arcadius , and of Zachary who deposed Childerique . The first of which is not to the purpose , Except Excommunication presume Deposing which Innocent intended not . And the second hath beene abundantly , and satisfactorily spoken to , by very many of ours , and of their owne authors , who determine it roundly , Deposuit , id est , Deponentibus consensit . 91 And therefore insisting little vpon these , hee makes hast to that wherein he excels , which is , to reproach and debase the State and Order of Kings . For he says , That euen Exorcists ( which is no sacred order ) are superiour to Princes . Nor is his intemperance therefore excessiue , because hee subiects men to such as are in the way going towards Priesthood , for that will bee still vpon the old ground , that priesthood is in an incomprehensible distance and proportion aboue principalitie , but his reasons why Exorcists are aboue Princes , discouers more malignitie to Princes absolutely ; which is , That since they are aboue the Diuell himselfe , much more are they Superiour to those which are subiect to the deuill , and members of the deuill . Nor could his argument haue any life or force here , except he presum'd Kings to be poysoned & corrupted by the very place , & by the order it selfe ; for otherwise , if he meant it onely of vicious Kings , why should he institute this comparison of Exorcists and Kings , since it ought to bee of Exorcists and vicious men ? And therefore ( as he sayes after in this Ep●stle , ) That he finds in his owne experience , that the Papacie either finds good men , or makes them good , and that if they want goodnesse of their owne , they are supplied by their predecessours , and so , Aut Clari eriguntur , aut Erecti illustrantur : So he thinkes either , that onely members of the deuill come to be Kings , or that kings grow to be such , when they are kings . For so much he intimates euen in this place , when hee sayes , In Regall dignitie very few are saued , and from the beginning of the world til now , we find not one King equal in sanctitie to innumerable Religious men . What King hath done any miracles ? To what King haue Churches or Altars beene erected ? How man● Kings are Saints ? Whereas , onely in our Sea there are almost a hundred . 92 And thus I thought it fit to runne ouer this Letter , becau●e here s●emes the first fire to haue beene giuen , and the first drop of poyson to haue beene instil'd of all those virulenc●es and combustions , with which the later Authours in that Church , are inflam'd and swollen vp , in this point of auiling Princes . Of which ranke , this Pope had respect to none , but those who were really profitable to him : Nor haue I obserued any words of sweetenesse in him towards any of them , but onely to our King the Conquerour , and to one King of Spaine . To ours he sayes , VVe account you the onely man amongst Kings , that performes his duetie , and this he ●ayes , because ●e should graunt more to God , and Saint Peter , and Saint Stephen , and be vigilant vpon Saint Peters estate in England , that he m●ght find him a propitious debter . And to the king of Spaine he sayes , The present which you sent me , is so ample , and so magnificent , as became a King to giue , and Saint Peter to receiue ; and you show by your present , how much you esteeme him . 93 And such Princes as these he was loath to loose : For he accounted that a losse , which now they call the onely perfection , that is , to enter into a Religious and regular Order . For this Gregorie chides an Abbot bitterly , for admitting a Prince , who might haue beene profitable to his state , into the Cloyster . For he sayes : To doe so , is but to seeke their owne ease ; and now , not onely the Shepheards depart from the care of the Church , but the Dogges also ; which he speakes of Princes . He tels him , That he hath done against the Canons , in admitting him : and that he is therein an occasion , that a hundred thousand persons doe lacke their guide . And therefore sayes he , Since there are scarce any good Princes to bee found , I am grieu'd that so good a Prince , is taken away from his mother ; That is from the Churc● , as it must necessarily be intended in this Epistle . So pliant and seruiceable to his vses , would Gregorie make Regall dignitie , or else breake it in peeces . 94 And where could our later men find better light in this mischeiuous and darke way , then in this Gregories Dictates , of which , these are some , That onely the Pope may vse Imperiall Ornaments ; That all Princes must kisse his feete : That onely his Name must be rehearsed in the Church ; That there is no other Name in the world , with many such transcendencies . And accordingly he is wel second●d by others , which say , that he is Superillustris ; and may not be cald so neither , because he is so much aboue all Dignitie , that our thought cannot extend to his Maiestie : And to preuent all opposition against it , Baldus in a choler sayes , That he that sayes the contrarie , Lyes . 95 And vpon what place of Scripture may ●hey not build this supremacy , and this obedience to it , after a Pope , who is heire to an Actiue and Passiue infallibility , and can neither deceiue nor be deceiued , hath extorted from Samuel , so long before the Apostolique Sea was established , a testimony , That not to obey the Apostolique Sea , was the sinne of Idolatrie , teste Samuele : which he iterates againe , and againe in diuers other Epistles . 96 From this example , and from this libertie proceedes that malignity , wherewith the later writers wrest euery thing to ●he disgrace of Principality . By this authority Symancha drawes into consequence , and vrges as a precedent to be imitated , the example of the Scythians , who killed their king for admitting some new rytes in diuine worshippe ; Which ( sayes Simancha ) was iustly done ; for the Subiects of hereticall Princes are deliuered from their Iurisdiction . And in like maner , Schultingius an Epitomizer of Baronius , finding in him out of Strabo , that in Egypt the Priests had so much authority ouer the Kings , that sometimes by a bare message they would put one King to death , and erect another : and repeating the same gloriously and triumphantly a second time ; at last in a Marginall note hee claimes the same authority for the Pope , when he notes , and sayes thereupon , The supreame authority of the Clergy , is proued against the Caluinists : So that we may easily discerne , by these examples which they propose for imitation , what authority they ayme at . But Schultingius might also haue obserued , as a prophecy of the ruine of their vsurpation , that as soone as a learned and vnderstanding king Ergamenes , came amongst them , he tooke away that custome . 97 From this libertie , Bellarmine also , to the danger of any Prince , differing in any point from the integrity of the Romane profession , hath pronounced , That Heretiques are depriued of all ●urisdiction , euen before excommunication . And that therefore an Emperour cannot call a Councell , because that must be done in Nomine Christi : and that Princes haue not their precedencies , as they are members of the Church , for so Ecclesiastique Ministers are aboue them . 98 And this hath made a Contry-man of ours deliuer as mischeuous doctrine , that the power of excommunication , is got by prescription ; And so saies another great Patron of that greatnesse , the Priests obeyed the Kings of Israel , but contrarily our Priests doe prescribe ouer the temporall power . And Sayr proceedes further , and saies , that though Panormitane be of opinion , That one can prescribe in no more then that which he hath put in practise , yet if hee haue so exercised any one act of Iurisdiction ( as excōmunication is ) as that he had a will to doe all , he prescribes in all . And there is no doubt , but that when Pius the fift excommunicated , he had a good will to Depose also . 99 From this also haue proceeded all those enormous deiections of Princes , which they cast and deriue vpon al Kings when they speake them of the Emperour : for though the later writers , are broder with the Emperour , and chose rather to exemply in him , then in any other Soueraigne Prince ; vpon this aduantage , that they can more easily proue a Supremacy ouer him , by reason of the pretended translation of the Empire , yet it is a slippery way and conueyance of that power ouer all other Princes ; since in common intendment and ordinary acceptation , no man can be exempt from that , to which the Emperour is subiect . And of the Emperour they say , a That not onely he may be guilty of ●reason to the Pope , b but if a subiect of the Pope offend the Emperour , the treason is done to the Pope . Yea , c if it be the Emperours subiect , and the iniury done to the Emperour , yet this is treason to the Pope : So that the Emperour doth but beare his person ; for in his presence hee must descend : and in d a Councell his ●eate must be no higher , then the Popes footstoole , nor any State he hunge ouer his head . 100 And from hence also hath growne that Distinction , Superstitious on one part , & Seditious on the other , of Mediate and Immediate institution of the two powers : for Eccl●siastique authority is not so immediate from God , that he hath appointed any such certaine Hierarchy , which may vpon no occasion suffer any alteration or interuption : Nor is secular authority so mediate , or dependant vpon men , as that it may at any time be extinguished , but must euer reside in some forme or other . And Bellarmine himselfe confesses , That as Aaron was made Priest ouer the Iewes , and Peter ouer the Christian Church , immediately from God , so also some Kings haue beene made so immediately without humane election , or any such concurrence : So that Regal Digni●y hath had as great a dignification in this point from God , as Sacerdotall ; and to neither hath God giuen any necessary obligation of perpetuall enduring in that certaine forme . So that , that which Bellarmine in another place sayes to be a speciall obseruation , wee acknowledge to bee so : which is , That in the Pope are three things ; His place , his person , and the vnion of them : the first is onely from Christ , the second , from those that elect him , and the third from Christ , by mediation of a humane act . And as wee confesse all this in the Pope , so hath he no reason to denie it to be also in kings : he addes further , That the Cardinals are truly said , To create the Pope , and to be the cause why such a man is Pope , and why he hath that power ; but yet they doe not giue him that power : as in generation , a father is a cause of the vnion of the body and soule , which yet is infused onely from God. And in all this we agree with Bellarmine ; and we adde , that all this is common to all supreame , secular , or Ecclesiastique Magistrates . 101 And yet in Hereditary kings , there is lesse concurrence , or assistance of humane meanes , then either in elected kings , or in the Pope himselfe : for in such secular states , as are prouided by election , without all controuersie the supreame power , in euery vacancy , resides in some subiect , and inheres in some body , which as a Bridge , vnites the defunct , and the succeeding Prince . And how can this be denied to be in the Colledge of Cardinals , a If ( as one saies ) the dominion temporall be then in them , and b that they in such a vacancy , may absolue any , whom the Pope might absolue . If therefore in all the cases reserued to himselfe , as namely in deposing Princes , and absoluing subiects , he proceed not as he is Pope , but as he is spiritual Prince , as Bellarmine saies , and wee shall haue occasion hereafter to examine ; If that Colledge may absolue subiects as he might , this supreamacy and spirituall Principality resides in them , and is transfer'd from them to the Successor . 102 Certainely all power is from God ; And as if a companie of Sauages , should consent and concurre to a ciuill maner of liuing , Magistracie , & Superioritie , would necessarily , and naturally , and Diuinely grow out of this consent ( for Magistracie and Superioritie is so naturall and so immediate from God , that Adam was created a Magistrate , and he deriu'd Magistracie by generation vpon the eldest Children , and ( as the Schoolemen say ) if the world had continued in the first Innocency , yet there should haue beene Magistracie . ) And into what maner and forme soeuer they had digested and concocted this Magistracie , yet the power it-selfe was Immediately from God : So also , if this Companie , thus growen to a Common-wealth , should receiue further light , and passe , through vnderstanding the Law written in all hearts , and in the Booke of creatures , and by relation of some instructers , arriue to a sauing knowledge , and Faith in our blessed Sauiours Passion , they should also bee a Church , and amongst themselues would arise vp , lawfull Ministers for Ecclesiastique function , though not deriued from any other mother Church , & though different from all the diuers Hierarchies established in other Churches : and in this State , both Authorities might bee truely said to bee from God. To which purpose Aquinas sayes express●ly and truely , That Priesthood ( that is all Church function ) before the Law giuen by Moses , was , as it pleasd men , and that by such determination of men , it was euer deriued vpon the eldest Sonne ; And we haue also in the same point Bellarmines voice and confession , That in that place of S. Paul to the Ephesians , which is thought by many to be so pregnant for the proofe of a certaine Hierarchie , The Apostle did not so delineate a certaine and constant Hierarchie , but onely reckoned vp those gifts , which Christ gaue diuersly , for the building vp of the body of the Church . 103 To conclude therefore this point of the distinction of Mediate and Immediate Authoritie , a Councell of Paris vnder Gregorie the fourth , and Lodouicke and Lotharius Emperours , which were times and persons obnoxious enough to that Sea , hath one expresse Chapter , Quod Regnum non ab hominibus , sed a Deo detur . There it is said , Let no King thinke that the Kingdome was preseru'd for him , by his Progenitors , but he must beleeue that it was giuen him by God. For he which is King of men , had not this Kingdome from men , but from God : And so hee proceedes to apply many places of Scripture to this purpose , to the shame and confusion of them , who to ouerthrow , or subiect secular principalitie , detort Scriptures for the aduancement of Ecclesiastique immunit●es : As in the Septimes , that new limme of the body of the Canon Law , those priuiledges are proued to be Iure Diuino , out of the word of the Psalme , Nolite tangere Christos meos , which was spoken of all the Children of Israel , as they were protected in their passage to the land of Canaan , and cannot be appropriated to Priests onely . 104 And from this libertie which men of this Religion , haue taken to speake slightly , and malignantly of the Person and dignitie of Kings , a long and inue●erate custome hath so wrought vpon them , that it hath caried them farther , and made them as bold with the word of God himselfe . Out of which they can deduce principall and direct Prophecies for euery passage in Saint Francis his storie . For a the Dreame of Pharoes officer ( A vine was before me , and in the Vine were three branches ) signifies Saint Francis , and the ●hree Orders deriued from him , sayes the Booke of Conformities , and Sedulius the fresh Apologer thereof . So he sayes , b Christ prophecied of this Order ; and it is fulfilled in this Order which hee said , Feare not little flocke , for it is your Fathers pleasure , to giue you the Kingdome . And c of these it is spoken , sayes hee , The sound of them is gone into all Nations . Of these prophanations the examples are too frequent ; for as they haue fitted all other things spoken of Christ , to Saint Francis in the Booke of Conformities , so doth d Sedulius maintaine the giuing to him , the title of Iesus of Nazareth , King of the Iewes . 105 So also must the Scriptures affoord prophesies for euery ragge and inch of the Sindon , which wrapped our Sauiour in the Sepulchre . For in e that Liturgie or Office , ( as they call it ) which is appointed by the Pope to be said in the Chappell where this Sindon is preserued , all those places of Scripture , which speake of Christs body sprinkled with blood , are referred and saide to bee intended of this Sindon . And therefore saies the Author thereof , Since the Pope hath so applyed them , this exposition thereof cannot be reprehended . 106 By this license they giue all the names of Christ to the Pope ; f yea the name of God himselfe ; And of a Goddesse to our Lady . And by this license did b Crusius the Iesuit , call Ignatius Constitutions the Decalogue : because saies Gretzer , his fellow Iesuite , Metaphorically and instruction of our life , is call'd the Decalogue . 107 Nor can these blasphemous detorsions , & bold mis-applications , besalued , by Sedulius his guiltie excuse , that they c are somewhat too freely written , according to the simplicitie of the age , And d such as some men would rather wish vnwritten , and e Circumspect men wish'd vnsaid ; And some things too f rawly , somethings too couragiously vttered . And these which he so tenderly , and calmely passes ouer , with light animaduersion , are such sayings as these , That S. Franc●s was g deified ; That h hee was made one spirit with God : That i hee saw the secrets of hearts : And k that he was more then Iohn Baptist , and better then the Apostles : And l that God did obay him at a beck in euery thing . 108 Nor will Serarius his elegant euasion serue them in this , m That some men too indulgent and carefull of their verse , or the delicacie of the Latine language , may haue gone into these excesses . For the fi●st place , where the Pope is called the Lord our God , is in a place barbarous and loose inough , which is the glosse vpon an Extrauagant . And though Bembus , in whose letters written for Leo the 10 our Lady is called Goddesse , doe often stray in●o prophane elegancies ( as n in another place , when he would expr●sse an inspiration of the Holy ghost in one , he saies , he was afflatus Zephiri caelestis a●rà , And o calls Excommunication , Interdictionem aquae & ignis ) yet this will neither excuse that Pope which sign'd those Letters , nor those to whose c●re the expurgation of bookes , hath beene committed . So that none of their piae fraudes , with wh●ch they emplaster this venemous & contagious wounding the scriptures of God , & the phrase of his spirit , will acquit or excuse them . 109 And if their mis●applying of Scriptures carried them no further , then to simple and childish actions ( as Saint Francis commanded Massaeus to tumble round like a childe ; because , saies Sedulius , it is written , Nisi Conuersi fueritis , & efficiamini sicut paruuli , non intrabitis ) : Or if it carried them but to stupid actions ( as the penitent which confessed to S. Anthony , that he had kicked his mother , receiuing this answere : If thy foote offend thee , cut it off , went , and cut off his foote , ( but S. Anthony honestly set it on againe , ) Or if it carried them but to bolde and confident actions ( as Saint Anthony , when his Host set him a Toade vpon the Table , and tolde him that it was written in the Gospell , De omni quod tibi apponitur , comedes , he with the signe of the Crosse , made it a Capon ready rosted ) sillinesse or some such disease might lessen the fault . 110 But then is there extreame horrour and abominations therein , when God and his Lieuetenants are at once iniur'd , which is , when places of Scripture are malitiously or rid●culously detorted to the auiling of Princes : With what soule then could Pope Alexander say , treading vppon Fredericke , Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis : of which Acte , a Bishoppe in that Church saies , that it ought to be commended , and that it was lawfully and worthily done . And with what conscience could the same seruile Bishopp of Sixtus the fift , proue the kissing of the popes feete , out of those wordes of Esay , Kings and Queenes shall worshippe thee , with their faces towards the Earth , and licke vp the dust of thy feete ? how durst hee say , that this kissing of the popes feete , was established in saint Luke , when the sinner kissed Christs feete ? Because ( saies he ) if it were affoorded Christ● belongs it not to his Church , which is bone of his bone ? And out of Deuteronomy hee thinkes this reuerence is euidenly enough demonstrated , because it is saide of God , the saints of God , are said to be humbled at his feete . So that whatsoeuer is applyed to the Church , or to God , by this detorsion is giuen to the pope : But this Bishoppe is so transported with this rage of detorting scriptures , that rather then not mis-applie them , hee will apply them to his owne Condemnation : For thus hee concludes his Epistle with the wordes of the Apostle : Gaudeo siue per veritatem , siue per occasionem , Romanae Ecclesiae dignitatem extolli : so that it is all one to him , whether scriptures bee faithfully applyed or no , so it be to the profit and aduantage of that Church . 111 And though Bellarmine seeme to deplore and lament that vnworthy manner of handling serious Controuersies , of which hee accus'd that Authour , which called his booke Auiso Piaceuole , because he cytes some of the Italian Poets against the Church of Rome , yet is this fashion still in so much vse amongst them , that in their last busines with the state of Venice , one authour , though in a disguised name , that vndertooke the defence of Baronius his furious instigation of the Pope , doth not onely wound and staine the memory of our late Queene , with impious calumniations , and wrest the Scriptures , to defame our present King ; but he protests that hee chuses this way of doing it , to imitate Socrates , who was ( saies he ) Derisor hominum , maxime potentum , and exhibites his booke as a sacrifice , Risui , & Lubentiae . 112 Where then shall we hope , that these men will stoppe or limit their blasphemies ? when in the licentious fury thereof , hauing made it habituall to them , and an Idio●isme of that Religion , they set ( in their account ) God against God ; that is the word of God against the Pope , and defame him in their owne Pasquils by the phrase of Scripture . In which kind of prophane libelling , I had thought their malignity , and irreligion had beene at the highest , when they called Lucretiaes bastard , by Pope Alexander , and his sonne , the holy Ghost● till of late we see one of our owne nation hath drunke so deepe of that cuppe , that he hath swallowed the dregges also ; and in a childish and trayterous itch of witte , at once wounded the Maiestie , both of his God , and of his King , by imputing false faults to the one , that hee might misuse the word of the other . And by this meanes , as when they determined to kill the Emperor Henry the seuenth , that they might poison him , they forbore not to poison their owne God in the Sacrament first : so when they purposed to teare and deface the name and honour , and lawes of the King , they first offer the same violence to the word of God himselfe . 113 Thus the scriptures serue them for Panegyriques , to aduance the Pope ; a Omnia Subiecisti sub pedibus eius : which being spoken of beasts subiection to men , b they make it of men to the Pope . Thus the scriptures serue them to deuest and disarme Princes ; c Ecceduo gladij , which being ( if we d beleeue the Iesuite Sd ) no other then those knifes , with which they had cutte vp the paschal Lambe , e a pope applies to the spirituall and temporall Iurisdiction . And thus the scripture serues them for prouocation , and incitements to warre , and deuastation : f Macta & Manduca : which being spoken of baptizing the Gentiles , g Baronius detorts to the excommunication of Christians . Onely they are content to spare scriptures , when they come to defend their late-borne Heresies ; for , for the necessity of beleeuing Purgatory , Inuocation , Transubstantiation , and some others of the same age , they offer no scripture ; but they thinke it victory enough that Galatine can proue all these out of the Talmud , and Cusanus out of the Alcoran : For , for the olde and new Testaments , they finde other employment . They must serue them against the office and dignity of Princes , to exhibite them as a prey to their neighbours , and a scorne to their owne Subiects . 114 As Christ asked of the Iewes , for which of his good workes they would stone him : Princes may aske of the Romane Church , for which of their benefites they are so iniurious to them ? Is it for hauing established a Primacy vpon that Bishoppe , aboue his fellow Patriarches , which was so long litigious ? Or for withdrawing him from the iawes of the Barbarous deuourers of Italy ? Or for enriching him with a Patrimony , and Priuiledges almost equall to their owne ? Is it for any of these , that you say , A Clergy man cannot be a traytor , though he rebell● because he is no subiect ? By which you cut off so great and so good a part , as in your opinion the st●te without it , is but a meere Carcasse , for the Clergie is the soule . And you extend those immunities , not onely to your boyes which light your Candles , and locke the Church doores , but to euery sullen fellow , that will retire himselfe into a wood , without either assuming Orders , or subiecting himself to any Religious Rule , or despoiling himselfe of his temporall possessions , as you say of your Ermits : Yea to Nunnes , who though they be not of the Clergie , yet are Ecclesiastique persons , and yet they are so prophane , as they may not be admitted to touch any thing which belongs to the Altar . And not onely the Nunnes within profession , haue these priuiledges , but also their Nouices , who are vnder no vow : yea they enioy them , whom you call Canonicas Saeculares , which may trauell , traffique , marry , and do any ciuill , or vnciuil function : ( for of the continency of Nunnes● am of a better perswasion , for this reason especi●lly ; that the Iesuites by a Constitution , are forbid to haue the care of them : and those secular women , which I mentioned , are Ecclesiastici fori ( by a late Decision in the Rota ) because though they be not Ecclesiasticae , yet they are Personae Miserabiles , and weare an vniforme habite : and to raise the number , you say , If an iniury be done to any kinsman of an Ecclesiastique person , it is done to him . And that if any offence bee committed by diuers persons , amongst whome there is one Clergie man , none of the offenders can bee subiect to Temporall Iurisdiction . 115 And not onely all these persons , but all which appertaines to them , becomes spirituall : and by a new Alchimy , they doe not onely extract spirit out of euery thing , but transmute it all into spirit , and by their possessing them , Houses , Horses , and Concubines are spirituall . But as euery thing returnes to his first state and being ; and so Rome which was at first built , and gouerned by Shepheards , i● returned to the same forme after the decay of the Empire : and as the name of Bishopp , which was at first giuen to Clerkes of the Market , and Ouerseers of things to be bought and solde , agrees still with these Symoniaque Bishoppes of Rome : so many of these pretious Iewels , which are employed about the Images and Reliques , which were at first temporall , and then by this tincture growne to be spirituall , returne againe to their temporall nature , when any of the Popes ●ake ocsion to serue their pleasure , or foment dissensions amongst other Princes , and schisme amongst themselues , by coyning the Images , as Vrbanus did , in such a case . 116 But the greatest iniury that is done to Princes in this matter of Exemption , is , that they will not be beholden to Princes for it : but plead their Ius Diuinum , not onely the positiue Diuine Law , by which , they say , that the Popes if they had not found these men naturally exempted , and if Princes had not granted these exemptions , might by their Constitutions , haue exempted them , without asking leaue of Princes , but they pretend text of Scriture , though detorted and mis-vs'd , to proue this Exemption . And for the Persons they pretend many ; but with no more directnes , then that by which they proue exemption of their goods , from secular charges and burdens , which is , Domini est terra , & plenitudo eius , and since it is the Lords , it is theirs . 117 But all Princes grow weary and iealous of that claime ; and a Catholique Writer hath obserued , that many of the Writers of the Spanish Nation in these later times , haue resisted that opinion , of which he names Medina , Victoria , Soto , Ledesma , and Bannes . And if that Nation grow into iealousies , and feele her right , as France hath done before , all the Italian Writers , will be but weake euidence , to proue this exemption to bee Iure Diuino . But as though all this were not enough , and that the states of Princes were not enough infirm'd by withdrawing of all these , they teach , That a Subiect by remouing into another Prouince hath deuested his allegeance and subiection : And that euery man is free concerning his owne person : And that the band is stronger between a Creditor and a Debtor , then between a Prince and subiect . Vpon all which , what mischieuous conclusions will follow , is euident and obuious enough . 118 To conclude therefore this point this Ecclesiastique immunity which they clayme , is the debasing of Princes ; And the defence of this immunity , and consequently of this deb●sing of Princes , is so iust a cause of Martyredome , that Baronius saies ; The Students in the English Colledge ; haue good title to two Crownes of Martyrdome , because they return into England , both to defend the Catholique faith , and the immunity of the Church . Where we will content our selues , till wee come to a ●urther exagitation of that point , with this confession from Baronius , that they are by your doctrin receiued in that Colledge , incited to Martyredome , for the Immunities of the Churche , which himselfe in the same place distinguishes from the Catholique faith . And thus farre I was willing to extend this point , That the Romane Doctrine by extolling Church Priuiledges aboue Princes , and by an absolute and direct auiling them , doth mis-prouoke her disciples to a vicious affectation of imaginarie Martyrdome . In the two other points of Merite and Purgatory , which produce the same effect , I may haue leaue to contract my selfe , into a shorter roome , because of those , many others haue spoken more abundantly , then of this last point which I vndertooke . THE SECOND PART OF MERIT . THe next Doctrine which I noted to mis-incite men to an imagined Martyrdome , is the Doctrine of Merites . a In euery good worke , you say , there is somewhat of merite , and somewhat of satisfaction . The first is said to belong to our selues , and that by it we establish our saluation : So that the passion of our Sauiour is but as Baptisme to vs , and our owne workes , as Confirmation : b Which Sacrament you say , confers more grace then baptisme dooth , for strengthning vs against the Diuell : c And that the holy Ghost is giuen more fully therein . And accordingly you teach , that iustice of workes doth giue the forme and life to faith . And the second , which is Satisfaction , is reserued in the common stocke , the treasury of the Church , and husbanded and dispensed by the generall steward thereof the Bishoppe of Rome . 2 But for that Merite , which you teach , to say That our workes of their owne nature , without considering any Couenant or Contract with GOD , deserue Heauen , dooth not onely diminish CHRISTS Passion , by associating an Assistant to it , and determine his Priesthood , which is euerlasting , by vsurping that office our selues , but it preferres our worke before his , because if wee could consider the passion of Christ , without the eternall Decree , and Couenant , and Contract with his father , his worke ( sauing the dignity which it had by Acceptation , by which the least step of his humiliation might worthily haue redeemed tenne thousand worlds ) had not naturally merited our saluation . 3 Now betwixt God and vs there is no such Couenant ; our best plea is , The sinner must repent , and God will blotte out his sinnes . If a Prince should so farre prostitute his mercie , as to proclaime a veniall Pardon , by which for certaine money , any Malefactor might be pardoned , no such Malefactor as by the nature of his fault , had at that instant forfaited and confiscated all his estate , should haue benefite by that pardon , because he had nothing to giue . All these dis-aduantages and infirmities oppresse vs ; no good worke is naturally large enough to reach heauen ; no promise nor acceptation of God hath changed the nature of a good worke : And lastly , we can do no perfit good work ; for originall sin hath poisoned the fountaines , our hearts : and those degrees and approaches , which we seeme to make towards good workes , are as if a condemned man would make a large will , to charitable vses . For , as that which hee giues is not his owne , so that goodnesse of good workes is not ours ; and as it is in the Princes pleasure and allowance , whether his will shall take any effect , or no ; so is it in the pleasure of God , whether any workes of ours shal be accepted . 4 Yet there is more Deuotion in our Doctrine of good works , then in that of the Romane Church , because wee teach as much necessity of them as they doe , and yet tye no reward to them . And we acknowledge , that God doth not onely make our faith , to fructifie and produce good workes as fruits thereof , but sometimes beginnes at our workes : and in a mans hart morally enclined to doe good , dooth build vp faith : for if an Angell could transport Abacuc , for Gods seruice , by onely taking hold of his haire , God can take such holde of our workes , and carrie vs further by them . And fu●ther then this I see not that moderate men may goe : and they startle too easilie that dare not come so farre . And if it had beene expedient for Bellarmine , to haue spoken plaine , I thinke he would haue come to that , when hee was so neere towards it , as to say , That it is the safest way to place all our confidence in the onely mercy of God , by reason of the incertainety of our owne righteousnesse , and the danger of vaine-glory : for he seemes else where to be so farre from doubting , that a man may not be sure of his owne righteousnesse , that himselfe had such an assurance of righteousnesse in another man , that vpon his Oath before a publique Notarie he affirmes , That hee verily beleeues that Gonzaga , ( who left the dignitie and inheritance of a Marquisate ) neuer cōmitted mortall sin , and that from his age of seuen yeares , he is certaine of it . 5 The Doctrine of good workes in the Reformed Churches , is vniforme and consonant . For though Luther , to relieue and succour the doctrine of faith , which then languish'd desperately in the Romane Church , for iust dignification thereof , sometimes omitted , sometimes spoke remissely of good workes , yet betweene those , who seuerely adhere to him , & other Churches , which in some other things depart a little from them , in this point , I haue obserued no dissention . 6 But the Romane Church at this present is tempested with a violent storme in this ma●ter : that is , by what way and meanes , man can be enabled to doe any meritorious worke . In which Controuersies , after the Dominicans and the Iesuites , had with much earnestnesse prouoked , and with much bitternes replied vpon one another , Benius in a booke as moderate and elegant , as any these later ages haue affoorded , proiecting a way , in his Epistle to Clement the eight , how these dissentions might be re-vnited , and reconciled , obserues that all the Controuersies betweene them , ariseth out of presuming a false ground and foundation to be true , which is the famous Distinction of Sufficient and Efficient Grace . And so he dooth not onely demolish all that they had diuersly built thereupon , but defeats and destroies that foundation , which Bellarmine himselfe was most confident in , and euicts that that distinction , which that Church hath vsed of late yeares against all opposition , is neither containd , nor conueniently deriued , either from Scriptures , Councels or Fathers , but is refeld & resisted by the Councell of Trent it ●elfe . No● can they extenuate this matter , as though it were o●●ma●l consequence ; since neither small matters should produce amongst Religious men , so much and so bitter Argumen●ation : nor can it bee in it selfe esteemed a small matter : vpon which Benius saies , the questions of Predestination , Iustification , Merite , Perseuerance , Glorification , and many more depend , and that all Diuinitie is shaken therein . 7 And if they thinke , howsoeuer they suffer an intestine war , to make vs beleeue that all is peace , and that this variety is onely De modo , they must remember , that that for which they burne and damne men , which is Transubstantiation , is but a question De modo , which may be somet●mes so essentiall , That if the Arrians had agreed with the Orthodox , of the maner of the generatiō of the So● , or the Greeke Church would agree yet with the western● of t●e maner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost , there could be no diffrence in t●ese points and therfore these d●ffrēces & controuersi●s , & irresolutiōs in the Roman Church ca●not be ●xcu●'d or diminished by this , that they are De modo , since they are not De modo prob●tionis , which is when a certaine truth is illustrated by diuers waies of proofe , but they are so De modo essendi , or existendi ; So , as if you remoue these wayes , by which they are said to be , they are not at all . 8 And howsoeuer those Doctors , whome they stile Seraphicos , and Illustratos , and Irrefragabiles , & Fontes vitae , with which transcendent Titles , they enamell so many of the writers in the Franciscan Families , so are in so high a pi●ch as dazles vs , or diue so low , as we cannot discerne what they ●old in this matter of Merit ; yet what the vulgar doct●ine is in this point , the Expurgatory In●ices shall suffic●ently informe vs : for no opinion of any Fa●her , or Doctor , or of any vniuersity , can be of so m●ch credi●e , and authority , as those books ; since they are compiled by a commission issuing from the Pope himselfe , who was either authorized or entreated to that office , by a generall Councell . So that in these bookes there are all these approaches to an infallibility , that they were determined and prouided by a Councel , executed by a Popes Buls , and iustified by him , when they were perfited ●nd accomplished . 9 And those bookes haue not bestowed so much diligence , vpon any point , as this , that nothing remaine in any Authour , which may pref●rre Christs passion before our merits . And therfore , to omit innumerable instances to this purpose ) a in that Catholique booke , b imprin●ed in a Catholique state , w●ich is stiled , Ordo Baptizandi , & Modus Visitandi , they haue expunged these wordes : Doost thou beleeue to come to glory , not by thine owne merites , but by the vertue and passion of our Lord Iesus Christ ? And a little after they ha●e cut off this question ; Dost thou beleeue that our Lord Iesus Christ died for our saluation , and that no man can be saued by his owne merits , or any other way , but in the merite of the passion of Christ ? And though they might haue excuse to extoll our merites , yet they might haue spared the first part of the sentence , and giuen vs leaue to beleeue , That our Lord Iesus Christ died for our saluation . 10 Amongst these great works , pregnant both of Merite for our selues , and satisfaction for others , Martyrdome is in the●r Doctrin● , that Opus priuilegiatum , which takes away al sinne ; by occasion of which wordes , To take away , I cannot for●beare to warne you in this place , of one ordinarie indirect dealing in Bellarmine ; which is , tha● in his Indices , and Tables , he presents wordes● ve●ie f●r●e from the sense of the place to which they relate . As in this point of merite , where his Index saies , Martyrium tollit peccata , S. Hierome , out of whom the Text , ●o which he relates , is drawn● ; s●ies only per martyrium peccata non imputantur ; which is nothing to the naturall condignit●e of the wo●●e it sel●e . And I should haue neglected to haue noted Bellarmines Index , but that I obserue that they are so seuere vpon the Indices , made by some of their owne Church , that pretending st●ll to haue rased nothing in the body of the fathers , they expunge in the Indices many sentences , though the very wordes be in the Text it selfe : as in t●is point of Merite , Iunius hath no●ed , that these wordes , Meritum nullum , nisi quod a Christo confertur , are cut out of the Index to Chrysostome , though the same wordes be in the text . 11 To proceede then , for the dignity of this wo●ke , Bellarmine against So●o , and Ledesmo maintaines , that martyrdome doth saue a man , ex opere operato . And that there is required in the martyre , no further disposition , nor other preparation , then in one who is to be baptized . For ( saies he ) though Charity be required , it is not precedent Charity , but it is , because a Martyr cannot depart without Charity , because by a couenant from God , Grace is inf●s'd , and so Charity : and therefore it abolishes originall sinne , and actuall sinne , and both eternall and temporall punishment belonging thereunto . And in another place Bellarmine saies , That it is euident that martyredome is so full a satisfaction , that it expiates all guiltinesse , contracted by all sinnes , how huge soeuer the number , or haynousnes therof be : and if any milder man of that Church would say otherwise ( as Ferus doth directly , the Passions in this life , are not worthy of future glorie ) hee must be detorted to the other sense , ( as Senensis saies of this place , I am of opinion , that Ferus his wordes might bee deflected to the other sense : ) Or if the wordes will not confesse vppon ●hat racke , they must bee vtterly expunged , as wee noted of others before . 12 And vpon this superabundant value of the merite of Martyredome , Bellarmine builds that conclusion , which wee now condemne ; which is , That because many martyres haue but fewe sinnes of their owne , and their passion is of a large and rich satisfaction , a mightie heape of Satisfaction superabounds fr●m martyrs . And so they being sent hither , as Factors to encrease that banke and Treasurie , it appears , ● thinke , sufficiently , that this doctrine of merit●s , dooth mis-prouoke and inordina●ly p●●forward inconside●ate men , to this vitious ●ffec●ation of Martyrdome . To which also the Doc●●ine of Purgatory contributes as much perswasion . THE THIRD PART OF PVRGATORY . AS Morbizan the Turke , being mooued by a Bul of Pius 2. by which he granted Indulgences to all thē , that would take Armes against him , by a Letter to the Pope ; required him to call in his Epigrammes againe : And as a great learned man of this time calls Panlus the fifts Excommunication against the Venetians , Dirum Carmen : And as Bellarmine saies of Prudentius , when he appoints certain Holydaies in Hect , Paenarum celebres sub styge feriae , That he did but play More poetico : So all discourse of Purgatorie seemes to me to bee but the Mythologie of the Romane Church , and a morall application of pious and vseful f●bles . 2 To which opinion Canus expresses himselfe to haue an inclination , when he saies , That men otherwise very graue , have gathered vp rumours , and transmitted them to posterity , either too indulgent to themselues , or to the people : and that Noble Authors haue beene content to thinke , that that was the true law of History , to write those things which the common people thought to be true : And this censure he forbears not to lay vpon Gregory , and Bede , by which two , so many fabulous things were conuaied to posterity . To which ingenuity in Canus , Lypsius his Champion saies , iudgement● But in this , onely their discretion , and an abstinence from a slippery and inconsiderate creduli●ie is in q●estion : and euen in matter of iudgement , in as good iudgement as this Authour hat● , Canus w●l● iustly enough in that Church haue a good ●oo me . And if this Authour , as hee pre●ends ●n that pl●ce , acc●pt none of these fables , but such as the authoritie and iudgement of the Church hath approued , either many of the Stories must loose their credit , or els the Popes that approued them . 3 Who haue beene wisely and prouidently most liberall , and carefull to affoord most of that sustentation of Approuing , to ●hose things that were of themselues most weake and indeffensible● so : so S. Brigids Reuelations are not onely approued by Boniface the ninth , but confirmed by Martin the fift : Both which hauing concurred to her canonization , one reason why it was done , on her part , is , because at her marriage , being at thirteene yeares of age , and her husband eighteene , she vowed one yeares continency ; and the reason on the Popes part was : That there might some goodnesse proceede out of the North for she was o● Swethland . According to which superstition , in their Mysterious ceremonies , when the Gospell is song , all other parts being done towards the East , hee must turne to the North , from whence all euill is deriued , and where the Diuels dwell . But for all their barbarous and prophane despite and contumelies , which they impute ( not to the Diuell ) but to Princes , and all sorte of people beyond their Hilles , their Stories are full of the memorie of Benefites which Sea hath receiued from Northern Princes , and Binius confesses , that the remote and Northerne people , did so much honour the Romane Church , that whomsoeuer they hea●ed to sit in that Chaire , and to be Pope , though but in name , without any discussion of his entrance , they reuerenced him as S. Peter himselfe , which ( saies he ) is a wonderfull thing to be spoken . Which imputation since Binius laies vpon Northerne Catholiques , they are fairely warned to bee more circumspect in their obsequiousnesse to that Church , without discussing the persons , and the matter which is commaunded them . 4 But to returne to this Comique-Tragicall doctrine of Purgatory , if Canus weigh nothing with them : Sir Thomas Moore , of whose firmenesse to the integrity of the Romane fa●th , that C●urch neede not be ashamed , intimates as much , when he saies , That hee therefore vn●ertooke to transl●te Lucianus Dialogue Philopseudes , to deliuer the world from superstition : which was crept in vnder Religion : For ( saies he ) superstitious lies haue beene tolde with so much authority , that a Cosoner was able to perswade S. Augustine , thog● a graue man , & a vehement enemy of lies , that a tale which Lucian had before derided in this Dialogue , was thē newly done in his daies . Some therfore think● ( saies he ) that they haue made Christ beholden to them for euer , if they inuent a fable of some Saint , or some Tragedie of hell , to make an olde woman weepe or tremble So that scarce the life of any Martyr or virgine ●ath escaped their lies , which makes me suspect , that a great part of those fables , hath beene ins●rted by Heretiques , by mingling therof to withdraw the credite due to Christian Histories . 5 And in our daies , Philip Nerius the Institutor of the last Order amongst them , who was so familiar in heauen , whilst hee liued vpon earth , that a he was faine to intreat God to depart further from him , And b to draw back his minde from heauenly matters , and turne them vpon earthly , before he was able to say Masse , And c could heare the Musique and Symphonie of the Angels , And could distinguish any vertue , or any vice , by his smelling , This man I say was euer an enemie to these Apparitions : and vsed to say , That God would not take it ill , not to be beleeued , though he should truly appeare to vs in any shape . And to a Scholler that tolde him that our Lady appeared to him in the night , he said , next time she comes , spit in her face , which he did , and found it to be the diuell . Nor did hee easily beleeue possessions , but referred it commonly to the indispositions of the body : and suspecting iustly the same diffidence in others , which he found in himselfe , hee prayed to God , that he would worke no miracles by him . 6 So that not onely for feare of illusions , and mistaking bad spirits for good , ( for for that , their greatest Authors which haue writ of that subiect , euen in these cleare & curious times , are still confident , that An euill spirit , what shape so euer hee appeare in , may be knowne by his feete or hands , And that he is euer notoriously deformed either by a Tayle , or by Hornes , And that hee will van●sh , if one vse him , as Friar Ruffin did , who when the diuell appeared to him ordinarily in the forme of Christ crucified , by S. Francis his counsaile , said to him : Open thy mouth , & implebo stercore , and thereupon was deliuered from that apparition . And some of their saddest Diuines , haue eased them thus much in any such perplexitie , that to worship the diuell himselfe in such a forme , with opinion that it were God , is not Idolatry , ) not onely for these inconueniences , but euen for a generall infamy and suspition , that these apparitions which begot Purgatorie haue in them , the more moderate sort of Catholiques haue declined from any great approuing of them . 7 Yea Serarius , though of that order that hath lost all ingenuity , confesses from Baronius and Villa Vincentius , that in these legends , in their Histories there are vaine and vitious relations , and that the pictures of those Saints , are but Symbolicall . And Sedulius acknowledges , that , that storie in the booke of Conformities , that S. Francis was seene to goe out of the wound in Christs side with a banner , and a great Armie , is but figuratiue . Of which , sayes he , there are many so highly mysterious , that it is not fit to discouer and explicate them to the wicked . So that these Mirabilarij & Mythologistes of that Church , wil solemnly reserue these their Arcana Ecclesiae to themselues , and shall without any enuie from vs. 8 And yet I denie not , but that in sober antiquitie , and in the grauest Fathers , there are some impressions , which occasioned this error , of purifying soules after this life , As Bellarmine sayes truly , that for the most part , lies haue their foundation vpon some truth ; For it was very long in the Church of God , before the state of the soule after our death , was cleare , and constant and vniforme : the Fathers being diuided in their opinions , whether our soules enioyed perfect happinesse presently , or expected and attended it till the generall iudgement . And the phrase and language , in which sometimes they spoke of the last consummation of our happinesse , in the re-vnion of the body and soule , being obscure , and various , gaue occasion of doubting , that they reserued and adiourn'd all our happinesse till that time . And that which they meant of that perfect and consummate happinesse , not to bee enioyed till then , hath beene mis-vnderstood , or detorted to the soule alone . And by such irresolution in some , and perplexity in collating their opinions , and misapplying their words , haue been imprinted indelible characters of Purgatorie , and of prayer for the dead , of whose condition in the next worlde , they were not t●roughly assured . 9 If any of the Fathers haue strayed farther then so , to speak doubtfully of some such thing as Purgatorie : Wee will not say , as you doe , a Let vs excuse it , or extenuate it , or denie it by some deuise , or faine some other conuenient sense , when it is opposed in Disputation . Nor dare we obtrude a contrarie exposition , as you doe , when you make Pope Telesphorus instituting the Quinquag●sima for the Clergy , by his worde Statuimus , to meane Abrogamus ; Or when Pope Innocent writes to Decentius a Bishop , that it is not reade , that in all Italie , France , Spaine , Affrique , and the Ilands , there was Alius Apostolus prae●er Petrum , to make him meane by Alius Contrarius ; which the glosse vpon the glosse in the Margine mis-likes , because no Apostle was contrarie to Peter , and therefore makes the Pope to meane ; that there was no other Apostle in those places , then Peter , or such as he sent . We dare not correct so boldly as to make Bertram , who for 800. yeares together had said Visibiliter , now to say Inuisibiliter . Wee dare not hope to scape with such a small insertion , as Non , which you haue intruded to the destruction of Didacus Stellaes sense , in his Commentarie vppon Saint Luke , and in Eucherius his Commentarie vppon Genesis . Wee dare not steale out that little particle , to alter the whole intention of him that hath it ; as Bellarmine hath done , out of a sentence cited by Gratian , out of Leo , by which Mariage is no Sacrament , if , Non , be admitted . Wee will not be so vnnaturall to the Fathers , as Bellarmine makes the Pope to be , when being pressed by Nilus , to followe in the question of the Primacie , the opinion of the Fathers , sayes , that the Pope hath no Fathers in the Church , but that they are all his Sonnes . Nor can wee exceede Bellarmine in dis-esteeming the Fathers , who hath called in question some bookes of almost euerie one of them , as Clement , Anicetus , Cyprian , Tertullian , Ambrose , Augustine , Hierome , Damasus , Damascen , Basil , Iustine , Nyssene , Honorius , Eusebius , Chrysostome and others . And when Damascene cites out of Palladius , That a dead scull beeing asked , whether our Prayers did them any good in hell , aunswered , that it brought them some ease and relaxation , Bellarmine sayes , This is false , and Apocryphall , and that there is no such thing in Paladius : So ill a Patrone is hee , of Damascenes credite heerein . Nor doth hee onely indefinitely say of the Fathers , That it is euident that some of the chiefest of them haue grieuously erred , but as of Tertullian , who imputes Montanisme to Pope Zephirine , hee sayes , There is no faith at all to be giuen to him , And in another place somewhat more sharply ; Wee doe not reckon Tertullian amongst the Catholiques , So doth he to very many of the other Fathers , boldly impute such errours , as would vitiate any Author not to haue but obserued them , and for touching whereof the Centuriators are by him accounted prophane and blasphemous . So also doth Medina say , That Hierome , Ambrose , Augustine , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Oecumenius , Theophilact , and others , were of the same opinion as Aerius was , and the Waldenses , and Wickliffe . 10 But as Gratian preferred Hierome before a Councell , because hee had Scripture on his side , And as your Expurgatorie Index ( which I cite so often , because no booke of equall authoritie , doth shew so well your corrupt doctrine , that is , what you cannot endure to heare , and your indirect practise , to make Authors speake your words ) addes to one Author in the Margine , Wee must giue no credit to these words of Eusebius , and after ; This opinion of Iustin , and of Epiphanius , is not true : So , if for the defence of Purgatorie , in the full sense of the Trent Councell , you obtrude any Father ( which yet I professe that I haue neuer seene ) if that Father be destitute of the support of Scripture , you must allow vs , some of that libertie which you take , since we are more modest in the vse thereof then you are . 11 For we need not ( euen by your frequent examples , ) binde our selues to that seruility , which your Azorius subiects himselfe vnto : who disputing of the immolation of Iepthes daughter , confessing , That it is not euident , that she was killed , nor likely ; nor that she could be comprehended in that vow , any more then any vncleane thing which might haue met him , and That the contrarie is more Analogall to the other places of Scripture , and that the Rabbines , Lyra , and some other Catholiques , denie her death , yet , saies he , because we are bound ( that is , by the oath of the Trent Councell ) to expound Scriptures according to the sense of the Fathers , I thinke we ought to adhere to the opinion that she was slaine . But if the sense of the Fathers did not stand in my way , to confesse the truth , I should approue the other opinion , because that deliuers so great a person as Iephthe was , both from rashnesse and foolishnesse in making the vow , and from impietie and cruelty in keeping it . 12 This bondage and yoake we need not cast vpon our selues , but may lawfully take Chrisostomes libertie , ( since our cause is better then his , for hee dis-approued all Oathes ) Neuer produce to me , saies that Father , this Saint or this chaste man , or this milde man , or this Priest ; for if you tell mee of Peter , and Paul , or of an Angell from Heauen , you shall not thereby terrifie me with the dignitie of the persons . 13 The Fathers which must gouerne in these points , must not be the Fathers of the Societie ; but they must be Patres Patrati ; Fathers which haue Fathers ; that is , whose words are propagated from the Apostles . Of which sort of Fathers , in my poore reading , I neuer found any that consented with the Doctrine of Purgatorie now established . 14 In which , that which we principally complaine of at this time , is , that it incites to this false martyrdome . Not but that they confesse , that there are also some other wayes besides martyrdome to escape Purgatorie ; else how got Lypsius so soone to heauen ? for as soone as his Champian Cochelet calls him , Lypsius aunswers , Wee that are receaued into heauen , doe not despise our fellowes : And that powerfull Indulgence ( which , though Saint Francis obtained immediately from Christ , yet Christ sent him to aske it againe , at the Popes hands , because , sayes Sedulius , hee would not derogate from the power , which he had deliuered to his Vicar ) deliuers as many as doe but come to a certaine place , from all sinne , and danger of Purgatorie . All which die in that Order , are saued ; yea , All which loue that Order hartily , how great a sinner soeuer he be , shall haue mercie . And yearely on his birthday , all which are in purgatory , especially of his Order , flie vp to heauen . And hee himselfe carried aboue 1000. away with him from thence , when he went. At one Masse , at the Commemoration of the Dead , a Friar saw soules flie from Purgatorie as thicke as sparks from a furnace . and this Masse he celebrated euery day , and so did infinite others . If then that Friar made a true relation of the state of Purgatorie in his time , That of 5000 which died in the world since his comming thether , there came but three to that place , there is no great vse of heaping so much treasure , for that imployment , since by these computations , neither the Number can bee great , nor the st●y long . 15 And if the authoritie of this Sedulius seeme light , yet his booke is dignified with this Approbation , That the impudency of Heretiques , may bee beat backe , with most firme arguments , and with most cleare reasons ) Soto might weigh more ; who considering the intensnes of the fire of Purgatory , thinkes none shall remaine there aboue tenne yeares . But for all this Bellarmine saies , That by most certaine apparitions it is euident , that some soules already there , shall remaine there till the day of iudgement : And though hee make an impertinent doubt , Whether euer any Popes haue graunted Indulgences for many thousand yeares , yet in another place he assignes certain reasons , why conueniently the Popes may do so ; because the penitentiall Canons inflict many yeares punishment , for diuers sinnes which many men cōmit often euery day . But of this the Popes are so lib●ral ( though it is impossible they should keepe any iust Audit , or account since they neither know what they receiue , nor what they lay out ) that they will put in 1000. yeares more rather thē remit that six pence , which you must paie , not for the pardon , but for the paper . And therefore Martin 5. had a iust and proportionall respect to the nature of this ware , when he appointed a yearly Faire , and yearely Indulgence , both of three moneths continuance , to be kept together at Loretta ; and that the Priests and Merchants should open and shut vp shoppes together . 17 But Martyrdome is of much more value , then these Indulgences , because it is infallible for , some incapacity , and indisposition in the partie , may hinder the working of an Indulgence , but Martyredome cannot faile of the effect , to worke our deliuerance , as appeared by that which we cyted out of Bellarmine in the end of the last part of Merite . And therfore that doctrine , which teaches such a Purgatory as you speak of , incytes to such a Martyrdome , as we speake of , & disapproue . 18 Hauing therefore proceeded thus farre , That the purest and acceptablest Sacrifice which we can offer to God , which is our liues , may be corrupted and enuenomed with di●tastefull mixtures , and that euen in the deuotedst and safest times , it fell out , not seldome to be so ; And that our corruption now is more obnoxious and apter to admitte and inuite such poys●nous ingredients , and temporall respects , then in those purer times , especially in the Romane Church , which misinflames the minde to false Martyredome , both by depressing and trampling vppon the dignity of Princes , and maintayning euery litigious clause of Ecclesiastique immunity with our blood ; And also by extolling our owne Merites , and encouraging vs thereby , to trafique , though with losse of our life , for the benefit and aduancement of the treasury of that Church ; And lastly by the certaine●y , seuerenesse , and length of Purgatory , which are infallibly hereby auoided : the next thing which I present to your discourse , and consideration , is , That the Iesuites more then any other Order , claim to themselues a greater forwardnesse , and alacrity to this , and are therefore busier and apter to prouoke seuere lawes , against themselues , and to incurre the dangers thereof . CHAP. IIII. That in the Romane Church the Iesuites exceed all others , in their Constitutions and practise , in all those points , which beget or cherish this corrupt desire of false-Martyrdome . TIll the Iesuites haue a Pope of their owne , it will be ( I hope ) no Heresie , to doubt , or call in question their sanctity : they may be content yet to affoord vs ( since our cause is safer ) the same excuse which is allowed for Origen , Chrysostome , Hierome , and Cassianus , euen for maintaining a lawfulnesse in lying , That the Church had not then determined the contrary . They may fauour our weakenesse with the same helpe , which they apply to a Pope himselfe , That it was then lawfull , without danger of Heresie , for him to beleeue in earnest , that our soules should not see God , till the resurrection , because there was no Definition o● the Church in that point . Their Charity may relieue vs with the same Indulgence , which they affoord to Senensis , who reiects some part of the Canonicall Scripture , after the determination of the Trent Councel , Because he did not reach and attaine to the force of that Canon , saies Gretzer , who allowes him all these escapes , That he did it either by negligence , inconsideration , a fore conceiu'd perswasion , or some other cause , which is large enough . 2 But if euer a Iesuite come to be the Church , that is , the Pope , we shall soo●e be precluded by the Churches Definitions . And as now to doubt whether the Pope without a Councell , may teach an Heresie , is Haeresi proximum , and so is Semi-haereticum , when a Iesuite is Pope , it will be Hyper-haereticum , and Sesqui-haereticum : for we haue beene already taught , that something may be more thenheresie , when by a new Decretall of Paul the fourth , they say , That any great person falling into Heresie or Schisme , shall for the first offence be esteemed relapsed , and be in the same desperate state , as if he had formerly iuridically abiurd the same heresie . At least , when a Iesuite comes to that Throne , as in this last volume of the Canon law , we haue a new title presented , De Cardinalibus , which was in none of the rest , where they are call'd , The principall members of the Church , constituted by the holy Ghost , And the most noble part of the Popes body , And the clearest lights , and most speciall children of the Church ; where , to take any thing from them is called Sacrilege , and to fauour any which hath dis-fauoured them , or hurt them , is made Trea●on , so without doubt the Iesuites will be as indulgent to their owne Order , and we shall haue at the next croppe , when there is a new Haruest of ripe Decretals , a title , De patribus Societatis Iesu. 3 As at their first institution they were thus neere the Papacy , that the Order of the Theatines , of which Paulus fourth ( who was at that time Pope ) was either the authour , or a principall man , desired to be vnited to them , by which meanes they might haue compassed the Papacy in th●ir Cradle , so haue they of late made suspicious approaches thereunto , by admitting Cardinal shippes , and other Dignities . 4 Those of thei● Order , who heretofore refused offers of that Dignity ( as you say Laynez did ●rom Paulus the fourth , and Borgia from Iulius the third ) did it Constantissime : and , I beleeeue with such constancy in resistance , Tolet and Bellarmine might haue preuailed . Hee which giues rules for the institution of Monkes , forbiddes not onely Bishopp●ickes , but all acquaintance with Bishoppes : By all meanes ( saith hee ) let a Monke auoide women and Bishops , because both hinder Diuine Contemplation ; which Rule when Iesui●es broke , and came to liue in secular and Ecclesiasticall Courts , they shewed that they were not stubborne and inexorable against these preferments . 5 And if euer they attaine the Papacy , they haue already laide good foundations for the entailing thereof vpon their owne Family , by Azorius his disputation , what the authority of the Pope is in designing a Successor : for he deliuers it , as the common opinion , that the forme of electing the Pope being founded vpon the Canons , it may at his pleasure be changed . So that the Pope may establish the Prouincials of the Iesuites to be the Electors . And then descending to another question , whether the Pope himselfe may designe his Successor , hee saies , that the Canons against it cannot preiudice him , because he is aboue them , and that it is not forbid Iure Diuino ; and that for matter of fact , he beleeues S. Peter did chuse Clement : but least the Popes should haue nothing to auert them from this course , before any Iesuite were Pope , and so worke an exclusion , he saies , It is not lawf●ll , Iure Naturae : that is , saies he , because natural reason informes , that it were inconuenient for the Church : And , but for that inconuenience , he saies , they might cast lots for the papacy : But this inconuenience depends vpon such reasons , and circumstances , as are alterable , and when they cease , this law of nature ceases too . 6 And though Laynez in the vacancy after Paulus the fourth , is said by you to haue had twelue of the best voyces for the Papacy , though he were out of the Colledge of Cardinals ; And in one Conclaue , Bellarmine also is said , to haue had some , yet if any Iesuite had voices enow , would his Supe●iour allow him the Religion of his vow , by which he ought to refuse it , or his naturall liberty , by which , any man that is chosen Pope , may , if he will refuse it ? 7 If it were once come to that , as you are content yet , ●o seeme as modest as the Carthusian , who saies , that he beleeues it to be a singular blessing of God , that no Carthusian hath beene Pope : you would make good hast , to reckon with the forwardest Orders , how many Popes you had had : And quickly in these accounts ouergoe the Franciscans themselues , who reckon of their Order , not onely Popes and Martyres , and such po●sible things , but are so precipitate and transported with this fury , that they reckon , how many of the Apostles , Prophets , and Patriarches they haue had of their Order ; So , as I thought , whilst I reade it , they would neuer haue stopped , till they had tolde vs , how many Adams and Eues had beene of their Order , and how many Iesus Christs besides S. Francis : For I vnderstand not by what other figure they vse this anticipation , and call these auncients Franciscans then that by which Serarius the Iesuit saies Herod was a great Machiauellian : and Gregorie de Valentia , that Plato might learne the doctrine of Purgatory out of the booke of the Machabees , which was written after his de●th . 8 But besides that the Iesuites decay in the hearts of Princes ( which Philip the second of Spaine testified well , because though he had great vse of their seruice , hee neuer did any thing for them ) this also makes me doubt that they will neuer haue Pope , because it is already reueil'd by Christ to S. Francis : that Antichrist shall come out of the family of the Franciscans . 9 This also encreases my suspicion , that they could neuer compasse , that which is much lesse then a Pope , which is a Saint , in their family . For the Authority of the Pope is greater , then of a Saint , sayes Cassanaeus : And in his Indulgences he doth as familiarly command Angels , as the yonger Prentizes , the Exorcists , do deuils : To whom they vse this language , when any spirit possesses a body , I command Lucifer , and all the Furies in hell , to precipitate you into hell fire presently , indispensably and ●ternally , till the day of iudgement : And I forbid the Ayre to haue any power to receiue you . 10 And though Tortus say , That the time of the Canonizing of the founder of that Order is not yet pass'd , and therefore hee may bee Canonized in good time ( which is a poore comfort , since I neuer found any such limitation , nor that a Saint apparant , as Ignatius is , may be superannated , and grow too old to bee Canoniz'd ) yet since those two great Princes , Philip the second of Spaine , and Henry the fourth of France , either out of deuotion to the Order , or for their owne ends , haue both pretended the solicitation of Ignatius his canonizing to belong to them , and both affected the honour of procuring it , the pursuite and effecting thereof hath beene intermitted and retarded . And howsoeuer for Ignatius and for Xauerius , who was also a Nauarrois as well as Ignatius , it might please those Princes , for respect to one another to forbeare any solicitation in their behalfes , yet the King of Spaine had very many subiects in ●hat Order , to whom no o●her Prince pretended any such precontract or interest : and yet he procur'd the canonization of D'Alcala a Franciscane , and Pennafort a Iacobin , and neglected the Iesuites . And though the present Pope Paulus the fift , haue beene much solicited for the Canonizing of Gonzaga the Iesuite by the Princes of that Family ( the memory of his exempler life being yet fresh , and his worthinesse certified ( as the custome is in preparing Canonization ) by Cardinals which had commission to search therinto ) yet he hath allowed him no other title then Beatus : which might haue beene giuen him without that Rescript of the Pope , as Ignatius and many other haue it : since , as Serarius saies , Custome giues that Title to those , of whose saluation there is a strong opinion , and yet are not adorned with the publique testimony of the Church . 11 Nor doe I perceiue that they are in any great forwardnesse , to get a Saint , since in canonizings after the consideration of the truth of the miracles , they fall in the Consistory to another consideration , of the sufficiency of them . And besides that , your own Acosta makes vs doubt of the truth of those miracles , which are related , because he spends a Chapter in giuing reasons , why in our age , in preaching the Gospell in the Indies , there is not that strength of miracles , which was in the primitiue Church , since , as he saies there , It would preuaile very much , if it might be , those which are said to be done by you , are for the most part so poore and beggerly , and silly things in respect of the Franciscans , as betweene yours and theirs there is as much difference , as betweene Iugling and Coniuring . 12 Me thinks you should offer no more to plaie at that game , after you haue beleeued ( as I hope you doe , since so fresh , and so well approoued an author as Sedulius giues new life to these miracles ) That S Anthony when the heretiques refused to heare him preach , went to the Sea side , called the fish , which came of all sorts , staide in peace , put their heads aboue water to hearken , and at the end of the Sermon , some spoke , and some did but bow their heads , and so the Heretiques were conuerted : or that Frier Andrew to correct his appetite of eating birds , at the Table , by the signe of the Crosse , commanded them to flie away , though they were rosted . 13 And how much more luxuriant of Miracles would their Historie be , if they had not commanded Friar Conrade to doe no more Miracles after his death , because he was buried out of their Colledge : And if Saint Francis had not enioyn'd Friar Peter , vpon his Graue , Per sanctam obedientiam , that he should doe no more Miracles , because they were thereby disquieted with concurse of people . Of which kinds there are many Commaundements , which lessons their number of Miracles . 14 And this Philip Nerius , founder of the last Order , fear'd in himselfe , and therefore hee told Baronius , that he had intreated God that he might doe no Miracles . 15 You can therefore in nothing equall that order of Franciscanes ; for if you thinke to ouertake them in number , you will be farre short . Saint Francis saw at the first Chapter or meeting , sixe thousand Friers , and eighteene thousand Deuils , which Ignatius could neuer get neere , except hee made it out in Deuils . For the whole number of his societie , doeth not much exceede ten thousand yet . 16 But that which is truly proper and peculiar to you , you doe earnestly and intensly , and you excell in it ; which is , in kindling and blowing , begetting and nourishing ielowsies in Princes , and contempt in Subiects , dissention in families , wrangling in Schooles , and mutinies in Armies ; ruines of Noble houses , corruption of blood , confiscation of States , torturing of bodies , and anxious entangling and perplexing of consciences . And to facilitate your way to these effects , you are in your institution mixt and complexioned of all Elements , and you hange betweene Heauen and Earth , like Meteors of an ominous and incendiarie presaging . You pretend to forsake the world , and to looke all vpward ; But , saith Cassianus , Such renunciation is threefold ; Of all temporall fortunes , and of our maners and conditions , and of our minds from all present things . But all your labour is to vnderstand the present state of Kingdomes , and where any ouerture is giuen for the Popes aduantage , and where any interposition or hinderance is interiected against his purposes . And therefore that saying of Saint Basil to a Senatour , that seem'd to renounce the world , and yet retain'd part of his state , Thou hast spoyled a Senatour , and hast not made a Monke , belongs almost to all of this Order . For you are but as Eunuches ; you haue lost your apprehension and capacitie of worldly Estates , yet the lust , and itche , and concupiscence , to be conuersant therein , remaines with you still . 17 For this purpose you haue care in admissions , That none be receiued whose Parents bee poore , ( which your Examiner hath in charge ) least that should diuert them from the integritie of this seruice . For this purpose it is , That the Superiour himselfe cannot dispence to admit any deformed person , because you will haue men sociable , acceptable , and agreeable to companie . For this purpose your Superiours and Rectors must write euery weeke to the Prouinciall , not onely of their owne state , but of all things done amongst strangers , by the seruice of this societie . For this purpose you must haue a Proctor generall at Rome , who must buy and studie all the Rules of that Chancerie , and all t●e Breues , and Buls , which the Popes send forth . And to this purpose was that attempt of the Iesuite , who ( if a Catholicke Historiographer relate truely ) published at Rome , That Confession by letters was Sacramentall and effectuall . Into which opinion though a some before had straied , yet it had receiued no such strength and authority as at that time , when it was so hotly pursued , that Clement 8. was forced to oppose a direct Decree against it , and to condemne it as false , rash , and scandalous at least . For if this opinion had beene beleeued and authorized , the secrets of all states , and passages of all Courts , had had no other Register then the breasts of Iesuites ; who are so wise Apothecaries of penances , and haue so plentifull shops of those druggs of Indulgencies , that all those Princes , to whom any of them had beene Confessor , would neither open their disease , nor seeke their physicke at any other place : when they might be deliuered of the painefullest part of Confession , which is the personall shame of accusing ones selfe . 18 And that they may attend this seruice of Intelligencers : Fi●st , they haue one Rule of State , which is , That they let no stranger vnderstand their Rules and Priuiledges , And their Superiours haue the prerogatiue to interpret and extend , and limit the constitutions ; whereas , for the Rule of the Franciscans , Christ himselfe was heard in the aire , saying to S. Francis , This Rule is mine , not thine , and I will haue it obserued , Ad literam , ad literam , sine glossa , sine glossa . 19 And then by one Bull they are enabled ( for at their first institution they were not so ) to heare Confessions , and to change vowes ; And by another Bull , they haue priuiledge to absolue from all censures , except those of Bulla Caenae . And by a another , they are licenced to practise Physique , which doth not onely giue them accesse to Death-beds , which is one of their chiefest Scenes , but excludes all others , because they are competent for all offices . And I wonder that they haue not procured a Bull , that they might be Midwifes . 20 To this purpose also of spying , b their constitu●ion bindes them to no ordinary penances , nor disciplinary m●cera●ions of the bodie : yea , that which they are content to call castigationem● which o●hers magnifie so much , is so much forbid amongst them , c that they are bound to deliuer it in confession , if euer they transgresse into it . And the Rector is to prouide , not onely against these Mortifications , but d against too much Deuotion , as Impedimen●s which call them from their studies And the charge which is giuen to him who is president ouer their spirituall matters , is to see , e That whilst they haue too much desire of Deuotion , they doe not impaire their strength : and therefore that Gonzaga of whom it is often f said in his life , that hee shortned his life with such discipline , g laying sharpe chips betweene his sheetes , h whipping himselfe with Iron chaines , and i putting spurres betweene his Dublet and his flesh , before he came into the Rules of the Iesuites ; wonne , and ouercame his Father and Mother , to encline to his purpose of entring this Order , because they sawe , k That this Order would be wholsome for his body , and not allow him such seuerity . 21 For priuiledges of Addition , they ha●e by l one Bull all the immunities of the Mendicants , which are very many and aduantageous , because thereby they must be receiued , as they trauell into any religious house : And by a another Bull , at one liberalitie , the priuiledges of all Orders , are extended to them . 22 And for Exemptions , they are deliuered by b one Bull from keeping their howres in the Chappell ; and by c another from attending at Procession : and by d another dispenced from fastes , and forbidden meates : and by their e Rule bound to no habite● and by f another Bull , licensed to read all bookes ; which is so great a libertie in that Church , that in the Septims , there is g a Decree of Gregory the thirteenth forbidding euen Arch-Bishops , and Kings , and all persons , but the Inquisitors , to read Hereticall bookes , vppon paine of Heresie . 23 If therefore , as in their h Constitutions they call themselues , they be but Cadauera , they are either such corrupt and putrified carcasses● as in●ect and enuenome all places where they reside , or such Carcasses , as euill spirits haue assumed to walk about in : and if they be ( as they say there ) but Bacula senis , This old man is the pope , whon they cannot put off , and they are such staues , as haue swords sheathed in them , and such as wound and bruise , euen the inwardest marow of Kingdomes . 24 For this purpose is that obedience to their Superiours , wherein Ignatius wils his Disciples to exceed ( Let i vs , saies he , suffer our selues to be exceeded by others , in fastings , and in watchings , and such ; but let our marke be , an abdication of the will , and iudgement . ) And so he giues them good blinde Counsaile , for their beleefe , and for their actions : As to beleeue what the Catholique faith teacheth , so be you carried with a blinde violence of obeying , whatsoeuer your Superiour commands . And though their Superiour command nothing expresly , yet they are bound once in a weeke , to say one Masse , to the Intention of the Generall , though they know not what it is . And of this generall intention the Center , and Basis is , the aduancement of that Sea , about which these plane●a●y Mon●es , haue their course and reuolutions . 25 Olde Monkes were vsed heretofore to be but Coasters , houering about their owne Cloyster ; fur●h●r then the Contemplation of Heauen , which was the Bible , and of t●e starres , which were the deuout interpreters therof , guided them , they did not easily venter : except some storme of dispu●ation or passion transported them : But the Iesuites in this laterage haue found the vse of the Compasse ; which is the Popes will , and ●ow they haue not the patience to be men● but they are Merchants of Kingdomes , and Pyrates both of spirituall and temporall tre●sure . But the eies of a foole , are in the corners of the world , saith Salomon . And euen the desire of going ●o the Indies ( which is their best pretence ) if we beleeue the life of Nerius , was corrected in him , by an apparition of S. Iohn the Euang. who tolde him , That Rome was his Indies , for there was matter enough for his instruction , and his example to worke vpon . 26 And of foure sorts into which they vse to diuide Monks , which are Caenobites , who keepe their Cloyster , Eremites who aduenture into a Solitude , Sarabaits , who by their workes keepi●g still their contract with the world , haue dissembled with God , per tonsuram , and lastly , Gyrouagi , who all their liues wander through diuers Prouinces , the Iesuites seeme guilty of transg●essing in both the last waies . For , besides the Pallaces , and abundant possessions , which they haue as they are Corporations , Onely they of all sorts , are not in their particular incapable of inheritances which deuolue vpon them , by their triple vow made before the Gouernour of that Conuent , till they confirme it againe in a generall Chapter . Quod ita iudicatum , ( sayes a French Lawyer ) Mirabundus accepi . 27 The Franciscane Friar Giles , did so much abhorre all temporall prouisions , that hee told Saint Francis , hee did not like the Antes , because they tooke such paines to prouide victuals for Winter . And when a Friar told Saint Francis , that hee came , A Cella Tuâ , when he heard the word Tu● , he would lie no more there . But the Iesuites haue not so much deuested themselues of Proprietie , but that they may haue proprietie in tempor●ll possession : Yea , they will haue Proprietie in Treas●n ; and will haue proper and singular Plots of their owne , and not ioyne with your Priests , Watson and Clarke , in their Plot , nor bee Traytors in common with them . 28 This is their arrand ; and for this , like him , who imployes them , They compasse the Earth , too and fro . Nor are they more like the Circulatores , and Circumcelliones , a limme of the Donatists , in this their vncertaine running about , then in that other qualitie of theirs , to vrge and importune , and force men to kill them , and if they could not extort this from others , then to kill themselues , and call all this Martyrdome . For onely of this vicious inclination of Iesuits to an imaginarie Martyrdome , I purpos'd to speake in this Chapter ; but that being occasioned by the way , to deale with men of a various vncertaine Constitution and Nature , I haue taken part of their fault , and as a Phisitian comming to cure , sometimes receiues some of the Patients infection , so spe●king of their running and wandring , I haue strayed somewhat from the directnesse , and strictnesse of my purpose . 29 Therefore to pursue it now , they are so much more intemperate and importunate vpon this Pseudo-Martyrdome , then any others ; by how much they are more seuere maintainers and encreasers of those Doctrins of the Roman Church , which we noted to beget this inclination . For when the spirit of God awaked certaine Reformers of his Catholicke Church , of which the Romane Church had long time beene the head , that is , the Principall and most eminent , and exemplar member ( for I am euer loth , to seeme to abhorre , or abstaine from giuing to that Church , any such St●les and Titles , as shee is pleas'd and delighted in , as long as by a pious interpretation thereof , her desire may thereby be satisfied in some measure , our Churches not iniur'd nor preiudiced , and the free spirit of God , which blowes where it pleaseth , not tied nor imprison'd to any place , or person ) at that time , I say , these seruants of God , and of his Church , had no pu●pose ●o runne away from her , and leaue her di●eases to putrifie and ●ester within her bowels . Nor did they vncouer her nakednesse● out of any petulancie of the●r owne , nor proclaime her filthinesse to defame or diminish her dignitie . But with the li●ertie of a Midwife , or Phisician , or Confessor , they suruey'd her secre●est infirmities , they drew to the outward and visible parts , that is into consideration , her inwardest corruptions , and so out of that duetie , were enfo●ced to looke into and bee conuersant about her Ordures , and other foulenesses , and could not dissemble nor forbeare , earnest , and bitter informing her of her owne distemper and danger , which was a worke of more zeale and humilitie , then those childish obediences , which you so much extoll in your Disciples , of sweeping Cobwebs and washing dishes . 30 And they proceeded so wis●ly , and temperately , and blessedly herein , that in a short time many of her swellings were allay'd , and her indurations somewhat mollified , as appeares by the Colloquies , and consultations in many places , ●or a moderate and manerly way of purging her corruptions . For certainely her diseases were not then so much in question or doubt , as whether it were for her honour , to be beholden to so meane Pe●sons for health , as these beginners were : Or for her ●afetie to trust her selfe in such Phisicians hands ; for now diuers secular ●r●nces were come to giue their ass●stance . And as some diseases produce so violent and desperate Symptomes , as the Physician must sometime neglect the maine originall Dise●se , and attend onely to cure the Accidents : So , though the Doctrine of Purgatorie , were at that time no member of the body : That is , no part of the Catholicke faith● but seru'd that body onely for Nayles to scrape and scratche together , Those spirituall Physicians busied themsel●es much , to paire those Nayles which defaced the beautie and integritie of the whole body , and so to slacken that griping hold , which they had taken vpon mens estates and Consciences , by ●he terrour of Purgatorie , and ver●ue of their indulgences . 31 And as to both sides , there appear'd euidently in the Doctrine of Merits , as the Schoolemen ( which then Gouern'd ●n the Church , by reason of the discontinuance of Councels ) had sawced and di●guis'd it , many abominations , derogatorie to the Passion of our Blessed Sauiour : So did they all confesse , in ●he Doctrine of Purgatory so many mixtures of coniecturall , incredible , impossible fables , as might haue scandaliz'd and discredited any certaine trueth by ●heir Addition . But when on the one side , the Reformers encouraged by this entrance , thought they might proceede fu●ther , and so offered to dissect and anatomize the whole Church , and thought to fill euery veine , and restore and rectifie euery Sprane and dislocation , and to take off euery Mole , and paire away euery Wemme , and to alter euen the fashion of her clothes , so that all , both substance and ceremony came in question : And the Romane Church on the other side , foresaw her precipitation , that if they stop'd not at the toppe , they could not at the middle of the hill , thought it better not to beginne , then not to know where to end , and so mistaking the medicine to be worse then the disease , departed from further consultation , iustified their corruptions , and by excommunications put away those seruants , which had done them these offices , and whom now they call Schismatiques and Heretiques , for departing from that Church , which would affoord them , not onely no wages , but no other roome , then a fire . 32 And then , as all recidiuations and relapses , are worse then the disease , vpon this relapse , came the Councell of Trent , which did couer and palliate some of these vlcers , and promised the cure of the rest , though they neuer went about it yet ; And then the Iesuites , who crie that all there is health and soundnesse , and that there is none any where else yea that the Church was borne thus , and that she is as well , as she was in her Cradle , and that whatsoeuer she thinkes , or saies , or does is by a diuine power , inherent in her ; as though there had beene sowed in her at first certaine seedes of Iure Diuino , which now in our age , by the cultiuating , and watering , and industry of the Iesuites must fructifie and produce in her , all these effects . For they will abate nothing ; their consciences are as tender and delicate , as the ground at Coleyne , where some of S. Vrsulaes eleuen thousand Virgines are buried , which will cast vp againe in the night , any that is enterred there , except shee were of that company , though it be a childe newly baptized : So the Iesuites stomaches cannot indure this , that the Popes should be great by Priuiledges of Princes , or Canons of Councels : but all must be Iure Diuino . So that that note , which the law casts vpon some Aduocates , will lie heauie vpon the Iesuites , They are too carefull of their cause , and therfore they are presum'd to inuent falshood . 33 For though it be hard for any man to goe further on the left hand , then the Councell of Trent hath done , in these two doctrines of Merite and Purgatrry , and euery Catholique be bound to that Councell , yet as in most other Doctrines , so in these also , Pelargus hath noted the Iesuites to haue gone beyond others , and therefore more then others , they incite , in these points , to a false Martyrdome . 34 But as the late inuention of Artillery and Gunpowder , though it haue much horrour and aff●ightment in it , yet ha●h not done so much harme , as it threatned , because the fury and violence thereof , hath occasioned men to study more waies of defence and auoidance , so th●t wee see the warres deuoure fewer men now , then before this inuention came : so hath the impetuous rage and pertinacy of the Iesuits , in oppugning euerie thing which they find not to be at Rome encouraged other Churches to oppose strong defences against them , and superstition swallowes fewer men now , then before these new Enginers laboured to promote and aduance her : And as those instruments of battery which the auncients vsed in the warres , were more able to ruine and demolish , then any which are made out of this new inuention , but were left off , and dis accu●tomed only because they were not so maniable and tractable , and apt for transportation , as these are ; So certainely the Arguments and bookes of the Friars , and Schoolemen of the Romane Church , which is the Arsenall from whence the Iesuites prouide and ●urnish themselues , haue as much force against the truth , as the subtilties of the Iesuites , but that these men a●e by their Rule and Constitutions , apter for conueyance and insinuation , then the dull cloysterall Monkes can be . 35 For there are diuers poysons which cannot work , except they be eiaculated from the creature it selfe that possesseth it , and that his personall and present liuely malignity concurre to it , and giue it vigour ; for which these vbiquitary Monks haue the aduantage of all others . 36 Nimietates sunt aequalitates , saies Cassianus . And so , two extreamities , haue made the Schoolemen and the Iesuites equally valiant : for the Schoolemen out of an ignorance of danger , hauing neuer come to hand-blowes , would venter vpon any peece of seruice , and any employment , and pierce through and spie , euen into Gods secret Cabinet of his Essence , and of his Counsails , as a fresh Souldier will goe with alacrity to any breach . And then because these sublime and ayrie meditations must haue some body to inhere in , they vsed to incorporate their speculations of God , in the Pope ; as it were to arrest and conserue them the better , being else too spirituall and transitorie . And so they haue so much exemplified them , one in the other , that they haue made them so like , and equall in their writings , as though they were but one . 37 And the Iesuites out of a desperate necessity must maintain their station , because if they yeeld one steppe , they will be the lesse able to stand in the next ; but after they haue confessed that the Church hath erred in one thing , thinking that will subiect her in all , no place of Scripture is so abundantly and euidently pregnant , no reason or consequence so directly and necessarily deduced , and concluded , no History nor matter of fact so faithfully presented , and so certainly and religiously testified , but they will stand stubbornly , and desperately to oppugne and infirme it . 38 What wound so euer they receiue in this battaile , they disguise and hide from their Disciples , by ●orbidding our bookes . And as Ribadeneyra sayes of their Father Ignatius , That he halted of the wound which he receaued at Pampelune , but so little , that the most curious could scarse discerne that he halted , So by some euasions , or supplements , or concealings , they euer dissemble their maimes and deformities . 39 To which purpose they haue one round and dispatching way , which is , not onely to neglect , but to bragge of all which we impute to them● for so one of them sayes , That it is the greatest Argument of Innocence , to be accused by vs : And that he cannot be guilty of error in Religion , whom an Heretique condemnes . For , as it was pa●t of the Oath of the Grecians , against Xerxes , that those Temples which the barbarous Armie had demolished , they would not reedifie , that thereby there might bee a continuall testimonie remaining of the impiety , So I thinke the Iesuites flatter themselues with some such resolution , by leauing vnanswered the books and arguments of so many reuerent persons , which haue spoken plentifully and prosperously , of these points of Merit and Purgatorie . 40 But of their other Doctrine , by which more then others , they prouoke to this lauish , and contemptuous expence of life , which is , The auiling of the dignitie of Princes , there can neuer enough be said . For all other Orders may consist , and execute and performe all their vowes , without any iniu●ie to Princes : They may be as poore as they will , till they come to that state , if they desire it , which Nerius begd of God , That he might lacke a pennie , and no body might giue it him , They may be as chaste , as that Iesuite which Gretzer sayes hee knew , who being not able to scape from a woman which tempted him , and held him , anointed his owne face , retrimentis suis , that thereby she might abhor him , They may be as obedient as Cassianus sayes the Tabennentiotes we●e , who durst not presume , without leaue of their Superiour , Naturali necessitati satisfacere ; Or as that Friar Iohn , who at his Abbats commaund , planted a dry withered sticke , and twice a day , for a whole yeare , fetched water two miles of , to water it , sparing no festiuall day , nor apprehending any impossibility in it ; Or as Saint Francis his Nouice , who at his bidding set plants , with the head downward . These things they may doe , and yet be good subiects . But the Supernumer●ry Vow of the Iesuites , by which they doe especially oblige themselues to the Popes will , do●h in the nature , and Essence , and scope thereof , make them enemies to the digni●ie of all Princes , because their Soueraigntie cannot consist , with that temporall Supremacie which the Iesuites must maintaine , by the obligation of that vow , by which they are bound , with expence of their lifes , to penetrate any Kingdome , and instill Sedition into their Disciples , and followers . 41 How fast this infection works in them , as by many other Demonstrations , so by this also it appeares euidently , that there are extant more Authors of that one Order , that haue written of Secular businesses , and of Iurisdiction of Princes , then of all the rest , since their beginning . For , their Casuists , which handle Morall Diuinitie , and waigh and measure sinne ( which for all that perplexitie and entangling , we may not condemne too hastily , since in purest Antiquitie there are liuely impressions of such a custome in the Church , to examine with some curiositie the circumstances , by which sinnes were aggrauated or diminished ) doe not onely , abound in Number , especially of the Spanish Nation , but haue filled their bookes with such questions as these , How Princes haue their iurisdiction , How they may become Tyrants , What is lawfull to a priuate man in such a case , and of , like seditious nature . So that they haue abandoned the stale , and obsolete names , of positiue Diuinity , or Controuerted , or Schoole Diuinitie ; and haue reduced all to Crowne Diuinity . 42 And yet they account the handling of these points , to bee but a dull and obuious learning in their Colledges , as though any man were able to resolue questions against Princes● for they haue a Rule , that they which are vnapt for greater studies , shall study cases of conscience . 43 So also of the Immunitie of the Church , out of which , if it be denied to be by the Indulgence of the Prince , issues and results presently the dimunition of the Prince , they haue written abundantly , and desperately . So haue they of the Institution of a Prince ; of which , one of them writing and presuming and taking it as vulgarlie knowne , that it is lawfull in some cases to kill a King , is carefull to prouide , least when you goe about to kill him , by putting poyson in his meat or drink , you make him , though ignorantly , kill himselfe . So haue they also of Militarie institution many Authors ; and of as many sciences as concurre to publique affaires . 44 And with such bookes as these they allure and catch ambitious wits ; which hauing had a lower and darker breeding in schooles and vniuersities , haue some hunger of reading state learning , in any forme , much more , where they shall finde it more freely debated vpon , then if they had had place at twentie Councell Tables , or Conspiracies . And as Auerroes is saide to haue killed Auicen , by anointing the booke which hee knew the other would read , with certaine poison : and as it is said , that what●oeuer flew ouer the Iewes Targum , whilst the authour thereof was compiling it , was scorched with the beames therof , so doe these bookes of theirs enuenome and catch hold of all such , as bring in themselues anie desire to come within too neere a distance of them . 45 And of all these kindes of bookes , without doubt we should haue had many more , but that , as the gatherer of all the writers of the Carth●sian Order , not daring to slippe and leaue out the present Generall Bruno , and finding no books of his making , saies , That since he hath an excellent wit , and singular learning , ●e could write many bookes if he had leisure , and in the meane time , hee tooke care that the missall should be printed in a faire character and delicate paper : So the Iesuites , since ●hey haue a vow to binde them to it , and a na●urall disposition to incline them , could wri●e more booke● to this purpose , but that they are continually exercised in disposing actuall plots : And yet in the meane time they take care , that the Popes Breues be procur'd , promulged , conceal'd interpreted , or burnt , as the cause may be most benefited and aduanced . 46 And I do not remember , that I haue found in the Approbation of any Iesuits booke , this clause which is so ordinary , in most of the workes of other men , Nihil fidei contrarium , aut bonis Moribus , aut Principibus : And yet they say , that in printing their bookes , there is great caution and diligence vsed , and that they passe the hands of men most intelligent , and of mature iudgement : but , as it seems by this remarqueable omission , no good subiects nor fauourers of Princes . 47 If they doe thus much when they are Serui papae , what will they doe when they are famuli ? which diffrence I learned out of the Missal , where a Bishoppe must pray , vnd cum me indigno Seruo tuo ; but the Pope , Famulo : For he may well be said to be in Ordinary with God , since he is one Ordinary with him ; for so saies Aluares , God and the Pope haue one Consistorie : and in another place , All cases reserued to God , are reserued to his Vicar : so that by that Rule , what euer God can do , in disposing the matters of this world , the Pope also can do : for there he saies , out of Hostiensis , that that direction , Dic Ecclesiae , if the Pope sinne , who cannot be complain'd of , is ment , Dic Deo , vt conuertateum , aut Dic Ecclesiae Triumphanti , vt oret pro eo . 48 So when Bellarmine who had done sufficiently for the Pope , whilst he was but a Seruant , that is an Ordinarie Iesuite , came to his familiarity , and housholde seruice , by being a Cardinall in the Consistorie , and so grew more sensible of the Papacy , being now himselfe , as they speake , Papabilis , he takes al new occasions , to extoll his Master , and his Throne and Sea : And hauing manie yeares neglected his owne defence , and answered such great men as opposed him , onely with such Proctors as Gretzer , and Eudaemo-Ioannes , vnprouoked he rises vp in the Venetian , and in the English cause , to establish by new bookes , the new Article of Temporall authority in the Pope . And since that , as Aeneas Syluius , retracted all which he had written before for the Basil Councell , when he came to be Pope : so Bellarmine when perchance hee would be Pope , hath made a new ●uruay and Recognition of all his workes ; in which , as though he had beene too moderate before , in al those places , which concerne this question , he hath expressed a supple and variable conscience , a deiect slauerie to that Sea , and a venemous malignity against Princes ; of which it seemes to me expedient to present a few examples . 49 I allow not now , saies Bellarmine , that which I said before , That Infidell Princes may not be depriued by the Church , of that Iurisdiction which they haue ouer Christians : for though Durandus doe probably teach so , against Saint Thomas , and I then followed his opinion , yet now the authority of S. Thomas preuailes more with me . Yet he had seene and considered both their reasons before . 50 In another place he saies , Now I allow not that which I said before , that Paul appealed to Caesar , as to his Iudge . And after , Whereas I said , that Popes vsed to be chosen by Emperours , the word Emperour , potest & forte debet deleri : For ( saies he ) I followed Gratians Canons , which , as I learned since , are not approued ● And againe , when I said That the Pope was subiect to the Emperour , as to his temporall Lord , I meant De facto , not De iure : and this course he holdes in that booke of Recognitions . 51 And here we may conuen●ently conclud● this Chapter , of the Iesuites speciall aduancing all those doctrines , which incite to this Martyrdome , after we haue produced some of their owne testimonies of their inordinate hunger thereunto , and of the causes for which they affect it . 52 One of their spirituall Constitutions is , That euery one of that Order must thinke that Christ spoke to him when he said , he that doth not hate his owne life , &c. And so they make an obligatorie precept , to binde at all times , of that which vvas but a direction for our preparation and readinesse to suffer for his sa●e . 53 Ribadeneyra names two Iesuites in the ●n●dies , which being sicke in bedde , when they might haue escaped , came forth halfe naked , and voluntarily offring their throates , were slaine . And hee saies that Simon Acosta ( one of the fiue brothers , who were all of this Order ) declared himselfe to bee a Iesuite , when ●e was not knowne , that he might be put to death . And so Aquauiua , being pursued , refused a horse , by which hee might haue scaped , and chose rather to die , then ride . And yet this was amongst Infidels , where the Haruest was great , and the worke-men few : which kind of intemperance hath beene formerly condemned out of their owne authors . 54 But of this point it is enough to relate the wordes of him , who speakes in the person of all the Iesuites ; who cals himselfe Clarus Bonarscius , but is vnmask'd and disanagrammatiz'd by his fellow , who calls him , Carolus Scribanius , he saies , That the Scaeuolaes , the Catoes , the Porciaes , and the Cleopatraes , are nothing to the Iesuites : For they ( saies he ) lacked courage , Ad multas mortes , And in a fewe yeares , he saies , they haue had three hundred Martyres : Therefore he saies , that they of that Order doe violently teare out Martyrdome , rapiunt spontanea irruptione ; and , Crederes Morbo adesos : and for what causes do they this ? Least the rest of their life should be barren of merites , and passe away emptie of glorie : and then hee passes to them who haue died in England ; and as in these men , this hunger of false-Martyrdome , goes euer together with blasphemy against Princes , there he heapes Eulogies vpon Campian , and reproaches vpon that sacred Prince , for treason to whom he perished , whom this wretch dares call Anglicanam Lupam , and after , Saeuientem Caluinianam lupam : and after this he saies , That when they come to this Order , they bargain vpon this condition , vt liceat prodigere animas , hostili ferro . In which , I thinke , he relates to that Oath , which they take in the Colledge at Rome , by a Constitution of the Pope ; that they shall returne into England , to preach the Catholique faith publiquely there : which Oath Nauarrus saies bindes them so strictly , that they are disabled to enter into any rule of stricter religion , though that were a further degree of perfection , but must necessarily returne into England : Of which oath we will say no more , but onely repeat Baronius his Panegyrique , and incitatorie encouragement , speaking thereof : The holy societie in her safe sheep-folds hath fatted you , as innocent lambes for this Martyrdome , and she sends you forth to triumphes , and aduances you to Crownes . Be therefore couragious and valiant , you who haue vowed and betrothed your blood by an Oath : for my part , I enuie you , that are design'd and apparant martyres , and wish that my end may be like yours . And what he assignes for one cause of this Martyrdome , to which he prouokes them , and congratulates their interest therein , we declared out of his words before in the shutting vp of the last Chapter , which was Defence of Ecclesiastique immunity ; that is debasing , and diminishing of Princes . And thus we haue gone one steppe further : and to the former , which were , That the desire of Martyrdome might be vicious , & that , as the Roman authors obserue in the first times , it had beeene so ; and , That by the Romane doctrine it must of necessity be so , vve haue added now , that the Iesuites more then any , inflame thereunto . CHAP. V. That the Missions of the Pope , vnder Obedience whereof they pretend that they come into this Kingdome , can be no warrant , since there are lawes established to the contrarie , to giue them , or those which harbour them , the comfort of Martyrdome . IN the end of the second Chapter , I mentioned a Canon of the Eliberitane Councell ; And as in that place it had this vse and office , to shew that the intemperate and inopportune affectation of Martyrdome , needed a restraint in some , too aemulous thereof , by Eulalines Example , So may it very properly and needfully haue a place here , because it showes the reasons , why certaine men were not receiu'd for Martyrs , by the Church . 2 And the Authoritie of this Councell is of great force , as well by reason of the puritie of the time , in which it was celebrated , which was about three hundred and fiue yeeres after Christ , and twentie yeere before the Nicene Councell , as especially , in this point of Martyrdome , because it was held in continuing Persecution , and when the danger was imminent in those parts , in which the people needed direction and instruction● And also , because now there is no doubt of the genuine integritie of this Councell . For , though Bellarmine imputed some errou●s to it , as being too seuere against such as had slipp'd in time of Persecution , and Baronius spoke sometime of it , Somewhat freely au● sh●rpely , saye● Binius , yet after that , he changed his opinion , and hee , and Biniu● , haue now redeem'd all the Canons of that Councell from any imputation . 3 Of which Canons , this is the sixtieth : That they which breake the Idols of the Gentiles , and are sl●ine by them , shall not be receiued in●o the number of Martyrs . Because , this is not written in the Gospell , nor found that it was euer done by the Apostles . So that by the opinion of that Councell , that onely is a sufficient cause to intitle and interest a man in the Crowne of Martyrdome , VVhich was found written in the Gospell , or practised by the Apostles . And is there any thing found in either of them , which may be a precedent to this mission ? Christ appointed twelue , whom hee might send to Preach ; but what ? The Kingdome of God. And assoone as Saule had an inward mission , the Text sayes● Straightwayes he Preached euen in the Synagogue . But what ? Hee Preached Christ ; And what did hee Preach of him ? That he was the Sonne of God ; And that it was hee that was ordain'd of God , a iudge of quicke and dead : And● as himselfe sayes , of his practise after , We preach Christ crucified . But this mission from Rome , is not to Preach Christ , but his Vicar : Not his kingdome of Grace , or Glorie , but his title to Temporall kingdomes : Not how hee shall iudge quicke and dead at his second comming , but how his Vicar shall inquire , Examine , Syndicate , Sentence , Depose : yea , Murder Princes on earth : Not Christ crucified , languishing for vs vnder Thorns , Nayles , Whippes & Speares , but his Vicar enthron'd , and wantonly groning vnder the waight of his Keyes , and Swords , and Crownes . 4 Christ said to those whom he sent , VVhat I tell you in darkenesse , that speake you in light , and what you heare in the eare , that Preach you on houses , and feare not them that kill the body . And if no other thing were told you in darknesse , and whisper'd into your ears , at your missions hither , then those which our Sauiour deliuer'd to them , you might be as confident in your publicke Preachings , and haue as much comfort of Martyrdome , if you died for executing such a Commission . But what your instructions deliuered in darkenesse , and told in your eares , are , appeares now enough , by Inspection , by Confession , by Testimonie , by Practise , by Analogie of your doctrine , and by Baronius words , That you are sent hither to defend the immunities of the Church , which deliuers you from all subiection to the King , and from being Traytors whatsoeuer you attempt : as also to defend the Catholicke Faith , which first makes it heresie to depart from the subiection to Rome , and then makes it a forfeiture of all Iurisdiction to incurre that heresie . Except this be written in the Gospell , or practised by the Apostles , you cannot be Martyres for this . 5 But to descend to reasons of a lower nature , of the law of Nations , and conueniency and decency ; since all those which maintaine the Spanish Expeditions , and proceedings in the Indies , by the strength of the Popes Donation , concurre in this , That into what place soeuer the Pope , or any Princes may send Priests , they may also send Armies for the security of those Priests , and them whom they haue reduced : and since it is euident by all your Writers , that the Pope hath more Iurisdiction ouer Christian Princes relapsed from Rome , then ouer Infidels , might hee not for safe-guard of his Apostles , sende Fleetes and armies hither ? and is it not the common and receiued opinion , which Maynardus deliuers , that in all cases where the Pope may enioyne , or commaund any thing , he may lawfully proceede by way of warre , against any that hinder the execution thereof . If then such armies and Fleets were sent to conduct you , and were resisted in their landing , or defeated in battell ; had not they as good title to Martyrdome as you ? and may not the Pope as well Canonize the whole Spanish Fleete , which perished in 88. for your Catholique faith , and Ecclesiastique immunitie ? since in many cases , as in the Innocent children ( of whom Hilary saies , that they were exalted to eternity , by Martyrdome ) one may bee an implicite Martyre , though he know not why he died , so he haue no actuall reluctation against it . 6 And it is very probable , that their title was b●tter then yours , for this point of sending , because they were vnder the obedience of them which sent th●m : but for you , ( not to dispute now whether the cause be enough for Martyrdome , or whether your obedience can giue it that forme , and life , and vigour ) you are so farre from being sent , or from exercising any obedience in this act , that your first step , which is going out of the kingdome , is absolutely and euidently disobedience to your Prince , before you haue any colour of hauing submitted your selfe to any other superiour ; and then you enter into the Colledge , vppon condition that you may returne , and you ta●e an Oath before hand that you will returne : So that you returne not hither in obedience of your Superiour , but in performance of your owne vniust , and indiscreete Vowes : both which , in all Vowes , are Annulling or vitiating circumstances . Neither dooth this Oath so farre binde you to returne , ( though Nauarrus say so ) but that one of the learnedst of the Iesuites , thinkes , If that be forborne , and some Order of Religion embraced in stead thereof , the oath is better performde . 7 And , if these lawes which take holde of you , when you returne hither , had been made betweene the time of your vowe , and your returning : and if they had beene made directly to that end , to interrupt and preclude the performance of this Vow , yet naturally they would worke the same effect vpon this Vow of yours , and make it voide , because something was now interpos'd , which may iustly , yea ought to change your purpose : For if that law had beene made before , your Vowe had beene vniust from the beginning ; which is the case of as many of you , as haue gone since the making of those prohibitory lawes . For a law which forbidds vpon paine of losse of goods , death , banishment , or such , bindes a man vpon paine of mortall sinne ; and therfore no Vow can iustifie the breach thereof . 8 All this , if the lawes be iust , is euident and without question , and how could it be euident to all those yong Schollers which went ouer , and made this vowe , that these lawes were vniust ? What infallible assurance could they haue of this , to excuse them of disobedience in going , or indiscretion in swearing ? 9 Their owne men teach , that the lawes of Princes are not therefore necessarily vniust and voide , because the Prince had an ill intention in making them . As if the Prince propose and purpose particular gaine , by exacting the penalty of the law , or reuenge vpon certaine persons , by executing thereof ; this makes not your law voide , so that it be profitable to the bodie of the Common-wealth : much lesse were our l●wes in this case , subiect to that ●railty , and de●eseablenesse , because they were made ( to omit in this place the principall inducement , for the glorie of God , and preseruing his Gospell i●purity and integrity ) in such necessities , as without such defence , the person of the Prince , and the ciuill and Ecclesiast●que state , must haue ●uffered daily , and dangerous fluctuations , and perils of shipwracke ; which dangers continue vpon vs yet ; and therefore the same physick must be continued . 10 For Lawyers teach vs , that the word Potest , doth often signifie Actum : And what the Pope may do , their bookes threaten in euery leafe : and then against such a man a● vseth to doe as much as hee threatens : the Lawyers tell vs , many● And against such all waies of defence are iust , when any danger ( to vse the extent of Lawyers ) are Meditated , Prepared , Likely , or Possible , for it is a beggerly thing , rather to be beholden to others modestie and abstinence , then to our owne Counsaile and strength for our securitie . So that , as when the three Emperours , Valentinian , Valens and Gratian , had made a lawe , that no Ecclesiastique person should haue any capacity to receiue from noble women , who were then obserued to bee profu●e in these liberalities , to the detriment o● their own estates , and of the publique , Saint Hierome 〈◊〉 , Hee did not grieue that such a law was made , but that the couetousnesse of the Clergy had occasioned these most religious Princes to make that law : So you ought rather to lament , that the Doctrine and practise of some of your principall men , hath raised these iealousies and suspitions in a Prince , out of the conscience of his owne equalitie naturally confident , then murmure at the law , or dis-councell the obedience to it . 11 For in these cases of naturall preseruation , it is not onely lawfull to make new lawes , but to breake any other , which are not directly Diuine . And if you impute the worst condition of these lawes , which malignitie can obiect to them , which is , that those Catholiques , which are innocent , which meerely out of conscience , abstaine from communicating with vs , in the Word and Sacraments , shall be vtterly starued and depriued of all spirituall sustentation , if the lawes which forbid all Priests to enter , should be still executed ; yet that inconuenience will not annull and make voide a law , so farre , as that to doe against it shall be a iust cause of Martyrdome : for in making of lawes , those euils which doe occasionally or consequently a●ise from the execution thereof , must not be considered , but what the principall intention of the law-maker was : Which , in our case was , the preseruation of the publique . 12 And yet the Catholiques in England shall for all this be in as good condition here , as they should be in any Catholique Countrie , which were by the Popes displeasure vnder a locall Interdict ; which the Popes doe often impose , with small respect to the Innocents● for in the late businesse betweene the Church and the State of Venice by the Popes Breues , the whole Dominion was Interdicted , because the Senate , which onely was excommunicated , did not within three daies do all those acts , which were so derogatory to the Soueraignty of that State. And so , that punishment , which is so seuere , by the Canons , that as Boniface the eight obserued , It occasions many Heresies and indeuotion , and many dangers to the soule : And , as the Glosse saies there , by experience it appeared , that when a place had lien long vnder an Interdict , the people laughed at the Priests , when they came to say Masse againe ; was inflicted vpon many Millions of innocent persons : all which , if that State had not prouided for their spirituall food by staying the priests , had bin in as ill case by that Interdict , and euocation of the Clergie , as the Catholiques in England were by those lawes of interdicting their entrance , considering with how much lenitie in respect of their extreame prouocations , they were executed . And if that reliefe which Vgolini giues to comfort the Venetians consciences , be of any strength , which is ; that that which they loose in spirituall sustenance , they gaine in the Merite of obedience , it may as effectually worke vpon English Consciences , as it could vpon theirs . 13 No● is it so harsh and strange , as you vse to make it , that Princes should make it Treason , to aduance some Doctrines , though they be obtruded as points of Religion , if they inuolue Sedition , and ruine or danger to the State ; for the Law sayes , That is Maiestatis crimen , which is committed against the securitie of the State ; and in that place , it cals Securitie , Tranquilitie : And whether our Securitie and Tranquilitie haue not beene interrupted by your doctrine , your selues can iudge , and must confesse . 14 These Lawes against which you complaine , drewe not in your Priests which were made in Queene Maries time , though they were Catholicke Priests , and exercis'd their Priestly function ; and though they had better meanes to raise a partie in England , because they were acquainted with the state , and knew where the seedes of that Religion remain'd : But in that Catholicke Religion of which they were Priests , they found not this Article of Tumult and Sedition , and withdrawing Subiects from their obedience . 15 Is there not a Decretall amongst you , by which it Is made Treason to offend a Cardinall ? which is a Spirituall offence ; For it is also Sacriledge . And is ●here not another b● which A●● practisers by Simoney in a conclaue , though they be Ambassadours of other Princes , are punished as Traytors ? And if their Masters seise not their goods , confiscate by this Treason , within a certaine time , the Church may . Doeth not one of your owne Sect v●ge a Statute in Poland , against a Gentleman of that Nation , That whosoeuer shall be infected or suspected of heresie , shall be apprehended as a Traytor , by any man though he bee no Officer ? And we Dispute not now whether your Doctrine be Heresie , but whether such points of Religion , as are no Articles o● Faith , nor deriued from them , if they be Seditious , may not be punished as Treason , and properly enough call'd Treason . In which Pius the second ha●h clear'd vs and giuen vs satisfaction , who sayes , That to appeale to a future Councell , is not onely Heresie , but Treason . And Simancha concurres to that purpose , w●en hee sayes , That they which haue beene teachers of Heresie , cannot be receiued though they recant in Iudgement , because it is enough to forgiue one fault , but such are guiltie of two deaths , and must bee punished , as enemies to the State ; And that therefore he whi●h attempts to corrupt the King or his Queene , or his Children with Heresie , is guiltie of Treason . 16 And that there is a Ciuill trespasse in Heresie , as well as a Spirituall , appeares by confiscation of their goods in your Courts ; which goods and temporall detriments , though the offenders bee pardoned , and receiu'd into the bosome of the Church , and so the Spirituall● offence be remitted , are neuer to be restored● no● repai●d . If therefore the Canon Lawe can extend to create Treason in a Spirituall cause● If amongst you , as it is Heresie to beleeue , ●o it is Treason to teach , that there is no Purgatorie , shall it not be lawfull to a Soueraigne and independent State , to say by a Law ; That he which shall teach , That a Priest cannot be a Traytor though he kill the King : and except a King professe intirely the Romane Faith , he hath lost all title and Iurisdiction , and shall corrupt the Subiects with such seditious instillations as these , shall be guiltie of Treason ? 17 The Parliament of Paris in that Arrest and sentence , by which it condemn'd ●he Iesuites Scholler Cha●tel , who attempted to murder the K●ng , makes it Treason to vtter those scandalous and seditious words● which hee had spoken , and which he had receiu'd from False and damnable instructions ( where●n it intim●tes the ●esuites , whom the ●entence in other pl●ces , name , directly ) which words are expressed or impl●ed almost in all the Iesuits Boo●es of State matters : That sentence also pronounces all the Iesuites Cor●upters of youth , ●roublers of the Peace , enemies of the King and State , And if they depart not within certaine daies , Guiltie of Treason . And this sentence pronounces , That if any of the Kings Subiects , should send his Sonne out of the Realme , to a Iesuites Colledge , hee should incurre treason . 18 And though your Expurgatorie Index can reach into all Libra●ies , and eate and corrupt there more then all the Moathes and Wormes , though you haue beene able to expunge , yea euert , and demolish the Pyramis erected in detestation of you by this Arrest , yet your Deleatur will neuer stretch to the scarre in the Kings face , nor your Inseratur restore his Toothe , nor your expunctions arriue to the Recordes which preserue this sentence . 19 And came it ( thinke you ) euer into the opinion of the Catholickes of France , that if a man by vertue or example and precedent of this Arrest , had beene Executed as a Traitor , for speaking those forbidden words , or for sending his Sonne to the Iesuits , he should haue beene by the Catholicke Church reputed a Martyr ? 20 When the Iesuits were lately expell'd from Venice , and when other Priests which stai'd there , were commanded by Lawes to doe their functions , did either the Iesuites apprehend this opportunitie of Martyrdome , and come backe , or did the Priests find such spirituall comfort in transgressing this Law , that they offred to goe out ? 21 And in all our differences , which fell out in this Kingdome betweene our Kings , and the Popes , when so many capitall Lawes were made against Prouisions and Appeales , ( not to dispute yet whe●her de Iure or de facto only , or whether by way o● Introduction , or Declaration ) doe you finde that the Catholiques then vsed the benefite of those lawes , to the procurement of Martyrdome ? or hath the blood of any men executed by those lawes , died your Martyrologes with any Rubriques ? And yet those times were apt enough to countenance any defender of Ecclesiastique immunity , though with diminution of Ciuill and Secular Magistracie , as appeares by their celebrating of Becket : ye● I find not that they affoorded the title of Martyre to any against whom the State proceeded by the Ordinary way and course of law . 22 Why therefore shall not the French , and Italian , and olde English lawes giue occasion of Martyrdome in the same cases , as these new lawes shall ? At least why should Campian , and those which were executed before these new statutes , be any better Martyres then they ? since they were as good Catholiques as these , and offended the common law of England in the same point , as these . But if the Breach and violating of the later statutes , be the onely or liueliest cause of Martyrdome , then , of Parsons , who euery day of his life doth some act to the breaking thereo● , it is verie properly said by one of his owne sect , That hee is per totam vitam martyr . 23 And this may suffice to remember you , that you intrude into this emploiment , and are not sent , and that our Lawes ought to worke vpon your Oath , of returning to the annihilation thereof , because both the necessit●e of the making and continuing ●hereof and the precedents of our owne , and other Catholicke Kingdomes , giue vs warrant to make seditious Doctrine Treason , and your owne Canons and I●dica●●re giue vs example , and ( if we needed it ) Authoritie to proceede in that maner . CHAP. VI. A comparison of the Obed●●nce due to Princes , with the seuerall obediences requir'd and exhibited in the Romane Church ; First , of that blind Obedience , and stupiditie , which Regular men vow● to their Superiours : Secondly , of th●t vsurpe● Obedience to which they pretend by reason of our Baptisme , wherein we ar said to haue made an implicite surrender of our selues and all that we haue , to the Church ; And thirdly of that Obedience , which the Iesuits by a fourth Supernumera●ie vowe , make to be dispos'd at the Popes absolute will. THere hath not beene a busier disquisition , nor subiect to more perplexitie , then to finde out the first originall roote , and Source , which they call Primogenium subiectum , that may be so capable of Power and Iurisdiction , and so inuested with it immediately from God , that it can transferre and propagate it , or let it passe and naturally deri●e it-selfe into those formes of Gouernement , by which mankind is continued and preserued ; For at the resolution of this , all Qu●stions of Subiection attend their dispatch . And because the Clergie of the Roman Church , hath with so much fierce earnestnesse and apparance of probablenesse , pursued this Assertion , That that Monarchall forme , and that Hierarchie , which they haue , was instituted immediately from God ; Many wise and iealous Aduocates of Secular Authoritie , fearing least otherwise they should diminish that Dignitie , and so preuaricate and betray the cause , haue said the same of Regall power and Iurisdiction . And euen in the Romane Church a great Doctor of eminent reputation there , agrees ( as he sayes ) Cum omnibus sapientibus , That this Regall Iurisdiction and Monarchie ( which word is so odious and detestable to Baronius ) proceedes from God , and by Diuine and naturall Law , and not from the State or altogether from man. And as we haue it in Euidence , ●o we haue it in Confession from them , that God ●ath as immediately created some Kings , as any Priests . And Cassanaeus thinkes this is the highest Secular Authoritie that euer God induced : For he denies That old or new Testament haue any mention of Emperour . 2 But to mine vnderstanding we iniure and endanger this cause more , if wee confesse that that Hierarchie is so Immediately from God as they obtrude it , then we get by offering to drawe Regall power within the same Priuiledge . I had rather thus farre abstaine from saying so of either , that I would pronounce no farther therein , then this , That God hath Immediately imprinted in mans Nature and Reason , to be subiect to a power immediately infus'd from him ; and that hee hath enlightned our Nature and Reason , to digest and prepare such a forme , as may bee aptest to doe those things , for which that Power is infus'd ; which are , to conserue vs in Peace and in Religion : And that since the establishing of the Christian Church , he hath testified abundantly , that Regall Authoritie , by subordination of Bishops is that best and fittest way to those ends . 3 So that , that which a Iesuite said of the Pope , That the Election doth onely present him to God , wee say also of a King ; That whatsoeuer it be , that prepares him , and makes his Person capable of Regall Iurisdiction , that onely presents him to God , who then inanimates him with this Supremacy immediately from himselfe , according to a secret and tacite couenant , which he hath made with mankinde , That when they out of rectified Reason , which is the Law of Nature , haue begot such a forme of Gouernement , he will infuse this Soule of power into it . 4 The way therefore to finde , what Obedience is due to a King , is not to seeke out , how they which are presum'd to haue transferr'd this power into him , had their Authoritie , and how much they gaue , and how much they retain'd ; For in this Discouerie none of them euer went farther , then to Families ; In which , they say , Parents and Masters had Iurisdiction ouer Children , and Seruants ; and these Families concurr'd to the making of Townes , and trans●err'd their power into some Gouernour ouer them all . 5 But , besides that this will not hold , because such Sauadges as neuer rais'd Families , or such men as an ouerburdned kingdom should by lot throw out , which were peeces of diuers families , must haue also a power to frame a forme of Gouernement , wheresoeuer they shall reside , which could not bee if the onely roote of Iurisdiction were in parents & masters ; This also will infirme and ouerthrow that Assertion , that if parents and masters had not this supreme Soueraignty , which is requisite in Kings , they could not transferre it into Kings , and so Kings haue it not from them : And if they were Soueraignes they cold not transfer it , ●or no Soueraigne can deuest himselfe of his Supremacie . 6 Regall authority is not therefore deriued from men , so , as at that certaine men haue lighted a King at their Candle , or transferr'd certaine Degrees of Iurisdiction into him : and therefore it is a cloudie and muddie search , to offer to trace to the first roote of Iurisdiction , since it growes not in man. For , though wee may goe a steppe higher then they haue done which rest and determine in Families , which is , that in euery particular man considered alone , there is found a double Iurisdiction of the soule ouer the body , and of the reason ouer the appetite , yet those will be but examples and illustrations , not Rootes and Fountaines , from which Regall power doth essentially proceede . Sepulueda , whom I cited before , saies well to this purpose ; That the soule doth exercise , Herile Imperium vpon the body : and this can be no example to Kings , who cannot animate and informe their Subiects as the soule doth the body . But the power of our reason vpon our appetite , is , as he saies pertinently , Regale Imperium ; and Kings rule subiects so as reason rules that . 7 To that forme of Gouernement therof for which rectified reason , which is Nature , common to all wise men , dooth iustly chuse , as aptest ●o worke their end , God instils such a power as we wish to be in that person , and which wee beleeue to be infused by him , and therefore obey it as a beame deriued from him , without hauing departed with any thing from our selues . 8 And as to the end of this power , is alwaies one and the same , To liue peaceably and religiously , so is the power it self though it be diuersly complexioned , and of different stature ; for that naturall light and reason , which acknowledges a necessity of a Superiour , that we may enioy peace , and worshippe God , did consent in the common wish and tacite praier to God , and doth rest in the common faith and beliefe , that God hath powred into that person all such authority as is needefull for that vse ; Therefore of what complexion soeuer the forme of gouernement be , or of what stature soeuer it seeme , yet the same authority is in euery Soueraigne State : thus farre , That there are no Ciuill men , which out of rectified Reason haue prouided for their Peaceable and religious Tranquility , but are subiect to this regall authority , which is , a p●●er to vse all those meanes , which conduce to those endes . 9 For those diffrences which appeare to vs in the diuers ●ormes , are no● in the essence of the Soueraignty , which hath no degrees , nor additions , nor diminutions , but they are onely in those instruments , by which this Soueraignty is exercised , which are ordinarily called Arcan● , and Ragion di st●to , as I noted before● and as the soule it selfe , hath as good vnderstanding in an Idiote , and as good a memory in a L●thargique person as in the wises● and liueliest man ; So hath this Soueraignty in ●●●ry state equall vigour , though the Organes by which it workes be not in all alike dis●osed . And therefore the gouerne●e●t amongst the Iewes before Sa●le , was fully a Kingdo●e in this accep●ation : nor did they attend any new addition to this power , in their solicitation for a King : but , because they were a people accustomed to warre , they wished such a Soueraigne as might lead their Armies ; which office their Priestes did not ; and they grudged that their enemies should be conduced by better persons then they were . 10 And so , though some ancient Greeke states , which are called Regna Laconica , because they were shortned and limited to certaine lawes , and some States in our time seeme , to haue Conditionall and Prouisionall Princes , betweene whom and Subiects , there are mutuall and reciprocall obligations ; which if one side breake , they fall on the other , yet that soueraignty , which is a power to doe all things auaileable to the maine end●s , resides somewhere● which● if it be in the hands of one man , erects and perfects that Pambasilia of which we speake . 11 For God inanimates euery State with one power , as euery man with one soule : when therefore people concurre in the desire of such a King , they cannot contract , nor limitte his power : no more then parents can condition with God , or preclude or withdraw any facultie from that Soule , which God hath infused into the bo●dy , which they prepared , and presented to him . For , if such a company of Sauadges , or men vvhom an ouerloaded kingdome ●ad auoided , as vve spake off before , should create a King , and reserue to themselues a libertie to reuenge their owne wrongs , vpon one another , or to doe any act necessary to that end , for which a King hath his authority , this liberty were swallowed in their first acte , and onely the creation of the King were the worke of rectified reason , to which God had concurr'd , and that reseruation a uoide and impotent act of their appetite . 12 If then this giue vs light , what and whence the Kings Iurisdiction is ; we may also discerne by this , what our obedience must be : for power and subiection are so Relatiue , as since the King commaunds in all things conducing to our Peaceable and Religious being , wee must obey in all those . This therefore is our first Originary , naturall , and Congenite obedience , to obey the Prince : This belongs to vs as we are men ; and is no more changed in vs , by being Christians , then our Humanity is changed : yet hath the Romane Church extolled and magnified three sorts of Obedience , to the preiudice of this . 13 The first is , that which they call Caecam obedientiam : which is an inconsiderate & vndiscoursed , and ( to vse their owne word ) an Indiscreete surrendring of themselues , which professe any of the rules of Religion , to the command of their Prelate and Superior ; by which , like the vncleane beasts , They swallow , and neuer chaw the cudde : But this obedience proceeding out of the will and electio● of them , who applie themselues to that course of life , cannot be of so great authority and obligations , as the other which is naturall , and borne in vs ; and therefore , farther then it agrees with that ; it is not out of rectified reason . 14 And though it seeme scarce worthy of any further discourse , yet I cannot deny my selfe the recreation of suruaying some examples of this blinde and stupid obedience , and false humility , nor forbeare to shew , that by their magnifying thereof , and their illations thereupon , not only the offices of mutuall society are vncharitably pretermitted , but the obedience to Princes preiudic'd and maimed , and the liuely and actiue , and vigorous contemplation of God clouded and retarded . 15 For when a distressed Passenger intreated a Monke to come forth , and helpe his Oxe out of the Ditch , was it a charitable answere to tell him , That he had bin twentie years dead , & in his graue , and could not now come forth ? Yet it may seeme excusable in them to neglect others , if this obedience make them forget themselues ; as certaine youthes whom their Abbot sent with Figges to an Ermit , loosing their way , sterued in the Desart , rather then they would eate the Figges , which they were commanded to deliuer . Is it likely that when Mucius a Monke , at the commaund of his Abbot , who bid him cast his crying sonne into the riuer and drowne him , did in the feruor of obedience obey it , God should reueale , That in that acte , he accomplished Abrahams worke ? 16 Are these wholsome instructions , That it is a greater pride to doe a good worke against the Superiours commaund , then a bad , because they are vices vnder pretence of vertue ? or this , That it is better to sinne against God , then our spirituall Father , because he can reconcile vs to God , but no body to him ? Which doctrine it seemes Heli had not accepted , when he said , If one man sinne against another , the Iudge shall iudge it , bu if a man sinne against the Lord , who will pleade for him ? How many grea●er matters must they of necessity leaue vndiscussed , that professe such tendern●sse and scrupu●osity of conscience , as the late Iesuit Gonzaga , w●o doubted that when hee had said he would goe , Ad Domum professorum , he had sinned in an idle word , since he might haue beene vnderstood well enough though he h●d left out the last wordes ? or that he had sinned in answering affirmatiuely to his S●periours question , whether he would go to a certaine place , because he ought to haue left it all to his Superiours will , without any affirmation ? Was it due and necessa●y obedience , when desirous to be instructed in that point of Predestination , and his Superiour turning to a place in S. Augustine , and bidding him read there , being come to the end of the page , but not of the sentence , he durst not turne ouer the leafe , because he was bid to read there ? 17 Sedulius seemes glad that he had examples enough to furnish a Chapter , De simplicita●e Minoritarum ; and hee seemes to haue much comfort that he is of the same order , as Friar Ruffin was , who out of simplicity cut off a liuing Ho●ges foote , to dresse for a sicke bodie , and ●odde his Birds in the feathers : who also out of his humility , desired that he might stinke when he was d●ad , and that he might be eaten with dogges . And he saies that Friar Iuniper was so simple , that a Doemoniaque possessed man , ranne seuen miles from him , because the diuell could not abide Patientiam Iuniperi . 18 Was it not Prodigium Obedientiae , as Sedulius iustly calles it , in Fryar Ruffin to go preach naked ? And were there not some degrees of spirituall pride in Gonzaga , who is praised because he had a paire of patched hose in Delicijs ? and that he refused to put on a paire of old bootes , because a worshipfull man had worne them ? and that when his handes did cleaue with colde , he would put on no gloues ? Was there not some measure of stupid insensiblenesse in him , when he durst not spit in any necessity at his praiers ; and that he knew not how many brothers he had ? And of desperate prouocation , when he heard of a plague likely to be in those parts , to make a vow to visit those which were infected ? And of murmuring , when he grudged and grieued , That he could find out no veniall sinne in himselfe ? And of Inhumanity , when he was sorry , if any body loued him ? And of a sear'd and shamelesse Stubornenesse , when he therefore desi●'d to speake in publicke , because hee had an vng●acious and ridiculous imperfection in pronouncing the letter R. And ask'd leaue , E suggestu dicere , ( which , I thinke , is to Preach ) in Spanish , because he was sure to be laugh'd at by that meanes , being imperfect in that language ? And doeth it not taste of an vnnaturall Indolencie in him , to say no more at the newes of his Fathers death , but that nowe nothing hindered him from saying , OVR FATHER WHICH ART IN HEAVEN ; As if it had troubled his conscience , to say so before ? 19 Who would not haue beene glad , that such a Preacher should giue ouer , as when Friar Giles a Lay man , call'd to him , Hold your peace Master , for now I will Preach , gaue him his place ? Who would wish S. Henrie the Dane any health , that had seene him , When wormes crawled out of a corrupted Vlcer in his Knee , put them in againe ? Or who would haue consented to the Christian buriall of that Monke , which Dorotheus speakes off , if he had died of that Poyson , which hee saw his Seruant mistake for Honie , and put it into his Brothe , and neuer reprehended him , before nor after he had eaten the Soppes : But when his Seruant apprehended it , and was much mooued the master pacified him with this , If God would haue had me eate Honie , either thou shouldest haue taken the Honie , or hee would haue changed the Poyson into Honie . Who would euer haue kept companie with the Iesuite Barcena , after he ha● told him , as ●e told another Iesuite , That when the diuell appeard to him one night , out of his profound humilitie , hee rose to meete him , and prayd him to sit in his Chaire , because he was more worthy to sit there then he ? Who would wish Father Peter aliue againe , since being dead , he is so afraid of disquieting his fellowes , that he will giue ouer doing of Miracles , for their ease ? Or who would not wish them all dead , who possessing and filling all good places in their life , will bee content to giue some roome after their death ; as Friar Raynold , who hauing beene three yeres dead , when another Holy man was brought to be buried in the same Vault , rose vp and went to the Wall , and stood vpright there , that the other might haue roome enough . 20 This is that Obedience by which they say , If a man were dignified so much as to talke with Angels , if his Superiour call'd him , he must come away ; Yea , one of them Being in discourse with our Lady , when an inferiour Friar call'd him , vnmannerly quitted her . And of this Obedience is Ignatius himselfe especially caref●ll , Least ( sayes he ) that famous simplicitie of blind Obedience should decay . But this Obedience , and all other , are subordinate to that naturall Obedience to your Prince , as Soueraigne controller of all : For in all Obligations the Authoritie of the Superiour is euer excepted . 21 And this Obedience must not be so blind , but that it may both looke vpward , what God , in his Lieuetenant appoints to bee done , and also round about to see , wherein they may relieue others , and receiue from them . They may be circumspect , though they must not be curious . For Abbayes , at first institution , were not all Chappels but Schooles of Sciences , and Shops of manufactures . Now they are come to that , that they cannot worke , Quia Officia longa . They haue indeede so many Offices , and so many Officers , that they neede not worke . But this strict obedience was impos'd vpon them then , because they were great confluences of men of diuers Nations , Dispositions , Breedings , Ages , and Employments , and they could be tied together in no kno● so strongly , nor meete in any one Center so concurrently , and vniformely , as in the Obedience to one Superiour ; And what this Obedience was , and how farre it extended : Aquinas , who vnderstood it well , hath well express'd , That they are bound to Obey only in those things which may belong to their Regular conuersation . And this vse and office , that obedience which is exhibited in our Colledges , fulfils and ●atisfies , without any of these vnnatural , childish , stupid , mimique , often scandalous , and sometimes rebell●ous singul●rities . 22 Any resolution which is but new borne in vs , must bee abandon'd and forsaken , when that obedience which is borne with vs , is requir'd at our hands . In expressing of which trueth , Saint Bernard goes so exceeding farre , as to say , That Christ gaue ouer his purpose of Preaching , at the increpation , Mulieris vnius , & fabri pauperis : And because his Mother chid him , when shee found him in the Temple , from twelue yeeres to thirtie , we find not , sayes hee , That hee taught or wrought any thing , though this abstinence were contrarie to his determination . So earnest is that deuoute father , to illustrate our Blessed Sauiours obedience , to a iurisdicton which was Naturally Superiour to him . And therefore this submission , by our owne Election , to another Superiour , cannot derogate from the Prince , nor infirme his Title to our Alleageance or obedience . 23 Another obedience derogatorie to Princes , they haue imagined , connaturall , and congenite with our Christianitie , as this is with our Humanitie , and conducing to our Wel-being , and ou● euerlastingnesse , as this doeth to our Being and temporall tranquilitie ; which is , An obedience to the Romane Church , and to him , who must bee esteem'd certainely the Head thereof , a though sometimes he be no member thereof . 24 Certainely the inestimable benefits which wee receiue from the Church , who feedes vs with the Word and Sacraments , deserues from vs an humble acknowledgement , and obedient confidence in her : yea , it is spirituall Treason , not to obey her . And as in temporall Monarchies , the light of nature instructs euery man generally , what is Treason , that is , what violates or wounds or impeaches the Maiestie of the State , and yet he submits himselfe willingly to the Declaration and Constitutions , by which somethings are made to his vnderstanding Treason , which by the generall light he apprehended not to be so dangerous before ; So in this case of spirituall Treason , which is Heresie , or Schisme , though originarily , and fundamentally , the Scriptures of God informe vs , what our subiection to the Church ought to be , yet we are also willing to submit our selues to the lawes and decrees of the Catholique Church her selfe , what obedience is due to her . He therefore that can produce out of eyther of these Authentique sorts of Records , Scripture , or Church , that is , Text or Glosse , any law , by which it is made either High Treason , Heresie , not to beleeue , that in my baptisme I haue implied a confession , That the Bishop of Rome is so monarch of the Church , that he may depose Princes ; or petit Treason , that is Schisme , to adhere to my naturall Soueraigne against a Bull of that Bishop , shall drawe me into his mercy , and I will aske Pardon , where none is graunted , at the Inquisition . 25 Else it is most reasonable ( and that is euer most religious ) to relie vpon this , That obedience to Princes is taught by Nature , and affirm'd and illustrated by Scriptures . If the question be , how much this obedience must be , I must say , all , till it be proued , either that Peaceable and religious being be not all the ends , for which we are placed in this world , or that the authority of Kings , exercised by the Kings of Israell and the Christian Emperours , is not enough to performe these endes . For , to say that a King cannot prouide for meanes of saluation of soules , because he cannot preach , nor administer the Sacraments , hath as much weakenesse , as to say , hee cannot prouide for the health of a City , because he cannot giue physicke . 26 Till then , I shal be deterr'd from declining to this second obedience , by the contemplation of many inconueniencies , and impieties resulting from thence ; first , by the vastnes of that Iurisdiction : For since they haue taught vs to say so , we may say , Dominus non esset discretus , vt cum reuerentia eius loquar , if he had laid the cure of the whole Church and the iudgement of all matters emergent , of fact and faith , vpon one man ; which he hath done , if Pesantius say true , That the Pope is , Iure Diuino , directly Lord of all the World : which booke is dedicated to the present Pope , who by allowing it may iustly be thought to fauour that opinion . 27 How much it is , that they would entitle him to , appeares by their expunction of a Sentence in Roselli a Catholique , though a Lawyer , That it is hereticall to say , that the vniuersall temporall administration is , or may be in the Pope : vpon which booke mine eye fals often , because you haue beene so lauish and prodigall in those expunctions , that a man might well make a good Catechisme , and an Orthodox Institution of Religion , out of those places , which you haue cast away . And by this one place we see what you would haue , For if the vniuersall administration of temporall matters be in the Pope , what neede is there of Kings ? You would soone forget kings , or remember them to their ruine ; and looke that kings should do to you , as condemned men are said to haue done to the kings of Persia , to thanke them that they were pleased to remember them . And Azorius will not pardon their modesty , that say , that the Pope in dealing with temporall matter● vses but a spirituall power ( though this in effect worke as dangerously ) but he vseth ( saies he ) Absolutely and simply a temporall Iurisdiction . 28 And what can impeach this Vniuersall Iurisdiction , since al matter and subiect of Iurisdiction , that is , all men , may by their Rules be vnder him , by another way , that is , by entring into Religion : for first , Tannerus the Iesuit saies , If Princes had their authority immediately from God , yet the Pope might restraine that authority of theirs , that it should fall onely vpon Lay-men : For , saies another , He may take from the Emperour , all his Iurisdiction , therefore any part thereof . And as many as will ( saies Bellarmine ) may without the consent of their Prince , yea though he resist it , thus deuest their Allegeance , as they might resist their parents if they should hynder them . 29 And in contemplation of this Vniuersall Iurisdiction , which might be , if it be not , in the Pope ; the Iesuite whom we first named , breakes out into this , congratulation : If at this instant all the Princes and all their subiects , would enter into Religion , and transferre all that they had into the Church , would it not bee a most acceptable spectacle to God , and Angels , and Men ? Or ( as he saies before ) if their estates were so transferr'd to the Church , though not their persons , could not Ecclesiastique Princes rule and gouerne all these lay men , as well as they doe some others already ? But because , as hee doubts in that place , Hoc in aeternum nunquam fiet , that all Laymen will come vnder them , they haue prouided that all Clergie men which be vnder them , shall be safe enough , as welll by way of Counsell ( for so Mariana modefies his Doctrine , that the Prince should not execute any Clergy man , though hee deserue it ) as by positiue way of Aphorismes , as Emanuel Sâ doth , That they are not subiects , nor can doe treason : and by way of Fact , and publique troubling the peace of al Christendome , as appeared by their late attempt vppon Venice for this Exemption . 30 And as the immensnesse of this power auerts me from beleeuing it to bee iust , so doeth this also decline me , that they will not bee brought to tell vs , How he hath it , nor How hee got it . For as yet they doe but stammer , and the Word stickes in their iawes , and wee know not whether , when it comes , it wil be Directly , or Indirectly . And they are as yet but surueying their Euidence ; they haue ioyn'd no issue ; nor know we whether they will pleade Diuine Law , that is , places of Scripture , or Sub diuine Law , which is interpretation of Fathers , or super diuine law , which is Decretals of Popes . But Kings insist confidently , and openly , and constantly vpon the law of Nature , and of nations , & of God , by all which they are appointed what to do , and enabled to do it , 31 Lastly , this infames and makes this Iurisdiction suspicious to me , to obserue what vse in their Doctrine and Practise they make of this power . For when they haue proceeded to the execution of this Temporall power , it hath beene either for their owne reall and direct profit and aduantage , as in their proceeding with the Easterne Emperours : And drawing the French Armies into Italy , and promouing and strengthning the change of the family and race of the Kings in France , or else the benefit hath come to them by whose aduancement that Church growes and encreases , as in the disposing of the Kingdome of Nauarre ; Or at least , the example and terrour thereof magnifies the dignitie , and reputation of that Church , and facilitates her other enterprises , for a good time after , as a Shippe that hath made good way before a strong winde , and vnder a full Sayle , will runne a great while of her selfe , after shee hath stricken saile . 32 VVhen any of these reasons inuite them , how small causes are sufficient to awake and call vp this temporall Authoritie ? The cause why Childerique was deposed , was not , sayes the Canon , for his Iniquities ; but because he was Inutilis . And this was not , sayes the Glosse , because hee was Insufficient , for then hee should haue an assistant , and coadiutor ; but because hee was Effeminate . So that the Pope may depose vpon lesse cause , then hee can giue an assistant . For to bee Insuficient for the Gouernement , is more directly against the office of a King , then to bee subiect to an infirmitie , which concernes his humanitie , not his office . 33 And when the officers and Commissioners of the Romane Court , come to Syndicate Kings , they haue already declar'd , what they will call Enormities and Excesses , by inuoluing almost all faults , whether by Committing or Omitting in generall words ; As , When he doeth not that for which he is instituted ; when he vseth his prerogatiue without iust cause , when he vexes his Subiects ; when he permits Priests to kisse his hands ; when he proceeds indiscreetly , and without iust reason ; And lastly , For any such hunting as they will call intemperate . To which purpose they cite against Kings generally those Canons which limit certaine men , and times , and maners : And which , as the Glosse sayes of some of them , are meant De venatione arenaria , When men out of vaine-glorie , or for gaine , fought in the Theaters with wild beasts . And least any small errour in a King might escape them , they make account that they haue enwrapp'd and pack'd vp all in this , That it is all one , whether a King bee a Tyrant , or a Foole , or Sacrilegious , or Excommunicate , or an Hereticke . 34 This obedience therfore which we neither find written in the tables of our Hearts , nor in the Scriptures , nor in any other such Record , as either our aduersary wil be tried by , or can bind vs , must not destroy nor shake that obedience which is Naturall and Certaine . Cyril hath made this sentence his owne , by saying it with such allowance , It is wisely said , That hee is an impious man , which sayes to the King , thou dost vniustly . Much more may wee say it of any , that affirmes a King to bee naturally impotent , to doe those things for which he is instituted ; as he is , if he cannot preserue his Subiects in Peace and Religion , which the Heathen kings could doe ; whose Subiects had a Religion , and Ministers thereof , who wrought vpon men to incline them to Morall goodnesse here , and to the expectation of future blessednesse after death , though not by so cleare nor so direct waies as Christian Religion doth . 35 The king therefore defends the Liberties of the Church , as the nature of his office , which he hath acknowledged , and Declar'd , and seal'd to his Subiects by an Oath , binds him to do , if he defend the Church of England from foraine vsurpation . And a most learned and equall man hath obserued well , That sides● And since a Iesuite hath affoorded vs this confession , That the Prince hath this Authoritie ouer Bishops , that hee may call them as Peeres of ●is Realme , And since their Clementines , or the Glosser , yeeldes to vs , That a Church Prelate may bee a Traytor , because hee holdes some temporalities : how can they escape from being ●ubiect in all other cases ; since their naturall and n●tiue obedience is of a stronger obligation , then the accepting or possessing of these Temporalities : for , if ●ure Diuino , the Character of Order , did obliterate and wash out the Character of ciuill Obedience , and subiection , the conferring of any temporall dignity or possession , could not restore it ; for vnder color of a benefit , it should endammage and diminish them , when a little Temporall honour or profit shall draw their spirituall estate and person to secular ●u●i●d●ction : ●or , as Azorius will proue to vs , the king may call a Bishoppe as a Baron to the Parliament , and as the Canonist will prooue to vs , he may call him to the Barre as a Traytor . 36 To recollect therefore now , and to determine & end this point , the title which the Prince hath to vs by Generation , and which the Church hath by Regeneration , is all one now . For we a●e not onely Subiects to a Prin●e , but Christian Subiects to a Christian Prince , and members as well of the Church as of the Common-wealth , in which the Church is . And as by being borne in his Dominions , and of parents in his alleageance , we haue by birth-right interest in his lawes and protection : So by the Couenant of Almighty God to the faithful and their Seede , by being born of Christian Parents , we haue title to the Sacraments ; which the king ( to whom , as all the kingdome is his house , so al the Clergy are chaplaines ) ta●es care , that they duly administer to vs which are his sonnes , and ●eruants . 37 Nor dooth the king and the Church direct vs to diuers ends , one to Tranquility , the other to Saluation , but both concurre in both : For wee cannot ordinarily be saued ( which seemes to be the function of the Clergy ) without the exercise of morall vertue here in this life , nor can Christians do those morall vertues ( which seeme to bee the Princes businesse ) without faith , and keeping the right way to saluation , because a Christian must doe them Christianly . 38 For though Theologall vertues , Faith , Hope , and Charity , are infus'd from God , yet all religious worshippe of God is morall vertue . As therefore the office of all Heathen Princes , was to conserue their subiects in the practise of morall vertue , so farre as it was reuealed to their vnderstanding ; So is it now the office of Christian Princes to doe the same . For God hath now so farre enlightned vs to the vnderstanding of morall vertue , that we see thereby , that after God hath infused Faith , wee make sure our saluation , by a morall obedience to the kings Gouernement , and to their Ministery whō his prouidence appoints ouer vs for our instruction . So that Christiā subiects need no higher power then kings are naturally indued and qualified withall , to direct them to Saluation ; but● because morall vertue is now extended , not in it selfe , but ●o our vnderstanding● or pe●chance perfited ( for the Fathers denie often , that the Philosophers had any true morall vertues ) Christian kings must now prouide lawes , which may reach as far in their d●rection , as morall vertue reaches now ; and Ministers , that may teach vs how farr that is , and to conserue vs in the obseruation therof : For as , when all things are in such sort wel composed and establ●shed , and euery subordinate Wheele set in good order , we are guilty of our owne damnation , if wee obey not the Minister , and the Minister is guilty of it , if hee neglect to instruct vs , so is the Prince guilty of our spirituall ruine , and eternall perishing , if hee doe not both prouide able men to giue vs spirituall foode , and punish both their negligence and our transgressions : So that hee is to account to GOD for our soules , and therefo●e must haue naturall meanes to discharge that duety well , or else could not be subiect to such a reckoning for his transgressions therein . 39 The last Obedience which I intimated , as preiudiciall to this of kings , is that which the Iesuites vowe to the Pope ; which is not the same blind Obedience , which I spoke of before for the Iesuits sweare that also to their Superiours , before they come to the perfection of this : But , as that is blinde out of darkenesse , so this is blinde out of dazeling . For they must be instruments in matters of State , and disposing kingdomes . 40 When some Priests in England were examined , what they would thinke of the Oath of Alleageance , if the pope should pronounce that it were to be held De fide , that hee might depose Princes , they desired to be spared , because they could not pronounce De futuris Contingentibus . But these votaries , the Iesuites are not so scrupulous ; They can resolue to execute whatsoeuer he shall commaund : perchance they thinke the Pope so much God , ( for Iesuites must exceede in euerything ) that in him , as in GOD , there can bee no Contingency . And therefore vowing their trauell and labour , to the corrupting and aliening of subiects , to the combustion or translation of Kingdomes , to the auiling and eradication of Princes , they do not vow De futuris Contingentibus , but of things euer constantly resolued in the Decree , and Counsell , and purpose of the Bishop of Rome . 41 Though therefore Mat. Tortus : be no Iesuite himselfe , yet in respect of his Master , who was one , I wonder he durst say , That the Iesuites made no other vow of obedience to the Pope , then other religious Orders did ; which is such an excuse in their behalf , as no accusation could offend them so much ; since their ambition is to serue the Pope by a neerer Obligation then the rest : which appeares euidently enough , in the Bul of Paul the third , where this fourth vow is repeated . 42 And is it not a stange precipitation to vow their helpe to all his errours ? of which they confesse he may commit many in matter of Fact , by mis-information . So that they sweare to execute that , which they are not bound to beleeue to be well commaunded : yea they are not bound to beleeue , that he which commaunds them , is that person whose commaundements by their vow they a●e bound to doe , and yet they must do them . For though they bee bound to obey the Pope , Yet they are bound to beleeue that Paul the fift is Pope : because those Elections haue many vitiating circum●tances , which annuls them . For if they could be certaine , that the Election were free from all other corruptions , yet that Decretall in the Septimes , of Simoniacall Election , must of necessitie keepe all indifferent men in continuall anxietie and perplexitie . For , if any thing by any Cardinall , were giuen , or promis'd before , though the Election be by way of Assumtion and Adoration , when all concurre in it , which they call , Viam spiritus Sancti , and therefore not subiect to errour , Yet there is a Nullitie in this Election , and the holy Ghosts confirmation workes nothing vpon it , And the Person elected , hath neither spirituall nor temporall Iurisdiction , but looses all the dignities which he had before , and becomes incapable euer after ; And no subsequent Act● of Inthroning , Oathes of Obedience by the Cardinalls , nor possession , though of long time , can make it good : And euen those Cardinals , which were parties to the Simony , may at any time after , depart frō his obedience , & all the rest of the Cardinals , which do not , forfeit their dignities . 43 It is scarce possible to bee hoped , that in Elections there should be no degrees of that corruption , which this Decree labors to preclude , & which , it takes knowledg , to be so clandestine , and secretly caried , that comming to the point of annulling all those promises which were so made● your Law expresses it thus , Cum quauis Inexcogitabili solennitate & formà iurata . And if euer it should breake forth , that any such thing were committed at Paul the fift his Election , then hee was neuer Pope : Which , though perc●ance it will not make voide all his Acts , for some ciuill and conuenient reasons , doth yet show the iniustice , and indiscretion of such a vowe , as binds the Votarie to doe some acts , which were not lawfull for him to doe , except an assured Authoritie of the commander did warrant it . 44 And if that measure which Aquinas gaue before of Blind obedience , must also serue in this , which is ; That they must obey in all things , which belong to their Regular conuersations , that is , In all things to which their Rule , and Vowe obliges them , then as no Sea can wall any kingdome against their entrance : So no watchfulnesse can arme any brest against their violence , since the increasing of that Monarchie which they must aduance , growes from the decay of others . 45 But I forbeare Exasperation ; and will here ende this Chapter ; by which , I hope , it appeares , that no latter band of Obedience , can slacken this first , which was borne with vs. For , though amongst Lawyers , To commit my selfe or my cause , a Liberae voluntati hominis , or to bee vsed by him , b. Prout voluerit , amount ve●y farre , and create a large power in him , yet th●y conclude , That , c In nullo arbitrio , How large so euer , any thing is included which was formerly prohibited . And of these three Obediences which we haue handled , though all the three essentiall proper●ies o● all Oathes and Vowes be wanting in them all , yet the blinde obedience to your spirituall Superiour , doth especially want discretion , and the implicite Obedience , imagin'd to bee vowed to the Church in Baptisme , doeth lacke Trueth , and that seditious and seruile Obedience vowed by the Iesuites to your Popes wil , doeth want Iustice. CHAP. VII . That if the meere execution of the function of Priests in this Kingdome , and of giuing to the Catholickes in this Land , spirituall sustentation , did assure their consciences , that to die for that , were Martyrdome ; yet the refusall of the Oath of Alleageance doeth corrupt and vitiate the integritie of the whole Act , and dispoyle them of their former Interest and Title to Martyrdome . WE speake of Martyrdome now , in the proper and restrain'd sense and acceptation , that is , of Consummate Martyrdome , and so , as Aquinas takes it , when he sayes , Mors est de ratione Martyrij . I know the Primitiue Church denied it not to them , whom the lat●er Church hath call'd Confessors ; So a Ignatius writes himselfe Martyr ; and so doeth b Saint Paul say , that hee dies daily . And sometimes , when the Church enioyed her ease , and was pamper'd with securitie and rest , to excite men to a publicke confession of their Faith , if there arose any case wherein it was needfull , the Ministers of that Church , which was euer apter and forwarde● to suffer Martyrdome , when any long persecution had accustom'd her to the expectation and patience and glorie thereof , then in the times of dull abundance and tranquilitie , would affoord the Title of Martyrs , to any persons who suffred any persecution for the testimonie of Christ , though they died not : As the Church celebrates the Martyrdome of Pope Marcellus , vvho died in Prison . So also sometimes their indulgence alovved that Name , for some abstinencies and forbearings , if they conduced to the depressing of Idolatrie . For so Saint Chrisostome sayes , If thou refuse to be cured by Magique , and die of that sickenes , thou art a Martyr 2 Deuotion is apt to ouerualew other mens actions ; And Bellarmine confesses out of Sulpitius , That the people did long time deuoutely celebrate one for a Martyr , who after appear'd , and told them that he was damn'd . So also were those men inclin'd , whom Alexander the third reprehendes , For giuing the honour of a Martyr to one that died drunke . So doeth another Iesuite prooue Hyrcanus to bee an Hereticke , whom Albertus Magnus hath put into his Litany , and so drawne into continuall Inuocation euer since . And when Gregory the thirteenth made Commissioners to suruay the Martyrologe , they found the Histories of Pope Felix the second , so various and repugnant , that they were determined to expunge his name , but that opportunely there was a Marble Coffin found , with such an Inscription as alterd them , and relieued the Popes fame . And one principall inducement to the Pope , to come to these solemne Canonizations , is , because before the people did often mistake . 3 And this medicine , as it was very late applied ( for Bellarmine cannot finde , that the Popes canonizd any in eight hundred yeares after Christ : ) So neither hath it , nor can it naturally extinguish the disease . The most that it can worke , is an Assurance , that they which are publiquely canonized are true Saints : for Bellarmine saies , That it is the opinion of Heretiques , that the Pope can erre in such Canonizations : and yet , to proue it , he argues but thus : If we beleeue that there was such a man as Caesar , why should we not beleeue that which God testifies by miracles ? But how shall wee beleeue that these miracles are from God , or that he doth them in testimony of that mans sanctity ? For that miracles are done , is not enough to constitute a Saint , for wicked men may doe them , say your Authors : And in this case they can proceede no farther , then to an Historicall beleefe , that Miracles are done . And I had thought that Bellarmine had required a better faith at our h●nds , then Historicall , and such as assures vs , that Caesar was , to ground Inuocation of Saints , and to constitute an Heresie . 4 And though not in Bellarmine , yet in the Pope himselfe , there appeare some scruples of diffidence , and frailty , and fallibility in this acte of Canonizing , because , after all his seuerall Inquisitions and searches which depend vpon matter of Fact , and after his diuers iteration of prayers , That hee may not erre , and That hee may not be permitted to erre , hee makes at last a publique protestation , That he intends not by that act , to do any thing against Faith. 5 But if this can be certaine , That those , and none but those , which are so Canonized , may be publiquely Honoured as Saints , yet that disease , of which we spoke before , is not cured hereby . For it is still lawfull priuately to worshippe any , of whose sanctity I haue an opinion . Nor is this priuate worship , so priuate in Bellarmines account , that it may not bee exhibited before others ; but onely so priuate as it may not be done , In the name of the Church , and as though it were instituted by the Church . So that whole Multitudes , and Congregations may erre still : and this , by the authority of the Canon it selfe . For thus Bellarmine reasons , with more detortion and weakenesse then becomes the cause or his grauity : In the two Canons , saies he , Audiuimus , and Cum ex eo , the Pope forbiddes publique worshippe ; and therefore , a Contrario , permits priuate . If then , that worshippe which in those two Canons he forbiddes to be publiquely exhibited , may priuately be giuen , and this priuatenesse exclude not whole Congregations , then whole Congregations may lawfully worshippe as a Saint , a man slaine in drunkennesse , which is the case of the first Canon , and lawfully worshippe venall and vncertaine Reliques , which is in the second Canon ; since the forbidding of this in publique , hath permitted it in this large and open priuate , by Bellarmines●ashion ●ashion of arguing ; who saies also ●or this , That the Doctors doe commonly affirme it . 6 And whatsoeuer is said heere of Saints , holdes as well in Martyres , for with the same faith , that I beleeue a man to be a martyre , I beleeue him to be a Saint : And so , it seemes , doth that Catholique Priest , who hath lately published a History of English Martyres : For that which in the Title he calls Martyrologe , in his Aduertisement he calles Sanctiloge . And therefore it becomes both our Religion and Discretion , to consider thoroughly the circumstances of their History , whom we admit to the honour of Martyrdome . 7 All Titles to martyrdome seeme to me to be grounded vpon one of these three pretences , and claymes . The first is , to seale with our bloode the profession of some morall Truth , which though it be not directly of the body of the Christian faith , nor expressed in the Articles thereof , yet it is some of those workes , which a Christian man is bound to doe . The second is , to haue maintained with losse of life , the Integrity of the Christian faith , and not to suffer any part thereof to perish or corrupt . The third is , to endeuour by the same meanes to preserue the liberties and immunities of the Church . 8 By the first way they entitle S. Iohn Baptist because he died for reprehending a fault against a morall Truth : and that truth being resisted , the Authour of truth is despised : And therefore all truth is not matter conuenient for the exercise of this vertue , as the conclusions of Artes and Sciences , though perfectly and demonstratiuely true , are not ; but it must be such a truth , as is conuersant about Christian piety , and by which God may be glorified : which cannot be , except he might be iniured by the denying thereof . So , the Euangelist when our Sauiour spake of S. Peters Martyrdome saies , He signified by what death hee should glorifie God : For all Martyredome workes to that end . And this first occasion of martyrdome seldome fals out in Christian Countries , because in Christ , the great Mirrour of all these truthes , we see them distinctly and euidently . But sometimes with Heathen Princes , before they arriue to this rich and pregnant knowledge , men which labour their conuersion , begin , or touch by the way , some of these Morall dueties ; and if they grow odious , and suffer for that , they are perfect Martyrs , dying for a morall Trueth , and in the way to Christ. 9 By the second claime , which is the Integritie of Catholicke Religion , the professors of any Christian Church , will make a specious , and apparant Title , if they suffer persecution in any other Christian Church . For the Church of Rome will call the whole totall body and bulke of the points of their profession , Integritie of Religion , and the Reformed Churches call , soundnesse , puritie , and incorruptnesse , integritie . The Roman thinkes Integritie hurt by nothing but Maimes , and we , by Diseases . And one will prooue by his death , that too little is professed , and the other , that too much . But this aduantage we haue , that by confession of our aduersaries , all that wee affirme , is True , and Necessarie : and vpon good ground we assure our selues , that nothing else is so , and we thinke that , a propensenesse to die , for profession of those points , which are not necessarie , will not constitute a Martyrdome , in such a person especially as is of necessarie vse . 10 Amongst other things which our Blessed Sauiour warnes his followers , this is one , That none of them suffer as a busie body in other mens matters , but if he suffer as a Christian , let him not be ashamed , but glorifie God. And in another place , hee cals them blessed : If others say all maner of euill of them , falsely , and for his sake . So that the prohibition forbids vs , to suffer for those things which doe not certainely appertaine to vs ; And the instruction ties the reward to these conditions , That the imputations be false , That they be imputed for Christs sake , that is , to dishonour him , and that we suffer because we are Christians . 11 Since therefore some of you , at your Executions , and in other conferences , haue added this to your comfo●t , and glory of Martyrdome , That because the Kings mercie hath beene offred you , if you would take the Oath , therefore you died for refusing the same , ( Though your Assertion cannot lay that vpon the State , who hath two discharges ; One , that you were condemn'd for other Treasons , before that off●r ; The other , that the Oath hath no such Capitall clause in it ) yet since , as I said , you take it vpon your Consciences to bee so ; Let vs Examine , whether your refusall of the Oath , bee a iust cause to Die , vpon this point of Integritie of Faith , by that measure which our Sauiour gaue in his Prohibition , and in his Instruction . 12 Is it then any of your matters , or doeth it belong to you , by your Doctrine , and by your Example , in refusing the Oath , to determine against Princes Titles , or Subiects Alleageance ? If this be any of your matters , then you are not sent onely to doe Priestly functions ; And if it be not , then you suffer as busie bodies in other mens matters , if you suffer for the Oath . 13 And then , what is imputed to you , which is false ( which is another condition required by Christ ) if you be called traytors then , when after apparant transgressing of such lawes as make you Traytors , you confirme to vs a perseuerance in that Trayterous disposition , by refusing to sweare Temporall Alleageance ? Wherein are you lesse subiect to that name , then those Priestes which were in Actuall plots , since mentall Treason denominates a man as well as mentall heresie ? You neither can nor will condemne any thing in them , but that they did their treason , before any Resolution of the Church : and haue you any resolution of the Church , for this , That the King may be deposed , when he is excommunicated ? If you haue , you are in a better forwardnesse then they , and you may vndertake any thing , as soone as you will , that is , as soone as you can . For you haue as good opinions already , and as strong authorities , That a King of another Religion then Romane , is in the state of an excommunicate person , before Sentence , as you haue for this , That an Excommunicate King may be deposed ; And would you thinke it a iust cause of Martyrdome , to auerre , that the King is already vnder excommunication ? 14 And ( to proceede farther in Christs Instruction ) are these things said of you for Christs sake ? Are you ( if you be called Traytors for refusing the Oath ) reproued for anie part of his Commandements ? If it were for exercising your Priestlie functions , you might haue some colour , since all your Catholique Religion , must bee the onely Christian Religion . But can that state which labours watchfullie and zealouslie for the promouing of Christs glorie in all other things , bee saide to oppose Christ , or persecute him in his Members , for imputing trayterous inclinations to them , who abhorre to confirme their Alleageance by a iust Oath ? 15 Lastly , can you say , you suffer as Christians , that is ( as Christ there intended ) for Christian faith , which is principally the matter of Martyrdome ? Aquinas cites this , out of Maximus , The Catholique faith is the mother of martyrdome . And he explicates it thus , That though martyrdome be an act of fortitude , and not of faith , yet as a ciuill man will be valiant to defend Iustice , as the Obiect of his valour , so doth a Martyr , faith . If then to refuse this Oath , be an obiect for a Martyrs fortitude , it must be because it opposes some point of faith , and faith is that , which hath beene beleeued euer , and euery where ; And how can that be so matter of faith , which is vnder disputation , and perplexitie with them , and the contrarie whereof we make account , that we see by the light of Nature and Scriptures , and all meanes conducing to a diuine and morall certitude ? 16 Leo the first , in an Epistle to the Emperour , by telling what hath beene , informes ●ummarilie and soundly , what should be a iust cause of Martyrdome . None of the Martyrs , saies he , had any other cause of their suffering , but the confession of the true Diuinitie , and true humanitie in Christ. And this was then the Integritie of faith , in both acceptations ; All , and sound . Which is neither impaired in the extent , nor co●rupted in the puritie , by any thing proposed in the Oath . 17 But as Chrysostome expounding that place of Ieremie , Domus Dei facta est spelunca Hyaenae , applies it to the Priests of the Iewes , as hardest of all , to be conuerted , so may we apply it to the Priests of the Romanes , who abhor the Oath , and deter their Schollers . For , the Hyena , saies Chrysostome , hath but one backe bone , and cannot turne except it turne all at once . So haue these men , one back bone , the Church ; ( for so saies Bellarmine , if we were a greed of that , we should soone be at an end : ) and this Church is the Pope ; And they cannot turne , but all at once , when he turnes ; and this is the Integritie of the faith they talke of . And , as that Father , addes of the Hyena , Delectantur cadaueribus ; they are delighted with impious prouocations to the effusion of bloud , by suggesting a false and imaginarie martyrdome . 18 The third and last iust ground of martyrdome , of those which we mentioned , is Ecclesiastique Immunitie , which is of two sorts ; one inhaerent , and Natiue , and connaturall to the Church , and the other , Accessory , and such , as for t●e furtherance and aduancement of the worship of God , Christian Princes , in performing a religious dutie , haue afforded and established . Of the first sort are , preaching the word , administring the Sacraments , and applying the Medicinall censures . And if any , to whose charge God hath committed these , by an ordinarie calling , loose his life in the execution thereof , with Relation to the cause , we may iustly esteeme him a martyr . And so in the second kinde , if onely for a pious and dutifull admonition to the Prince , to continue those Liberties to the Church , without which she cannot wel doe her offices , hee should incurre a deadly displeasu●e , he were also a Martyr . 19 And if the Romane Priests could transferre vpon themselues this title to Martyrdome , due to defenders of either of these Immunities , yet by refusall of this Oath , which is an implied affirming of some doct●ine contrarie to it , they forfait that interest by ob●ruding , as matter of Ch●istian faith , that which is not so : For Baronius himselfe ( as once before wee had occasion to say ) distinguishes the defence of the liberties of the Church , from the Catholique faith ; and yet he and many others , makes the defence of these immunities the obiect of Martyrdome : so various and vncertaine is the doctrine of defending those priuiledges , whose ground and foundation they cannot agree vpon . 20 And as all right to the crowne of Martyredome , growing from any of these three titles , perishes by their refusal , for the reasons before expressed : so doth it also vpon this ground , that hee which refuses to defend his life by a lawfull acte , and entertaines not those ouertures of escape , which God presents him , destroies himselfe , especially if his life might be of vse and aduantage to others . For when the Prison was opened to Paul and Silas , the learned Expositors excuse his stay there , by no other way , then that it appeares , that he had a reuelation of Gods purpose , that he should conuert the Keeper ; for otherwise not to haue hastened his escape , had beene to abuse Gods mercie by not vsing it . 21 Those lawes from which these conclusions are deduced , that if a man receiue a Corporall iniurie , and remit the offence , yet the state may pursue it against the trespasser , because no man is Lord of himselfe : and that a couenant from a man , that if you finde him in your ground you may beate him , is voide vpon the same reason , Intimate thus much to this purpose , That no man by lawe of nature may deliuer himselfe into a danger which he might auoide . 22 How many actes of good and meritorious nature , if they had all due circumstances , haue beene vitiated by Indiscretion , and changed from nourishment to poison ? of which Cassianus hath am●ss'd many vsefull examples , and made all his second collation of them . Of which I will remember one h●pning about his own time . Herō which had liued fiftie yeares austerely in a Desart , trusting indiscreetely an illusion of an euill spirit , threw himselfe downe into a Well ; and when he was taken out , and in such torment with those bruses , as killed him within three daies , yet he beleeued that he had done well , though the rest beleeued him to be as Cassianus saies , Biothanatum , a sel●e-murderer . 23 How deeply , and how irremediably doth this indiscretion possesse many others , whom themselues only , and a few illuders of their weaknesses , esteeme to be Martyres , for prouoking the execution of iust lawes against them ? For what greater Indiscretion can there be , or what more treacherous betraying of hims●lfe , then to die in despite of such a Princes mercie , as at once directs him to vnderstand his duety to himselfe , and to his Prince : and shewes him , that his owne preseruation is a naturall duety ; and that hee may not neglect it in any cause , but where it appeares euidently , Catholiquely , and indisputably ( amongst them to whose instruct●on he ought to submitte himselfe ) that God may bee glorified in it ; And that his obedience to the King was borne in him , and therfore was once , without all question , due , & could not be taken away , without his consent , who is damnified by the losse of a Subiect ; at least by such a li●igious Authoritie , as is yet in Disputation , What it is , whence it comes , and how it resides in him , and how it is executed . 24 For as a man may be felo de se , by destroying himselfe by our Law ; And fur de se , by departing , and stealing himselfe away , from him to whō his seruice is due , by Imperial law : so he may be proditor de se , by the law of Nature , if hee descend from the Dignitie of humanitie , & submit himselfe to an vsurpation , which he ought to resist , which is ; All violence and danger which hee might auoide . 25 And since , if the King would pardon him , vpon doing of any act , which depended vpon his owne will , he were guiltie of his death , if hee refused it , he is so also in this case , since he can propose to himselfe no such restraint as binds his wil ; For scruples , and things in Opinion and Disputation , do not binde in this c●se ; Of which we shall haue proper occasion to speake in the next Chapter . 26 Let vs then proceede further , to that which giues the forme , and measure , and merit , euen to Martyrdome it-selfe , which is Charitie . And this is not meant onely of Charitie , as it is a Theologall vertue , and vnites vs in an earnest loue to God , which is , Charitas patriae , but also as from that fountaine is deriued vpon all his creatures , which is Charitas viae : For so Saint Iohn sayes , of this charitable act of which wee speake , Greater loue then this no man hath , when hee bestoweth his life for his friend : Which also appeares out of that History recorded of Nicephorus : a who being brought to the place where he was to receiue the Crowne of Martyrdome , and seeing Sapri●ius , betweene whome and him , there had before some bitternesses and enmitie broke foorth , fall downe before him , and begge a Pardon and reconcilement , was so much elated with this glory of Martyrdom , that vncharitably he disdain'd to admit any reconciliation . In punishment of which vncharitablenesse , he lost his whole hope and victorie : For the spirit of God forsooke him , and he Apostated from his Faith : So that Charitie is iustly esteem'd the forme of Martyrdome . 27 And is there any Charitie in this Doctrine , or in this act of Refusall ? Is there any to your self ? ( For , at least in spiritualibus , Charitie begins at home ) when at once you diuorce that body which your Parents prepar'd , from that Soule which God infused and married to it : and so lea●e , not onely to be men , and to be Subiects , but to be Priests , and benefactors to that cause , which you hinder by this pretence of louing it . How much opportunitie of Merit , euen in aduancing the Catholique cause , which to you is so certaine , doe you loose , by exposing your selfe to certaine ruine , vpon vncertaine foundations ? Is there any charitie to the Church , or partie , or faction , which you haue in this Kingdom ? towards whom the King brought with him so much tendernesse , that hee cast in a dead sleepe all bloudy lawes , and in a slumber all pecuniarie lawes which might offend , & aggrieue them . Is it charitably done towards them , that by your vnnecessarie act , their peace be interrupted , his Maiesties sweetnesse distasted , his softnesse indured , and those faire impressions which hee had admitted , That ciuill obed●ence might consist with your Religion , defaced and obliterated ? And that to all these should succeede , iealousies in him , imputations vpon them , and dutifull solicitations from his Parliament , & Co●nsaile , and Subiects of all rankes , to awaken his lawes against these suspitious men ? 28 Was it charitably done of that Priest , who apprehending a generall inclination of taking the Oath , aduanced it so farre , as to make a Declaration that it was lawfull , and neuer re●ract●ng that opinion , yet would die in the ●efusall the●eof , because it seemed not expedient to him , to take it then ; and so to cast snares and tortures vpon thei● consciences , who were before in possessiō of a peaceable , & ( by his own testimony ) a iust ●esolu●ion ? 29 When S. Paul vses that phrase , he expounds the word Expedient , by Profitable and by Edifying : And hath the example of his death profited and edified that Church as much , as the perplexities certainely growne in Catholique consciences thereby , and those exasperations , and bitternesses occasioned , by all probabilitie in the state , by that peruerse and peeuish behauiour , may shake and tempest it ? 30 I doe not thinke that they would haue denied him to haue beene a Martyr , if he had beene executed vpon the Statute against Priests , though he had before taken the oath . If therefore the taking of the oath cannot vitiate and annull martyrdome , the ●efusing it cannot const●tute martyrdome . 31 And if you will make the difference on●ly by reason of the Popes Breue , which perchance came betweene his first resolution , and his last , then you reduce your Martyrdome to a more slipperie and more dangerous ●istresse then before : For as before you quitted all your benefite and interest to martyrdome , for hauing exercised Priestly functions , and procla●med and solaced your selfe wi●h this , that you dyed for refusing the oath ; so now you wa●ne ●hat , and sticke to a worse title , which is , obedience to an ●ncertaine and suspicious Breue ; For , for your first ti●le , which is preaching of the Catholique faith , you haue the intire and vnamine consent and concurrence of the whole Christian Church ; which alwaies confesses , that the profession of the Catholique faith , is , a true and iust cause of Martyrdome ; though she doe not confesse , that that which you teach , is that Cathol●que Faith , but for that Title you had also the consonance and agreement of all the Romane Church . And for your second claim , which is , the defence of the Popes temporall Iurisdiction , by refusing this oath , you had some voices of great authority in that Church , to encourage you , though farr too weak , either to blot out a naturall truth , or to make an indifferent , or perplex'd point so necessary to you , as to dy for it . But for this third title to martyrdome , which arises frō obedience to the Breues , which are matters of fact , & subiect to a thousand infi●mities & nullities , who euer iustly grounded a necessity of dying , vpon thē , or added the comfort of martyrdome to such a precipitatiō ? 32 Thus dooth Aquinas argue against a farre better Title to martyrdome , then this is : Though virginity be more pretious then life , yet if a virgine shold be condemned to be deflowred , Occasione fidei Christianae , because she was a Christian , though all those conditions , which we noted in our Sauiors prohibition , and instruction , concurred in her case , That she were no busie body in prouoking , That she were persecuted , and that vniustly , And with relation and despite to Ch●ist , and so she suffered a● a Christian , yet , saies he , this were no Martyrdome . Yet he assignes not the reason to be , because she died not , but because Martyrdome is a testimony , by which it is made euident to all , that the Martyres loue Christian faith aboue all things , and it cannot appeare by this act of hers , whether she suffer this for the loue of Christian faith , or for contempt of chastitie . But in this acte of dying for obedience to the Breues , there is by many degrees lesse manifestation , that they die for Christian Faith , which is not in question ; and there appeare euident impressions of humane respects , which would vitiate a better title to martyrdome , and of such vnnatural dereliction of themselues , as I doe not see how they could escape being selfe-murderers , but that their other ●reasons , and condemnations for them , make their executions iust . 33 And besides that , Bellarmine makes this hard shift , and earnest propensenesse to die , no good signe of a good cause , or of a true martyrdome ( for thus he makes his gradations , That the Anabaptists are forwardest , and the Caluinists next , and the Lutherans very slacke : So that he makes the vehemency of the p●ofessors , in this kind , some testimony of the ilnesse of the Religion ) we may also obserue , that all circumstances ( except the maine point , with which we intercharge one another , which is Here●ie ) by which they labour to deface and infirme the zeale of our side in this point● and to take from them , all comfort of martyrdome , doe appeare in them directly or implicitely , in this denying of ciuill obedience . 34 And because we may boldly trust his malice in gathering them , that he will omit none we will take them as they are obiected against vs in Feuardentius the Minorite : A man of such dexterity and happines in conuer●ing to the Romane Faith , that all Turquy and the Indies would not bee matter enough for him to worke vpon one yeare , if he should proceed with them in the same pace , as he doth with the Minister of Geneua : For meeting him once vpon a time by chaunce , and falling into talke with him , in the person of a Catholique Doctor , he dispatches a Dialogue of some eight hundred great leaues , and reduces the poore Minister , who scarce euer stands him two blows , from one thousand foure hundred Heresies : And as though he had but drawne a Curtaine , or opened a boxe , and shewed him catholique Religion , he leaues him as ●ound , as the Councell of Trent . 35 First therefore in this matter of Martyrdome , he takes a promise of the Minister , That he will be dilig●nt hereafter , from being amazed at the outward behauiour of men which suffer death . By which d●rection & good counsell , the confident fashion and manner of any Iesuite at his execution , shall make no such impression in vs , as to produce argu●ments of his innocency . After this , he saies , that our men are not martyres , Because they haue departed from the C●urch , in which they were baptized , and haue not kept their promise made in Baptisme● , but are therefore Apostats and Antichrists . Another reason he assignes against them , because they haue beene put to death for conspiracies , rebellions , tumults , and ciuill Warres against lawfull Princes , and that therefore they haue beene proceeded against in Ordinary forme of Iustice , as Traytors . And againe , hee saies , They haue beene iustly executed for making , and diuulging libells against Princes . And for Acts against a Canon of the Eliberitane Councell , of which I spoke before . And lastly , this despoiles vs of the benefite of Martyrdome in his account , Because we offer our selues to dangers , and punish●ents , seeking for honour out of misery , and blowen vp with ambition and greedinesse of vaine glorie . Thus farre Feuardentius charges vs. 36 And is it not your case also , to for●ait your Martyrdome vpon the same circumstances ? Are not many of youd parted ●ro● your promise in baptisme to our Chu●ch ? or did those which vndertooke for you , euer intend this forsaking ? and this act of depar●ing is by Feuardentius , made an Essentiall circumstance , abstract , and independen● and incohaerent with that of the Catholique Church , for that is another alone by it selfe . 37 And haue not you beene proceeded with , in Ordinarie course of Iustice , as Traytors , for Rebellions , and Conspiracies , and Tumults ? And after so many protestations so religiously deliue●ed , so vehemently i●erated , so prodigally sealed with bloud , and engaging your Martyrdome vpon that iss●e , that you neuer intermedled with matters of state , nor had any other scope or marke of all your desires and ende●ours , but the replan●ation of Catholique Religion , hath not the Recorder and mouth of all the English Iesuites , confessed● ( vpon a mistaking , that the euennesse of his Maiesties disposition might be shaked by this insinuation , ) a That in the Sentence of Excommunication against Queene Elizabeth , the Popes relating to a statute in England , respected the Actuall right of his Maiesties mother , and of him , and proceeded for the remouall of that Queene , whom they held an vsurper , in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her , not only by spirituall , but temporall armes , also , as against a publique Malefactor , and ●ntruder . And hauing thus like an indiscreete Aduocate , preuaricated for the Pope , doth hee not as much betray all his owne complices , when he addes , This doth greatly iustifie the endeuours and desires of all good Catholique people , both at home , and abroad , against her , their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue beene , the deliuerance and preferment of the true heire , most wrongfully kept out , and vniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake . Did you intend nothing else , but Catholique Religion , and yet was the desire , and endeuour of all good Catholiq●es at home , and abroade , to remoue her , and plant ano●her , and that by vertue of a statute in England ? Did the Popes in their Bulls , intimate any illegitimation , or vsurpation , or touch vpon any such statute ? Or d●d they goe about to aduance the right Heire in the Spanish ●nuasion ? or was the way of the right Heire Catholiquely prepared by Dolemans booke ? 38 Or was the Author thereof no good Catholicke ? For these Conspiracies , and for the same Authors monethly Libels , which cast foule aspersions vpon the whole cause in defence wherof they are vndertaken , and published , are your pre●ences to Martyrdome vniust and inualid , if your Feuardentius giues vs good rules . So are they also because you seeke it against the Eliberitane Councell ; That is , By wayes not found in Scriptures , nor practised by the Apostles : And last of all , b●cause you see●e it with such intemperate hunger , and vaine-glorie , Cultum ex Miseria quaerentes ( as your Friar accuses our Churches ) and hunting and pursuing your owne death ; First , ouer the tops of mountaines , the Popes Spirituall power , then through thicke and entangling woods , without wayes in or out , that is his Temporall power , and then through darke caues and dens of his Chamber Epistles , his Breues , ready , rather then not die , to de●end his personall defects , and humane infirmities . And all these circumstances● are virtually and radically enwrapt in this one refusall of the Oath , which therefore alone doeth defeate all your pretence● to Martyrdome . 39 And though it may perchance truely bee said by you , that all those persons which the Reformed Churches haue Enregistred in their Martyrologies , are not certainely and truely Martyrs , by those Rules to which we binde the signification of the word in this Chapter , and in which you account , all which die by way of Iustice , for aduancing the Romane Doctrine or Dignitie , by what seditious way so euer , to be true Martyrs , yet none of them hath euer transgressed so fa●re , as your Example would warrant them . For , not to speake of Baronius his Martyrologe , where verie many are enrolled , which liued their Naturall time , and without any externall persecu●ion for their faith , and where verie many of the olde Testament are recorded , besides those which a●e canonized in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , and manie which are mentioned in that Epistle are left out by him , not onely Enoch , Noe , and s●ch other as suffered not death in their bod●es , as Martyrs , but euen Abel whom he might haue beene bolde to call a Martyr● to omit him , I say , why doth our Countryman amongst you , which hath lately cōpiled an English Martyrologe , present a Calender● in which of almost 500 whom he names , scarse 6● are Martyrs ; and of the rest , some were not of our Nation , as Constantine the Emperour , whose fe●stiuall hee appoints ●1 of May ; And some neuer saw this Country , as Pope Gregory , whom hee celebrates 25 December . And of those which did suffer death the credit and estimation of as many as died , within 200 yeares of Gregory the I. is much impaired by one to whom I thinke , hee will subscribe , who sayes , That in that 200 yeares , our Nation had no Martyrs , that cōmonly are knowne . And those whom hee reckons , must of necessitie be knowne to them , whom that knowledge concernes , as it did Parsons , when hee writ that booke , since the knowledge thereof was so obuious & easie , that this Author professes , that all their Histories are in Authors approued or permitted by the S●a Apostolique , & that he cites no Apocryphall legend , nor fabulous Historie , that may be suspected of the least Note of falsitie , or errour whatsoeuer . But he which shall suruay his Catalogue of Authors , will finde it safer not to beleeue him , then to bee bound by him , to beleeue all them to be free from the least note of falsitie of error . For we shall be somwhat hard to beleeue this extreme innocence , and inte●gritie in Surius , and in Saunders , or in Cornelius Tacitus . And many of his owne profession will hardly beleeue that Gregory , and Bede were free from all falsitie or error , And himselfe , I beleeue , would not stand to this , if we should presse him with some places , out of Parsiensis , and Westmonasteriensis , and Walsingham , and Polidore Virgil : all which haue beene tried in the furnace o● this Diuine Critique , & are pronounced by him free from the least note of falsitie , or errour whatsoeuer . But if these Authors were knowne to Parsons , and that hee pronounced truely , that that 200 yeares was without Martyrs , then , not onely the Abbesse of Elies hear●sman , S. Alno●h , sla●ne abou● 670 in hatred of Christian Religion , and celeb●ated 27 Febru . but the first Christian King of the Northumbers , S. Edwyn , slaine al●o in hatred of our Religion Anno 634. and obserued 4. Octob. with diuers other after that time , must be expunged out of this new Martyrologe . So also must that Author confesse himselfe to haue been too forward , in canonizing S. Hugh for a Martyr , whom at 10 yeares of age , the Iewes crucified at Lincolne , Anno 1255. since Parsons had told him before , that after Becket , which was An. 1171. our Church had no more Martyrs in 400 yeares . 39 But for all this , it is not your errour , and vicious example which shall excuse vs , if at any time wee haue inserted such , as Martyrs , which were not precisely so . For if we haue committed any such slip in storie and matter of fact , there is not that danger in our transgression , which is in you , because you , by giuing them that title , assure the wo●ld of a certaine and infallible present saluation , by vertue of that suffering , and that they haue title thereby to our Adoration , and are in present possession of the office of Aduocation for vs. Out of which confidence , I haue seene at some Executions of Trayterous Priests , some bystanders , le●uing all old Saints , pray to him whose body lay there dead ; as if hee had more respect , and better accesse in heauen , because he was a stranger , then those which were familiar , had . CHAP. VIII . That there hath beene as yet no fundamentall and safe ground giuen , vpon which , those which haue the faculties to heare Confessions , should informe their owne Consciences , or instruct their penitents ; That they are bound to aduenture the heauie and Capitall penalties of this Lawe , for refusall of this Oath . And that if any Man haue receiued a scruple against this Oath , which he cannot depose and cast off , the Rules of their own Casuists , as this case stands , incline , and warrant them , to the taking thereof . SInce by refusall of this Oath , which his Maiest●e hath rather made an Indulgence then a Vexation , by withdrawing some clauses of bitternesse , and of strict inquisition into the whole Catholicke partie , which the ●resh contemplation of the Powder-Treason , had iustly vrged the Lower-house of Parliament to insert therein : And studying to find a way by which he might discharge both dueties to God and his Kingdome , would in his Princely and Pastorall● care , prouide a triall , by which those which were corrupted with the poyson which broke out in those Treasons , might be distinguish'd from Catholickes of better temper and more due●ifull affections towardes him , and our Peace , from which sort of Catholickes , after so many prouocations , by persons of the same perswasion in Religion , he seem'd loth to withdraw those fauours and graces , which he had euer since his comming expressed towards them . Since , I say , by refusall thereof , both the Catholickes lay a heauie scandal , and dangerous aspersions vpon the cause , and declare themselues more slauish to the Pope , and consequently apter to defection from the Prince , then the Subiects of forraine States now are , or the Subiects of this Kingdome were heretofore , And also his Maiestie , and all those which affect his safetie , which not only inuolues but procures and causes theirs , may iustly encline at last to thinke , that the very ground , and principles of that Religion nourish these rebellious humours , and so finde it necessarie for preseruation of the whole bodie , to apply Medicines more corrosiue and sharpe to that member which appeares so corrupt and dangerous , And euerie Catholique in particular , to whom this Oath is offered , by re●usall ●orfaits his libertie , & by per●inacie therein , incurres other mulcts and penalties , It is therefore the dutie of euerie Catholique , out of his religious zeale to the cause , drawne into suspition thereby , and out of his Naturall obligation for preseruing his life , fame , and fortune , all which are endangered by this refusall , not to aduenture the losse of th●se , but vpon Euidence of much clearenesse , and grounds of strong assuredn●sse , and constancie . 2 And as it is certaine , that at the first promulging of this oath , they had no such ground , nor Euidence ( for then , that light must haue beene vpon them all , and so many good and earnest maintain●rs of that Religion , would not haue enclined to the Oath , if they had had such Euidence against it ) so also after some scruples were iniected , and the tendernesse of some consciences vitiated and distracted with some doubts , and that it had beene submitted to Disputation , and consulting amongst themselues , and so passed all those furnaces of Examination , it was held lawfull , and accordingly many tooke it . So that neither by the Euident and vndeniable authoritie of Nature , or Scripture , nor by Deductions and conclusions necessarily deriued and issuing from thence , any Conscience had su●ficient assurance , to incurre these dangers . 3 If since , by some arguments of probabilitie , and of Conueniencie , or by some propositions propagated & deduced from those first principles o● Nature , and Scripture , by so many descents and Generations , that it is hard to trie whether they doe truly come from that roote , or no , any Conscience haue slackned it selfe , and so be straied , and dissolued , and scattered , by this remi●nesse , and vacillation , it ought rather to recollect it selfe , and returne to those first ingraf●ed principles , then in this dissolute and loose distraction , to suffer an anxious perplexitie , or desperately to arrest it selfe vpon that part , which their owne Rules giuen to reduce men in such deuiations , and settle them in su●h wauerings , cannot assure him to be well chosen , nor deliuer and extricate him , in those laborinths . 4 For , let the first roote and parent of all propositions in this matter of Obedience , be , that which we know by nature , That we must obay such a power , as can preserue vs in Peace and Religion , and that which wee find in Scr●ptures , Let euery Soule be subiect vnto your higher powers ; And let vs drawe downe a Pedigree , and Genealogie of reasons and conclusions deriued from this . The eldest , and that to which most reuerence will belong , will be the Interpr●tation of the Fathers vpon this place , which is ( as your owne men confesse , ) That the Apostle speakes rather of Regall and Secular power , then of that which you call Ecclesiasticke . 5 Let vs then pursue the line , of which the first end is ; Kings must be obeyed . It followes , Therfore they must be able to commaund iustly ; therfore they must haue some to enable and instruct them ; therefore they must doe according to their instruction ; therefore if they doe not , they are subiect to their corrections ; therefore if they be incorrigible , they are no longer Kings ; and therefore no subiect can sweare perpetuall Obedience , to his person , who by his owne fault , and his superiours Declaration , may growe to be no King. 6 Now , as no man can beleeue the last of these propositions , as roundly and constantly , as the first , because though it seeme to be the childe of the first , yet in it self , or in some of the meane parents by the way , there may be fallacies which may corrupt and abastard it ; so is there no other certaine rule to trie it , but to returne to the first principles , and see if it consist with them . For if it destroy the first , it degenerates and rebels , and we may not adhere to it . And if the first may still consist without it , though this may seeme orderly and naturally deduced from thence , yet it imposes not so much necessity vpon vs , as the first doth ; for that bindes vs peremptorily ; this , as it is circumstanced and conditioned . 7 And though these circumstances giue it all the life it hath , so that to make it obligatory , or not so , depends vpon them , yet it is impossible to discerne those circumstances , or vnentangle our consciences by any of those Rules , which their Casuists vse to giue , who to stengthen the possession of the Romane Church , haue bestowed more paines , to reach how strongly a conscience is bound to doe according to a Scruple , or a Doubt , or an Opinion , or an Errour , which it hath conceiued , then how it might depose that Scruple , or cleare that Doubt , or better that Opinion , or rectifie that Errour . 8 For , That we may at once lay open the infirmity , and insufficiency of their Rules , and apply the same to our present purpose ; What vse and profite , can those Catholiques , which doubt whether they may take that Oath , make of that Rule , that they must follow in doubtfull points , that opinion which is most common and generall ? For , though this be vnderstood of the opinion of such men as are intelligent and vnderstanding , and conuersant in the matter in question , yet oftentimes , amongst them , both sides say , This is the common opinion ; and who can iudge it ? Yea many circumstances change the common opinion : For ( saies Azorius ) it fals out often , that that which was not the common opinion a few yeares since now is ; And that that which is the common opinion of Diuines in one Countrie , is not so in another ; As in Spaine and Italy , it is the common opinion , That Latreia is due to the Crosse , which in France and Germany is not so . And Nauarrus s●ies , That at Rome , no man may say , that the Councell is aboue the Pope , nor at Paris , that the Pope is aboue the Councell . Which deuision also there is amongst them , in a maine point which shakes their Doctrine , of the Popes being immediately from God , since they cannot agree , Whether at the Popes death , his power remaine vpon the earth , or flie vp to heauen . He is a Catholique , and a temperate discreete Authour , which notes , That the writings of Catholique men , haue something in them which must be allowed to the times when they writ , which being more diligently examined by them which follow , are found exorbitant from the soundnesse of faith : which hee speakes of those that denie , that the lawes of ciuill Magistrates doe bind the conscience . And after , ●peaking against them which thinke , That if we vndergoe the penaltie of ●he law , we do not sinne in the breach therof ( he saies ) it was the opinion of some Schoolemen , who thought it a glorious matter , and fit to raise them a name , to leaue the common and beaten wayes ; hauing perchance a delight sawcily to prouoke , tognaw , to calumniate , & to draw into hatred those powers and authorities which made those lawes . 8 And if of late daies , The opinion of refusing the Oath , become the more common opinion , it is vpon some of these circumst●nees , that at these times , when Catholiques are called to professe ciuill obedience , in this place , where Iesuites are in possession of most hearts , to get reputation , or to auile secular Magistracy , they haue suddenly made it the more common : for they can raise the Exchange in an howre , and aduance and crie downe an opinion at their pleasure . But to determine of mortall sinne ( as the taking of this Oath must be , if it be matter enough to aduenture these dangers for it ) the same Authour saies well , doth not so much appertaine , Ad pulpita Canonistarum , as it doth ad Cathedras Theologorum : and therefore it ought to be tried by the principles of Diuinity , not by the circumstanciall ragges of Casuists . But , to goe forward with them , if this Common Opinion were certaine , and if it were possible to discerne it , yet it doth not so binde vs , but that we may depart from it , when another opinion is safer : And from that opinion which is safer , wee may also in many cases depart . For which● those examples , which Carbo a good Summist alleages , may giue vs satisfaction , which are , If I doubt of my title to land , I am not bound to restore it ( though that were the safest way ) because in doubtfull matters , Melior est Conditio possidentis . And , but for this helpe , I wonder with what conscience , the Catholiques keepe the possession of such landes as belong to the Church ; for they cannot be without some scruples of an vniust title , and it were safest to restore thē . Another example in Carbo is , If my superior command a difficult thing , and I doubt whether he command lawfully or no , though it were safer to obey , yet I am not bound to doe so . And he giues a Rule , which will include a thousand examples , That that Rule , That the safest part is to be embraced , is then onely true , when by following this safer part , there ensues no notorious detriment . And Soto extends this Doctrine farther , for he saies , Though yo● beleeue the precept of your Superior to be iust ( which creates Conscientiam Opinantem ) yet you may doe against it : Because ( saies he ) it is then onely sinne to doe against your conscience , when to do according to your conscience , is safe , and that no danger to the state , or to a third person , appeares therein . So that Tutius in a spirituall sense , that is , in a doubtfull matter rather to beleeue a thing to be sinne , then not , must yeelde to T●tius in a temporall sense , that is , when it may be done without notorious detriment ; For when it comes to that , we shall finde it to be the common opinion of Casuists , which the same Summist deliuers , That there is no matter so waighty , wherein it is not lawfull for me , to follow an opinion that is probable , though I leaue the opinion which is more probable ; yea though it concerne the right of another person : as in our case of obedience to the King or the Pope . And then , wheresoeuer I may lawfully follow an opinion to mine aduantage , if I will leaue that opinion with danger of my life or notorious losse , I am guilty of all the damage I suffer . For these circumstances make that Necessary to me then , which was indifferent before : the reasons vppon which Carbo builds this Doctrine of following a probable opinion , and leauing a more probable , which are , That no man is bound , Ad m●lius & perfectius , by necessity , but as by Counsell : And that this Doctrine hath this commoditie , opinion● shew euidently , that these Rules giue no infallible direction to the conscience , and yet in this matter of Obedience , considering the first natiue certa●ntie of subiection to the King , and then the damages by the refusall to sweare it , they encline much more to strengthen that ciuill obedience , then that other obedience which is plainly enough claimed , by this forbidding of the Oath . So that in these perplexities , the Casuists are indeede , Nubes Testium : but not in that sense as the holy Ghost vsed the Metaphore . For they are such clouds of wi●nesses , as their testimonie obscures the whole matter . And they vse to deliuer no more , then may beget farther doubts , that so euery man may from the Oracle of his Con●fessors resolution , receiue such direction , as shall be fit at that time , when hee giues the aunswe●e● Which Nauarrus expresses fully , when he confesses , That hauing beene consulted fiftie yeares before , whether they who defrauded Princes in their customes , were bound to restitution , he once gaue an aunswere in writing : but haui●g recouered that writing backe a-againe , he studied twentie yeares for his owne satisfaction , and found no ground whereupon he might rest : And all that while he counsailed Confessors , to absolue th●ir penitents , vpon this condition : That they should retaine a purpose to doe so , as they should vnderstand hereafter to be iust . These spirituall Physitians are therefore like those Physitians , which vse to erect a figure , by that Minute in which the pat●ents Messenger comes to them , and ther●by giue their iudgment . For the Confessours in England , in such resolutions as these , consider first the Aspects , and Relations , and diuerse predominancies of Superiours at that time ; and so make their determinations seasonable● and appropriate . But to insist more closely vpon this point in hand , your Simancha speaking out of the law , saies ; That that witnesse which deposes any thing vpon his knowledge , must also declare and make it appeare , how he comes to that knowledge . And if it bee of a thing belonging to the vnderstanding , hee must make it appeare by what means , and instrument his vnderstanding was instructed . And that which he assignes for the reason , must be of that nature , that it must certainely , and necessarily conclude and prooue it . If then you will subscribe with your blood , or testifie by incur●ing equiualent dangers , this Doctrine vpon your Knowledge , you must bee able to tell the Christian world , how you arri●'d to this Knowledge . If you will say , you haue it Ex Iure Diuino , and meane by that , out of the Scriptures , you must remember that you are bound by Oath neuer to accept nor inter●rete Scriptures , but according to the vnanime consent of the Fathers . And can you produce such a consent , for the establishing this Doctrine , in interpreting those places of Scripture , which are off●ed for this matter ? If you extend this Ius Diuinum , as Bellarmine doeth , not onely to Scriptures , but to Naturall light and reason , and the Law of Nature , ( in which he is no longer a Diuine , as he vses to professe himselfe , but a Canonist , who gaue this large interpretation of Ius Diuinum , whereas Diuines carie it no further , then to that which God hath commanded or forbidden , as Azorius tels vs ) this cannot bee so strong and constant , and inflexible a Rule , but that the diuers obiects of sense , and images of the fancie , and wayes of discourse , will alter and vary it . For though the fi●st notions which wee haue by the light of nature are certaine , yet late conclusions deduced from thence are not so . If you pretend common consent for your ground , and Criterium , by which you know this truth , and so giue it the name of Catholicke Doctrine , and say that Faith is to be bound to that , and Martyrdome to be indur'd for Faith , you must also remember , that that which is so call'd Catholicke , is not onely a common consent of all persons at one time , but of the Catholicke Church euer . For , Quod vbique , quod semper , is the measure of Catholicke Doctrine . And can you produce Authors of any elder times , then within sixe hundred yeares , to haue concurr'd in this ? And in these later times , is not that Squadron in which Nauarrus is , of persons and voyces enow , to infringe all reasons which are grounded vpon this vniuersall consent ? He proclaimes confidently , That the Pope , take him despoiled and naked , from all that which Princes haue bestowed vpon him , hath no tempo●all power , Neque supremam , neque mediam , neque infimam . Doe no● some Catholiques confesse , that they are readie to sweare to the integrity of the Romane faith , according to the Oath of the Councell of Trent , and yet pro●est against this temporall i●risdiction ? And doth not another Catholique say , That when a lay man sweares Obedience to the Pope , according to that Oath of Pius the fourth , it must be restrained , in his vnderstanding , onely to his spiriuall power ? Herein therefore is no vniuersall consent . And are not they which seeme to maintaine this temporall power , so diuided amongst themselues , that in a mutinie , and ciuill dissention , they rather wound one another , then any third enemie , when they labour more , to o●erthrow the way , by which this temporall iurisdiction is claimed , then to establish the certaintie of the matter it selfe ? And though such things as appeare to vs , euidently , and presently out of the Scriptures , binde our assent , and beleefe , though wee may dispute about the way and manner , ( as no man denies the conception of our blessed Lady , though it be disputed , whether shee were conceiued with original sinne , or without it ) And though those things which appeare to vs out of the first intrinsique light of Nature and reason , claime the same authoritie in vs ( as no man doubts whether he haue a soule or no , though many dispute whether ●e haue it by infusion from God , or by propagation from our parents ) yet in things further remoued , and which are directed by more wheeles , and suggestion● , and deducements , we cannot know certainely enough ( for so great a vse , as to testifie them in this fashion , as we speake of ) that they are , except we know first how , and in what manner they are . As if a man be conuented before a Iudge , ●especially when he is bound in conscience not to answere , except he be his competent Iudge , as you teach when Ecclesiastique persons are called to Secular tribunals ) he cannot be sure that man is his competent Iudge except he know first , whether he haue that authority , as Ordinary , or by speciall Commission . Though therefore in this point in question , for a pious credulity , and generall intention to aduance the dignity of the Church of Rome , a Catholique may haue an indigested and raw opinion , that this power is in the Pope , yet when he examines himselfe , and calls himselfe to account , he must first know how it is , before he can resolue , that it is . And though he may erre in the manner , by which he beleeeues it to be in him , yet certainely he must arest himselfe vpon some one of those waies , by which the Pope is said to haue that Iurisdiction , or else hee doth not answere his conscience , that askes him how he knowes it ? and if his conscience doe not aske him , he is in too drowsie and stupid a fit to be a Martyr . Since therefore all his authority must be Direct or Indirect : Ordinary or Extraordinary : as he is Pope or not as he is Pope , whosoeuer will seale with his blood the auerment of this Iurisdiction , auerres one of these waies , how it comes to him : Which being so , he cannot iustly be called a Martyr ; since he only is a Martyr , whom all the Churc● estee●es to be so . And he which should die , for maintenance of Direct power , should neuer be admitted into such a Martyrologe , as the fauourers of Indirect power should compile ; nor these , into the other . And if two should come to execution together , vpon occasion of denying this Oath , of which one refused it , because hee thought the Pope Direct Lorde , the other Indirect , if they forbore hard words to one another at that time , doubtlesse in their consciences they would impute to one another , the same errours , and the same falshoods , of which they inter-accuse one another in their bookes , and neither would beleeue the other to be a true Martyr . And might not a dispassioned and equal spectator apply to them both seuerally , that Rule of the law , That to that , which is forbidden to be had by one way , one may not be admitted by another ? Especially since a Lawyer which hath written on that side , takes the aduantage of this Rule , against Princes , when he saies , That they haue no Iurisdiction vpon Clergie mens goods , because this were indirectly , to haue iurisdiction vpon their persons , which being , saies he , forbidden to be had one way , may not be permitted another . It was saide to Pompey , when hee wore such a scarfe about his legge , as Princes wore about their head , That it was all one in which place he wore the Diademe , and that his Ambition appeared equally in either . And so ought this indirect power , though it pretend more tamenesse , and modestie , aue●t men , as much as the other : for Bellarmine can finde as good an Argument for Peters Supremacie , out of Christs washing his feete , as his appointing him to kill and eate , which is , saies hee , the office of the Head. So that from head to foote , all arguments serue his turne . But to turne a little back to this point of knowledge , since the conscience is by Aquinas his definition , Ordo scientiae ad aliquid , and an Act by which wee apply our knowledge to some particular thing , the Conscience euer presumes Knowledge : and we may no● , ( especially in so great dangers as these ) doe any thing vpon Conscience , if we doe it not vpon ●nowledge . For it is not the Conscience it selfe that bindes vs , but that law which the Conscience takes knowledg● of , and presents to our vnderstanding . And as no ●gnorance excuses vs i● it be of a thing which wee ought to know , and may attaine to : ●o no misconceiued knowledge bindes our conscience in these dangers , if it be of a matter not pertinent to vs , or to which wee haue no such certaine way of attaining , that we can iustly presume our Knowledge to be certaine . For though in the questions raised by Schoolemen of the Essence and Counsailes of God , and of the Creation , and fall , and Ministerie of Angels , and such other remoued matters , to the knowledge whereof , God hath affoorded vs no way of attaining , a man may haue some such knowledge , or opinion , as may sway him in an indifferent action , by reasons of conueniencie , and with an apparant Analogie , with other points of more euident certainty : yet no man may suffer any thing for these points , as for his Conscience , because , though he haue lighted vpon the truth , yet it was not by any certaine way , which God appointed for a constant and Ordinarie meanes to finde out that truth . And if this refusall of the Oath , and implication of a power to depose the King , be a matter pertinent to vs , that we are bound to know it , ( As all men in generall are bound to know the principles and elements of the Christian faith , and the generall precepts of the law , And euery particular man is bound to know , those things which pertaine to his state and office ) Then euery Subiect which doth not know this , is in an inexcu●able and damnable ignorance ; which was the case of as many , as did at first , or do yet , allow the taking of the oath● Or if it be not so immediat to vs , as those principles of faith , or as the duties of euery particular man ( for though we know naturally that Princes must be obeyed , yet , you wil say , som cases may occur , in which we may not obay ) then there must be some certaine way for vs to a●taine to the knowledge therof by discourse & industrie , if we may aduenture these dangers for it , and we may not aduenture them , till we haue by that industrie sought it out . For , if we shall say , that some things are to be held by a man , De fide , of which he shall still be vnder an inuincible ignorance , though he bestow and employ all possible diligence , ( as it is said of Cyprian , that bee did erre in matter of faith , after he had vsed all possible industrie ) then contrarie opinions in matter of faith may be iust ca●ses of Martyrdome , and yet one of these opinions must of necessitie bee Hereticall . For if Cyprian were vnder an inuincible ignorance , he was bound to doe according to his conscience● since he had no way to rectifie it . So that he must haue died for his Conscience in that case , that is , for such an opinion , as all his Aduersaries were bound to die for the con●rarie . But since this seemes incongruous and absurd , the other opinion will stand safe and vncontrouled , that our Conscience , whose office is to apply our knowledge to something , and to present to vs some law that bindes vs in that case , cannot binde vs to these heauy incommodities , for any matter , but that , which wee therefore beleeue that wee know , because there are certainely some meanes naturally and ordinarily prouided for the knowledge thereof ; and that wee haue vsed those meanes . Now , in a man , in whom there are all these iust preiudices and prescriptions , That Nature teaches him to bey him that can preserue him , That the Scriptures prouoke him to this obedience , That the Fathers inte●prete these Scriptures of Regall power , That subsequent acts , and Experience teaches , Regall power to be sufficient for that end ; what can arise , strong enough to defeate all these , or plant a knowledge contrary to this , by any euidence so neere the first Principles , as this is grounded vpon ? If it were possible that any thing could be produced at last , by which all these rea●ons should be destroyed , yet , till that were done ( which is not yet done ) both the priority and birthright of the ●easons and rules of nature , which are on that side ( for Rules are elder then the excep●ion ) and the dangers which would ouertake , and entrap● and depresse such as refused the Oath , must preuaile against any thing yet appearing on this part : for thus farr the Casuists agree , as in the better opinion , That although th●t which they cal Metum iustum , which is , such a feare as may fall vpon a constant man , and yet not remoue his habite of Constancy , doth not excuse a man from doing any Euil , yet that is meant of such an Euill , as is Euill naturally , and accompanied with all his circumstances : for , though no such feare can excuse me in an absolute deniall to restore any thing , w●ich w●s committed to my trust , yet I maybe excused f●om deliuering a sword committed to me , if I haue s●ch a iust feare , that the owner will therewith offend me or another . And th●y account not onely the feare of death , to be this iust feare , which may excuse in transgressions , in any thing which is not naturally euill , but the feare of Torture , Imprisonment , Exile , Bondage , Losse of temporall goods , or the greater part thereof , or infamy , and dishonour . And not onely when these are imminent vppon our selues , but vppon our wiues and children : And not onely when a law hath directly pronounced them , but when the State threatens them , that is , is exasperated and likely to p●oceed to t●ese inflictions . And though Canonists are more seuere and rigid in the obseruation of thei● lawe , yet the common opinion of Diuines is , That this iust feare excuses a man from the breaking of any humane lawe , whether Civill or Ecclesiastique : an● that none of those lawes binde vs to the obseruation therof , in danger of death , or these distresses , except in this case , that these punishments are threatned to vs , because we will not breake the law in contempt and despite of that authority , which made the law : for then no feare can excuse vs , because the obedience to Superiour authority in general ; is morall and naturall ; and therefore the power it selfe may not be contemned ; though in case of this iust feare , I may lawfully thinke , that that power which made the law , meant not to binde me in particular , in these heauy inconueniences . To apply this to our present purpose , since this Oath is not Naturally Euill , so as no circumstance can make it good ( for then , it would haue appeared so at first , and the Pope himselfe could by no Iudult or Dispensation tolerate it , which , I thinke , they will not say ) nor offered in contempt of the Church of Rome , or in such sort as it should be a signe of returning to our Religion , or abandoning the Romane profe●sion , but onely for the Princes security , certainely though the refusall thereof were commanded by any law of humane constitution , and so it became Euill because it was Forbidden , yet in these afflictions certainely to be endured by the letter of an expresse law , by euery Refuser , and in this bitternesse and exasperation of the whole State , against that whole Partie , and the cause of Catholiques , the taking of the Oath were so excusable , as the refusing thereof could not be excused . For in such a iust Feare , euen Diuine Positiue Law looses her hold and obligation , of which sort ●n●egrity of Confession is by all helde to be ; and yet such sinnes may be omitted in confession , as would either Scandalize the Confessor , Endanger the penitent , or Defame a third person . In which the Casuists are so generally concurrent , that wee neede no particular authorities . And in the matter of the greatest importance , which can be in that Church , which is the Election of the Pope , and an assurance , that he whom they acknowledge for Pope , is true Pope , which Comitolius ( a Iesuite as much more peremptorie then the rest of the Iesuites , as they are aboue all other Friars ) sayes , a To be an Article of Faith , and that we are bound to beleeue the present Pope to bee Christs Vicar , with a Diuine and with a Catholicke Faith , and that all Decrees of Popes , which annull all Elections , if they appeare after , to haue beene made by Simonie , intend no more , but to declare that GOD will neuer suffer that to bee done , or discouer it presently ( in which opinion , that matter of fact , should so binde our Faith , hee is ( for any thing which I remember to haue read ) singular , and I had occasion before to name b one grea● Doctor of his owne Religion , directly contrarie to him in the very point . ) In these Elections , I say , which induce ( by his Doctrine ) a Diuine●aith ●aith , and necessarily , such a probable , and morall certitude , that it were sinne in them , who are vnder the obedience of that Church , not to obey the iust Decrees of the present Pope , or quarrell at his Election● The Councell of Constance , ( as c another Iesuite vrges it ) hath decreed that this iust feare of which we speake , Doth make voide any such Election of the Pope . And that , If after the Cardinals are deliuered of that feare , which possessed them at the Election , they then ratifie and confirme that Pope , yet he is no Pope , but the Election voide : So farre doeth this iust feare ( which cannot be denied to bee in your case ) extend , and vpon so solemne , and solid Acts , and Decrees is it able to worke , and prouide vs a iust excuse for transgressing thereof . And in a matter little different from our case , Azorius giues the resolution ; That if an hereticall Prince commaunds his Catholicke Subiectes to goe to Church , vpon paine of death or losse of goods , if hee doe this onely because he will haue his Lawes obeyed , and not to make it Symbolum Hereticae prauitatis , nor haue a purpose to discerne therby Catholickes from Hereticks , they may obey it . And the case in question fals directly and fully within the rule : For this Oath is not offred as a Symbole or ●oken of our Religion , nor to distinguish Papists from Protestants , but onely for a Declaration and Preseruation of such as are well affected in Ciuill Obedience , from others which either haue a rebellious and treacherous disposition already , or may decline and sinke into i● , if they bee not vphelde and arrested with such a helpe , as an Oath to the contrary . And therfore by all the former Rules of iust feare & this last of Azorius , though there were an euident prohibitory act , against the taking of the Oath , yet it might , yea it ought to be taken● For , agreeable to this , Tolet cyte● Caietans opinion , with allowance and commendations , That the Declaration of the Church , that subiects may not adhere to their King , if he be excommunicated , extends not to them , if thereby they be brought into feare of their liues , or losse of their goods . For in Capitall matters , saies your great Syndicator , it is lawfull to redeeme the life , per fas & nefas . which must not haue a wicked interpretation ; and therefore must be meant , whether with , or against any humane lawes ; which he speakes out of the strength and resultance of many lawes and Canons there alleadged . And therfore it can neuer come to be matter of Faith , that subiects may depart from their Prince , if this iust feare may excuse vs from obeying , as these Authors teach ; for that neuer deliuers vs in matters of so strong obligation as matter of Faith , from which no feare can excuse our departing . To conclude therefore this Chapter , since later propositions , either Adulterine , or Suspicious , cannot haue equall authority , and credite , with the first , and radicall trueth , much lesse blot out those certaine and euident Anticipations imprinted by nature , and illustrated by Scriptures , for ciuill obedience , since the Rules of the Casuists●or ●or electing opinions in cases of Doubt , and perplexity are vncertaine and flexible , to both sides , since that Conscience , which we must defend with our liues , must be grounded vpon such things , as wee may , and doe not onely know , but know how we know them , since these iust feares of drawing scandall vpon the whole cause , and afflictions vpon euery particular Refuser , might excuse the transgression of a direct law , which had all her formalities , much more any opinions of Doctors or Canonists , I hope we may now pronounce , That it is the safest , in both acceptations , both of spirituall safety , and Temporall , and in both Tribunals , as well of conscience , as of ciuill Iustice , to take the Oath . CHAP. IX . That the authority which is imagined to be in the Pope , as he is spirituall Prince , of the Monarchy of the Church , cannot lay this Obligation vpon their Consciences : first because the Doctrine it selfe is not certaine , nor presented as matter of faith : Secondly because the way by which it is conueyed to them , is suspitious and dangerous , being but by Cardinall Bellarmine , who is various in himselfe , and reproued by other Catholiques of equall dignity , and estimation . WEe may bee bold to say , that there is much iniquity , and many degrees of Tyranny , in establishing so absolute and transcendent a spiritual Monarchy , by them , who abhorre Monarchy so much , that though one of their greatest Doctors , to the danger of all Kings , say , a That the Pope might , if hee thought it expedient , constraine all Christians to create one temporall Monarch ouer all the world : yet they allow no other Christian Monarchy vpon Earth , so pure and absolute , but that it must confesse some subiection and dependencie . The contrarie to which b Bellarmine saies , is Hereticall ; And yet there is no Definition of the Church , which should make it so . And hereby they make Baptisme in respect of Soueraintie , to bee no better then the bodie in respect of the soule . For , as the bodie by inhaerent corruption vitiates the pure and innocent soule , so they accuse Baptisme to cast an Originall seruitude and frailtie vpon Soueraintie : which , hauing beene strong and able to doe all Kingly offices before , contracts by this Baptisme a debilitie and imperfection , and makes Kings , which before had their Lieutenancie and Vicariate from God , but Magistrates and Vicars to his Vicar , and so makes their Patents the worse by renewing & confirming . 2 Nor doe they only denie Monarchie to Kings of the Earth , but they change the state and forme of gouernment in heauen it selfe ; and ioyne in Commission with God , some such persons , as they are so farre from beeing sure that they are there , that they are not sure , that euer they were heere . For their excuse , that none of those inuocations which are vsed in that Church , are so directly intended vpon the Saints , but that they may haue a lawfull interpretation , is not sufficient . For words appointed for such vses , must not only be so conditioned , that they may haue a good sense , but so , that they may haue no ill . So that to say , That God hath reserued to himselfe the Court of Iustice , but giuen to his Mother , the Court of Mercie , And that a a desperate sicke person was cured by our Lady , when he had no hope in Physitians , nor much in God , howsoeuer subtill men may distill out of them a wholesome sense , yet vulgarly and ordinarily they beget a beliefe , or at least a blinde practise derogatorie to the Maiestie , and Monarchie of God. 3 But for this spirituall Monarchie which they haue fansied , I thinke , that as some men haue imagined , and produced into writing , diuers Idaeas , and so sought what a King , a Generall , an Oratour , a Courtier should be , So these men haue only Idaeated what a Pope would be . For if he could come to a true and reall exercise of all that power which they attribute to him , I doubt not , but that Angell , which hath so long serued in the place of being the particular Assistant in the Conclaue , ( for , since they affoord a particular Tutelar Angell to euerie Colledge and Corporation , And a to the race of Flyes and of Fleas , and of Ants , since they allowe such an Angell b to euery Infidell Kingdome , c yea to Antichrist , d yea to Hell it selfe , it were verie vnequall to denie one to this place , ) This Angell , I say , would be glad of the roome , and become a Suiter to the holy Ghost , to name him in the next Conclaue . For he should not onely enlarge his Diocesse , and haue all the lower world vnder him , but hee shall haue those two principall Seraphins which euer attend the Pope , Michael , and Gabriel ; ( for , that Gabriel is the second , Victorellus produces two very equall witnesses , The Romane Litanie , and Tassoes Hierusalem . ) And all the particular Angels of all spirituall Societies ; And ( because also ( as he saies ) he is Temporall Lord ) all the Archangels , and Principalities , which gouerne particular estates , ●hall concur to his Guard and assistance . 4 As Nero had an officer A voluptatibus , So , it seemes , haue the Popes , A titulis . And flatterers haue alwaies a Complacencie and Delight in themselues , if they can bestow a stile and Title vpon a great Prince , because therein they think they contribute somthing to his greatnesse ; since Ceremonie is a maine part of Greatnesse , and Title , a great part of that . And now they had obserued , that all the chiefe Titles of the Pope had been attributed to others , and were in their Na●ure and vse communicable ; For all the Apostles , and all the Disciples of Christ , are called Vicarij Christi ; And this name will not serue his turne , if it were peculiar to himselfe . For , as his Victoria teaches vs , a This Vicariate doth not enable him to doe all thinges which are not expresly forbidden him ( as some doe thinke ) but onely such things as are expresly graunted vnto him , and therefore his claime by that Title will be too strict . And the name of Vniuersall Bishop , was giuen to Cyprian , when hee was stiled , Totius orbis Praeses . And in that sense it may iustly bee giuen ; For as a Physician or Chyrurgion , which hath taken into his Cure any one part of a mans body , either corrupted , or in danger of being so , may iustly be said to looke to , and preserue the body of such a man ; So that Bishop which gouernes well one Church , is therein a Bishop of the whole Church , & benefits the whole mystical body therof , by reason of the strong relation , & indissoluble cōnexion of all the parts , with one another , and to the head . 5 And for that stile of Pontifex Maximus , which either is not due to the Pope , or else is so sublime and transcendant a name , as Bellarmine could bring it within no Rule nor Predicament , when hee makes vp the Canon of the Popes fifteene Titles , by all and euery one of which , hee sayes , his Primacie is euidently collected ; They saw it giuen to At●ana●ius , in Ruffinus . And the name of Pope was so communicated , that not onely euery Bishop was called a Pope , but Cyprian , The Pope . Quem Christiani suum Papam vocant . In the estimation of which name , they haue often fluctuated and wa●uered . For , almost for nine hundred yeeres , they affoorded it to all : Then they restrain'd it to the Bishops of Rome , to which purpose a Biel vpon the Canon of the Masse , cites diuers Canons , though farre from the matter . 6 And euer since the Reformation of the Church was couragiously begun , and prosperously and blessedly prosecuted , they hauing beene call'd Papists for their implicite relying vpon the Pope , lest their owne Argument against vs , That to bee denominate from any person , is a marke of Heresie , should be retorted vpon themselues , they haue in all Dedications and publike Acts , as much as they can , forborne , and declin'd that name Pope , and still vsurped , Summus Pontifex , and Pontifex Maximus . And yet being stil vrged and followed , and hauing no escape , but that the name of ●apists , stickes to them , and by their Rules imprints some markes of Heresie ; though Bellarmine , a little ashamed of the name Papist , say ; That onely the Lutherans , and a few neighbour Countreyes call them so : Yet that late Carmelite that hath defended Lypsius , sayes confidently . a We are Papists ; we confesse it ; and b we glory in that Name . 7 And this name of Pope , they are the rather content to take to him againe● because they thinke that we grudge him that name . For so that Councellour of the Parliament of Burdeaux , which in his Historie of the progresse and decay of Heresie , hath taken occasion to speake of the affaires of England , in which , because no man should doubt of the trueth therof , he pro●esses to follow Sanders , and Ribadene●ra , ( by whome a Morall man may as well be instructed for matter of Fact , as a Christian might be by Arrius or Mahomet , for his Faith ) sayes , That Henrie the ●ight , made it Felonie to call the holy Father Pope , or to reade that name in any Booke , and not to blot it out . 8 Hauing therefore found such easinesse , and flexibility in all olde Names , they haue prouided him now of this name spirituall Prince ; in a larger sense , then that great Prince , whom they call Praeste-gian assumes it ( for that name signifies Apostolique , and Christs Vicegerent , in his owne kingdomes ) or then Christ himself euer assumed , or the Holy Ghost , by the Prophet Esay , reckoning vp his most glorious titles , euer attributed to him ; and yet in that place of Esay , both his eternall Kingdome by his filiation , and his euerlasting Kingdome of glory , inchoated in his resurrection , and his Kingdome of grace in our consciences , are euidently to bee discerned : For , though there be mention o● Principality , yet it is said , Principatus super humerum eius , which your Doctor expounds of carying the Crosse ; and that he shall be Princeps pacis , which is Intrinsicall , ●aies the same Expositor & belonges to the Conscience . But this Doctrine which must so settle and affirme a Catholique conscience , that it must binde him to die , and entitle him to Martyrdome , hath no touch , nor tincture of either of these Principalities , of Patience , or of Peace ; bu● all therein is Anger and Warre , not onely with that sword of two edges , of the Word and Censures , which is his , but with two swords ; which now we shall see how he claimes . 9 The Pope represents Christ to vs ( saies Bellarmine ) as he was , whilst he liued amongst men : nor can we attribute to the Pope any other office , then Christ had● as he was a mortall man. And in t●is Capacitie , saies he , Christ neither had the execution , nor the power of any temporall Kingdome . And that therefore , if the Pope , as a King , can take from any King the execution of his place , he is greater then Christ ; and if he cannot , then he hath no Regall power . Thus hee disputes against those which entitle the Pope to a Direct , and Ordinary Iurisdiction ouer Prin●es . 10 And the same reasons and groundes , by which he destroies that opinion , will destroy his ; which is , That as Christ was , so the Pope is , spirituall prince , ouer all men , and that by vertue of that power , he may dispose of all temporall things , as hee shall iudge it expedient to his spirituall ends . 11 For first , against that opinion of Ordinarie Iurisdiction hee argues thus ; If it were so , it would appeare out of the Scriptures , or from the Tradition of the Apostles : but in the Scriptures , there is mention of the keyes of Heauen , but none of the Kingdomes of the earth ; nor doe our Aduersaries offer any Apostolique Tradition . Will not you then , before you receiue too deepe impression of Bellarmines doctrine , as to pay your liues for maintenance thereof , tell him , That if his opinion were true , it would appeare in Scripture , or Apostolique tr●dition ? And shal poore and lame , and ●lacke arguments coniecturally and vnnecessarily deduced from similitudes and comparisons , and decency , and conueniency binde your iudgements , and your liues , for reuerence of him , who by his example counsels you , to cal for better proof ? wil you so , in obeying him , disobey him , & swallow his conclusions , & yet accuse his fashiō of prouing them ? which you do , if when he cals for scriptures against others , you a●cept his positions for his sake , without scriptures . 12 Another of Bellarmines reasons against Ordinary Iurisdiction , is , That Regall authority was no● necessary nor of vse in Christ to worke his end , but s●perfluous and vnprofitable . And what greater vse , or necessity can the Pope haue of this Extraordinarie authority ( which is a power to work the same effects , though not by the same way ) then Christ had , if his ends be the same which Christs were ? and it appeares that Christ neither had , nor forsaw vse of either , because he neither exercised nor instistuted either . For , that is not to the purpo●e , which Bellarmine saies , that Christ might haue exercised that power if he would , since the Popes authority is grounded vpon Christs example ; and limited to that : For Christ might haue done many thinges which the Pope cannot do ; as conuerting all the world at once , instituting more sacraments , and many such : and therefore Bellarmine argued well before , that it is enough for him to proue , that Christ did not exercise Regall power , nor declare himselfe to haue it which Declarion onely , and practise , must be drawen into Consequence , and be the precedent for the Pope to follow . 16 The light of which Argument , that the Pope hath no power , but such as Christ exercised , hath brought so many of them to thinke it necessarie to proue That both Christ did exercise Regall aut●ority in accepting Regall reuerence vpon Palme-Sunday , and in his corrections in the temple , And his iudgement in the womans case which was taken in Adulterie . And that S. Peter vsed also the like power , in condemning Ananias and Saphira , and Simon Magus . 14 In another place Bellarmine saies , That S. Paul appealed to Caesar , as to his Superiour Iudge , not onely de facto , but de Iure ; and that the Apostles were subiects to the Ethnique Emperours , in all temporall causes , and that the law of Christ , depriues no man of his right , which he had before . And lately in his Recognitions he departs from this opinion , and denies that he was his Iudge , de Iure . If his first opinion be true , can these consist together , that he which is subiect in temporal causes , can at the same time and in the same causes be superiour ? Or that he ouer whom the Emperour had supreame temporall authority , should haue authority ouer the Emperour in temporall causes ? and what is there in the second opinion , that should induce so strong an Obligation vpon a conscience , as to die for it ; Since the first was better grounded ( for , for that he produ●ed Scriptures ) and the second is de●titute of that helpe , and without further sear●h into it , tels vs , that neither the Doctrine , nor the Doctor are constant enough to build a Mar●yredome vpon . 15 Thus also Bellarmine argues , to our aduantage ( though he doe it to proue a necessity of this power in the Church ) that euery Common-wealth is sufficiently prouided in it selfe , to attaine the end , for which it is instituted . And , as we said before , the end of a Christian Common-wealth , is not onely Tranquility ( for that sometimes may be main●ained by vnchristianly meanes ) but it is the practise of all morall vertue , now explicated to vs , and obserued by vs , in the exercise of Christian Religion ; and therfore such a Common-wealth hath of it selfe , all meanes necessary to those ends , without new additions : as a man consisting of bodie and soule , if he come from Infidelity to the Christian Religion , hath no new third essen●iall p●rt added to him , to gouerne that body , and soule , but onely hath the same soule enlightned with a more explici●e knowledge of her duety . 16 B●llar●ine also tels vs , That in the Apostles time , these two powers were seperated , and ●o all the Temporall was in the Emperour , as all the Ecclesiasticke in the Apostles and that Hierarchie . By what way then , and at what time came this Authoritie into them , if it were once out ? For , to say , that it sprong out of Spirituall Authoritie , when there was any vse of it , were to say , that that Authoritie at Christs institution had not all her perfections and maturity , and to say , that it is no other but the highest act , and a kinde of prerogatiue of the spirituall power , will not reach home● For you must beleeue and die in this , that the Pope as spirituall Prince , may not onely dispose of temporall matters , but that herein hee vses the temporall sword , and temporall iurisdiction . 17 But when Bellarmine saies , That this supreme authority resides in the Pope , yet not as he is Pope , And that the Pope , and none but he , can ●epose Kings , and transfer Kingdomes , and yet , not as Pope , I pro●esse that I know not , how to speake thereof with so much earnestnesse , as becomes a matter of so great waight . For other Princes , when they exercise their extraordinarie and Absolute power , and prerogatiue , and for the publique good put in practise sometimes some of those parts of their power , which are spoken of in Samuel , ( which to many men seeme to exceede Regall p●we● ) yet they professe to doe these things as they are Kings , and not by any other authoritie then that . 18 And if there be some things which the Pope cannot doe as Pope , but as chiefe spirituall Prince , this implies that there are other inferiour spirituall Princes , which are Bishops : ( for so Bellarmine saies , That Bishops in their Diocesses are Ecclesiastique Princes . ) And haue Bishops any such measure of this spirituall principality , that they may do somthings by that , which they cannot doe , as they are Bishops● 19 All Principalities maintaine their being by these two , reward , & punishment . How lame then and vnperfect is this spirituall principality , which can affoord but one halfe ? For it is onely then of vse , when the Pope will punish , and correct a King , by Deposing him : for all Rewards & Indulgences in this life , and in the next , hee conferres and bestowes , as hee is Pope , and needes not this Title , to doe any good which is in his power . And for corrections and punishments , all which we are sure he can lawfully doe , which is , to inflict Church censures , vpon those who are vnder his spirituall obedience , he doth as he is Pope , and needes not this principalitie for that vse neither . 20 But for irregular actions , and such as occasion tumult and sedition , he must be a spirituall Prince . For , sayes Bellarmine , Though the Pope as he is president of a generall Councell , ( and he is that , as he is Pope ) ought to follow the greatest number of voyces in making Decrees● yet as he is chiefe Prince , hee is not bound to doe so , but may follow the lesser number . And yet scarse constant to himselfe , he sayes , That this libertie belongs to the Pope , because he hath the assistance of the holy Ghost : Now the Pope , as Pope , hath the assistance of the holy Ghost , ( for else his Determination in Ca●hedra , in matters of faith , were not by his Ordinarie , and Direct power , ) and therefore as Pope hee may follow the fewer voyces in a Councell , and as Pope ( or no way ) he may depose Princes . 21 For as , though they seeme to place more power , or dignitie , in Pontificatu , then in Apostolatu , because the Popes date their Rescripts , from the time of their Election to their Coronation , thus , Anno Apostolatus primo , &c. and seale but with halfe the seale , but after their Coronation , they begin to call their gouernment Pontificatum : yet all the authority which they haue , is certainly in them from their● Election , because saies the glosse , that conferres praesulatum : so they haue fancied & imagined a Principatum aboue all these , yet certainly all the authoritie they haue , is as they are Popes . Which serued them to doe mischiefe enough , before this title was inuented . And to say , that they haue authoritie , as they are Popes , to doe some acts , as they are not Popes , is such a darke , and mistie , and drowsie Doctrine , as it is the fittest and most proportionall Martyrdome in this businesse , for a man to dreame that he died for it . 22 For it is strange that the●e men can discerne and distinguish in the same office , betweene the Pope , and a spirituall Prince , when as Philip the last King of Spaine , could not distinguish betweene the Person and the Office of the Pope● for being in so much forwardnesse , that he had giuen the D. of Alua Order to besiege Rome , because Paul the fourth had brought into Italy an Armie of French , to infest the Kingdome of Naples , and being solicited by the Venetians , to desist from offending the Pope , though hee aunswered , That his preparations were not against the Pope , but against Peter Caraffa his subiect , and a Rebell , yet when the Venetians replied , that if he could seperate Caraffa from the Pope , they would intercede no farther , else they would giue the Pope their assistance , the King , saies a Catholique writer , gaue ouer , because he saw it impossible to distinguish them . 23 And as the Doctrine it sel●e is too inexplicable , for any man to aduenture thereupon his li●e , or such dangers as the lawe esteemes equiualent to this purpose , which are , all such damages as induce a iust feare : So is the Channell and way by which it is deriued to vs , so various , and muddy , as that also should retard any man , from such a Preiudice , and such an Anticipation of the resolution of the Church herein as it is , to seale with life , that which no man yet knowes , how the Church will determine . For , in Bellarmine , who hath got the reputa●ion to be the principall of t●is faction ( though I confesse he found the foundation of it , and his best Arguments for it , in our Countriman Sanders , out of whom and Stapleton and a few more , that Church hath receiued more strength , then from the late writers of all other Nations , ) his authority and credit is not onely infirmed and impaired , in that , Baronius , a man of as much merit of the Church , and rewarded by her , with the same Dignitie , is of a contrarie opinion , but also , because auerring , that his opinion is the opinion of the Diuines , and the other onely of Canonists , Diuines themselues , ( for such Baronius and Bozius are ) haue more then others oppugned it . 24 And so that new Order of the Congregation , of which both they are , beeing ( as I said before ) laid for a stumbling block , that the world , which in such a rage of Deuotion ranne towards the Iesuites , might be arrested a lit●le vpon the contemplation of an Order which professed Church-knowledge , as the other did state-knowledge , hath exceeded the Iesuites in their owne Art , of flattering and magnifying the Pope . For they haue maintained his Direct and Ordinarie power , whereas the other haue but prouided him a new and specio●s Title . And so not only such as Carerius layes the imputation of Impious Politician vpon Bellarmine and all his followers in this point , And bitterly Anathmatises Bellarmine by name , and maintaines this power to be in the Pope , either as Pope , or not as Christs Vicar , But Bozius also calls these men nouos Theologos , and sayes , They teach doctrine euidently false , and such as fights against all Truth . And another Catholique writer , though hee impugne both these opinions , of Bellarmine , and Baronius , yet he protests , that the opinion which Bellarmine calls the Canonists opinion , is the more probable , and defensible : because , saies hee , that opinion is not against the order of Nature , that the Pope should exercise such a power , which they maintaine to be directly granted to him : but that opinion , which they call the Diuines opinion , is against Nature , since it admits the exercise of such an Authority , as is neither by name granted , nor necessarie to the ends of the Church : And therefore , saies this Catholique , though the Diuines ouerthrow the Canonists , yet they proue not their owne opinion . And in another place he saies , That though Bellarmine haue giuen as much to the Pope , as honestly he could , and more then he should haue done , yet he was so farre from satisfying the Pope herein , that for this opinion the Pope was very neere condemning all his workes , as , saies he , the Iesuites themselues , haue tolde mee . 25 VVhich disposition of enclining to the Canonists opinion , appeares still in the Popes , who accept so well the bookes of that purpose , that the greatest part of those Authors , which I haue cited in this booke , of that matter , are dedicated to the late Popes . So that , that Doctrine , which is so much denied in the substance and Essence therof , that all wayes of the existence thereof are peremptorily denied , hath not yet receaued concoxions enow from the Church , to nourish a conscience to such a strength , as Martyrdome requires . For that , which their great Doctor Franciscus a Victoria pronounces against his direct Authoritie , we may as safely say against that & the indirect , This is the strongest proo●e that can be against him , This Authority is not proued to be in the Pope , by any meanes , and therefore he hath it not . To which purpose he had directly said before , of the direct Authoritie , It is manifestly false , although they say that it is manifestly true ; And I beleeue it to be a meere deuise , only to flatter the Popes . And it is altogether fained , without probability , Reason , Witnesse , Scripture , Father , or Diuine . Onely some Glossers of the law , poore in fortune and learning , haue bestowed this authority vpon them . And therefore , as that Ermit which was fed in the Desert by an Angell , receaued from the Angell withered grapes , when hee said his prayers , after the due time , and ripe grapes when he obserued the iust time , but wilde sower grapes when he preuented the time , so must that hasty and vnseasonable obedience to the Church , to die for her Doctrine , before she her selfe knowes what it is , haue but a sower and vnpleasant reward . CHAP. X. That the Canons can giue them no warrant , to aduenture these dangers , for this refusall : And that the reuerend name of Canons , is falsly , and cautelously insinuated , and stolne vpon the whole body of the Canon law , with a briefe Consideration vpon all the bookes thereof ; and a particular suruay , of all those Canons , which are ordinarily cyted by those Authours , which maintaine this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope . TO this spirituall Prince , of whom we spoke in the former Chapter , the huge and vast bookes of the Canon law , serue for his Guarde . For they are great bodies loaded with diuers weapons of Excommunications , Anathems , and Interdicts , but are seldome drawen to any presse or close fight . And as with temporall Princes , the danger is come very neere his person , if the remedie lie in his guard , so is also this spirituall Prince brought to a neere exigent , if his title to depose Princes must be defended by the Canons . For , in this spirituall warre which the Reformed Churches vnder the conduct of the Holy Ghost , haue vndertaken against Rome , not to destroy her , but to reduce her to that obedience , from which at first she vnaduisedly strayed , but now stubbornly rebels against it , the Canon law serues rather to stoppe a breach , into which men vse to cast as wel straw and Feathers , as Timber and Stone , then to maintaine a fight and battell . 2 This I speake not to diminish the Reuerence or slacken the obligation which belongs to the ancient Canons and Decrees of the Church ; but that the name may not deceiue vs ; For , as the heretiques Vrsalius , and Valens , got together a company at Nice , because they would establish their Heresies , vnder the name of a Nicene Councell , ( which had euer so much reputation , that all was readily receiued , which was truely offered vnder that name ) so is most pestilent and infectious doctrine , conuayed to vs , vnder the reuerend name of Ecclesiastique Canons . 3 The body of the Canon law , which was called Codex Canonum , which contained the Decrees of certaine auncient Councels , was vsually produced in after - Councels for their direction , and by the intreaty of popes , admitted and incorporated into the body of the Romane and Imperiall law ; and euer in all causes , wherein they had giuen any Decision , it was iudg'd according to them , after the Emperours had by such admittance giuen them that strength . 4 And if the body of that law , were but growen and swelled , if this were a Grauidnes , & Pregnancy which she had conceiued of General Councels lawfully called , and lawfully proceeded in , and so she had brought forth children louing and profitable to the publique , and not onely to the Mother , ( for how many Canons are made onely in fauour of the Canons ? ) all Christian Princes would be as inclinable to g●ue her strength , and dignity , by incorporating her into their lawes , and authorising her thereby , as some of the Emperours were . And had the Bishops of Rome maintained that purity , and integrity of Doctrine , and that compatiblenesse with Princes , which gaue them authority at first , when the Emperours conceiued so well of that Church , as they bound their faith to the faith thereof ( which they might boldly doe at that time ) perchance Princes would not haue refused , that the adiections of those later Popes should haue beene admitted as parts of the Canon law : nor should the Church haue beene pestred , and poisoned with these tumors , & excrescenges , with which it abounds at this time , and swelles daily with new additions . 5 In which , if there bee any thinge which bindes our faith , and deriues vppon vs a Title to Martyrdome , if we die in defence thereof ( as there are many things deriued from Scriptures and Obligatory Councels ) the strength of that band rises so much from the nature of the thing , or from the goodnesse of the soile , from which it was transplanted to that place , that though we might be Martyrs , if we defended it in that respect , yet wee should loose that benefit , though it be an euident and Christian truth , if we defend it vpon that reason , That it is by approbation of the ●ope inserted into the body of the Canon law ; which is a Satyr , and Miscellany of diuers and ill digested Ingredients . 6 The first part whereof , which is the Decretum compiled by Gratian , which hath beene in vse aboue foure hundred yeares , is so diseased and corrupt a member thereof , that all the Medicines , which the learned Archbishop Augustinus , applied to it , and all that the seuerall Commissioners , first by Pius the fift , then by Gregory the thirteenth , haue practised vpon it , haue not brought it to any state of perfect health , nor any degree of conualescence . 7 But though that Bishop say , That Gratian is not worthy of many words , though in his dispraise , yet because he tels vs , That the ignorant admire him , though the Learned laugh at him ; And because hee is accounted so great a part of the Canon Law , as euen the Decretall Epistles of the Popes are call'd , Extra , in respect of him , as being out of the Canon Law , it shall not be amisse to make some deeper impressions of him . 8 Thus farre therefore the Catholicke Archbishop charges him , To haue beene so indiscreete and precipitate , that he neuer stood vpon Authoritie of Bookes , but tooke all , as if they had beene written with the finger of God , as certainely as Moses Tables ; And hee is so well confirm'd in the opinion of his negligence , that he sayes , He did not onely neuer Iudge and waigh , but neuer see the Councels nor the Registers of Popes , nor the workes of the Fathers : And therefore sayes hee , There is onely one remedy left , which is , Vna litura . And in another place , That there can bee no vse at all made of this Collection , but that a better must be attended , out of the Originals . 9 But if his errour were onely in Chronologies , as to giue Pope Nicholas a place in the Councell of Carthage , who was dead before ; Or in Arithmeticke , as when purposely he enumerates all the Councels , to make the number lesse by foure . If this weaknesse had onely beene , that he was not able to spell , and so in a place of much importance , to Read Ephesus for Erphesfurd , Hierome , for Ieremie , and Hereticke for Henrie , and a hundred such ; If he had stopp'd , either at mistaking of true Authors , as to cite out of Saint Peter , that which Saint Paul sayes ( which libertie his Glosser extends farther , and therefore cites a whole sentence , for Scripture , which is no where ) Or if he had stai'd at imagining words out of false Authors , as to cite the Councell of Geneua , and Macharius the Pope , which neuer were , ( as he and the Palea doe ) there were an open way for him , as it is said in that Dialogue , to say with the Apostle , Quia ignorans ●eci . 10 But we also finde malignitie and danger to our cause , in his Falsifications . For , to dignifie the Sea of Rome , hee cites Ambroses wordes thus , Non habent Petri haereditatem , qui non habent Petri sedem ; which in Ambrose is obseru'd to be , Petri fidem . And to establish the exemption of Clergie men from secular Iustice , hee cites this out of a Councell now a thousand yeeres past , Clericum nullus presumat pulsare apud Iudicem Saecularem ; Whereas the words of the Councel are Clericus nullus presumat . And so the Councell layes a Commandement vpon the Clergie , but Gratian layes it vpon the Layetie . 11 Which falsitie , Binius , citing the Councell aright , and Gratians words also right in the Margine , forbeares to obserue or reprehend , and dissembles the iniurie done to the world therein . But Bellarmine hath delt herein with more obnoxiousnesse , and lesse excuse , then Binius , because hauing no reference at all to Gratian , hee cites the words out of the Councell it-selfe ; and hauing said , That Counsell pronounces in this point more clearely , in these words ; He cites the words , falsely , and corruptly as Gratian did before . 12 And as for such iniquities as these , we haue reason to decline Gratian , as iniurious to vs : So al●o in Charitie towards them , which are caried with an implicite Faith in Canons , in which name Gratian is enwrapped , we are bound to tell you how vnworthy he is , to bee relied vpon by you . For in the point of the Emperours Electing the Pope , hee hath spoken so dangerously , that Baronius is forced to giue this censure vpon him , Gratian , out of too much credulitie , improuidently writ out a most manifest imposture , and inserted that , as a most strong Decree , all which , with the Author thereof , should rather haue beene hissed away , and pursued with execrations , which also he saies of another place in Gratian , to the same purpose ; and accuses him of mutilating the famous lawes of Charles the Great , called Capitularia . 13 With like danger to the Romane Sea , hee cites a Canon of a Greeke Councell , whose sense he apprehended not , in the matter of mariage of Priests ; for he saies , that that Canon was grounded vpon the Apostles Canons ; and yet it is contrarie to the Canons of the Romane Church . So that of this place , that Archbishop of whom I spoke before , exclaimes , who can endure this ? and that by no meanes it may be receaued . 14 And not onely in matters of fact ( though that be the right legge vpon which the Romane Religion , ( especially in Crowne Diuinitie ) doth stand ) doth Gratian deceaue you , but euen in such things as are matters of faith : both naturally , and so , common to all men , As when he allowes that there may be perplexities in euill , and so in some cases a necessitie of sinning , and then , sayes he , the remedie is to choose the lesse euill ; as also of that which is matter of faith , especially to the professors of your Religion , which is the necessitie of Orall Confession : for , hauing produced authorities on both sides , whether it be necessarie or no , he leaues it as indifferent to the Reader , to allow & choose which opinion he likes best . 15 And because the Glosse is now by some thought , to be of equal authoritie with the Text , it is not an inconuenient way to eneruate both , by presenting some of the vanities and illusions of that . And though I will not in so serious a businesse , insist vpon such thinges , as might make sport and moue laughter , yet these few I may be excusable to let fall in this place . When Gratian speakes of that Parable of the lost sheepe , and saies , out of the Gospell , that the 99 were left in Deserto , id est , sayes the Glosse , In Coelo , quod Diabolus per peccatum deseruit . Which , besides the detortion , destroyes vtterly the purpose of our Sauiour , in that Parable . And so when Gratian , out of a Councell cites an Act to be done , in Ecclesia Romanorum , id est , saies the Glosse , Constantinopolitanorum . 16 In many places Gratian saies , that a Dioscorus had not erred , in fide ; which being euidently false , for b he followed and defended Eutyches his Heresie , the glosse remedies it thus , Non in fide , id est , non in fide tantum . And out of his fauour to Priests , where Gratian sayes out of Bede , That Priests must alwaies abstain from their wifes , the glosse saies , Semper , id est , Horis debitis . And when out of the Nicene Councell it was produced , That a Prelate might haue in his house no women , except his mother , or sister , or such fit persons , as might auoid suspition , that is , sayes the glosse , His mens wiues . And when Lanfred a young lusty Bishop , and a great huntsman , was defamed also for immoderate familiarity with his owne daughter , the glosse sayes , It was not for any euill , for they were too neere in blood , but because he kissed her so much openly , and put his hand in her bosome . 17 And lastly , to stay you no longer , in this ill aire , where the text saies , Meretrix est , quae multorum libidini patet , the glosse brings this indefinite number to a certaine , and saies , that that name belongs to her , when shee hath lyen with 23000. men . 18 And as these Authors in whom there are these aspersions , and such weedes as these , are therefore vnworthy , that either the Popes approbation should ●all vpon them , or that any obligation should be throwne vpon our consciences , from their authoritie : so is it impossible , that any such approbation should include them both ; for the glosse doth somet●mes ( when no reconciliation can serue him ) depart from Gratian with some disdaine ; as when he sayes , Superficialis est Argumentatio Magistri : and sometimes in c●oler● as one notes him to say , Fateor plane te mentitum , Gratiane : And sometimes hee doth positiuely teach the iust contrarie to Gratian , in matter of faith ; as in the Doctrine of perplexities , which wee noted before . 19 How dangerous therfore it is to confide in Gratian , we see already , & may haue further light , by obseruing , That Ballarmine saies , that in a main point of Canonicall Scriptures , Gratian was deceiued , by trusting a false copie of Saint Augustines workes : And as Bellarmine saies here● that Gratian was deceiued , so Gratian deceiued him ; for in that Canon which we cyted before , of the exemption of Clergy men , either Bellarmine was a direct falsifier of the Councel , or an indiscreet & credulous swallower of Gratians errours ; which in his Recognition he refuseth not to confesse in another matter , whē he retracts some things which he spoke vpon the credit of Gratian , & there repents & recāts thē . 20 But you and Bellarmine may easily be misled by him , since euen a Pope himselfe was brought into a false perswasion by his errour . For , till of late , all the copies of the Decretum , in that famous Canon , Sancta Romana , which distinguishes Canonicall f●om Apocryphall writings , in stead of the wordes , Sedulij opus , Heroicis versibus descriptum , had these wordes , Hereticis versibus . Which saies a Catholique authour , induced not onely many wise men , but euen pope Adrian 6. to a perswasion , that al Poetry was Hereticall ; since Gelasius a Pope , and Author of that Canon , though he praised Sedulius his worke , in that place , yet because it was writ in verse , he c●ls them Hereticos versus . 21 Of them therfore which will binde their faith to the Canons , and aduentu●e these dangers for that faith ( as the Canonists say , that Saterday and Sunday is all one , fictione Canonica so wee may say , tha● they are but Martyres fictione Canonica ; and that not onely a Martyr , and a Selfe-murderer , but a Martyr and a Traytor , may be all one , Fictione Canonica . And by such fiction , that English Priest Bridgewater , which cals himselfe Aquipontanus , ouerturning and re●enuersing his name with h●● conscience , may be beleeued , when he saies , That those Priests which were executed vnder Queene Elizabeth , died pro inficiatione pontificatus faeminei : But their malice was not because she would haue bin a Priest , but because she would not be a Sacrifice to their Idolatry , nor Ambition ; nor open her heart to their inchantments , nor her throate and sides to their poisons and swords . 22 The next limme in this great body of the Canon law , after the Decretum , is the Decretall ; set out by Grego●y the ninth , who was Pope about the yeare one thousand two hundred thirty . And as the Decretum pretends to bring to all purposes , sentences of Fathers , an● Canons of Counsells , So this pretends principally the Rescripts and De●retall letters of Popes . So also , doe all t●e other bookes , which were set out after , in supplement of this : as that , which is called Sextus , set forth by Boniface the eight , who was Pope , An. one thousand three hundred : and the Clementines , which Clement the fift set out , who was Pope within sixe yeares after● and those Extrauagants , which bea●e the name of Iohn the two and twenty , within ten yeares of Clement : and those which are called common Extrauagants because they come from diuers Popes : and to these is added not long since the booke called Septimus Decretalium . 23 And thus this fat law ( for so Ciuilians say of that , that it is Crassa aequitas ; which is a praise beyond desert , though rhey speake it in diminution & scorn ) grows daily so fast , that as any corruption can get entertainment in a grosse body , so I doubt not but this , or the next age , shall see in their Octaues and future Volumes , not onely many of their letters , yet for shame cōcealed , but at Henry the thirds death , canonized in the body of this law . For though they haue denied it with some-earnestnesse , yet they haue also confest , that if it were such as it is said to be , it admits a good interpretation . 24 But for these bookes , though they haue more credit with them then the Decretum hath , I will ease my selfe of that labour , which I tooke in that booke , in presenting particular defects and infirmities , both because we haue Bellarmines confession , That there are many things in the Decretall Epistles , which doe not make a matter to be De fide , but onely doe declare , what the opinions of the Popes were in those causes , and because a Catholique authour of whom we spake before , hath obserued , that the compiler of the Dec●etals , by leauing out a word , in a Canon of a Councell of Car●hage , hath occasion'd the Church euer since , to doe directly aganst the purpose of that Councell , in shauing the heads of Priests . For whereas the Councell is cited by him , Clerici nec Comam Nutriant nec barbam , by occasion whereof , many subsequent orders were brought in , for Shauing , and transgressors seuerely punish'd , it appeares that he left out in the end , the word Radant , which vtterly changed the precept into the contrary . These Canons therefore , of so sickely and weake a constitution , that any thing deiects them , cannot preuaile so much vpon our consciences , as to imprint and worke such a confidence in them , and irremoueablenesse from them , as to maintaine them with the same maner of testimonie , as we would doe the words of God himselfe . 25 For , howsoeuer they depart from them , and seeme somewhat negligent of the Canons , when we make vse of them to our aduantage against them , yet they affright and enthrall the tender consciences of their owne Disciples , with nothing more , then the name of Canons , to which promiscuously they ascribe all reuerence and assent , without distinguishing to them , which are Gratians , and which are opinionate , and which Decretall , for all together are approoued and confirmed . And therefore the Canons themselues not only inflict an Anatheme vp●on any ●ay-ma● , which shall so much as dispute vpon , the text , or any one Iod o● the Epistle of Pope Leo , which is in the Canons , but also pr●nounce it blasphemy against the holy Ghost , to viola●e a Canon willingly , becau●e ●hey are made by the hyol Ghost And Bellarmine also , writing against a Doctor which had defended the Venetian ca●se , against the Popes Censures , saies , That it is a g●ieuous rashnesse , not to be lef● vnpunished , that he should say , ●he Canons , as being but Humane lawes , cannot haue equall authority with Diuine . For this ( saies Bellarmine ) is a contempt of the Canons , as though they were not made by the direction of the holy Ghost . And yet these Canons which that Doctor intimated , were but two , and cy●ed but by Gratian , and concerned onely Exemp●ion of Clergie men from secul●r ●udges . 26 And so ●arsons when he is to ma●e h●s aduantage of any Sentence in Gratian , vses to dignifie it thus , That it is translated by the Popes into the Corps of the Canon law , and so not onely allowed and admitted , and approued , but commended , and commanded ; and as he addes after , Canonized and determined for Canonicall law , and authorized and set forth for Sacred and Authenticall , whatsoeuer● For they continue st●ll that practise which Frederic the Emperour obserued in his time , when they interdict●d his K●ngdome of Sicily , Offundunt bibulis auribus Canon●s . 27 And when they list to vrge a Canon , any litle rag torn or fallen off from ●hence , must bind the Church de fide , as a cathedrall , and Decretall resol●●ion : for so saies he , that made the Notes vppon Cassianus , excusing Origen , Chrysostome , & some other Fathers , for inclining to Platoes opinion of allowing some vse of lies , in wise men , That it was lawfull till the Church had defined the contrary : But now , saies he , the Pope hath decreed it . And how hath he decreed it ? In a letter vpon a question of Vsurie , the Pope saies , a Since the Scriptures forbid lies , euen for defense of any mans life , much lesse may vsury be permitted . But , if in this question of lying , the band did not a●ise out of the euidence and truth of the matter it selfe , but relied vppon the authority of the Popes declaration , and decision , can such a ragge casually and incidentally fall into a letter of another purpose , by way of comparison , binde the whole Church , De fide ? when as , though Sixtus 4. had so much declared himselfe to fauour the opinion of our Ladies conception without originall sinne , that he had by b one Canon instituted a particular Festiuall thereof , and appointed a particular Office for ●hat day , with many Indulgences to the obseruers thereof ; yet the fauourers of the contrary opinion , forbore not for reuerence of that Canon , to preach publiquely against that Doctrine , till some yeares after , he forbad it vnder paine of Excommunication , by another Canon , c that any should affirme that she was conceaued in originall sinne ; and yet , d this is not esteemed as yet for all this , to be decreed as a matter of faith in that Church : yea , it is so farre from it , that after all these solemnities and preiudices of that Pope , yet the Commissioners of Sixtus the fift , and Gregory the thirteenth ( appointed to expunge all dangerous passages in the Canons ) in the Glosse vpon that e Canon , which reckons all the festiuall daies which are to be obserued , haue left these words vntouched , The Conception of our Lady is not named , because it ought not to be kept , though in England , and some other places it be ; And the reason is , because she was conceaued in originall sinne , as all but Christ , were . And after , the Iesuite , of whom I spoke before , had refreshed that Doctrine , That a Confession of a person absent , made by letters , was Sacramentall , and Clement the eight , was so vehement against it , that by a solemne decree he condemned it , for false , rash , and scandalous at least , and commaunded , that no man should speake of it but by way of condemning it , and excluded euen dumbe men from this benefi● , yet another Iesuite since , a great Doctor perplexorum , findes escapes to defend that Doctrine from beeing Hereticall . 28 So that , though in trueth there goe verie many Essentiall formalities to such a Decree as bindes the conscience , De fide , yet these men when they need the Maiestie of a Canon , will euer haue fe●ters in all corne●s , to holde all consciences which off●r to slip or breake from them , and still oppresse them with waights , and with Mountaine of Canons . Which way , the Canonists doe no● only approue as the most conuenient to hold men in that Religion , because the Canons are more easily v●ried , and flex●ble , and appliable to occasion● , then the Scriptures are , but also ( because ordin●rily the Canonists haue no other learning ) they think the way by Canons , to be the fittest means , to reduce them whom they call Heretiques . For so sayes one of them , in his booke to the present Pope , ( with m●ch a●u●enesse , certainty , and subtilty , ) The Canons may well be alleadged against Heretiques ; because they alleadge Scriptures , and they cannot know Scriptures , by any other way then Canons . 29 But besides , that I haue giuen you sufficient light , to look into the deformity and co●ruption of the Canons , ( which , GOD forbid any should vnde●stand me to me●ne of Canons , in that sense and acceptation , that the Ancients receaued it , which is , of the Constitutions of Orthodox Councels , for I take it here , as your Doctors do , & as your Confessors doe , for the whole body of the Canon law , extant ) before I ente● into the suruay of those pa●ticular Canons , which vsually are obtruded in this point of the Popes temporall Supremacie , I will remember you briefly , of some of those re●sons and occasions , ( such as may be fittest to vn-entangle your consciences , and deliuer them from perplexi●ies ) in which the Canons doe not binde vs to the●r obseruation . 30 O● which , one of the most principall and important is , That Canons doe neuer binde , though they be published and knowledge taken of them , except they bee rec●aued , and practised in that Country . So saies Gratian , Lawes are instituted , when they are published , but confi●med , when they are put in practise . And therefore , saies he , none are guilty of transgressing Telesphorus Decree , that the Clergie should fast fiftie dayes , because it was neuer approued by practise . No more doth the Decree of A●exander the third , though vnder excommunication , That in Armies there should bee abstinence , for reuerence of certaine dayes , binde any man● because it was not practised : which op●nion Nauarre also followes ; and a late Canonist writing to this Pope , calls it , Singularem , et Magistralem , et a toto mundo allegatum . And vpon this reason the Councell of Trent bindes not yet in some Countries , in neither Tribunall of conscience , or the outward censures of the Church , because it is not receaued . 31 And can you finde ●hat any such Canons , as enable the Pope to depose a Prince , haue beene admitted by our Princes , and practis●d as ordinarie and currant law ? Or can you finde any Canon to this purpose , with the face and countenance o● a law , made by the Popes in reposed & peaceable times , deliuered quietly as a matter of Doctrine and conscience , and so accepted by the Church and state ? For if in temporall Scismes , and differences , for temporall matters , betweene the Popes and other Princes , the Popes to raise or maintaine a party against their enemies , haue suffered seditio●s Bulls , and Rescripts to passe from them , to facilitate and effect their enterprises then in hand , this is farre from the nature of a law , and from being accepted and practised , and so iustified , as it may be drawne into consequence , and haue power and strength to binde the conscience . 32 And as acceptation giues life to law , so doth disuse , or custome to the contrarie abrogate it . And howsoeuer a superstition toward the Canons , may still be preserued in some of you , yet the generall state , that is , the same authority , by which those Canons were receaued before , which euer had anie strength here , hath disused them , & pronounced against so many of them , as can fall within this question , that is , Such as bee derogatorie to the Crowne . For , if these lawes bee not borne aliue , but haue their quickning by others acceptation , the same power that giues them life , may by desertion withdraw their strength , and leaue them inualid . 33 And thus much seemed needfull to be said in the first part of this chapter , that you might see how putrid and corrupt a thing it is , which is offered to you vnder the reuerend name of Canons ; And that though this Cannon law be declined , and extenuated when we vrge it , yet euery Sentence thereof is equall'd to Diuine Scripture ; and produced as a definition of the Church , when it may worke their ends vpon your consciences , which , for diuers reasons issuing out of their owne rules , should now be deliuered from that yoake . THE SECOND PART . FOr the second place in this Chapter , I reserued the consideration and suruay of those Canons which are Ordinarily vsurped for defence of this temporall Iurisdiction : In which my purpose is not , to amasse all those Canons which incline toward that point , of which condition those which exexempt the Clergy from secular Iurisdiction , and very many other , are , but onely such as belong more directly to this point , to which the Oath stretches , That is , whether the Pope may depose a Soueraine Prince , and so we shall discern whether your consciences may so safely relie vpon any resolution to be had out of the Canons , that you may incurre the dangers of the law , for refusall thereof . 2 Of which Canons , though I will pre●ermit none , which I haue found to haue beene vrged , in any of their Authours , I will first present those Fower , which are alwaies produced with much confidence and triumph : Though one Catholique Author , which might be aliue at the making of the Clementines ( for he liued and flourished about 1350 , and Clement the fift died not much before 1320. ) haue drawen these foure Canons into iust suspition : for thus he saies of them , The Pastors of the Church putting their Hooke into another mans Haruest , haue made foure Decretals , which , God knowes , whether they be iust or no : But I doe not beleeue ( yet I recall it if it be erroneous ) that any of them is agreeable to Law , but I rather beleeue that they were put forth against the libertie of the empire . 3 The fi●st is a letter of Innocent the third , who was Pope about 1199. to the Duke of Caringia the occasion of which Letter , was this ; Henry the son of Frederic the first , of the house of Sueuia , succeeding his Father in the Empire , had obtained of the Princes of Germany , to whom the Election belonged , to chuse as Successo● to him , his sonne Henry : but hee being too young to gouerne● when his father died , they tooke thereby occasion , though against their Oath , to leaue him ; being also d●sirous ●o change the stocke , and chuse an Emperour of some other race ; By this meanes was Duke Ber●holdus , by some of the Pr●nces elected ; but resign'd againe to Philip brother to the dead Emperour , in whom the greatest number consented . But some of the other Princes had called home out of England , Otho of the house of Saxony , and elected him . Here upon arose such a schisme , as rent that country into very many parts : And then Innocent the third , an actiue and busie Pope ( for it was he which so much infested our King Iohn ) sent his Legate into those parts , vpon pretence of composing those differences . And being in displeasure with the house of Sueuia for the Kingdome of Sicily , which was in their possession , but pretended to by the Church , his Legate disallowed the election of Philip , and confirmed Otho . But some of the Princes ill satisfied with the Legates proceeding herein , complained thereof to the Pope ; in aunswere whereof the Pope writes to one of them , this Letter . In which , handling his Right of confirming the elected Emperor , though he speake diuers things derogatorie to the dignity of Princes , discoursiuely , and occasionally , yet is not this letter such a Decree , as being pronounced Cathedrally in a matter of faith , after due consultation , should binde posteritie , but onely a direction to that person , how he ought to behaue himselfe in that businesse . 4 The Letter may be thus abridged ; VVe acknowledge the right of the Election to be in the Princes , especially because they haue it from the Apostolicke Sea , which transferred the Empire vnto them : But , because we must consecrate the Person elected , we must also examine his fitnesse . Our Legate therefore did no Acte concerning the Election , but the person elected . Wee therefore repute OTHO Emperour ; For , if the Electors would neuer agree , should the Apostolicke Sea alwayes be without a defender ? We haue therfore thought it fit , to war●e the Princes , to adhere to him . For there are notorious impediments against the other : as publicke Excommunication , persecuting the Church , and manifest periurie . Therefore wee commaund you to depart from him , notwithstanding any Oath made to him , as Emperour . 5 And is there any matter of Faith in this Decretall ? Or any part thereof ? Is it not all grounded vpon matter of fact , which is , the Translation o● the Empire which is yet vnder disputation● Doe not many Catholicke writers denie the verie act of Transferring by the Pope ; And saye , That the people being now abandoned and forsaken by the Easterne Emperours , had by the law of Na●ure and Nations , a power in themselues to choose a King ? And doe not those which are more liberall in confessing the Translation , denie that the Popes Consecration , or Coronation , or Vnction in●uses any power into the Emperor , or works any fart●er , then w●en a Bishop doeth the same ceremonies to a King ? Is it not iustly said , that i● the Emperour must stay for his Authoritie , till the Pope doe these acts , he is in worse condi●ion , by this increase of his Dominions then he was before . For , before he was Emperour , and had a little of Italy added to him , there was no doub● but that he had full iurisdiction , in his owne Dominions before these Ceremonies , and now hee must stay for them . 6 And may not the Popes question in this le●ter , be well retorted thus , If the Pope will not crowne the Emperour at all , shall the Empire euer lacke a head ? For the Pope may well be presumed to be slacke in that office , because he pretends to be Emperour during the vacancie . But besides that an ouer earnest maintaining of this that the Emperour had no iurisdiction in Italy , before these Ceremonies , would diminish and mutilate the patrimonie of the Church , of which a great part was confe●red and giuen by Pipin , be●ore any of these ceremonies were giuen b● the pope , the glosser vpon the Clementines , is liquid & round in this point , when he sayes , That these ceremonies , and the taking of an Oath , are nothing ; and that now , Resipiscente mundo , the world being growne wiser , there must be no longer striuing for both swords . 7 For those notorious impediments , which the Pope obiects in this letter , against Philip , if they were such as made him incapable of Election , then there was a Nullity in the choise , and the Pope did nothing but declare that ; which may of●en fall out in states , which elect their Princes , because there are many limitations , but in Successorie princes , it cannot hold : but if these were not such impediments , by the lawes which gouerned the Electors , they became not such , by this Declaration . For one of them , which is manifest periurie , the pope himselfe was some cause of his continuing therein . For the oath was made to his brother , in the behalfe of his young Nephew , who should haue beene Emperour . And now the Pope had not onely disabled him , but all the other Princes , from keeping that oath , by electing or confirming another Emperour . 8 But if all which the Pope sayes in that letter , shall not onely bee strong enough to binde the Election , but to binde the consciences of posterity , as matter of faith , his last reason against Philips election , must haue equall strength with the rest , which would bee of dangerous consequence ; for it is , That if after his Father had beene Emperour , and his Brother , he also should succeede , the Empire would passe from Election to succession , and none should be assumed but of one house ; Either then it is matter of faith , that three of one family may not succeed in an Electiue state , or , as this is , so all the rest are but arguments of inconueniencie & vnfitnes . 9 And this absoluing this Duke , to whom he writes , of his Oath , is but of an Oath made Ratione Regni , to him who neuer had the Kingdome : and therefore that power of absoluing , cannot by this Decretall be extended to such Oathes , which are acknowledged to haue beene iust , when they were made , as being made to lawfull and indubitable Princes . And certainly ( for though you dare not heare , yet wee dare speake trueth , ) the whole purpose in that act , of the Pope , was corrupt , and farre from intention of making peace . Of whose profit by reason of that dissention one of your owne Abbats , sayes , That there was scarse any Bishoprick , or Parish Church , which was not litigious , and the Suite brought to Rome , Sed non vacua Manu , And so he proceedes , Gaude , Mater nostra Roma , because all flowes to thee , aperiuntur Cataractae the saurorum . Reioyce for the iniquitie of the Sonnes of men ; Iocundare de Adiutrice tua Discordia . Thou hast now that which thou didst alwaies thirst . Sing thy song , because thou hast ouercome the world , not by thy Religion , but the wickednesse of men , for men are not drawne to thee by their owne Deuotion , or by a pure Conscience , but by the doing of manifolde wickednesses , and by buying the Decision of their Suites and Causes . 10 The second Canon vsually produced , and noted by Albericus ( as I said ) to be against Iustice , issued vpon this occasion . When Otho whom the former Pope had established against Philip , became vnthankfull to the Pope , hee also was excommunicate : and Frederick , the Sonne of the first Frederick , to whom the Princes had sworne in his Cradle , was elected and crowned ; with whom also , b●c●use hee would not goe into the holy land , and expose the Kingdome of Sicily to their Ambition , the Popes fell out , and excommunicated him thrice . And when a generall Councell was gathered by Innocent the fourth , for the reliefe of the holy land , the Pope himselfe proposed Articles against the Emperour . Whose Aduocate Thaddaeus promised all , which might conduce to peace and Reformation on his Maisters behalfe . This satisfied not the Pope , but he asked for Sureties : and when the Kings of England and France , were offered , the pope refused them , vpon pretence , that if the Emperor should remaine incorrigible , the Church should by this means raise more heauy enemies to it selfe . Then Thaddaeus proceeded to excuse his Maister , in all the particular obiections , and desired that hee m●ght be personally heard , but to that the pope replied , If he come I will depart , for I doe not yet finde my selfe fit and ready for martyrdome . Yet the English which were there , extorted a fortnights leasure for the Emperours comming : but he not daring or disdaining to come , the pope proceeded to this sentence of Depriuation ; which , sayes the Relater the●eof , He thundred out terribly , not without the amazement and horrour of all the hearers and by-standers . And Thaddaeus protested vppon it , This day is a day of wrath , and of calamity and miserie . 11 So this Bull proceeded from a distempered Pope , and at a time when hee was not assisted with the Holy Ghost , for he was not in a readines to suffer Martyrdome for him . And where the Inscription saies , it was Presenti Concilio ; the Margin notes , that it is not said approbante Concilio , though it assigne this for the reason , least the Pope should seeme to neede the Councell . 12 So that , though it reach full as farre as Pius the fift his Bull against our late Queene ( for it depriues , it absolues Subiects , and it excommunicates all adherents ) yet it hath nothing by which it should be called a Canon , or lawe to direct and gouerne posterity ; for there might be as much infirmity in this act of Depriuing , as in the former of Excommunicating ; yea it was subiect to much more errour then that acte of spirituall iurisdiction , which hath beene lesse questioned : yet in the preamble of this sentence , the pope saies of those former sentences , If the Church haue iniured him in any thing , she is ready to correct her selfe , to reuoke , and to make satisfaction . So that it may be , the pope erred in both these acts . 13 Nor doe those wordes which are in the Inscription , Ad perpetuam rei Memoriam , giue it the strength of a precedent , and obligatorie Canon , but rather declare out of what shoppe it came , since that is the ordinary stile of the Romane Court , and not of the Canons of Councels . Nor can it euer be deduced by any consequence , out of this Sentence , That the Pope hath the same power ouer other Soueraigne Princes , as he exercised there against the Emperour ; because hee proceeded against him ( though vitiously and iniuriously , and tyrannically ) by colour of a Superiority claimed by him , and then not denied by the Emperour , but testified by diuers Oathes of Fidelity to him , which cannot be extended against those princes , which admit no dependency vpon him , by any reason conteined in this Sentence . 14 By the third of these foure principall Rescripts , Clement the fift annuls a Iudgement made by the Emperour Henry the seuenth , against Robert king of Sicily , whom as a subiect of the Empire , the Emperour had declared a Rebell , and depriued him of his Kingdome and absolued his subiects of their obedience . And the reasons why the Pope interposes himselfe herein , are not grounded vpon his power , as he is Pope , or as he is spirituall Prince , but meerely as he is a temporall Prince . For first he saies , The King of Sicily held that Kingdome of the Church ; and the Pope , who was thereby his ordinary iudge , ought to haue beene called to the iudgement ; And that the Emperour could not take knowledge of faults committed at Rome , as those , with which that King was charged , were laid to be : Nor his Iurisdiction and power of citation extend into the territory of the Church where that King was then residing : nor he bee bound vpon any Citation , to come to a place of so certaine danger . 15 It is not therefore for this part of the Decretall , that either they alleadge it so frequently , or that Albericus laid that marke vpon it , that it betrayed the authority of the Emperours ; for in this particular case , I should not bee difficult to confesse , some degrees of Iustice , in prouiding that the Sentence of the Empe●or should not preuaile , where na●urally and iustly it could not worke ; especially the pope proceeding so manne●ly , as to reuoke it after the Emperors death ; and as the Glosse saies , Ad tollendum murmur Populi , who grudged that the Emperour should dispose of them , who were the subiects of the Church . 16 But the danger is in the last clause , which is , We out of the Superiority , which without doubt we haue ouer the Empire , and out of that power , by which we succeed therein , in a vacancy , and by that power which Christ gaue vs in Peter , declare that iudgement to bee voide , and reu●ke all which hath beene done thereupon . For the first part of which Clause , touching his Superiority ouer the Emperor , if he had any ( which , as many good authors denie , as affirme it● ) he had it by contract betweene the Emperour and the Church ; and he neither can , nor doth claime that , at least not all that which hee pretended in the Empire , in other princes dominions ; for where doth he p●etend to succeede ●n a Vacancy , but in the Empire ? And if he had that right , Iure Diuino , it woul● st●etch to all other places : And ●f it be by Con●ract , that cannot be but conditionall and variable in it selfe , and not to be drawen into e●ample to the preiudice of any other prince . And ●or his last title , which is the power deriued by S. Peter to him , because in this place he extends it no further but to a defence of S. Peters patrimony , and onely by declaring a Sentence to be void , which otherwise might scandalize some of his subiects , we haue no reason to exagitate it in this pl●ce , nor haue you any reason to assure your consciences , by the instruction or light of this Canon , that that power extends to any ●uch case , as should make you , in these substantiall circumstances , of great de●riment refuse this Oa●h . 17 The four●h Canon , which is , the Clementine of the diuers Oathes sworne by the Emperours to the Popes , though it be euer cited , and be by Albericus i●stly accused of iniustice : yet it can by no extension worke vpon your conscience . For the purpose thereof is but this ; That diffe●ences continuing betweene the Emperour and the King of Sicily , and ●he Pope writing to reconcile them , he vseth this as one induction , That they had both sworne Fidelity and Alleageance to him . The Emperor answered , That he vnderstood not that Oath , which he had taken , to be an Oath of Alleageance : And therfore the Pope , afte● the Emperou●s death , in this Decretall pronounces , That they are Oathes of fidelities and Alleageance , and that whosoeuer shall be created Emperour , shall take those Oathes , as such . But , to leaue it to the Lawyers , ( whose tongues , and pennes are not silenc●d by this Decretall , ) to argue whether they be oathes of Alleageance , or no , and imposed by the pope essentially , so as the Emperour had no iurisdiction without them ( the first being a Constitution of the Emperour Otho , and not of the pope , ( if it be rightly cited by Gratian ) The second but an oath of Protection of the Church , and the pope , And the third , only o● a pure and intire obseruing of the Catholique faith ) who can presse an argument out o● this Canon , though it we●e wholy confessed and accepted as it lies , that the pope may depose a king of England ? For Bellarmine informes your consciences ●ee●er then any of those Con●ellors , who auert you from the oath , by this , and such Canons● That the Empire not depending absolutely vpon the Pope , but since Charlemains time , this Oath of Alleageance is taken of the Emperour , because the Pope translated the Empire vpon him . And whether ●his be true or false , in the la●ter part of translation , yet his reason and argument discharges all other supreme princes , ouer whom the pope hath no such pretence . 18 Hauing passed through these foure , wee will consider those Canons , which are in Gratian , to this purpose . The first whereof may iustly be the Donation of Constantine . Which though it be not Gratians , but inserted , by the name of Palea ( of whom , whether hee were a man of that name , a Scho●ler of Gratian , or whether he called his Ad●dition to Gratian , Paleas in humility , the Canonists are like to wrangle , as long as any body will read them ) yet it is in the body and credit of Canon law . 19 Towards the credit of this Donation , there lackes but thus much , to make it possible , That the Emperour had not power , to giue away ha●●e his Empire , and that that Bishop had not capacitie to receiue it , And but thus much of making it likely , That the Church had no possession thereof , but that it remained still with the Successors of the Emperours : for if it had these degrees of possibility or credibility , & did not speake in barbarous language discording from that time , nor in false Latine vnworthy of an Emperours Secre●arie , nor gaue the pope leaue to confer orders vpon whom he would , nor spoke of the Patriarchate of Constantinople , before it had either that Dignity , or that Name , I should be content , as I would in other fables , to study what the Allegory thereof should be . But since the Pope can liue without it , And Az●rius tells vs , that though the Donation bee fal●e , yet the Pope hath other iust titles to his estates , ( though , by his leaue , he hath no such title , as will authorize him to depose Princes , as Soueraigne Lord ouer all the Westerne Kings , as they pretend by this , if it were iustifiable ) I will leaue it as they doe , as a thing too suspicious and doubtfull , to possesse any roome , but that which it doth in Gratian. Onely , this I will adde , that if the power of the Emperour were in the Pope , by vertue of this Donation , yet wee might safely take this Oath , because this Kingdome hath no dependance vpon the Empire . 20 The next that I finde alleadged , ( to keepe this Order , as they lie in Gratian ) is a sentence taken out of S. Augustine , by which you may see how infinite a power , they place in the Pope : His words are : If the King must bee obeyed , though hee commaund contra Societatem , yea , it is contra Societatem , if he be not obeyed , because there is a generall contract in humane Societies , that Kings must be obeyed ; how much more must we obey God , the Gouernour of all Creatures ? And do they which alleadge for the Popes Supremacy ouer Princes , intend the Pope to be Gouernour of all Creatures ? Doth he gouerne Sea , and Elements ? or doe they thinke that the will and commandements of God are deriued to vs onely by the way of the Pope ? or why should not wee thanke them , for producing this Canon , since it is direct , and very strong for Kings , and for the Popes , it is but common with all other Magistrates , who must be obeyed , when God speaks in them , or when they sp●ake not against God ? 21 In the tenth Distinction , one Pope by the testimony of two other popes , saies , That the Ecclesiastique Constitutions must be preferred before the Emperours lawes : And the cases mentioned there , are the constituting of a Met●apolitane , & the dissoluing of a Mariage , vpon entring into Religion ; to which , I say , that these cases , by consent of the Emperours , were vnder their iurisdiction . And if you gather a generall rule by this , of the force of Canons aboue Ciuill lawes , you proceede indirectly accepting the same persons , for Parties , Iudges , and Witnesses : and besides it is not safe arguing from the Emperour to another absolute Prince , nor from the authority , which Canons haue in his Dominions , to what they should haue in all . 22 In the 21. Distinction , A Pope writing to a Bishoppe of Milan , telles him , That the dignities and preheminences of Churches , must be as the Bishoppe of Rome shall ordaine , because Christ committed to Peter , which hath the keyes of eternall life , Iura terreni simul & Caelestis imperij But if he meane by his Terrenum Imperium , the disposing of the dignities and preheminencies of Churches one aboue another in this world : Or if he meane by it , That he hath this Terrenum Imperium , as he hath the keyes of heauen , that is to binde and loose sinnes by spirituall censures and Indulgences of absol●tion , in which capaci●y he may haue authority ouer the highest secular Princes ; for any thing conteined in this Oath , this Canon wil do vs no harme . But if hee meane that Christ gaue him both these authorities together , and that thereby he hath them as Ordinary Iudge , then Bellarmine and all which follow the Diuines opinion of indirect power , will forsake him ; and so may you by their example . 73 After , another Pope , Gelasius writes to Anastasius the Emperour , comparing Secular and Ecclesiastique d●gnity . And he sa●es , You know that you depend vpon their iudgement : but this is , saies the Glosse , in spirituall matters . And because this Canon comes no neerer our question , then to iustifie in the Pope a power of excommunicating Princes , ( for it assumes no more ●hen Ambrose exercised vpon Theodosius ) I will stand no longer vpon it . 24 And these be the Canons , which out of the Distinctions , I haue obserued to be scattered amongst their Authours , when they teach this doctrine : for any that preferres Priest-hood befo●e Principality , seemes to them ●o conduce to that point . Now I will follow Gratian in his other parts where the first is , the Canon Nos si incompetenter , which is ve●y of●en vr●ed , but it is so farre ●rom in●luding this power of Deposing , that it excludes it ; ●or , allowing the Priest powe● to Reprehend , and remembring former examples of Excommunication , hee addes , Nathan in reproouing the King , executed that office , in which he was Superiour to him , but he vsurped not the Kings office , in which he was inferiour ; nor gaue iudgement of death vpon him as Adulterer , or murderer . 25 In the seuenth Question of the ninth Cause , from the Canon Episcopo , to the end of that Question , there are many sayings , which aduance the digni●y of the Romane Seate , and forbidde al men to hinder Appeals thither , or to iudge of the popes Decrees : But all these were in spirituall causes , and directed to spirituall persons , and vnder spirituall punishments . Onely , in the Canon Fratres the king of Spaine seemes to be threatned , but it is with Excommunication onely . And all these Canons together , are deliuered by one Pope of another , In whome , sa●es the Glosse , It is a familiar kinde of proofe , for one one Pope to produce another for witnesse , as God did proue the sinnes of Sodome , by Angels . And as there is much iniustice in this manner of the Popes proceeding , so is there some tincture of blaspemy , in the maner of iustifying it , by this Comparison . 26 The Canon Alius , which droppes out of euery penne , which hath written of this Subiect , is the first wherein I marked any Pope to speake of Deposing ; In this , Gelasius writes to Anastasius ; a Pope to an Emperour , that Pope Zachary his predecessor , had deposed the King of France , because he was vnfit for so great a power . But the Glosser doth the Pope good seruice , and keepes him within such a conuenient sense , as may make him say true ; For , saies ●e , He deposed , that is , Hee gaue consent to them which did depose , which were the States of that Kingdome ; which he saies , out of the Euidence of the history ; for he is so farre f●om coarcting the Popes power , that wee may easily deprehend in the Glosse , more ●raud and iniquity , then arrogance and tyrannie in the Pope . For , saies he , the vnfitnesse of the French King , was licentiousnesse , not infufficiency to gouerne , for then the Pope ought to haue giuen him an assistant . To proue w●ich , he cites two other Canons ; In which places it appeares , That to Bishoppes vnable by reason o● age , to discharge their functions , the Pope assigns Coadiutores , and by this the Glosser might euict , that he hath the same Ordinary authority to dispose of Kingdomes , as of Bishoprickes . This Canon therefore doth onely vnfaithfully relate the act of another Pope , and not determine nor decree any thing , nor binde the conscience . 27 In the same Question , there is a Canon or two , in which our case is thus farre concern'd ; that they handle the Popes authority in Absoluing and Dispensing from Oathes : And the first is c●ted often and with great courage ; because besides the word Ab omnibus Iuramentis , & cuiuscunquemodi obligationibus absoluimus , there followes , parsue thē with the spirituall and materiall sword . But when we consider the case and the History , this power will not extend to our cause . For the Pope thereby doth giue liberty to some Bishops , to recouer by iust violence , such parts of the Church Patrimonie , as were taken away from them , and doth dispence with such oathes as they had beene forced to take , by those which iniuriously infested the Church . Yet I denie not but that the glosser vpon this Canon is liberall enough to the Pope , for he sayes , hee hath power to dispence against the law of Nature , & against the Apostle . 28 After this , followes that solemne and famous Canon of Gregory the seuenth , Nos sanctorum . Of whom , since he had made a new rent in the body of the Church , ( as Authors of his own Religion ( if he had any ) professe , ) it is no maruaile that he patched it , with a new ragge in the body of the Canon law . Thus therefore he saies , Insisting vpon the statutes of our predecessors , by our Apostolique authority , wee absolue from their Oath of Alleageance , all which are bound to persons excommunicate ; And we vtterly forbid them , to beare any Alleageance to such , till they come to satisfaction . But to whom shall these men be subiect in the meane time ? To such a one as will be content to resigne , when so euer the other will aske forgiuenesse ? Ambition is not an ague ; it hath no fits , nor accesses , and remittings ; nor can any power extin●guish it vpon a sodaine warning . And if the purpose of Popes in these deposings , were but to punish with temporarie punishment , why are the Kingdomes , which haue been transferred by that colou● , from Hereticall Princes , still with-held from their Catholique Heires ? 29 But who these predecessors , of whom the Pope speaks in this letter , were , I could neuer find . And it appeares by this , that this was an Innouation , and that he vsed Excommunication to serue his own ends , because in another Canon he sayes , That many perished by reason of Excommunications ; and that therefore he being now ouercome with compassion , did temper that sentence for a time , and withdraw from that band , all such as communicated with the excommunicate person , except those by whose Counsaile , the fault was perpetrated , which induced the Excommunication . And this , sayes the glosse , he did , because he saw them contemne excommunication , and neuer seek Absolution ; for all those whom he exempts by this Canon , were exempt before his time by the law it selfe . So that where he sayes Temperamus , it is but Temperatum esse ostendimus ; and hee did but make them afraid , who were in no danger , and make them beholden to him , whom the law it selfe deliuered . And of this Canon in speciall words a one of their great men sayes , That it binds not , where it may not be done , without great damage of the subiect . 30 Of his Successor , almost immediate , ( for Victor the third lasted but a little ) I finde another Canon , almost to the same purpose ; for he wr●tes to a Bishop , to forbid the Souldiers of an Earle , who was excommunicate , to serue him , though they were sworne to him . For , saye● he● They are not tied by any authority to keepe that alleageance , which they haue sworne to a Christian Prince , which resists God and his Saints , and treads their precepts vnder his feete . But in this man , as Gregories spirit wrought in him , wh●lst he liued , for he was his Messenger to publish the Excommunication against the Emperour in Germany , so Gregories ghost speakes now ; for all this was done to reuenge Gregories quarrell ; though in his owne particular hee had some interest , and reason of bitternesse , for he had beene taken and ill vsed by Henry in Germany . 31 In the 25 Cause there is a Canon which tasts of much boldnesse ; What King so euer , or Bishop , or great person , shall suffer the Decrees of Popes to be violated , Execrandum Anathema sit . But these ( for in this Cause there are diuers Canons , for the obseruing of the Canons ) are for the most part such imprecations , as I noted before , Gregory the first ●o haue made for preseruation of the priuiledges of Medardus Monastery , and some other of the same name ( of which kinde also Villagut , hath gathered some other examples ; ) And at farthest , they extend but ●o excommunication ; and are pronounced by the Popes themselues , and are intended of such Canons , as are of matters of faith , that is , such as euen the Popes themselues are bound to obserue ; as appeares here , by Leo●he ●he fourths Canon , Ideo permittente . And here I will receiue you from Gratian , and leade you into the Decretals , whom they iustly esteeme a little better company . 32 To proue the Popes generall right , to interpose in all causes ( which seemes to conduce to the Question in hand ) they cite often this case falling out in England ; which is , vpon seuerall occasions three or foure times intimated in the Decretals . It was thus : Alexander the third , writes to certaine Bishoppes in England , to iudge , as his Delegates , in a Matrimoniall cause . And because the person whose legitimation was thereby in question , was an ●eire , and the Mother dead , and the Pope thought it not fit , that after her death , her marriage should bee so narrowly looked into , since it was not in her life , therefore he appoints , That possession of the land should bee giuen first , and then the principall point of the marriage proceeded in . And by this they euict for him a title in temporall matters Accessorily , and Consequently . But if they consider the times , they may iustly suspect vniust proceeding ; For it was when Alexander the third did so much infest our King Henry the second . And it seemes he did but trie by this , how much the King would endure at his hands ; for when he vnderstood that the king tooke it ill , then came another Letter , related also in the Canons , wherein hee confesseth , that that matter appertaines to the King , and not to the Church , And therefore commaundes them to proceede in the matter of the marriage , without dealing with the possession of the land . 33 Another Canon , not much vrged by the defenders of direct Authoritie , but by the other faction , is a Letter of Innocent the third . In which Letter , I beleeue the Pope meant to lay downe , purposely and determinately , how farre his power in Temporall matters extended . For it is not likely , that vpon a Petition of a priuate Gentleman , for Legitimation of his Children , who doubted not of his power to doe it , the Pope would descend to a long discourse and proofe out of both testaments , and reasons of conueniencie , that he might doe it , and then in the end , tell him , hee would not , except hee meant , that this Letter should remaine as euidence to posteritie , what the Popes power in Temporall causes was . Let vs see therefore what that is which he claimes . 34 A Subiect of the King of France , who had put away his Wife , desires the Pope to legitimate certaine Children which he had by a second wife . And , it seemes , he was encouraged thereunto , because the Pope had done that fauour to the King of France before : The Pope answers thus , By this , it seemes , that I may graunt your request , because I may certainely Legitimate to all spirituall capacities , and therefore it is Verisimilius , & probabilius , that I may doe it in Temporall . And , sayes he , It seemes that this may be prooued by a similitude , because hee which is assumed to bee a Bishop , is exempted thereby from his fathers iurisdiction ; and a slaue deliuered from bondage , by being made a Priest : And , hee addes , In the patrimonie I may freely doe it , where I am supreme Prince : But your case , is not the same as the Kings was , not o●ly for spirituall considerations , which are , That he was lawfully seperated , and pretended neerenesse of blood , and was not forbid to marrie againe , and your proceeding hath beene without colour , and in contempt of the Church . But the King , who had no Superiour in Temporall matters , might without doing wrong to any other , submit himselfe to our iurisdiction ; But you are knowen to be subiect to another . Thus farre hee proceeded , waueringly , and comparatiuely , and with conditions and limitations . 35 And least this should not stretch farre enough , he addes ; Out of the Patrimonie in certaine causes , wee doe exercise Temporall iurisdiction casually , which the Glosse interprets thus , requested● And the Pope hath said before , That he which makes this request , must be one that hath no Superiour : And in this place he sayes , That this may not be done , to preiudice anothers right . But after this , vpon a false foundation , that is , an errour in their Translation ( where in Deuteronomie , Death being threatned to the transgressour of the sentence , Of the Priest and Iudge , they haue left out the Iudge ) he makes that state of the Iewes , so falsely vnderstood , to be a Type o● Rome , and so Rome at this time to be Iudge of all difficulties , because it is the seate of the high Priest. But he must be thought more constant , then to depart from his first groūd and therefore must meane , When superiour Princes , which haue no other Iudges , are in such doubtes , as none else can determine , Recurrendum est , ad sed●m Apostolicam ; that is , they ought to do it , rather then to go to the onely ordinary Arbitrator betweene Soueraigne Princes , the sword . 36 And when such Princes doe submit their causes to him , in such cases hee de●lares himselfe by this Canon , to be a competent Iudge , though the matter be a ciuill businesse , and he an Ecclesiasticall person : and though he seeme to goe ●omewhat farther , and stre●ch that typicall place in Deuteron . to ●gree with Rome so farre , that as there , so here , he which disobeyes , must die , yet hee explanes this death thus , L●t him as a dead man , be seperated from the Communion , by Excommunication . So that this Canon p●rposely enacted to declare temporall authority , by a Pope , whom none exceeded in a st●ffe and earnest promo●ing the dignity of that Sea , procedes onely by probabilities , and verisimilitudes , and equiualencies , and endes at last with Excommunication ; and therefore can imprint in you no reason to refuse this Oath . For out of this Canon , doth Victoria frame a strong argument , That this most learned Pope doeth openly confesse , by this Canon , that he hath no power ouer the King of France in Temporall matters . 37 Another Canon of the same Pope is often cited , by which , when the King of England complain'd , that the King of France had broken the Peace , which was confirm'd by Oath , the Pope writes to the Bishops of France , That though he intende not to iudge of that Title , in question , which appertaines not to him , yet the periurie belongs to his cognisance : and so , he may reprooue , and in cases of Contumacie , constraine , Per districtionem Ecclesiasticam , without exception of the persons of Kings : And therefore , sayes he , If the King refuse to performe the Articles , and to suffer my Delegates to heare the cause , I haue appointed my Legate , to proceede as I haue directed him . What his Instructions were , I know not by this ; but beyond Excommunication , you see by the Text , he pretends not : Whatsoeuer they were , this is certaine , That the Princes of those times , to aduantage themselues against their enemies , with the Popes helpe , did often admit him , to doe some acts against other Princes , which after , when the Pope became their enemie , themselues felt with much bitternesse . But in this Canon , hee disclaimes any Iurisdiction to iudge of Titles ; which those Popes tooke to themselues , who Excommun●cated our late Queene ( if Parsons say true , That they had respect to the iniustice of her Title , by reason of a Statute ) and all those Popes must doe , which shall doe any act , which might make this Oath vnlawfull to you . 38 In the title De Sent. Excom . there are two Canons , which concernes onely Excommunication of Heretickes , and in●ringers o● Ecclesiasticke Immunitie , and are directed but to one par●icular place . VVhich , though they can impose no●hing vpon your conscience against this Oath , may yet teach you not to grudge , that a State which prouides for her securitie by Lawes and Oathes , expresse it in such words , as may certainely reach to the principall purpose thereof , and admit no euasions . For so these Canons doe , when they Excommunicate , All of all Sexe , , of any Name , Fauourers , Receiuers , Defenders , Lawmakers , Writers , Gouernours , Consuls , Rulers , Councellours , Iudges , and Registers of any statutes , made in that place against Church liberties . 39 That the Canons haue power to abrogate Ciuill lawes of Princes , they vse to cite the Canon Quoniam omne , made by Innocent the third , who hath made more Canons then halfe of the Popes before him . And if this doe not batter downe , yet it vndermines all secular power . For they may easily pretend , that any Lawe , may in some case occasion sinne . This Canon hath also more then Ordinary authority , because it is made in a generall Councell : thus it ●aies , Absque bona fide , nulla valeat praescriptio , tam Canonica , quam ciuilis : And this , saies Bellarmine , doth abrogate an Imperiall lawe , by which prescription would serue , so that it begann Bona fide , though at some time after , he which was in possession , came to know , that his title was ill ; but the Canon l●w requires that he esteeme in h●s conscience , his title to be good , all the time , by which he p●escribes . But by this Canon , that particular Imperiall lawe is no more abrogated , then such other lawes as cannot be obserued without danger of sinne , which includes not onely some Ciuill Constitutions , but also some other Canons ; For your Glosser saies , That the Canon derogates from all Constitutions , Ciuill and Ecclesiastique , which cannot be obserued without deadly sin : that is , it makes them guilty in foro interiori . He addes , That he doth not beleeue , that the Pope did purpose by this Canon , to preiudice the ciuill lawes , nor that the wordes are intended of ciuill and secular law , but that by those wordes , Tam ciuilis , quam Canonica , the Pope meanes , that a prescriber Malae fidei , is guilty in conscience , whether it be of a matter Secular or Ecclesiastique . For ( saies bee ) though some say , the Pope meant to correct the law herein , yet this correction is not obserued in Iudicio Seculari . And therefore ( saies hee ) I doe not beleeue , that the Pope himselfe is bound to iudge according to this Canon , where he hath temporall iurisdiction , because hee hath that Iurisdiction from the Emperour : therefore the Imperiall law standes still , and is not abrogated by this Canon , though of a generall Councell . 40 This Pope also by a Canon in the title de Voto , hath gone the farthest of any , which haue fallen within my obseruation : for a King of Hungary , which had made a vowe to vndertake a warre for Hierusalem , preuented by death , imposed the execution thereof vpon his yonger sonne , who binding himselfe to performe it , with the armie which he leuied for that purpose , in pretence , troubled his brother in his Kingdome : To him therefore Innocentius writes , That except he doe forthwith performe the vow , he shall be excommunicate and depriued of all right to that Kingdome ; and that the kingdome , if his elder brother die without issue , shall deuolue to his younger brother . But all these threatnings , except that one of Excommunication , were not thundered by the Pope , as though hee could inflict them , out of his authority , but he remembers this ill-aduised Prince , that except he performe the will of his father , he looses his inheritance by the law : Which the Glosse in this place , endeuours to proue , and to that purpose cytes , and disputes some of the lawes in that point . 41 The Canon Solitae , though it be euery where alleadged , and therefore it importunes me to mention it , reaches not to our question , for it is onely a Reprehension made by a Pope , to a Greeke Emperour , because hee did not affoord his Patriarch of Constantinople dignity enough in his place . And he tels him , that he mistakes S. Peters meaning , in his Epistle , where he teaches obedience to Emperours ; For , saies he , he writ but to those which were vnder him , and not to al ; and he did prouoke them to a meritorious humility , not informe them of a necessary Duety ; For , saies he , if that place shall be vnderstood of Priests , and literally , then Priests must bee subiect to Slaues , because it is Omni Creaturae , neyther ( saies he ) is it said , To the King , absolutely Precellenti , but tanquam precellenti , which was not added without cause . For ( saies the Glosse ) this word , Tanquam , is Similitudinarium , non expressiuum veritatis ; So that S. Peter doth not call the king Superiour in truth , but as it were Superiour ; as I noted the Cardinals to subscribe Letters to persons of lower ranke , Vester vti frater . And that which followes , of the punishment of euill doers , and praise of God , is not ( saies he ) that the King hath power of the sword ouer good and euill , but onely ouer them , which because they vse the sword , are vnder his iurisdiction . Then proceedes he to magnifie Priesthood , because Ieremie , to whom Commission was giuen ouer Nations , was descended of Priests : and because the Sunne which designes Priesthod , is so much bigger then the Moone : with so many more impertinencies , and barbarismes , and inconsequences , that I wonder why he , who summ'd it , should so specially say of this Canon , that it is Multum Al●egabile . 42 In the Canon Grauem , Honorius the third writes to certaine Prelates , whose Church had receiued much detriment by a Noble-man , That since he hath continued contemptuously vnder Excommunication two yeares , if vpon this last monition he refuse to conforme himselfe , they should discharge those Churches from their obedience to him , and denounce those which ought him alleageance , to be discharged therof , as long as be remained Excommunicate . But it appeares not here , whether hee were a Subiect of the Romane Church or no ; And yet appeares plainely that he was no Soueraigne , and therefore no precedent in our case , in which there could not easily be restitution giuen to any , after another were in possession . 43 In the next volume of the law , which they call Sex●us , I haue noted in their Authours but one Canon , which comes within any conuenient distance of this point , which is a Letter of Innocent the fourth to the Nobility of Portugall , by which , vnder paine of Excommunication hee commaunds them , to receiue the kings brother , as coadiutor to that king , Notwithstanding any Oath of Alleageance , or resistance of the King ; So that they preserued the right in the King , and in his children , if he shall ●aue any : Which , being but matter of fact , doth not constitute a rule , nor binde consciences , especially when for the fact it selfe , the note saies in that place , That the Pope ought not to haue interposed himselfe in that businesse . 44 In the Extrauagants●f ●f Pope Iohn the two and twenteth , there is one Canon which would take great hold of consciences obliged to that Sea , but that it proceedes from a Pope infam'd for heresie , and claimes that Iurisdiction , which it there inculcates , in the right of being Emperour , at that time , when the throne , by the death of Henrie the seuenth , was vacant . Thus it sa●es , Since it is cleare in law , and constantly obserued of olde , that in a vacancy of the Empire , because then there can be no recourse to any Secular Iudge , the Iurisdiction , Gouer●ment , and Disposition of the Empire deuolues to the Pope , who is knowne to haue exercised all these therein by himselfe , or others : whereas diuers continue the offices of the Empire , without our Confirmation , we admonish all vnder Excommunication , euen Kings , to leaue off those titles ; and if they doe not so , within two moneths ( how could hee prophesie so long a vacancie ? ) Wee will Excommunicate the persons , and interdict the Dominions of them all , Etiam superiores et inferiores Reges , and proceede with them , spi●itually and temporally , as we shall farther see to be expedient . And wee absolue all men , of all Oathes , by which they were bound to them . But , as I said before , this right of inflicting temporall punishment hee claim●s as Emperour ; and the spirituall punishments are threatned to no other , nor in any other Capacity , then as they are officers of the Empire , of which then hee imagines himselfe supreme Prince , and so he is enabled to doe all those acts , vpon any Prince which depends vpon the Empire , which he might doe Ordinarily in the Patrimony ; and all , which the Pope and the Emperour together might doe vpon any Prince , which vsurped the titles and dignities of the Empire , without the Emperours approbation . 45 In the Common Extrauagants , that which they call vnam Sanctam , made by Boniface the eight , Anno 1302. hath the greatest force of all : both because it intends to proue and to Decree a certaine proposition , That it is of the necessitie of Saluation to be subiect to the Pope , and also because it determines it with Essentiall and formall words , belonging to a Decree , Declaramus , Definimus , Pronunciamus . And though in the body and passage of the Decree , there are sometimes arrogations of Secular Iurisdiction , by way of argument , and conueniencie , and Probable consequence ; yet is there nothing drawne into the definition , and Decree , and thereby obligatorily cast vpon our Consciences , but onely this , That a Subiection to the Pope is , of the necessitie of Saluation . For , sayes the glosse , it was the intention of the Pope in this Decretall , to bring reasons , examples , and authorities , to proue that Conclusion . So that , as if it pleased him to haue said so definitiuely , without arguing the case , the Decretall had beene as perfit and binding , as it is after all his reasons , and argumentation : so doe not his Reasons bind our reason , or our faith , being no part of the Definition , but leaue to vs our liberty , for all but the Definition it selfe . 46 And a Catholique which beleeues by force of this Decretall , That he cannot be saued except he obay the Pope , is not bound to beleeue there●fore , that these words of S. Iohn , There shall be one sheepe-folde , and one sheepheard , are meant of a Subiection of all Christian Princes to the Pope , as this Decretall , by way of Argument , sayes ; but he may be bold , for all this , to beleeue an elder Pope , that this is spoken of ioyning Iewes and Gentiles in one faith ; or Theophilact , That this proues one God to be the sheepheard of the olde and new Testament , against the Maniches . Nor is he bound , because this Decretall saies it by the way , to beleeue that the words in Saint Luke , Behold here are two swords , to which Christ did not answere , It is too much , but it is enough , doe proue the spirituall and temporall swords to bee in the disposition of the Church ; but he is at liberty for all this , to b●leeue Chrysostome , That Christ by mentioning two swords in that place , did not meane , that they should possesse swords , ( for what good ( sayes he ) could two swords doe ? ) but he forwarned them of such persecutions , as in humane iudgement would neede the defence of swords . Or he may beleeue Ambrose , That these two swords , are the sword of the Worde , and the sword of Martyrdome : of which there is mention in S. Luke , A sword shall passe thorow my soule . So that these swords arme them to seeke the truth , and to defend it with their liues : or hee may beleeue S. Basil , who saies , That Christ spoke Prophetically , that they would encline to vse swordes , though indeede they should not doe so . Both which expositions of Chrysostome and Basil , a Iesuite remembers , and addes for his owne opinion ; That Christ did not confirme two Swords to the Church , by Saying , It is enough , but onely , because they could not vnderstand him , he broke off further talke with them , as we vse when we are troubled with one , who vnderstands vs not , to say , T is well , T is enough . 47 For Bellarmine is our warrant in this case , who saies , That those wordes intimate no more , but that the Apostles , when persecution came , would be in as much feare , as they who would sell all to buy swords : and that Pope Boniface did but mystically interprete this place . 48 And as the exposition of other places there cited by Boniface , and his diuers reasons scattered in the Decretall , ●al not within the Definition therof , no● binde our faith ; so doth it not , that those wordes spoken by God to Ieremy , I haue set thee ouer the nations , and ouer the Kingdomes , and to plucke vp , and roote out , to destroy and to throw downe , to build and to plant , are ve●ifi●d of the Ecclesiastique power , though he say it . But any Catholique may boldly beleeue that they were spokē only to Ieremy , who had no further Commission by them , but to denounce , and not to inflict those punishments . For it were hard , if this Popes Mysticall expositions should binde any man ( contrary to his oath appointed by the Trent Councell ) to leaue the vnanime consent of the Fathers in expounding these Scriptures : and so an obedience to one Pope should make him periured to another . The last D●finition therefore of this Decretall , which was first and principally in the purpose and intention of this Pope , which is , Subiection to him , is ma●ter of faith to all them , in whom the Popes Decre●s beget fai●h , but temporall Iurisdiction is not hereby imposed vpon the conscience , as matter of faith . 49 But because this Canon was suspiciously penn'd , and perchance misinterpretable , and bent against the kingdome of France , betweene which state and the Pope there was then much contention , so that therefore it kept a iealous watch vppon the proceeding of that Church , Clement the fif● , who came to be pope within foure yeares after the making of this Canon , made another Decree , That by this Definition or Declaration of Boniface , that Kingdome was not preiudiced , nor any more subiect to Rome , then it was before the making of that Decree . And though it was not Clements pleasure to deale cleerely , but to leaue the Canon of Boniface , as a stumbling blocke still to others , yet out of the whole History this will result , to vs , that if this temporall Iurisdiction , which some gather out of this Canon , were in the Pope , Iure Diuino , hee could not exempt the kingdome of Fraunce ; and if it were not so , no Canons can create it But euen this exemption of Clement proues Bonifaces acte to be Introductory , and new , for what benefite hath any man by being exempted from a Declaratorie law , when for all that exemption , ●ee remaines still vnder the former law , which that declares : So that nothing concerning temporall Iurisdiction is defined in that Canon ; but it is newly thereby made an Article of faith , that all men must vpon paine of damnation be subiect to the Church in spirituall causes ; from which Article it was necessary to exempt France , because that kingdome was neuer brought to be of that opinion . 50 And in the last Volume of the Canon law , lately set out in the Title , De Rescrip . & Mand. Apost . there is one Canon of Leo the tenth , and another of Clement the seuenth , which annull all Statutes and ciuill constitutions , which stoppe Appeales to Rome , or hinder the execution of the Popes bulles ; and inflicts Excommunication , and Interdicts the Dominions of any , which shall make or fauor such Statutes . But because these Canons doe not define this● , as matter of faith , I doubt not but the Catholiques of England would bee loath to aduenture the daungers which our Lawes inflict , vpon such as seeke Iustice at Rome , which may be had here : And they doe , though contrarie to these Canons , in continuall practise , bring all their causes into the Courtes of Iustice here , which , if the Canons might preuaile , belong'd to Rome . 51 And these be all the Canons , which I haue mark'd either in mine owne reading of them , or from other Authors which write of these questions ; to bee cited to this purpose . Those which concerne Ecclesiasticke immunitie , or the Popes spirituall power I omitted purposely● And of this kind which I haue dealt withall , I doubt not but some haue escaped me . But I may rather be ashamed of hauing read so much of this learning , then not to haue read all . 52 Heere therefore I will conclude , that though to the whole body of the Canon Law , there belong'd as much faith and reuerence , as to the Canons of the old Councels , yet out of them , you can finde nothing to assure your consciences , that you may incurre these dangers for refusall of the Oath . Nor may the Pope bee presum'd to imag●ne , that he shal re-establish himself in any place , which hath escaped , and deliuered it selfe from his vsurpations , by any Canon Law , except he be able to vse that Droict du Canon , which Montmorencie the French Constable , perswaded his King to vse against a Towne which held out against him . CHAP. XI . That the two Breues of Paulus the fift , cannot giue this assurance to this Conscience ; First , for the generall infirmities , to which all Rescripts of Popes are obnoxious : And th●n for certaine insufficiencies in these . THough that which hath beene said in the former Chapter of the Decretall Letters of Popes , extend also to these Breues , since they are all of the same elements and complexion , and subiect to the same diseases and infirmities : Yet because these two Breues , may bee said to haue beene addressed directly and purposely to giue satisfaction in this particular businesse , they may challendge more obedience , and lay a more Obligation then those other Decretals , which issuing vpon other occasions , doe not otherwise concerne the question in hand , then by a certaine relation , and consequence , and comparison of the circumstances which produced them , with the circumstances which begot these Breues . 2 It seemes that the Pope when hee would restraine the subiects of Princes , and keepe them short , when he would cut off there naturall and profitable libertie of obeying Ciuill Lawes , when he would fetter and manacle them in perplexities , and make them doe lesse then they should , to the losse of life , and liberties , he is content to send his Breues ; But when he will swell and blow vp Subiects with Rebellion , when he will fill them with opinions , that they may resist the entrances , or interrupt the possessions of Princes , when hee will haue them doe mo●e then they should doe , then come forth his Buls . For they say their Buls are so called out of the tumor , and swelling of the Seale ; And the other , because they are dispatch'd vnder a lesse Seale , Sub Annulo piscatoris , are therefore called Breues ; For , in temporall businesses of forraigne Princes , his Letters are euer defectiue , or abundant ; they command too much , or too little . 3 And as the Popes haue euer beene abstinent in declaring and expressing in certaine and euident tearmes , how they haue this temporall Iurisdiction , least hauing once ioynde issue vpon some one way , all men should bende their proofes against that , and being once defea●ed , they could be admitted to no other plea , then themselues had chosen to adhere to , and relie vpon : So haue they abstained as much from giuing any binding resolution , in the question , how farre the ciuill lawes of Princes doe binde the subiects conscience . For Nauar●us testifies of himselfe , and of Caietane , and others , that it was much desired of the Councell of Trent ; that it would haue defined something certainely in that point : for the want of this definition brought him to contradict himselfe , and to hang in a perplexed suspence , and various change of opinions , fiftie yeares ; and at last to resolue , That Ciuill lawes do● not binde the consciences , ad Mortale , in some such cases , as Carninus , his Catholique Aduersarie , saies , It is Haeresi proximum , and Temerarium , and sometimes Haereticum to say so . 4 If therefore we shall follow in this point Carninus his opinion , who deliuers as the most common and most probable , yea , necessarie Doctrine , That because Ciuill lawes are no more to be called Humane lawes , then Ecclesiastique are , ( for so also Nauarrus confounds the names ) and that in power of binding , Humane lawes , that is , Ciuill , and Ecclesiastique , are equall to Diuine law , because in euery iust law the power of God is in●used , And therfore , Diuinitas ista ( as he calls it ) inheres in all lawes , & to transgresse them is sin , And not only because the Maiestie of God , who quickens and inanimates this law , by a power deriued vpon his Lieutenant , is violated thereby , but euen in respect of the matter and Subiect , which is in euery law , that is , The common good , and tranquility , and to offend against that , is to offend against rectified Reason , and therefore since , This opinion , I say , being receiued as true , and so this law which commaunds this oath , made by a lawfull power , and for the publique Good , and generall tranquility , being in possession of the Subiects Consciences , and binding them vnder danger of Mortall sinne , whatsoeuer can warrant any man to transgresse this law , must haue both Authority , and Euidence enough , to assure the Conscience , which till then is bound thereby , that either for some Substantiall , or for some formall Defect , this was neuer any law , or that it is Abrogated , or that the persons of Catholiques are exempted from it . 5 And haue these Breues of the Popes gone about to giue your Consciences , as good reasons against the oath , as you were possessed withall before , for it ? Are you as sure that these Breues , or that any Breues can binde your Conscience in this Case , as you were before , that the law could ? And are you as sure that there are Breues , as that there is a law ? 6 If the statute which enacts a Subsidie , which by the Kings accep●ation becomes a law , and so bindes the Conscience , should so esteeme the refusall of the payment of his taxation in any person , to bee an argument of disloyalty , as to make it capitall to refuse it , would you thinke that it such a Breue as these are , should tell you , that you might not pay it , with out detriment of Christian faith , you might die as Martyrs for refusall thereof ? 7 If such a Breue should forbid you to suffer your children to bee wards , to deliuer land escheated , or confiscate , to disobey the Kings emprest when hee leuies an Armie , or any such act due by conscience to his lawes , should this worke so vpon you , as to make you incurre the penalties of lawes , or suspicion of ill affected subiects ? Nor can you say , that these are meere temporall matters , and therefore remoued from his Iurisdiction ; for all sinne is spirituall , and hee is Iudge what is sinne . 8 How weake a ground for Martyredome , and how vnsufficient to deuest a conscience of an obedience , imposed in generall by nature , and fastned with a new knot by an expresse law , are such sickly and fraile Breues , as the smallest and most vndiscernable errour , euen in matter of forme doth annihilate ? for first , in the Ti●le of Constitutions and Rescripts of Popes ( which is alwaies the next Title to that of the Trinity and Cathol●que Faith , in all the bookes of the Canon law , except those bookes which haue no Title of the Trinity & Catholique faith ) there appeares very many Reasons by which a Breue may bee of no force . 9 Alexander the third , w●iting to an Archbishop of Canturbury , giues a rule of large extent ; That in these kinde of letters ( that is , such as proceede vpon information , as our case is ) this condition ; If the request be vpon true grounds , is euer vnderstood , though it be not expressed . And writing to the Archbishoppe of Rauenna , he saies , If at any time we write such things to you , as exasperate your minde , you must not bee troubled ; but diligently considering the quality of the businesse , whereof we write , either reuerently fulfill our command , or pretend by your Letters a reasonable cause why you cannot : for we will endure patiently , if you forbear to performe that , which was suggested to vs by euill information . And so doth that title abound with Interpretations , Limitations , and Reuocations of such Breues . 10 And not onely Delegate Iudges , and such persons as ha●e an inward knowledge , of errour in the cause which mooued the Pope to write , haue power to iudge these Breues , to bee inualid , and of no force , but euery Schoole-master . For Lucius the third , by a Rescript of his forbids any credit to be giuen to any Rescript , in which there is false Latin● to which also the Glosser adds , That it vitiates a Breue , if the Pope speake to any one man in the plurall number ; or call a Patriarch or a Bishop sonne . 11 And , as many Omissions , and many Adiections in the body of the Breue , eyther in matter , or in forme do●h annull it , So would it make any considerate conscience to doubt , whether such a Breue can warrant the expence of blood , or incurring other Capitall dangers , that obserues , how often the Breues which haue issued vpon best consideration and assistance of Counsell , haue beene reuoked ; not vpon new emergent matter , but vpon better knowledge of the former . Of which it seemes to me to be of good vse , to present one illustrous and remarqueable example . 12 Eugenius the fourth , hauing first by one Bull dissolued the Councell held at Basil , and transfered it to another place , the Councell for all that proceeding , the Pope by a second Bull , annuls all which that Councell had yet , or should after Decree ; and this , by the Councell , and Assent of the Cardinals . After this the Councell cytes him , and all his Cardinals , vpon whom it inflicts confiscation , and other penalties , if they forbeare to come . And then the Pope by a third Bull annuls that decree of Citation , and excommunicates al persons , euen Kings and the Emperour , if they execute vpon any , that Decree of the Councell . And then he publishes a fourth Bull , by which he answeres all obiections made against him by the Councel , and hauing so established his owne innocence , he annuls all acts made in preiudice thereof , and this also with assent and subscription of the Cardinals . And at last he sends out a fift Bull , in which hee takes knowledge , that his first Bull of dissoluing the Councell , had occasioned many grieuos dissentions , and was like to occasion more , and therefore now , he Decrees and Declares ( by the Councell and Assent of his Cardinals still ) not only that the Councell of Basil should from thenceforth be good and lawfull , but that it was so , when that Bull came , and that it had beene so from the time of the beginning thereof . And so in expresse wordes , hee annuls his annulling of it : and he reuokes two former Buls , and pronounces them Irritas , Annullatas , Cassatas ; by the first whereof he had disabled the Councell , and by the second had excommunicated Princes , which should execute that , which he pronounces now to be iust : and of the other Bull he saies , It proceeded not from him , nor by his knowledge , though it were testified by the Cardinals , and endorsed formally by his Secretary . And euen this last Bull of so many Reuocations , Annihilations , and Tergiuersations was not thought strong , nor out of the danger of being reuoked againe , till the Councell accepted it , and ratified it by applying the BVLL and Seale of the Councell to it . 13 So is it familiar in the Popes , not for the variety of iust occasion , but for pe●sonall hate to their predecessors , to annull the acts of one another . So Stephen the sixth or seuenth , abrogated Omnes ordinationes , of Pope Formosus , and digged him vp , and cut of some of his fingers , and cast him into Tyber , and made all to whom he had giuen Orders , take new Orders againe . And next yeare Pope Romanus abrogated all Stephens Acts ; and within seuen yeare after , came Sergius , who refreshed the hate against Formosus , and beheaded his body ; which I wonder how he found , since Pope Stephen had so long before cast it into Tyber . 14 And in a matter so mainly concerning faith , as amongst them , an Autentique translation of the Bible , is , betweene the Edition of Sixtus the fift , and the Edition of Clement the eight , there is so much difference , euen in absolute and direct Contradictions , as he which reades the seuerall Breues , by which those two Editions are authorised ; both hauing equall iustifications of the present Editions , equal absolutions from oathes for admitting any other , equall imprecations and curses , for omitting these , may well thinke that that is a weake and litigious title to Ma●tyrdome , which is grounded vpon the Popes Breues , which he himselfe , when he sends them , knowes not whether they be iust or no. 15 For , as they haue forbidden many lawfull things , and offered to destroy the lawes themselues , so haue they allowed and authorized manie things , which our owne Reason , and discourse , and Experience , can conuince of falshood . 16 It is the common opinion that Eugenius the third , confirmed Gratian● Of whom , we may be bolde , out of that learned Bishop which hath made animaduersions vpon him , ●o say , That he knew neither things nor words , mistooke matters and names , erred in places , and times , and had neither seene Fathers , Councels , nor Rolls . And though this B●shop seeme not to beleeue that Eugenius did confirme him , yet hee confesses , That hee which doth beleeue such a confirmation , is bound thereby to beleeue as many errours , as are in Gratian. For , it seemes we haue no longer liberty to doubt , after such a confirmation : as it will follow euidently out of Bellarmines fashion of arguing , when he sayes , We are bound to obay the Pope , when hee institutes a festiuall of a Saint ; yet wee are neuer bound to doe against our conscience ; and therefore we may no longer doubt it ; but wee must make his Decree our conscience . So that if either Eugenius confirmed it before , or Gregory the thirteenth since , our liberty is precluded , and we must credulously , and faithfully swallow , not onely all the vnwholsome , and insipid negligences , ignorances , and barbarismes of Gratian , but all the bitter and venomous mixtures to Christs merit , and all the blasphemies and diminutions of his Maiest●e , which Boniface the ninth , and Martin the fift , haue obtruded to vs , by approuing and confirming by their Bulls , the Reuelations of Saint Brigid ; for so sayes Paleotus they haue done . 17 These heauie inconueniencies , and dangerous precipitations into errours , being foreseene by some of the ancient Schoolemen , out of their Christian libertie , and prudent estimation of the Popes Authoritie , they haue pronounced this infallibilitie of iudgement , to bee onely then in the Pope , When he doeth applie all Morall meanes to come to the knowledge of the trueth ; As , hearing both parties , aud waighing the pressures and afflictions , which he shal induce vpon them whom he inflames against their P●ince , and proceeding mildly and dispassionately , and not like an interessed person , and to the edification , not destruction of them , whom onely he esteemes to be his Catholicke Church . 18 And this seemes so reasonable , that though the Iesuite Tannerus at first cast it away , as the opinion onely , Quorundam ex Antiquioribus Scholasticis , yet afterwards hee affoords an interpretation to it ; but such a one , as I think any Catholique would be loth to venter his Martyrdome thereupon , if he were to die for obedience to a Breue . For thus he saies , In euery matter , when a Hypotheticall proposition is made , of the condition whereof we are certaine , then the whole proposition must not be said to be Hypothetically and Conditionally true , but absolutely . And this he exemplifies by this Proposition : If Christ doe come to iudgement , there shall be a resurrection , which proposition is absolutely and not conditionally true , because we are certaine that Christ will come to Iudgement : And so he saies , That it is the meaning of all them who affirme that the Pope may er●e , except he vse ordinarie meanes , onely to inferre , that hee dooth euer vse those meanes , without all doubt and question . But with what conscience can this Iesuite say , That this was the meaning of these Schoolemen , when in the same place it appeares , that the purpose of those Schoolemen , was ●o bring the Pope to a custome of calling Councels , in determining waighty causes ; for when they say , He may erre except hee vse Ordinarie meanes , and they intended generall Councels for this o●dinary meanes , can they bee intended in s●yin● so● to meane that the Pope did euer in such cases vse Genera●l Councels , when they reprehended his neglecting that ordinary meanes , and laboured to ●educe him ●o the practise thereof ? 19 And though most of these infirmities incident to Breues in generall , doe so reflect vppon these two Breues in question , that any man may apply them , ye it may doe some good to come to a neerer exagitation and tri●l● of the necessary obliga●ion which they are ima●ined to imposed . It is good Doctrine which one of your men teaches ; That euen in lawes , euery particular man hath power to interprete the same to his aduantage , and to dispence with himselfe therein , if there occurre a sudden case of necessity , and there be no open way and recourse to the Superiour . The first part of which Rule would haue iustified them , who tooke the oath before the Breues ( though they had had some scruples in their conscience ) by reason of the great scandall to the cause , and personall detriment , which the refusall was li●ely to draw on . 20 Nor can the Catholiques be said , to haue had as yet recourse to their Superiour , when neither their reasons haue beene aunswered or heard , which thinke the oath naturally and morally law●ull , nor theirs who thinke , that in these times of imminent pressures and afflictions , all inhibitions ought to haue beene forborne , and that any thing which is not ill in it selfe , ought to haue been permit●ed for the sweetning and mollifying of the state towards them . 21 Their immediate Superiours here in England haue beene in different opinions , and therefore a recourse to them cannot determine of the matter : And for recourse to the Pope , the partie of Secular Priests haue long since complained , that all waies haue beene precluded ag●inst them . And if they had iust , or excusable reasons to doubt , that the first Breue issued by Subreption , they had more reasons to suspect as many infirmities in ●he second , because one of the reasons of suspecting the first , being , That their Reasons were not heard , but that the Pope was mis-informed , and so misledde by hearking to one partie onely , the second Breue came , before any remedy or redresse was giuen , or any knowledge taken of the complaint aga●nst ●he first . 22 Certainely I thinke that if he had had true in●ormation , and a sensible apprehension , that the s●ffe●ing of his party in this Kingdome , was like to b● so heauie , as the lawes threatned , and a pertinacy in this re●usall , was likely to extort , hee had beene a lauish and prodigall steward of their liues , and husbanded their bloods vnthriftily , if he had not reserued them to better seruices heereafter , by forbearing all inhibitions for the present , and confiding and relying vpon his power of absoluing them againe ; when any occasion should present it selfe to his aduantage , rather then thus to declare his ambitions , and expose his seruants and instruments to such dangers , when by this violence of his , the state shall be awakened to a iealous watchfulnes ouer them . 23 It is not therefore such a disobedience as contracts , crinduces sinne ( which it must be , i● it be matter enough for Martyrdome ) not to obey these Breues , though thus iterated ; for it is not the adding of mo●e Cyphars after , when there is no figure before , that giues any valew , or encrease to a number . Nauarrus vpon good grounds , giues this as the Resultance of many Canons there by him alleadge , That it is not sinne in a man not to obey his Superiour , when hee hath probable reasons to thinke , that his Superiour was deceiued in so commaunding , or that he would not haue giuen such a command , if he had knowne the truth . And can any Catholique beleeue so profanely of the Pope , as to thinke , that if hee had seene the effects of the powder treason , euery Church filled with deuout and thankfull commemorations of the escape , euery Pulpit iustly drawing into suspition , the Maisters which procured it , and the Doctrine wherewith they were imbued , euery vulgar mouth extended with execrations of the fact , and imprecations vppon such as had like intentions , euery member of the Parliament studying , what clau●es might be inserted for the Kings security , into new lawes , and the King himselfe to haue so much moderated this common iust distemper , by taking out all the bitternesse and sting of the law , and contenting himselfe , with an oath or such obedience as they were borne vnder , which i● they should refuse , there could be no hope of farther easinesse , or of such as his Maiestie had euer shewed to them before , Might any Catholique , I say● beleeue , that the Pope if he had seene this , would haue accelerated these afflictions vpon them , by forbidding an Act , which was no more but an attestation of a morall truth , that is , ciuill obedience , and a profession , that no man had power to absolue them , against that which they iustly auerred to be such a Morall & indelible truth ? Might he not reasonably and iustly haue applied to the Pope , ●hat which Anselmus is said to haue pronoūced of God himselfe , Minimum inconueniens est Deo impossible , and concluded thereupon , that it was impossible for the Pope to be Author of so great inconueniences ? 24 And if the Popes Breues were not naturally conditioned so , that in cases of enormou● de●ri●ment and inconuenience , to the cause and per●ons , the rigour thereof might be remitted , since in such occurrences , the reason of those Breues doth euiden●ly cease , which is euer , vnderstood to be the aduancement of the Romane Church ; And if in all cases , all Breues must haue their full execution vnder the paines and penalties inflicted therein , the Catholiques of England are in worse condition by some former Breues of the Popes , then the offending and violating these two later , can draw them into . For ( to omit many of like , and worse danger ) That generall Rescript of Clement the seuenth , which I mentioned before , pronounces , That not onely by the Bulla Caenae , all such are excommunicated though they be Princes , as hinder the execution of the Apostolique letters , or such as giue such hinderers any Counsaile , helpe , or fauours directly , or indirectly , publiquely , or secretly , or by any colour or pretence , ( which words will reach to all those , who haue refused , or doubted and disputed these Breues ) but also that the Kingdomes and places , where those offende●s are remaining , are interdicted ; And then in the rigour of this Breue , how can the Priests exercise their functions heere in England , if the Bulla Caenae , and a locall interdict oppresse it . 25 And by such seruile obedience to Breues , as this is all suc● Catholickes as haue relieu'd & succor'd themselues , with that weake distinction of the ●ourt of Rome , and the Church of Rome , shall loose and forfeit all the aduantage which that affoorded them ; For , when they shall bee pressed with numbers of Veniall Indulgences , and of ambitious Buls , and vsurpations vpon the right of other Princes , they shall not bee able to finde this ea●e , to dischardge all vpon the Court of Rome , if the Church of Rome make it matter of Faith to obey the Rescripts of the Court of Rome , which produce these enormities . For since the Pope is the Church , how can you diuide the Church from the Court ? Since , either as the Court is Aula or Curia , the Pope is the Prince , and as it is Forum , he is the Iudge , and the Ordinarie . And since all those Buls , which are loaded with censures , or with Indulgences proceede from him as he is the Church , ( for those powers are onely in the Church ) how can you impute to his act any errour of the Court ? 26 It was whilst Nero continued within the limits of a good and a iust Prince , that Tacitus said of him , Discreta fuit domus a Repub. but when hee stray'd into Tyrannie , it was not so . Nor is the Court of Rome , any longer distinguished from the Church of Rome , if the Church iustifie the errours of the Court , and pronounce , that hee which obeyes not that Court , is not in that Church , as it doeth in Excommunicating all them , which obey not the Rescripts and Breues of Popes . 27 So that when Bellarmine vndertooke to aunswere all , which had beene obiected out of Dante , and Bocace , and Petrarche , against Rome , it was but a lasie escape , and around and Summarie dispatch vpon wearinesse , to say , that all that was meant of the Court of Rome , not of the Church ; and therefore it was a wise abstinence in him , not to repeate Petrarchs words , but to recompense them by citing other places of Petrarch in fauour of the Romane Church . For though Petrarch might meane the Court , by the name of Babilon , and by imputing to it Couetousnesse and Licentiousnesse , yet when he charges Rome with Idolatrie , and cals it the Temple of Heresie , can this be intended of the Court of Rome ? 28 The disobedience to Popes ( in whome no moderate men euer denied some degrees of the leauen and corruption , of such passions and respects as vitiate all mens actions ) was not alwayes esteem'd thus hainous , though in matters neerer to the foundations of Faith , then these which are now in question . The famous dissention betweene Pope Stephen and Cyprian , is good euidence thereof . For though now they say , That the Pope did not pronounce , De fide , against rebaptization , but onely say , that it might not bee vsed : And that he did not Excommunicate Cyprian , but onely say , that he ought to be excommunicate ; yet this is as farre as the Pope hath proceeded with you : and after he had done thus much , Bellarmine saies , it was lawfull for Cyprian to differ from him : because hee thought that the Pope was in a pernitious errour . And though Cyprian is neuer found to haue retracted either his Doctrine of rebaptization , or his behauiour to the Pope , yet the seuerest Idolaters of that Sea , haue neuer denied him a roome amongst the blessed Saints of the purest times . 29 And tho●gh they are for their aduantage content to say now , that Cyprian was neuer excommunicated , yet it is not denied by Baronius , but that Ignatius the Patriarch of Constantinople was , and that he died excommunicate ; and resisted to the end of his life , the Popes Rescripts , by which hee was commaunded to leaue all the Countrie of Bulgaria to the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome . But this ( saies Baronius ) he did not out of any displeasure to the Pope , but to defend the iurisdiction of his Church , as he was bound by oath , vnder the da●ger of damnation : for his purpose was not to take away anothers right but to keepe his owne . 30 And was not this your case , before the Breues came ? Is not ciuill obedience either really or by intention and implication sworne by euery subiect to the King in his birth , and after ? and do you not by this last oath defend , not onely the Kings right , as you are bound , vnder danger of damnation , but your owne libertie who otherwise must bee vnder the obedience of two Maste●s ? and haue these two Breues made your case to differ so much from his , that that which was lawfull to him , may not be so to you ? when as to you the Breues haue onely brought a naked and bare commandement , without taking knowledg of your allegations : but the Pope gaue Ignatius three seuerall warnings ; and disputed the case with him : and tolde him that by the records at Rome , it was euident , and that no man was ignorant , that that region belong'd to the Romane Church , and that Ignatius his pretences to it , because the enemy had interrupted the Romane possession were of no force ; which he proues by a Decree of Pope Leo , and diuers other waies : Yet for all this , Ignatius held out , endured the excommunication , and died vnder that burden , and yet God hath testified by many miracles , the holinesse and sanctitie of this reuerent man. 31 Dioscorus the Bishop of Alexandria , exceeded al these passiue disobediences and contempts of the Popes , and proceeded to an Actiue excommunication of the Pope himselfe : and yet for all this , it is said of him , Non errauit in fide . And what opinion was held of our Bishoppe Grosthead , that his disobedience to the Pope despoiled him not of the name of Catholique , a late Neophite of your Church hath obserued . 32 For the Pope is subiect to humane errors , and impotencies ; and when a great sword is put into a weake hand , it cannot alwaies be well gouerned ; And therefore when Bartholinus an aduocate in the Court of Rome , a bolde and wittie man , had aduentured to co●uay secre●ly cer●aine questions , in which he decl●red his owne opinion affirmatiuely ; amongst which , one was , That if the Pope were negligent , or insufficient , or head-strong to the danger of the Church , the Cardinals might appoint him a Curator and Guardian , by whom hee should dispatch the affaires of the Church , his reasons are said to haue preuailed with excellent Masters in Theology , and Doctors in both lawes , and that many Cardinals adbered thereunto , till the Pope comming to the knowledge thereof , imprisoned six of the Cardinals , and confiscated their estates . 33 But if , as it is forbidden vnder Excommunication , to make any Comment vpon one Canon which concernes the priuileges of the Franciscans , ( which were the best labourers in the Popes Vineyard , til the Iesuits came ) so it were forbidden vpō like penaltie , to interpret the Popes Breues , yet no such law can take away our natural libertie , nor silence in vs these dictats which nature inculcates , That against the end for which it was instituted , no power can be admitted to worke . For from your Syluester wee learne , That the Popes precepts binde not , where there is vehement likelyhood of trouble or scandall . And so he puts the iustifying and making valid the Popes Breues , to the iudgement of considerate men , though parties . 34 So also is it said there , That it is not the purpose nor intention of the Church to bee obeyed in such dangers ; For auoydance of scandall , is Diuine law , and to be preferred before any commaund of a Pope , which is but Humane law : for Diuine positiue law yeeldes to this precept of auoyding scandall , as I noted before , in the integrity of confession , where some sinnes may be omitted , rather then any scandall admitted . And therfore their great Victoria complaines iustly of great inconueniences , a If all matters should be left to the will of one man , who is not confirmed in grace , but subiect to error : or which , saies he , I would it were lawfull for vs to doubt , meaning that daily experience made it euident ; for so hee addes in the point of Dispensations , We see daily so large and dissolute dispensations , as the world cannot beare it . And not long after , in the same Lecture he ●aies , b We may philosophy , and we may imagine , that the Popes might be most wise men , and most holymen , and that they would neuer dispense without lawfull cause , but experience cries out to the contrary , and we see that no man which seekes a Dispensation misses it . And therefore we must dispaire if it be left , Arbitrio humano : For ( saies he ) the Pope must trust others , and they may deceiue him , if hee were Saint Gregory himselfe . And he addes further , c We talke as though wee needed great Engines to extort a Dispensation , as though there were not me expecting at Rome , when any man wil come and ask a dispensation of all those things , which are prouided against by the lawes : and though hee confesse , that former Popes were not so limited , as he desiers the Popes in these times , might be , it was , saies hee , because they did not presume , so easily to dispence against Councels . Da mihi Clementes , prouide me , sayes he , such Popes as Clement , Linus and Syluester were , and I will allow all things to be done , as they list . 35 And then since de facto , it may bee , and often is so , whether a Precept of the Popes , doe worke to that end for which the Church gouernment was committed to him , or no , Naturall Reason , sayes a e learned Iesuite , will instruct vs. Who thereupon makes a free and ingenuous conclusion , in a question of the Popes power in making a Law , of Electing a Successour , That the Pope might make such a Law , if hee would , but the Church would neuer receiue it . Which how could Azorius pronounce , or know , but by the insinuation of naturall reason , and conueniencie ; which Counsailer and Instructer , euery other temperate and intelligent , and dispassioned man , hath as well as he ? 36 And so also saies Fran. a Victor . and as manie as speake ingenuously , That where the Mandates of the Pope , are in Destru●tione Ecclesiae , they may be hindred and resisted . For in the greatest effect which can be attributed to the Popes Bulls , in these temporall affaires , which is , discharging of Subiects from their obedience , that peremptorie Canon , Nos Sanctorum , bindes not , except it may bee done without grieuous damage to the Subiect , and though by the vertue of that Canon , they may forbeare their obedience if they will , yet they are not bound thereby to doe it . Yea , it were vnlawfull , to denie that obedience , in cases of scandall or tumult . For so also , sayes another of your great men , It is often expedient to obey euen an vniust law , to auoid scandall . a And the late vn-entangler of perplexities , Comitolus the Iesuite , who vndertakes to cleare so many cases , which Nauarrus and many others left in suspence , when he comes to handle the question , whether a Professor of the Romane faith , being sent into those parts where the Greeke Church obserues other rites , may goe to their seruice ; in such cases as he allowes it , he builds vpon this Reason , That by the law of God , and of Nature , it is lawfull , and the Precepts of the Church , ( which forbid this ) doe not binde Christians , in cases of great detriment to the life , or soule , or honor , or fame , or outward things . 37 Since therefore a ciuill constitution , which in power of binding , and all validities , except immura●lenesse , is by your owne Authors equall to Diuine , had possessed your conscience , and so refreshed by a new solicitation your naturall & natiue Alleageances , so that no Breue could create in you a new conscience , in this case , no more then if it had forbidden Obedience to the common law , or any other statute , because it belongs not to you to iudge what is sinne , and what conduces to spirituall ends , since by the testimonie of the Popes owne Breues , his Breues are subiect to many infirmities , and open to the interpretation of meane men , since they are often reuoked , and pronounced to haue beene voide from the beginning , vppon such reasons as it is impossible for you to suspect or spie in them , when you admit them , since these Breues haue contributed their strength , and giuen authority , to vaine , and to suspitious , and to false , and to blasphemous legends , since the Pope is allowed , to neglect all waies of informing himselfe of the ●ruth , in the most generall & most important matters , since recourse to your Superiours is not affoorded , which you know both by the practises of one partie and faction at Rome , and also by effects thereof , because by the second Breue , the complaints against the first were not remedied , And since in such cases , the interpretation and dispensation of Breues , when necessitie oppresses you , belongs to your selfe , who cannot bee esteemed disobedient , for abstaining from doing such a commaund , as you doe iustly thinke to be erroneous , and that your Superiour would not importune it , if hee knew perfitly your condition , and estate : since their rigorous obseruation of Breues , might cast you vnder a locall interdict , and sterue you for spirituall food , And makes you iustifie all the errou●s of the Court of Rome , by making the Court , & the Church , all one : since Cyprian , Ignatius and others , haue beene iustly reputed holy men , & Saints , though they disobeyed the precepts of Popes , made vpon more reasons , and stronger comminations , and broken with lesse excuse , then these Breues may be by you : since lastly the Pope cannot by pretence of aduauncing the Church serue his owne ambitions to your destruction , you may as well flatter your selfe , with specious Titles , for not swimming if you were cast into a Riuer , or for not running out of a house , if it were ready to fall vppon you , as you may thinke your selues Confessors ( in your sense ) for suffering t●e penalties of this law , or they may thinke themselues Martyrs , whose execution ●or other treasons , this Refusall may hasten . CHAP. XII . That nothing requir'd in this Oath , violates the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction ; And that the clauses of swearing that Doctrine to bee Hereticall , is no vsurping vpon his spirituall right , either by preiudicating his future definition , or offending any former Decree . THe same office which our s●erties performe for vs , at our Baptisme and Regeneration , the Lawe vnder●akes at our Ciuill birth ; For the Law is Communis sponsio Reip. And as they which were our stipulators at the Font , take care when we come to abilitie of Discretion , that we doe by some open declaration , as frequenting Diuine Seruice , and so communicating with the Church in the worde and Sacraments , testifye that wee acknowledge our selues incorporated and matriculated into that Christian warfare , wherin they entred our Names , So hath Law prouided , that when we grow to be capable of Good and Euill , wee should make some publicke protestations of that Obedience to the Prince , which by our birth in his Dominions , and of his Subiects , wee had at first contracted . Thereupon hath it proceeded that by our Lawes at sixteene yeares of age , an Oath hath beene requir'd of euery Subiect . And besides this generall Oath , it hath in all well gouern'd Estates , beene thought necessary , that they which were assum'd to any publicke function in the State , should also by another Oath , appropriated to that calling , be bound to a iust execution of that place ; And therfore it seemes reasonable which a Lawyer sayes , That he which vndertakes to exercise any Office , before he haue taken the Oath , belonging thereunto , Tenetur Maiestatis , because he seemes to doe it by his owne Authoritie . Nor might a Souldier , though hee were in the Tents at the time of Battell , be admitted to fight against the enemie , if he had not taken the Oath . And the Notaries in the Courts of Rome , if they delay to dispatch them , who would by Appeale , or otherwise bring causes into those Courts , are by a l●te Decretall guilty of periury , because being sworne to aduance the profit of that place , and the Apostolique Authority , this is accounted an interpretatiue periury . 2 So also hath it beene a wise and religious custome , in matters newly emergent , and fresh occurrences , if either forraigne pretences , or inward discontentments , threatned any commotions in the State , to minister new Oathes , to all whom it might concerne ; not as newe o●lig●tions , but as volun●ary and publique confessions , that all the former oathes sworne in Nature and in Law , doe re●ch and ex●end to that case then in question , and that they were bound by them , to the maintenance of the peace and tranquility of the present State. 3 And at no time , and to no persons , can such Oathes be more necessary , then to vs now , who haue beene awakened with such drummes as these , There is no warre in the world so iust and honourable , be it ciuill or forraigne , as that which is waged for the Romane Religion . And especially in this consideration are Oathes a fit and proper wall and Rampart , to oppose against these men , because they say , That to the obedience of this Romane Religion , all Princes and people haue yeelded themselues , eyther by Oath , vow , or Sacraments , or euery one of them . For against this their imaginary oath , it is best , that a true , reall , and lawfull oath be administred by vs. 4 The Iesuites which in their Vowe to the Popes will , haue sworne out all their obedience at once , in a Hyperbolicall detestation of oathes , doe almost say true , when they professe , That they auoide an Oath worse then periury : But though they haue borrowed this protestation of the Esseni , who were in so much estimation amongst the Iewes , yet this declining of Oathes wrought not vppon them , as it doth vpon the Iesuites ; for the Esseni did willingly take Oathes , that they would attempt nothing against the Magistrate ; out of this reason , that they beleeued it hapned to no man , to be a gouernour without the pleasure of God● Since therefore the Iesuites abhorre such oaths , & it is a good presumption , that Schollers are guilty if their Masters were , and sonnes are punished , because they are iustly suspected to inherit their fathers malignity , and ill disposition ; It was necessary to present such an oath , as might discouer how much of their Masters poison , and of their Fathers ill affections to this State , the Iesuites disciples , and spirituall sonnes had swallowed and digested . 5 And when an Oath is to bee conceiued and framed , which hath some certaine scope and purpose ; it were a great impo●encie or slackenes in the State , if it should not be able , or not dare to expresse it in such tearmes , as might reach home to that purpose , and accomplish fully all that which was intended therein ; especially in these times of subtile euasions and licentious equiuocations . 6 When Paulus 4. had a purpose to take in , and binde more sorts of men , by that oath which was framed according to the Trent Councell , for them onely who were admitted to spirituall dignities , and some few others , and so to swear all those men fast to the Doctrine of that Councel , and to the obedience of the Church of Rome , it is expressed in so exquisite and so safe wordes , as can admit no escape . For , how ignorant soeuer he be in controuerted Diuinity , euery one which takes that oath , must sweare , That there are seuen Sacraments instituted by Christ ; which any of their Doctors might haue doubted and impugn'd an houre before ; as it appeares by Azorius , that Alensis and Bonauenture did of Confirmation , Hugo Victor and Lombard of extreame vnction , Hostiensis and D●randus of Matrimony , and others of others : and he must sweare , That he beleeues Purgatory , Indulgences , and veneration of Reliques : and hee must sweare , That all things contrary to that Co●ncell are hereticall . And this oath is not onely Canonized ( as their phrase is ) by being inserted into the body of the Canon law , but it is allowed a roome in the Title , De Summa Trinitate , & fide Catholica , and so made of equall credite with that . And that a oath by which the Cardinals are bound to the maintenance of the Church priuileges is conceiued in so strong and forcible wordes , that Baronius calls it Terribile Iuramentum , & saies , that the only remembring of it inflicts a horror vpon his minde , and a trembling vpon his body . 7 And with equall diligence are those oathes framed which are giuen to the Emperours , when they come to be Crowned by the Pope . For before he enters the land of the Church , he takes one oath , Domino Papae iuro , that I will exalt him with all my power . And before he enters Rome , he sweares , that he will alter nothing in that Gouernement , And before he receiues the Crowne , he sweares , that he will protect the Popes person and the Church . And in the creation of a Duke , because hee might haue some dependance vpon another Prince , the Pope exhibites to him this oath ; I vow my reuerence and obedience to you , though I be bound to any other . 8 So did Gregory the seuenth exact a curious oath of the Prince of Capua , that he would sweare Alleageance to the Emperour , when the Pope or his Successors should admonish him thereto , and that when hee did it , he would doe it , with reseruation of his Alleageance to the Pope . And so when the Emperour Henrie the seuenth , though he confessed that he had swo●ne to the Pope , yet denied that hee vnderstood that Oath to be an Oath of Alleageance or Fidelity , the Popes haue tooken order , not onely to insert the oath into the body of the Canon Lawe , but to enact thereby , That whosoeuer tooke that Oath after , should account and esteeme it to bee an Oath of Alleageance . 9 With how much curiositie and vnescapablenesse their formes of Abiuration vnder oath are exhibited ? They thought they had not giuen words enow to Berengarius , till they made h●m sweare , That the body in the Sacrament , was sensibly handled , broken , and ground with the teeth ; which he was bound to sweare , Per Homousion trinitatem . And they dressed and prepard Hierome of Prage , an oath , in the Councell of Constance , by which he must sweare , freely , voluntarily , ( or else bee burned ) and simplie , and without condition , To assent to that Church , in all things , but especially in the Doctrines of the Keyes , and Ecclesiastick immunities and reliques , and all the ceremonies , which were the most obnoxious matters . 10 But yet this seem'd not enough ; And therefore , though Castrensis say , That there is no Law , by which he which abiures , should bee bound to abiure any other Heresie , then that of which he was infamed , yet hee sayes that it stands with reason , that he should abiure all . And accordingly the Inquisition giue an oath , in which , sayes hee , Nulla manet rimula elabendi ; For he must sweare , That he abiures all Heresies , and will alwayes keepe the faith of Rome ; And that he hath told all , of others , and of himselfe , and euer will doe so ; And that if he doe not , he renounces the benefit of this Absolution , and will trouble the Court with no more dayes of hearing ; but sayes he , Ego me iudico . 11 And if wee doe but consider the exacte formes , and the aduantagious words and clauses , which are in their Exorcismes , to cast out , and to keepe out Diuels , they may be good inducements , and precedents to vs , how diligent we should be , in the phrase of our Lawe● , to expell and keepe out Iesuites , and their Legion , which are as craftie , and as dangerous . 12 When therefore it was obserued , that not onely most of the Iesuites Bookes which tooke occasion to speake either of matter of State , or Morall Diuinitie , abounded with trayterous and seditious Aphorismes , and derogatorie from the dignitie of Princes in generall ; but that their Rules were also exemplified , and their speculations drawne into practise in this Kingdome , by more then one Treason ; and by one , which included and exceeded all degrees of irreligion and inhumanity , then was it thought fit to conceiue an oath , whose end , and purpose , and scope was , to try & finde out , who maintained the integrity of their naturall and ciuill obedience so perfectly , as to sweare , that nothing should alter it , but that he would euer do his best endeuour to the preseruation of the Prince , what enemie so euer should rise against him . 13 And if any of the materiall words , or any clause of the Oath , had beene pretermitted , then had not the purpose and intent of the Oath beene fulfilled ; That is , no man had auerr'd by that oath , that he thought himselfe bound to preserue the King against All enemies , which to doe , is meere Ciuill obedience . For though the generall word of Enemie , or Vsurper , would haue encluded and enwrapped as wel the Pope , as the Turke , when either of them should attempt any thing vpon this Kingdome● yet , as it hath euer beene the wisdome of all States , in all Associations and leagues , to ordaine Oathes proper to the busines then in hand , and to the imminent dangers : So now it was most necess●rie to doe so , because the malignitie of men of that perswasion in Religion , had so violently broke foorth , and declar'd it-selfe ; Which happie diligence , the effect praises and iustifies enough , since it appeares , that if these particular clauses had not beene inserted , they would haue swallowed any Oath , which had beene presented in generall termes and haue kept their Consciences at large to haue done any thing , which this Oath purpos'd to preuent . 14 He therefore that should desire to bee admitted to Sweare , that hee would preserue the King against all his enemies , Except the Pope , or those whom he should encourage or imploy ; Or that he would euer beare true Allegeance , Vntill the Pope had discharged him , or that he● would discouer any conspiracie which did happen before the Pope did authorize it ; Or that he would keepe this Oath , Vntill the Pope gaue him leaue to breake it : this man should be farre from performing the intent and scope of an Oath , which should be made for a new attestation , that hee would according to his naturall duetie , and inborne obedience , absolutely desend the King from All his enemies . 15 I make no doubt but the Iesuites would haue giuen way to the Oath , if it had beene conceiu'd in generall words , of All obedience , against all Persons ; for it were stupiditie to denie that ●o be the dutie of all Subiects . Nor would they haue exclaim'd , that spirituall Iurisdiction had beene infringed , if in such times as their Religion gouern'd here , this clause had beene added to defend the King , Though the Metropolitane of England should Excommunicate him . And yet by there Doctors it is auerr'd , that Iure Diuino , and Iure Com●muni Antiquo , A Bishop may Excommunicate a King , as Ambrose did Theodosius , and that excepting onely infallibilitie of iudgement , in matter of Faith , a Bishop might , Iure Diuino , doe all those things in his Diocesse , which the Pope might doe in the whole Church . For , so Bellarmine himselfe concludes , arguing from the Popes Authoritie in all the world , to a Bishop in his Diocesse . If there●ore an Oath had beene lawfull , for defending the King against All enemies , though a Bishop Excommunicate him , And the Pope haue onely by positiue lawes , withdrawne from the Bishops some of the exercise of their iurisdiction , and reserued to himselfe the power of excommunicating Princes , it is as lawfull to defend him a●ter a Popes excommunication now , as it was after a Bishops , when a Bishop might excommunicate : and no man euer said , that a Bishop might haue deposed a King. 16 All which they quarrell at in the oath , is , that any thing should be pronounced , or any limits set , to which the Popes power might not extend : but they might as well say that his spirituall power were limited or shortned , and so the Catholique faith impugned , if one should denie him to haue power ouer the winde and sea ; since to tame and commaund these , in ordine ad spiritualia , would aduance the conuersion of the Indies , and impaire the Turks greatnesse , and haue furthered his fatherly & spirituall care of this Kingdome in 88. 17 All the substance of the oath is virtually comprehended in the first proposition , That king Iames is lawfull King of all these Dominions ; The rest are but declarations , and branches naturally and necessarily proceeding from that roo●e . And as that Catholique which hath sworne , or assented , that Paul the fift , is Pope canonically elected , hath implicitely confessed , that no man can deuest or despoile him of that spirituall iu●isdiction , which God hath deposed in him , nor of those temporall estates , which by iust title his predecessours possessed or pretended too : so that Subiect which sweares king Iames to bee his true and lawfull King , obliges himselfe therein to all obedience , by which hee may still preserue him in t●at state ; which is to resist all which sh●ll vpon any occasion be his enemies . 18 For if a king be a king vpon this condition , that the Pope may vpon such cause as seemes iust to him , depose him , the king is no more a Soueraigne , then if his people might depose him , or if a Neighbour king might depose him : For though it may seeme more reasonable and conuenient , that the Pope , who may bee presumed more equall , and dispassioned then the people , and more disinteressed then the neighbour Princes , should be the Iudge and Magistrate to depose a Prince enormously transgressing the wayes , in which his du●y bound to him to walke , though , I say , the king might hope for better Iustice at his hand , then anothers , yet he is no Soueraigne , if any person whatsoeuer may make him none . For it is as much against the nature of Soueraignty , that it may at any time be iustly taken away , as that it shall cer●ainly bee taken away . And therefore a King whom the Pope may depose , is but a Depositarie● and Guardian of the Souerainty ; ●o whose trust it is committed vpon condition : as the Dictators were Depositaries of it , for a certaine time . And Princes in this case shall bee so much worse then Dictators , as Tenants at will are worse then they which haue certaine leases . 19 And there●ore that suspition and doubt , which a learned Lawyer conceiued , that the Kings of France and Spaine lacked somewhat of Souerainty , because they had a dependance , and relation to the Pope , would haue had much reason and probability in it , ( though he meant this onely of spirituall matters concerning religion ) if that authority which those Kings seeme to be subiect to , were any other , then such , as by assenting to the Ecclesiastique Canons , or confirming the immunities of the Ecclesiastique state , they had voluntarily brought upon themselues , and the better to discharge their duetyes to their Church ; and to their ciuill state , had chosen this way as fittest to gouerne their Church , as other waies , by Iudges and other Magistrates to administer ciuill Iu●stice . 20 So there●ore his Maiesties predecessors in this Kingdome were not the lesse Soueraigne and absolute● by those acts of Iurisdiction which the Popes exercised here . For though some kings in a mis-deuout zeale , and contemplation of the next life , neglected the office of gouernement to which God had called them , by attending which function duely , they might more haue aduanced their saluation , then by Monastique retirings ( of which publique care , and preseruing those which were committed to their charge , and preferring them before their owne happinesse● Moses , and St. Paul were couragious examples ) Though , I say , they spent all their time vpon their owne future happinesse , and so making themselues almost Clergy men , and doing their duties , gaue the Clergie men way and opportunity , to enter vpon their office , and deale with matter of State ; And though some o●her of our kings oppressed with temporall and personall necessities , haue seemed to diminish themselues , by accepting conditions at the Popes hands , or of his Legates , And some others , out of their wisedome auoiding dangers of raw and immature innou●tions , haue digested some indignities and vsurpations , and by the examples of some kingdomes about them , haue continued that forme of Church Gouernment , which they could not resist without tumult at home , and scandall abroad● yet all this extinguished no part of their Souerainty ; which Souerainty without all question they had , before the other entred into the kingdome , intirely : and Souerainty can neither be deuested nor deuided . 21 As therefore Saint Paul suffered Circumcision as long as toleration thereof , aduanced the propagation and growth of the Church , when a seuere and rigid inhibition thereof would haue auerted many tender and scrupulous consciences , which could not so instantly passe from a commandement of a necessity in taking Circumcision , to a necessity in leauing it ; But when as certaine men came downe and taught , that circumcision was necessary to saluation , and so ouerthrewe the whole Gospell , because the necessity of both could not consist together , then Circumcision was vtterly abolished : So , as long as the Romane Religion , though it were corrupted with many sicknesses , was not in this point become so infectious and contagious , as that it would vtterly destroy and abolish the Souerain●y of Princes , the kings of England succourd , relieued , and cherished it , and attended an opportunity , when God would enable them to medecine and recouer her ; but to be so indulgent to her now , is impossible to them , because as euery thing is iealous of his owne being , so are kings most o● any : and kings can haue no assurance of being so , if they admit professors of that Religion , which teache , that the Pope may at any time Depose them . 22 We doe not therefore by this oath exempt the King from any spirituall Iurisdiction ; Neither from o●ten incitations to continue in all his dueties , by Preac●ing the word ; nor from confirming him in grace , by the blessed Sacrament ; Nor from discreet reprehension if hee should transgresse . We doe neither , by this oath , priuiledge him from the Censures of the Church , nor denie , by this oath , that the Pope hath iustly ingrossed and reserued to himselfe the power to inflict those censures vpon Princes . We pronounce therein against no power which pretendes to make Kings better Kings , but onely against that , which threatens to make them no kings . 23 For if such a power as this , of deposing and annihilating Kings , bee necessarie , and certaine in the Church , and the Hierarchie thereof be not well established , nor our saluation well prouided for , without this power , as they teach , why was the Primitiue Church destitute thereof ? For if you allow the answere of Bellarmine , That the Church did not depose Kings then because it lacked strength , you returne to the beginning againe , and goe round in a circle . For the wisedome of our Sauiour is as much impeached , and the frame of the Church is as lame , and impotent , and our saluation as ill prouided for , if Christ doe not alwayes giue strength and abilitie to extirpate wicked kings , if that be necessarie to saluation , as he were if he did not giue them Title and Authoritie to doe it . Yea , all tese defect ; would still remaine in the Church , though Christ had giuen Authoritie enough , and Strength enough , if he did not alwayes infuse in the Pope , a Will to doe it . 24 And where this power of deposing Princes may be lawfully exercised , as in States where Princes are Conditionall , and not absolute and Soueraigne , as if at Venice the State should depose the Duke , for attempting to alter that Religion , and induce Greeke errours , or Turcisme , or if other States , which might lawfully doe so , should depart from the obedience , and resist the force of their Princes , which should offer to bring into that State , the Inquisition , or any other violence to their Conscience , if the people in these States should depose the Prince , did they doe this by any Spirituall Authoritie , or Iurisdiction ? Or were this done by such a Temporall Authoritie , as were indirect , or casuall , or incident , or springing out of the spirituall authoritie , as the Popes ridler makes his authoritie to bee ? Or must they stay , to aske and obtaine leaue of their Clergie , to depose such a transgressor ? If therefore such a particular state , in whom the Soueraignty resides , haue a direct temporall power , which enables it sufficiently to maintaine , and conserue it selfe , such a supreme spirituall power , as they talk of in the Pope , is not necessarie for our saluation , nor for the perfection of the Church gouernment . 25 Nor is there any thing more monstrous , and vnnaturall and disproportioned , that that spirituall power should conceiue or beget temporall : or to rise downwards , as the more degrees of heigth , and Supremacie , and per●●ct●o● it hath , the more it should decline and stoope to the consideration of secular and temporall matters . It may well haue some congruity with your Rules , that the Popes of Rome , in whom the fulnesse of spirituall power is said to be , should haue more iuri●dictiō in spirituall matters , then other Prelates . They may be better trusted with the spirituall food and physicke of the Church , and so prepare and present , the word , and the Sacraments , to vs , in such outward sort and manner , as wee may best digest , and conuert them to nouriture . They may be better trusted with the spirituall Iustice of the Church , and make the censures thereof profitable to the delinquent , and others by his example . They may be better trusted with the spirituall treasure of the Church , and apply and dispence the graces , of which they haue the stewardship , at their discretion . They may be better credited with canonizing of Saints , and such acts of spirituall power , then others : and these are many , and great offices , to be put into one bodies hands . But tha● out of this power , and then onely when this power is at her fulnesse and perfection in the Pope , there should arise and growe a temporall power , which in their estimation , is so poore and wretched a thing , that a boy which doth but shaue his head , and light a candle in the Church , is aboue it , ( for so they say , euen of the lesser Orders ) is either impossible , or to prodigious , as if ( to insist vpon their owne comparisons of spirituall and temporall power ) the Sunne at his highest glory , should be said to produce a Moone-light , or golde , after all trials and purifyings , should bring ●orth Lead . 26 Nor doe they for this Timpany , or false conception , by which spirituall power is blowne vp , and swelled with temporall , pretend any place of Scripture , or make it so much as the putatiue father thereof . For they doe not say , that any place of Scripture doth by the literall sense thereof , immediatly beget in vs , this knowledge , That the Pope may depose a Prince ; but all their arguments are drawne , from naturall reason , and discourse , and conuenience . So that , if either the springe which moues the first wheele , or any wheele by the way be disordered , the whole Engine is defeated , and made of no vse . 27 And in this wee will ioyne and concurre with Azorius the Iesuite , That though there be some●things which neither the Scriptures doe in expresse words forbid the Pope to doe , nor the Canons can disable him● because hee is aboue them , yet the very law of Nature inhibites them , and prouides that by no meanes they may be done ; and that if the Pope should doe such a thing , there were a Nullity in the action , and the Church would neuer permit it , but doe some act in opposition against it , And all this out of this respect , That naturall Reason would teach them , that the generall peace and tranquility of the Christian Common-wealth would be disturbed thereby . 28 If therefore in the point in question , wee must be directed by naturall reason , and dispute which is most profitable and conuenient for the peace of Christian states , though it may bee long vncertaine on both sides , where the victorie will fall , yet , during the suite , Melior est conditio possidentis . And since it is confessed , that Princes before they accepted Christianitie , had no Superiour , and nothing appeares why Princes should not be as well able to gouerne Subiects in Christian Religion , as in Morall vertue , or wherein they neede an equall Assistant , or Superiour , now , more then before , or by what au●horitie the Pope is that Officer , it is a precipitate and hastie preiudice for any man , before iudgement , to set to the seale of his bloud , and a licentious and desperate extending of the Catholique faith , to intrude into the body thereof , and charge vpon our consciences , vnder paine of damnation , such an article , as none but the thirteenth Apostle Iudas would haue made , and in which their owne greatest Doctors , are yet but Ca●echumeni , and haue no explicite beliefe thereof : for they neither bring to that purpose , Scripture , Tradition , consent of Fathers , generall Counsaile , no nor Decree of any Pope . 29 And , I thinke , I may safely auerre , that it will not constitute a Martyrdome , to seale with your bloud any such point heere , as the affirming of the contrary , would not draw you into the fire at Rome . Except you should be burned for an Opinion there , you cannot be reputed Martyrs , for holding the contrarie here . As therefore it were no Heresie at Rome , to denie the Popes direct power , nor his indirect , ( for if it were , Bellarmine and Baronius had made vp an Heresie betweene them , as Sergius and Mahomet did ) so is the affirmation thereof no article of faith in England . 30 This then being so farre from being an Article of faith , by what power the Pope may depose a Prince , as that it is euen amongst them which affect an Ignorance , but Dubium speculatiuū , a man may safely , and ought to take the Oath : For so a man of much authority amongst themselues doth say , That in a doubt which consists in speculation , we doe not sinne , if we doe against it● and himselfe chuses this example , If a Souldier doubt whether the warre which his Prince vndertakes be iust or no , yet in the practique parte , hee may resolue to fight at his Princes command , though he be not able to explicate the speculatiue doubt . And he ads this in confirmation ; That where one part is certaine , and the other doubtful , we may not leaue the sure side , and adhere to the other . In his example that which hee presumes for certaine , is this , That euery man ought to defend his Prince , and the speculatiue doubt is , Whether the warre be iust or no. If this be applied ●o our case , euery man will finde this certaine impression in himsel●e , that hee ought to sweare ciuill obedience to his Prince , and this will be so euident to him , that no doubt can arise , so strong , or so well commended to him , by any pretence of Reason , and deducements , as may make him abstaine from a pract que duety , for a speculatiue doubt . For so , Fran. a Victoria , maintaining the same opinion , giues the●e reasons or it , That not onely in defensiue warre , but in offensiue ( which i● further then our case , in any probability , is like to extend to ) the Prince is not bound to giue an account to the subiect of the iustice of the cause : And therefore ( saies hee ) in doubtfull cases , the safer part is to be followed : And if he should not fight for his Prince , he should expose the State to the enemy , which is a much more grieuous offence , then to fight against the enemy , though he doubt of the cause . ●or if their opinion were an euident Truth , both their Doctors would be able to explica●e it , and their Disciples would neede no explication . 31 This Oath therefore containing nothing , but a profession of a morall Truth , and a protestation that nothing can make that false , impugnes no part of that spirituall power , which the Pope iustly hath , no● of that which he is charged to vsu●pe . That which hath seemed to m●ny of them , to come neerest to his spirituall power is , that the Deponent dot● sweare , That the Pope hath no power to absolue him of this Oath . But besides , that it hath beene strongly and vncontroulably prooued already by diuers , that no absolution of the Popes can wor●e vpon the matter of this Oath , because it is a morall Truth , I doe not perceiue , that to absolue a man from an Oath , belongs to spirituall Iurisdiction . 32 For Dispensations against a law , and absolutions from Oathes and Vowes worke onely as Declaration● , not as Introductions . And that power which giues me a priu●ledge , with a Non obstante vpon a law , or an absolu●ion from an oath , doth not enable mee to breake that lawe , or that Oath , but onely declares , That that law and Oath , shall not extend to me in that case , and that if this particular case could haue beene foreseene , at the making of the law , or the Oath , neither the Oath , nor the law ought to haue beene so generall . 33 So therefore these Absolutions , are but interpre●ations , and it belongs to him who made the law , to interpret it . For without any vse of spiritu●all Iurisdiction , the Emperour Henry●he ●he seuenth , absolued all the Subiects of Robert king of Sicily of their oathes of Alleageance , w●en he rebelled against ●he Emp●●e , of which hee was a feudatarie Prince . And though the Pope annulled this sentence , it was not because the Emperour might not doe this , but because the king of Sicily held also of the Church , and this absoluing of Subiects made by the Emperour , extended to the Subiects of the Church . 34 So also the Emperours Antoninus and Verus , when one had made an oath , that he would neuer come into the Senate , creating him such an Officer , as his personall attendance was necessary in the Senate house , by an expresse Rescript , absolued him of his oath . Of which kinde there are diuers other examples . 35 And your Canons doe not require this spirituall Iurisdiction , alwaies in this Act of absoluing an oath . For if I haue bound my selfe to another by an vniust oath , in many cases I may pronounce my selfe absolued ; and in others I may complaine to the Iudge , that hee may force him , to whom I swore , to absolue me of this oath . And in such cases as we are directed to goe to the Church , and the gouernour thereof , it is not for absolution of the oath , but it is for iudgement , whether there were any sinne in making that oath , or no. For when that appeares , out of the Nature of the matter , arises and results a Declaration sufficient , whether wee are bound or absolued . If therefore the matter of this oath be so euident , as being Morall , & therefore constant and euer the same , that it can neuer neede his iudgement , because it can in no case be sinne , the scruple which some haue had , that by denying this power of absoluing , his spirituall power is endamaged , is vaine and friuolous . THE SECOND PART . FRom this imputation , of impairing his spirituall power , euery limme and part of the oath , hath beene fully acquited , by great , and reuerend persons , so , as it were boldnesse in me , to add to that which they haue perfited ; since additions doe as much deforme , as defects . Onely , because perchance they did not suspect , that any would stumble at that clause , which in the oath hath these words , I abiure as impious , and Hereticall , that position , &c. I haue not obserued that any of them , haue thought it worthy of their defence ; But because I haue found in some Catholiqus , when I haue importuned them to instance , in what part of the oath sp●rituall Iurisdiction was oppugned , or what deterr'd them from taking the same , that they insisted vpon this , That it belonged onely to the Pope to pronounce a Doctrine to be Hereticall , and that , since there was a Canon of a generall Councell pretended for the con●rary opinion , and that it was followed by many learned men , it were too much boldnesse for a priuate man , to a●erre it to be Hereticall , I am willing to deliuer them of that scruple . 37 It is no strange nor insolent thing with their Authors , to lay the Note of Heresie vpon Articles , which can neither be condemned out of the word of God , nor are repugnant to any Article of faith ; for Castrensis , that he might thereby make roome for traditions , liberally confesses , That there are many Doctrines of the Heretiques , which cannot be refelled by the testimonie of the Scriptures . And the Iesuite Tannerus is not squeamish in this , when hee allowes thus much , That in the communion vnder one kinde , and in fasts , and in feasts , and in other Decrees of Popes , there is nothing established properly concerning faith . So that with you , a man may be subiect to the penalties , & so to the infamie , & so to the damnation belonging to an Heretique , though hee hold nothing against the Christian faith . 38 But wee lay not the Name of Heresie ( in that bitter sense which the Canons accept it ) vppon any opinion which is not aga●nst the Catholique faith . Which faith wee beleeue Leo to haue described well , when hee saies , That it is singular , and true , to which nothing can be added , nor detracted : and we accept S. Augustines signific●tion of the word Catholique ; wee interpret the name Catholique , by the Communion with the whole world ; which is so Essentiall & so truly deduced out of the Scriptures , that a man which will speake of another Church , then the Communion of all Nations , which is the name Catholique , is as much Anathematized , as if he denie , the Dea●h and Resurrection of Christ. And what is this Essentiall truth so euident out of Scripture , which designes the Catholique Church ? Because , sayes Augustine , the same Euangelicall truth which tells vs the Death and Resurrection , tells vs also , That Repentance , and R●mission of sinnes shall be preached in his Name , through all Nations . That therefore is Catholique faith , which hath beene alwaies and euery where t●ught ; ●nd Repentance , and Remission of sinnes by the Death and Resurrection o● Christ , and such truthes as the Gospell teaches , are that Doctrine , which coagulates and gathers the Church into a body , and makes it Catholique ; of which opinion Bellarmine himselfe is sometime , as when he argues thus , whatsoeuer is Heresie , the contrarie thereof is veritas fidei ; for then it must be ma●ter of faith , And an errour with pertinacie in those points onely , should bee called Heresie , in that heauie sense , which it hath in a Papists mouth . 40 Castrensis foresaw this Danger of Recrimination , and retorting vpon themselues , t●is opprobrious name of Heretique , if they were so forward to impute it , in matters which belonged not to f●ith , for accordingly he saies , They amongst vs , which doe so easily pronounce a thing to be Heresie● are often striken with their own arrow , & fall into the pit which they digged for others . And certainly as t●e Greeke Church by vsing the same st●●nesse and r●gour towards the Romane , as the Romane vses towards the other Westerne Churches , which is , not onely to iustifie their opinions , but to pronounce the contrarie to be Heresie , hath tamed the Romane writers so farre , as to con●esse that t●ey condemne nothing else in t●eir opinion and practise of consecrating in a different bread , but that they impose it , as a necessitie vpon all other Churches , and hath extorted a Decretall from Pope Eugenius , That Priests in Consecrating ( not onely may ) but ought to follow the custome of that Church where they are , whether in leauened , or vnleauened bread , and ●nnocent the thi●d , required no more of them , in this point , but that they would not shewe so much detestation of the Romane vse therein , as to wash and expiate their Altars , after a Romane Priest had consecrated , So if it should stand with the wisedome and charity of the Reformed Church , Iurid●cally to call , all the Addi●ions which the Romanes haue made to the Catholique faith , and for which , wee are departed from them , absolute and formall Heresie , though perchance it would not make them ab●ndon their opinions , yet I thinke it would reduce them to a mo●e humane and ciuill indifferencie , & to let vs , without imposing t●eir traditions , enioy our own Religion , which is , of ●t self , in their cōfession , so free frō Heresie , that they are forced to ma●e this all our Heresie , that we will not ad●it theirs . 41 Ye● somethings haue so necessary a consequence , and so immediate a dependance vpon the Articles of faith , that a man may be bolde to call the contrary Hereticall , though no Defi●ition of any Councell haue pronounced it so● yea som● Notions doe so precede the Articles of our faith , that the Articles may be said to depend vpon them so far●e , as they were frustrate , if those prenotions were not certaine . Of that sort is the immortal●ty of the soule , without which the worke of redemption we●e vaine . And therefore it had beene a viti●ous tendernesse , and irreligious modesty , if a man du●st not haue called it Hereticall , to say , that the soule was mortall , till Leo the tenth , in the Laterane Councell Decreed it to bee Heresie . For though Bellarmine in one place req●ire it as Essentiall in an Heresie , I hat● haue beene condemned in a Councell of Bishoppes , yet he saies in another place , That the Popes alone without Councels , haue condemned man● Heresies . 42 And this liberty hath beene vsed as well by Epiphanius , and S. Augustine in the purer times , as by Castrensis and Prateolus , in the later Romane Church , and of late yeares ( of those which adhere to Caluins Doctrine , by Danaeus , and of Luthers followers , by Schlusselbergius ; all which in composing Catalogues of Heretiques , haue mentioned diuers , which as yet no generall Councel hath condemned . So did the Emperours in their const●tutions pronoun●e against some Heresies of which no Councell had determined . So did the Parliament of Paris in their sentence against Chastell for the assassinate vppon the person of this King of France , pronounce certaine words , which he had sucked from the Iesuits , and vttered in derogation of Kings , to bee Seditious , Scandalous , and Hereticall . 42 And if the Oath framed by order of the Councell of Trent , and ra●ified and enioyned by the Popes Bull , be to be giuen to all persons , then must many men sweare somethings to be of the Catholique faith , and some other things to be Hereticall , in which he is so farre remooued from the knowledge of the things , that he doth not onely not vnderstand the signification of the wordes , but is not able to sound , nor vtter , nor spell them . 43 And hee must sweare many things determinately , and precisely , which euen after that Councell some learned men still doubt , As , that a license to heare confessions , in euery Priest not beneficed , is so necessarie , necessitate Sacramenti , that except hee haue such a license , the penitent , though neuer so contrite and particular in enumeration of his sinnes , and exact in satisfactions , and performing all penances , is vtterly frustrate of any benefite by vertue of this Sacrament . So therefore a certaine and naturall euidence of a morall truth , such as arises to euery man , That to a King is due perpetuall obedience , is better authority to induce an assurance , and to produce an oath , that the contrary is Hereticall , then an implicite credite rashly giuen to a litigious Councell , not beleeued by all Catholiques , and not vnderstood by al that sweare to beleeue it . 44 For the other obstacle and hinderance which re●ards them , from pronouncing that this position is hereticall , which is , the Canon of the Laterane Councell , enough hath beene said of the infirmity and inualidity of that Councell by others . Thus much I may be bolde to adde , that the Emperour vnder whome that Councell was held , neuer accepted it for a Canon , nei●her in those wordes , not in that sense , as it is presented in the Canon law ; from whence it is transplanted into the body of the Councels . And the Church was so farre from imp●gning the Emperours sense and acceptation thereof , that Innocent the fourth , and diuers other Popes being to make vse thereof , cyte the Constitution of the Emperour , not any Canon of a Councell in their Directions to the Inquisitors , how to proceede against Heretiques . They therefore either knew no s●ch Canon , or suspected and discredited it . 45 Thus therefore that pretended Canon saies , If a temporall Lord warned by the Church , do not purge his land of Heretiques , let him be excommunicate by the Metropolitane and Conprouinciall bishopps ; if he satisfie not within a yeere , let it be signified to the Pope , that he may denounce his subiects to be absolued from their Alleageance , and expose his Land to Catholickes , which may without contradiction possesse it , the right of the principall Lord ( which we call Lord Paramount ) being reserued , if hee giue no furtherance thereunto . And thus farre without doubt the Canon did not include Principall and Soueraigne Lords , because it speakes of such , as had Lords aboue them . And where it concludes with this clause , The same Law being to be obseru'd toward them , Qui non ●abent Dominos principales , The Imperiall Constitution hath it thus , Qui non habent Domos principales . 46 And certainely the most naturall and proper accep●ation of Domos Principales in this place , in the Emperours Lawe , is the same as the word , Domicilium Principale , hath in the Canons , which is a Mans chiefe abiding and Residence , though vpon occasion he may be in another place , or haue some relation and dependance vpon a Prince out of that Territorie . And it may giue as much clearenesse to the vnderstanding of this Lawe , if wee compare with it , the great and solemne Clementine Pastoralis . 47 For then Robert being King of Sicily , that is , such a Principall Lord , as this pretended Canon speakes of , but yet no Soueraigne ( for he depended both vpon the Empire and vpon the Church ) was condemned as a Rebell by the Emperour Henrie the ●euen●h . And Clement the fi●t , ann●l●'d and abrogated that Sentence , of the Emperours , vpon this reason ; That though the King of Sicily held some Lands of the Empire , yet Domicilium suum fouebat in Sicilia , which belong'd to the Churc● , and therefore the Emperors Iurisdiction could not extend to him , b●cause h● had not Imperio● Hereup●on the Glosse enters i●to Disputation , how farre a man which hath goods in one Dominion , sh●ll be subiect to the Lawes of that place , though his Principale Domicilium ( as he still c●ls it ) be in another . So that it seemes the Emperour had this purpose in this Constitution , that t●ose Domini Principales , which were vnder the Iurisdiction and Dependance of the Empire● should indure the penaltie of this Law , if the● transgressed it , though they ●ad not there Domos Prin●ipales within the limi●s of 〈◊〉 ●mpire . For at the time , when this Constitution was made , the Emperours thought i● law●full for them to doe so , though a hundred ye●re a●●er , Clement t●e fift , denied by this Canon , tha● they had so large a power . But this Constitution in●er●es nothing against Soueraigne Lords , whom the Empe●our could not binde by any Constitution of his , bec●use they had no depend●nce vpon him . 48 And as t●e Constitution d●ffers from t●e Canon in such ma●er●all words as ouerthrowes that ●ense which they would exto●t out of it , which is , That Soueraignes are included therein , so doeth it in the sense , and in the appointing of the Officer , who shall expel these fauourers of heretiques . For where the Canon saies , Let it be tolde to the Pope , who may absolue the Subiects , and expose the land the Emperour speakes of himselfe , we do expose the land . So that he takes the authority out of the Popes hand ; which he would not haue done , nor the Pope haue cyted as to his aduantage , that lawe by which it was done , if either Iure Diuino such a power had resided in him , or a Canon of a generall Councell had so freshly inuested him therewith . 49 And as it is neither likely that the Emperour would include himselfe in this Law , nor possible that he should include others as Soueraine as himselfe , at least : so doth it appeare , by the Ordinary Glosse vpon that const●●ution ( which hath more authority , then all other Expositors ) that that law is made against such Lords and Subiects , as haue relation to one another by feudall law ; for so it in●erpre●es Dominum temporalem , and Dominum prin●cipalem , to be , when some Earle holdes something of a King ; which King also must haue a dependency vpon the Empire , because otherwise the Imperiall law could not extend to him . And yet euen against those principal Lords , the law seeme so seuere , that the Glosse saies , Non legitur in Scholis . So that so many proofes hauing beene formerly produced , Canons● but that those which are vsually offered now , are but ragges torne out of one booke , and put into another , out of the Extra●agants into the Councels , and this Imperiall constitution , which to the Pope himselfe seemed of more force , then his Predecessors Decretall , neither concerning Soueraine Lords , nor acknowledging this power of absoluing Subiects , to be in the Pope , but in himselfe , no sufficient reason arises out of this imaginary Canon , which should make a man affraid to call that Hereticall , which is against his naturall reason , and against that maine part of Religion , which is , ciuill obedience . 50 For the Romans dealing more seuer●ly , and more iniuriously with vs , then the Greeke Church did with them , when they presented to the Emperour , vpon a commission to make an Inquisition to that purpose , 99● errours and deuiations in matter of faith , in the Romane Church : of which some were Orthodoxall truths , some , no matter of faith , but circumstantiall indifferencies● though they called them all errours in faith ; the Romane Church , I say , traducing our doctrine , with as much intemperance and sower language giues vs example to call all their errours Hereticall . And so , when Drusius in his owne defence against a Iesuite who had called him Heretique , saies , That Heresie must be in fundamentis fidei ; the Iesuite replies , that euen that assertion of Drusius is Heresie . 51 And this doctrine and position , which this Oath condemnes , will lacke nothing of formall and absolute Heresie , if those notes bee true , by which Bellarmine designes Heresie , and saies , that if that be not Heresie to which those Notes agree , there is no heresie in the world . For , ( as he requires to constitute an heresie ) we can note the Author , to haue beene Gregory the seuenth ; the place to haue been Rome , the time betweene fiue and 600 yeares past , And that it began with a few followers , for a sometimes but fifteene● sometimes but thirteene Bishops adherd to Gregory , ) when euen the Bishops of Italy fauoured the other part : And that it appeared with the admiration of the faithfull ; for so it is noted to haue beene , Nouum scisma : And that contradiction and opposition was made by all the Imperiall Clergy , and much of Italy it selfe ● And , for that which is the last note proposed by Bellarmine , that it bee condemned by a Councell of Bishops , and all faithfull people , though that haue not yet beene done , because God for our sinnes , hath punished vs with a Dearth of Councels , and suffered vs in a hunger , and rage of glory , and false constancie , to eate and gnaw vpon one another , with malignant disputations , and reprochfull virulencies , yet when his gracious pleasure shall affoord the Church , that reliefe , wee doe iustly hope it will haue that condemnation , and so be a ●onsummate heresie , because no Pseudo-Councels as yet haue beene able to establish the con●ra●ie . 52 And though these markes and certaine notes of Heresie be tyrannically , and cau●elously put by Bellarmine ( because it is easie to name manie Heresies , in which many of these markes are wanting , of which wee know neither Parents , Country , nor age , and which in●inuated themselues , and got deepe roote in the Church , before they made any noise or trouble in the state thereof , an● at the first breaking out , were countenanced with many and mighty fauourers , and which no generall Councell hath yet condemned ) yet , as I said , we refuse not these marks , but submit this opinion , to that triall , whether it be properly Hereticall , or no. For it will as well abide this triall , as an other , proposed long before by S. Augustine , That hee is an Heretique , which for any Temporall aduantage , and aduancement of his Supremacie , doth either beget , or fo●low false and new opinions , Which seemes directly spoken of this Temporall Supremacie : to which also , S. Paul may iustly bee thought to haue had some relation , when he reckons Heresie , amongst the workes of the flesh and worldly matters . 53 But leauing this exact and subtill appellation of Heresie , let him whom that scruple deterrs from the oath , That hee must sweare the doctrine to be Hereticall , consider in what sense our law vnderstands the word in that place . 54 The Imperiall Law layes an imputation vpon that man , Qui Saeua verborum praerogatiua fraudulenter contra ●uris sententiam abutitur ; that he is as guilty as he , which breakes the law . For hee which picks a quarrell with a law , by pretence of an ambiguous word , declares that hee would saine escape the obligation thereof . But , saith the same law , A Law●maker hath done enough , when he hath forbidden that which he would not haue to be done ; the rest must bee gathered out of the purpose of the law , as if it had beene exprest . And no man can doubt , but that the law-maker in this law , hath forbidden Defection from the Prince ; and the purpose of the law , was to prouide onely against that . Out of which purpose no man can iustly collect , that the Deponent should pronounce the contrarie Doctrine , so Hereticall , as that he which held it , or relapsed into it , might be burnt ; but that it was apparantly erroneus , and impious , and fit to bee abiured ; And how little erroneous lackes of Hereticall , and wherein they differ , Diuines are not agreed , saies your Simancha , and it is yet vndetermined . 55 Nor is there required in this Deponent , such an assurance in Faith , as belongs to the making of an Article , Formall Heresie , but such an assurance in Morall reason , and Humane discourse , as Bartholus requires in him which takes and Oath , when he sayes , He which sweares the trueth of any thing , vnderstands not his Oath to be of such a trueth● as is subiect to sense , Sed iurat de vehementi opinione . 56 And the word Hereticall in this Oath , hath so much force , as the word to Anathematize , hath in many Councels . As , for example , in that place of the Councell of Constantinople , where it is said , Let him be Anathematiz'd , which doeth not Anathematize Origen . Which is meant of a detestation and abhorring som of his opinions , not of pronouncing him , a formall and consummate Hereticke . For you may well allow a Ciuill and conuenient sense to this word , in this Oath , that it meanes onely Impious , and inducing of Heresie , since you haue bound all the world vpon paine of Damnation to beleeue , That S. Paul call'd Concupiscence sinne , not because it was sinne , but because it proceeded from sinne , and induced to sinne . 57 A great Casuist , and our Countreyman , deliuers safe Rules which may vndeceiue them in these suspicions , if they will not be extremely negligent ; and Negligentia dissoluta Dolus est . For thus hee saies , Though a law should prouide expresly , that the words of the law should bee vnderstood as they lie , yet they must receiue their interpretation from the common vse of speach ; which is , that which the most part in that Country doe vse . And if both significations may be found in common vse , that must be followed , which out of likelihood and reason , seemes to haue beene the meaning of the lawmaker , though it be improper● And his meaning appeares , when the word taken in the other sense , would create some absurd , or vniust matter . And as amongst vs , those with whom this word Hereticall is in most vse , which are Diuines , vse the word promiscuously , and indifferently , against all impious opinions : so especially did the Lawmaker at this time vse it , because otherwise , it had beene both absurd , to decree a point to be properly hereticall , which was not brought into debatement , as matter of faith , and it had beene vniust , vnder colour of requiring ciuill obedience , to haue drawn the deponent , to such a confession , as if he had relapsed and fallen from it after , hee might haue beene burned . 58 And the words of the oath agree precisely to Sayrs rule ; for the deponent must sweare , according to the exp●esse wordes , and the plaine and common sense , and vnderstanding of the same . And Sayr saies , That if we must sweare to a Law , according to the proper signification of the words , then there is no place for such discretion , and for admitting a diuers sense : but the wordes of our Oath , which are , According to the plaine , and common sense , fall directly within his first Rule . 59 And the law hath good warrant and precedent to assume the word , hereticall , in such a moderate signification ; for so the Scriptures vse the word , when S. Paul saies , oportet hereses esse , which Gretzer confesses , when to excuse the vulgate Edition , which hath in that place , left out the wordes , Vobis● he saies , It would do no harme to their cause to admit those wordes , because it is not spoken , De haeresi propriè dicta . 60 And so the generall Councell of Constantinople within the first ●oure hundred yeares , calles some Heretiques , though they be not Anathematized by the Church , because they make Conuenticles against bishopps , and accuse them vnorderly , and against the forme of Canons . So also doth another Councell say of Simony , that it is not onely Sacrilegious , but hereticall . And accordingly to these , a late Pope , Leo 10. in a formall Decree and Bull , vses the worde in a like sense . For he condemnes the Articles imputed to Luther , Tanquam respectiue haereticos , because out of some of them it would follow , that the Church had erred . But that proposition , out of which the next deducted Conclusion , might bee Heresie , is not it sel●e necessarily Heresie , properly vnderstood . 61 And as these do , so also doe the Canons in the law , speake in a moderate phrase : For in one place , wher the text saies , that a thing is done , Contra fidem Catholicam , the Glosse expl●cat●s it , Contra bonos Mores : and in another pl●ce , it interpretes the same wordes so , because it dooth Sapere heresim ; and yet it is not heresie : and so we finde a late Decretall , to call Simony , True and vndoubted heresy ; where Gregory is produced , to giue this reason why Simony is called heresy , because whosoeuer is ordained by Simony , is therfore ordained that he may be an heretique . So th●t we see , such acts as beget or accompany heresy , are called heresy in this milde acceptation , which our law giues it . 62 From which sense the Fathers did not abstaine in vsing that worde ; for Tertullian saies , That no man will doubt to call Adams transgression heresie , since by his owne election , he adhered rather to his owne will , then to Gods. And in another booke he saies , Not so much newnes , as truth doth conuict things to be heresies , for whatsoeuer tastes against truth , is an heresie , though it be an ancient custome . And so saies S. August . ( if their owne men cite him truely ) That Schisme is called Heresie , not that it is heresie , but that it disposes to heresie . 63 And the Iesuits themselues , who are the precisest and seuerest accepters of this word , come thus neere , That some things tolerated by the Church , though they be not propriè haeretica , ●et th●y are haeresi proxima . For so saies Bellarmine ; and hee might iustly make this position which wee speake of , his example . And his defender Gretzer saies , that some opinions are so framed , that though no Decree of the Church haue y●t condemned them , yet they are enormous , Scandalous , and haeresi proximae . 64 And thus also do the Schoolemen somtimes take it ; For so , saies Aquinas out of S. Ierome , that he which expounds the Scriptures against the sense of the holy Ghost may be called an heretique , though he depart not from the Church . And so haue diuers compilers of the Ecclesiastique history done ; for Epiphanius r●ckons diuers sects of the Iewes and Gentile Philosophers , amongst Heretiqu●s . And Bernardus de Lucemburgo inserts into his Catalogue of heretiques , Auerros and Auicen , though they were not Christians . And lastly that the word was vulgarly so vsed , as by many other obseruations , so is it euident by a Story in Math. Paris , where one vpon his death-bed cals the Friers heretiques for not reprehending the Prelates , & the Prelates heretiques , for conferring Benefices vpon vnworthy persons : yea in this very case , which we haue in hand b an authour , of your owne Religion , pronounces thus of those fifteene Bishops , which adhered to Gregory the seuenths party , against the Emperor , It is great heresie to resist the Ordinance of God , who onely hath power to giue Empire , which heresie it appears that those fifteene false Bishops haue committed . 65 As therefore all sorts of men , into whose mouthes vpon any occasion this word was like to come haue vsed the word for Erroneous : and Impious , and Corrupting good manners , and disposing & preparing absolute and proper Heresie , so doth the law accept it in this oath , where it makes it equiualent , and Synonimous , to the wordes which are ioyned with it , which are Impious and Damnable : and therefore it is but a Calumny cast vpon the law , and a tergiuersation picked out for their escape , if any pretend for that word , to decline the Oath . 66 But if this word in this place , were to be vnderstood in the strictest and seuerest sense , that a Iesuite could vse it against vs , yet hee that shall take the Oath , doth not thereby pronounce , that any Position , which attributes any power to the Pope , is hereticall . Not , that hee may excommunicate a King ; no , nor that he may depriue him : but it is thus conceiued , That this position is hereticall , That Princes which be excommunicate , or depriued by the Pope , may be deposed or murdred by their subiects or any other . So that it casts no Manicles vpon the Popes hands ; if he will excommunicate , let him ; if he will depriue , let him . Onely them , who by his act , ( of the goodnes or badnes whereof this Proposition pronounces nothing ) may be mis-led to an vnchristian & vndutifull desperatenes , it forewarnes , and aduises , to a due and iust consideration of such proceedings . For , as when men were content to heare heresies , Leo said wisely , in reprehension of that easinesse , They which can hearken to such things , can beleeue them , So since it is too late to forbid hearing of this heresie , of deposing Princes , since out of Iesuites bookes , which speak of state-learning , scarce any thing is to be sucked , but it , or such preparatiues , as worke and conduce to it , it was necessary to begin a step higher then Leo did , and pronounce it hereticall , that so none might beleeue it , since hee that can beleeue it , can be content to affoord his helpe to the doing thereof . 67 And hauing thus gone as far as I purposed in both parts of this Chapter , in the first whereof I shewed , that in speciall cases new oathes were necessary , and that the forme of them ought to bee such , as might reach home to the intent thereof , and not be eluded , which had beene , if any part of this oath had been omitted , and that their writers , which neuer teach , that vpon a Bishops excommunication a Prince may be deposed , denie implicitely this power in the Pope , because onely that power which was in the Bishops , in this matter , is transferd by Reseruation into the Pope , and that where such Depositions are needefull , the state is prouided naturally with a temporall power to effect it , and therefore it is not necessarie to place it in the spirituall , which were monstrous and vnperfect , if it should produce , as the most excelent issue therof , a power so base in their estimation , And that this possibility of being Deposed , is as contrary to Souerainety , as a certaine limitation , when he shall be remoued , And that those writers , which limit the Popes power by Naturall Reason , and which teach , that in doubts of speculation , we may for all that proceede to practise , as farre , as wee doe in this Oath , And hauing in the second part declared , That though the Papists make proper , and absolute Heresie , to be without matter of faith , yet we doe not so , and yet in points necessarily and immediately issuing out of these principles , a generall Councell needs not be attended to informe a mans vnderstanding what is Hereticall , because the Emperors and other Princes , and diuers Authors , and registers of heresies , haue pronounced therin before any Decision of Councells , and that the Canon which is obtruded , in the name of the Laterane Councell , for diuers reasons , cannot impeach this proposition , That this Doctrine is hereticall , which proposition , though if it were tryed by Bellarmine , and by Saint Augustines description of heresie , it would appeare absolutely hereticall , yet this law giues it that name in a vulgar and common sense , as Scriptures , Councels , Buls of Popes , Fathers , Schoolemen , Historians , Iesuits , and the Common sort hath vsed and accepted it , and that if it be taken in the sharpest sense , the Oath may neuerthelesse be taken without preiudice , or limitation of any power which the Pope himselfe claimes , I make account that I haue discharged my promise and vndertaking in this Chapter , and deliuered as much , as without inculcating that which hath beene formerly said by others , ( which I purposely auoided ) in this point of the oath neede to be said to any , of indifferency or equall inclination . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20647-e5570 P.R. Trea● . of Mitiga . ● . 6. n. 67. Idem . c. 1. n. 11 & . c. 5. n. 30. Gretz . Append 1. ad l. ● . Bellar. § Idem dictum a Defens . Bella● l. 1. c. 7. Quare . b Ibi. l. 2. c. 14. § Quod Whitak . Gretz . Tractat. de no. Translat . §. Ait . Sixtus . De verbo . Dei l. 1. c. 9. To. 11. Resp. Apolog. cont . Car. Col. Nu. 31. P. R. Treat . of Mitig c. 5. n. 41. In monit . pili . in fine . Machiauel . Hist. Flor. l. 1. f. 34. Edit . Picen . An. 1587. Card. Colum. paris . fo . 158. Rispost . d' Anto . Bouio a P. Paulonella Rauolta . ● . 196. Conestaggio . l. 3. fol. 82. Idem . l. 6. f. 155 Answere to the Reports . c. 5. Bar●n . Annal. To. 11. Epist. Apolog. nu . 21. Epist. ad Philip . 3. Aelian l. 1. c. 29. Numb . 35.33 . Aelian . l. 2. c. 17. Bosquier . Concio . Quadrag . Conci . 6. Sent. Select . ●x Corn. Celso . l. 2. n. 12. Frontinus stratagem . li. 2. c. 5. Forestus de venenis . Obseru . 1. Schol. Lib. 1. c. 1. Hippocrates . l. 1. Apho. 22. In Epist. ad Tit. c. 1. Fl●rimond ●emond Historie de l' Heresie . l. 7. c. 2. & 3. In Epist. ad Tit. c. 1. Prognosticon Windecki . Florimond . Remond Histoire d●l . Heresie . Dig. l. 2. Tit. ● . c. Si per errorē . Esay 58.3 . Ael●a● . l. 2. c. 37. Bosquie● . conc . Quadrag . Dist. 61. Catinensis . Nauar. Manual c. 23 n 38 Diog. Laertius l. 8. Martyrolog . c. 8 Aelian . l. 14. c. 4 Gellius l. 9. c. 4. Bosquior . Monom . Conc. 4. Ibid. Plini . l. ● . c. 43. Annotat. in Hilarium . Examen . Edicti . Anglica . Stanislaus Christianoni cus . Paris . 1607. Reu●l . 7.15 . Homil. 2. in Psal. 50. Vegetius . l. 2. c. 17. Exod. 20. Notes for div A20647-e8770 Gellius l. 15. c. 10 Aristot. Eth. l. 3. cap. 7 Idem l. 3 ● . 6. Maetalius Metellus , prefat . in Histor . Os●ij . Dig. l. 48. Tit. ●9 . le 38. & Dig. l. 49. tit . 10. l● . 6 Concil . Antisi . ca. 17. Conc. Braca● . 23. q. 5. placuit . Tholos . Sy●t . l. 36. c. 22. 〈◊〉 . 13. De leg . 9. V●op . l. 2. ca. de Serius . Io. 1.7 Io. 5.31 . De Martyri Serm. 7. Exod. 4 , 25 Paul. Diaco . ad Eutrop Addit . 18. Homil. in psal . 95. 1. Cor. 15. Alfons . Castr. ver . Martyrium x Prateolus l. 3 cap. 19. Ep●pha . Haeres . 80 Cap. 2 Dist. 15. Sancta Romana To. 1. fo . 248 Prud●nt●us Bodin Daemonom l. 4. c. 3. ex Tertull . Eus●b . l. 8 Hist. Eccl●s . ca. 24 Feuardent●us Theom . Caluin l. 8. c. 13. n. 13. Extra . de maior . & Obed. Solit● . Quinquagesies septies & Centies quadragesies septies & medium , & septies mesies & septingesies , quadragesies , quater & medium . Comment . in Sacro . Bosc. fol. 219. Simphons . 24. T●es . 9. Reg Iu Possore , in 6. Glos. a Constantin . Ann 754. b Nicenum 2. Anno 787. c Francofur . Anno 794. d Donat. Constant l. 2. nu . 60. e Haimius Feldius Decretu . Impp. de Imaginibus . fo . 91. a Dig. li. 11. Tit. 7. l. 8. Osa . b Leo 1. Martia . Epist. 70. Epist. 75. Simplicius Papa An. 471. Epist. 14. a Ann 486. Epist 14. b Extra . de Rescript . Ad audic●●iam●g os . verb manifestum . c Conc. Aurelian . 1. Clodu . regi . c. 2 d Habetur in Binio To. 2. f. 320. Anno. 516. e Li. 4. Epist. 32. Greg. 7. Duci Sue uiae l. 1. Epist. 19. Binius To. 1. fol. 831. A. Ioan. 8. Pap● Ann. 873. Epist. 87. Balsamo . in Conc Chalced. can . 17 Concil . Quinosen in Trullo . ca. 69. Anno 692. Notes in hunc can . To. 3. par . 1. fo . 156. A. Leo , Martiano Epist. 64. Leo 8. Epist. 87. Leo 1. ad Martia● . Epist. 70. Grego . 1. li. 3. Epist. 20. Anastas . Imp. Hormisdae Papae . Binius . To. 2. fo . 315. A. Hormisda Epist. 2. Bi●ius To. 2. so . 335. B. Pelagius 1. Epist. 16. & 25. q. 1 , Satagendum . a Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. vltim . in fine . b Cod. l. 1. Tit. 2. le . ●3 . c Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. 20. a Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. 4. & 27. b Ibid. le . 9. c Ibid. §. Diaconissa . d Cod , li. 1. Tit. 1 l. 6. e Cod. lib. 1. Tit. ● . l. 2. f Cod. l. 1. Tit. 9. lib. 6. g Cod. l. 1. Tit. 2. l. vlt. Cod. l. 1. Tit. 1. ● . 2 a Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. ● 7. § Presbiter● . b Ibid. ●e . 17. §. Interdi●imus . c Ibid. l. 19. d Simancha . de R●pub . l. 8. c. 40. e Simplicius Zenoni . Ep. 14. a Espen●aeus . Com●n Tim. l. 2. pag. 275. b Index Expur . Belg. fo . 15. c Pref●tio in Histor . de act . & Script . Lutheri . d Deut. 17.11 . a Epist. Maximil● . ad B●ro . Leichtensteni Habetur . in Monit . polit . edit Franct . Ann. 1609. so . 33. b Ceremoniae Sacrae . Cap. de Ordinatione . c Idem . ca. de Coronat . d Alfon. Aluares specul . vtriusque Dig. c. 10. nu . 3. e Extra de bigam . non Ordin . Super eis . glos . verbo Sacros . a Aluares specu . vtri . Digni . ca. 1. nu . 40. b Cassanaeus● par . 5. consid . 24. art . 59. & 181. Be●lar . de P●●t . Ro l. 5 , c. 6. §. Est igit●r . E● Nazi●●z . Sepulueda de regn . & reg . Hu. l. 1. Concil . Nice . 2. Actio 5. To. 3. Par. 1. fol. 399. 1. Cor. 2.15 . Maynardus de Priuileg . Eccles. Art. 9. n. 1. a Dist. 50. Et Purgabit . glos . verb. Domo . b Index . Expur . Belg. fol. 306. 24. q. 3. Transferunt . Valdesius de Digni●●te regum Hispa c. 16. Ioan. de Lapide● Casus missa● . cap. 6. Ar. 5 §. Quo●unque . a Azor. par . 2 l. 10. c. 9. §. Caeterum . b Aluares specutr . Dign . ca. 56. nu . 12. c Idem . ca. 16● nu 15. d Ren. Choppinus de Iure Monast. l. 1. T it 1. nu . 15. Nauar. Manual . c. 27 nu . 13. In septimo . T it 4. c. 3. Hiero. Gigas de laesa ma. l. 1. Rubr. 4. q. 5. nu . 10. Ibid. nu . 2. Ante. librum Schultingij● To. 1 Vbi supra . n. 6. a Paris crassus De ceremo . Episcop . li. 2. ca. 42 b Cerem . Sacrae . cap. de consecrat . fo 36. c Par. crass l. 2. c. 43. d Idem . l. 5. c. 27 e Conc. Basil. Sess 23. cap. de num● . et qualit . Card. f Aluares sp●cutr Dig. c. 1.24 . n. 15 Theod. a Niem . de sc●sm . l. 1 , cap 12. & 57. Conestaggio della vnione di port . Et custig . l. 3. in princip . R●sp . ad Card. Colum. nu . 31. Iob. 26 , 5. Inseptimo . Tit. 4. ca. 4. Nauar. Manu . ca. 27. n. 13. a Menghi . Flagel . Daemo . fo . 42. b fo . 79. Prou. 30.27 . 16. q. 1. qui uere . gl●s . verbo . ●ere . In Epist. cius ms Chrisost. ad Pop. Antioch . Ho. 23. a Dlg. li. 31 . Ti. 1 . l 87. §. Imperator . b Dig. l. 1 . Tit. 4. Le. 3. c Cod. l. 1 . Tit. 1 . L. 1 . d Cod. l. 1 . Tit. 2. Lc. 10. e Cod. l. 1. Tit. 4 L. 3. f Cod l. 1. Tit. 15 Le. 3. g Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. L. 55 §. His ita . h Cod. l. 11. Tit. 9. l. 2. i Cod l. 1. Tit. 2. Leg. 8. k Cod. l. 1. Tit. 1. L. 3. Carol Mag. l. 1. c 1. & 3. Glouer de Nobilit . fol. 75. Cassanaeus catal Glor. par . 5. consid . 30. Alu●res specul . vtri Dign . Epist . ad Mariam Oratio Coesarij a Branhed●ro in subscriptione . Bell. R●cogn . fo . 2. S●rarius litaneuticus . l. 2. q. 6 De Pont. Ro. li. 2. c. 12. Ibid. ca. 3● . a Epist. ●ij 2. ad Norinbergenses b Maynardus De priuileg . Eccles . art . 27. n 15 c Par. Crassus de Ceremo . Episcop . & Card. l. 1 c. 5 & cap. 22. 25. q. 1. violatores . Maynard● de priuileg . Eccles. ar . 14. nu . 1 Exo. 22 Act. 23.5 . Lyra in ●unc locum & Eman. Sâ . Serarius Litaneutic . l. 2. q. 4. n. 4. Index Expurg . Hispan . fo . 92. Ibid. fol. 150. Ibid. fol. 151. Instruct. circa . lib. corrig . §. 10. Soto de teg . secret . memb . 3. q. 3 Ad tertium . Carranza Sum. Concil . fo . 353. a Hispanic . Ind. fo . 148. b Ibid●m . c Idem . fo . 93. d Id. fo . 148. e Ind. Belg. ●o . 146 f Ind. Hisp. fo . 158. g Fol. 93. h Fo. 154. Sedulius Apol. pro. lib. Conform l. 1. c. 12. & l. 3. c. 28 Congregatio Oratorij . Bozius Gallonius de Cruciat . Martyrum . Baron . Annal. To. 11. Ann. 1097. n. 18 Nu 28 Nu 87. Nu. 88. Card. Colum. fo . 158. paris . Nu. 19. Nu. 28. Nu. 31. Circa . 240. Cypr. Epist. 1. ad Steph. Binius To. 1. fo 191. Anno 451. Binius To. ● i● Princip . Epist 73. Anno 457. Epist. 2. Circa 527. Anno 530. Autent . Coll. 2. prefa●●o 〈◊〉 . ● . 2. Epist. 62. To. 2. fo . 770. ● . An. 593. n. 17. ● . 2. Epist. 65. Theodo . Medico . Epist. 2. An●o . 655. Epist. 2. Epist. 4. Epist. Steph. 4. ad C●rol . et Ca●lom . An. 831 Nichol. Epist. circa . 874. 〈◊〉 1. ● 4. Epist. 216. Epist. 217. Epist. 230. Epist. 251. Epist. 30. De verb. Esaiae . Hom. 4 To. 1. ●o . 207. Binius To. 1. ●ol . 803. Ep●st . 123. Ep●st . 165. L●i●●es●ido . Epist. 166. V●iberto . Epist. 18. Epist. 24. Ep●st 28. Epist. 42. 21. q. 3. cum aliquis . 11. q. 3. Nemo . Anno 1063. I. 2. Ep. 5. Li. 2. Ep. 18. Li. 4. Ep. 12. Lib. 9. ●p . 3. Li. 9. Ep. 28. L. 9. Ep. 3. Binius . To. 3. fo . 1282. A. ●● . S. Sp. 21. Episco . Met●nti De Ponti● l. 1. c. 7. §. Quar●●m L. 2. post . Ep 38. Li. 11. Ep. 10. 〈◊〉 . 96. Constantinus . An. 553. ca. 5 Sumna Carranze . Baron . ● Annal. To. 9 fo . 319. Anno 761. Vbi supra . L. 4. Ep. 2. 15.9 . b. Alius . glo●●er . Deposuit . L. 1. Epist 70. ● . 9. Epist. ● . L. 6. Epist. 17. Abbati Clunia● . Binius To. 3. pa. 2 fol. 1196. Cassanae . Catal. G●or . pa. 4. Consid . 7. L. 4. Epist. 2. 1. Reg. 15. E●chird . Ind. Tit. 21. n. 9. Schultingius . Thesaur . Antiq. Eccles. To. 1. c. 8. & 243. Diod. Sicul. Bibliot . l. 4. ca. 1. Bell. de Pont. l. 2. c. 2. §. Nec ualet . Ide . d● Concil . ●t Eccles. l. 1. ● . 2. § Esse autem . Id● . de●aicis . l. 3 c. 17. § In quem Say● Thesaur . C●s. Consc. par . 1. l. 1. c. 6. nu . ●0 Stephanꝰ De 〈◊〉 . p●d . pont c● . 16. § quare a Hiero. Gigas de laesa mai . l 1. Rubr. 4. q 2. n. 5. b Ibid. q. 4. n. 2. c Ib. q. 1. n. 8. d Ceremo . Sacr. Ca. de Concil . D● tr●nsl●t . In p. l. 1. ● . 8. in p●●●cip . De Pont. l. 2. c. 17. §. Obseruandum . a Theod. a Ni●m de sc●●sm . l. 3. c. 1. b Sayr Thes. Cas consci . par . 1. l. 2 c. 20. nu . 20. De Pont. l. 5. ca. 6 1.2 ae . q. 103. ad 3 De Pont. l. 1. c. 9. § Potest etiam . Ephe. 4.11 . An. 829. Binnius To. 3. ●ar 1. fo . 562. ca. 5. In 7. l 2. Tit. 1. De for . comp . Ca. 1. glos . verbo , cu ipso . a Sedulius . Apol. cont . Alcora . Francisca . l. 2. C. 1. Gen. 40.10 . b Sedul . l. 2. c. 1. Luc. 12.32 . c Sedul . l. 3. c. 13 Psal. 118. d l. 1. Ca. 18. e Mallonij Notae in Paleotum de Syndone . l. 1. C. 1. Nu. 18. f Extraua . Io. 2● . Cum inter . glos . in fine . a Liter Leo. 10. p●r B●nchum . l. 8. Ep. l. 17. b Gretzer . Cont. Hassenmiller . ●o . 141. c Sedul . Apol. pref●t . d l. 1. C. 9. e l. 1. C. 18. f Ibid. & C. 20. g l. 1. C. 20. h l. 1. C. 13. i Ib. C. 15. k Ib. c. 18. l l. 2. C. 6. m Serar . litaneuti . l. C. 13. n Epist. Leo. 10. l. 2. Ep. 21. o l. 4. Ep. 15. Apolog. l. 3. c. 1. nu . 3. Idem . l. 3. c. 13 nu . 3. Idem . l. 3. c. 28● nu . 31. Psal. 90.13 . Ios Stepha . de Osculat . ped . Po●t . cap. 11. §. Ex quo . Esa 49.23 . Ios. Steph. ● . 5. Luc. 7. Idem . ca. 7. Deut. c. 1.3 . Idem . c. 10. Epist. lecto . Append. ad lib. de P●●t . respons . ●d lib. Auiso Pia●●uole ca. 2 Nicod . Ma●er de paren : Baro : ad lecto . a Psal. 8.6 b Maynard●s de p●iuil . Ecc● . Art. 2 ● . 21 c Luc 22.38 d Eman. S● . Scholia in 4. Euang. e Ext●au . Com de Maior . & obed . Vnam sanctam , f Act. 10.13 . g In Voto ad Paul. 5. Io. 10.30 . Eman● Sâ Apho● Confes. verb. Clericus . Dist. 21. Cl●ros , Ren. Choppinus de iu●● Monast. l. ● . Tit. 2. ●u . 25 Dr Aluin de potest . Episcoporum c. 3 n. 11. Dist. 23. Sa●ctimonialis . Regula . 47. D Aluinde pot . Ep●sco . ca. 3. n● . 13. Paris de ●ut ●o de Synd. ca. de exces . reg . n● . 29 Maynardus d● pri●ileg . Eccles. Art. 17. nu . 10. Tholosa . synt . l. 15. c. 2. nu . 4. Theod. a Niem . de schism . l. 1. ca. 22. Laelio Medico . contra . Venet. fo . 196. Nella Raccolta . Risposta di Ant. Bouio al. Paulo . Nella Raccolta fo . 50. Bell. de Clericis l. 1. c. vlt. Martyrolog . Ro. 29. Decemb. a Bell. de Indul. l. 1. c. 2. propos . 1. b Idem de Confirmatione c. 11 § Duplex . c Ibid ca. 2. §. Sed r●spond . Bell. de Iustif. l. 5. c. 17. §. Nobis . De Iustific●t . l. 5. c. 7. Proposit. 3. Ceparius . de vit . Go●zag . l. 3. c. 2. ●enius de Controuersia , de lib. A●b . & Dei aux●l . in●er Catholicos . Epist. ad Cle. 8. Li. 1. de grat . & lib. arb . ca. 11. Fo. 4. Fo. 91. Fo. 2. VVilloti A●benae , Orthodox . Ex Con● . Trid. Bull. Pij 4. de Ind libro . a Index Hispan . fo . 149. b Venet. 1575. B●ll de Iusti●i . l. 2 c. 9. §. Sanct●s Hieron●mus . Epist. ante Ind. Belg. De baptism . l. 1. c. 6. De Indulg . l. 1. c. 2. §. Qu●nto . L. 3. Com. in Mat. 20.8 Sext Sen. Bibliot Sanct. l. 6. Anno● . 89. De Indulg . l. 1. ● . 2. §. Quinto . Historiae & ali● impressa . ante Alcoran . fo . 99. Casabonus pre●atio de libe● . Eccl. De purg . L. 2. c. 18 §. Ad quint. Hymno de nouo lumine pasch . Sabba . L. 11. c. 6. Pal. estrita Honoris . Anastas Cochelet . fo . 285. Paleotus de Syndone , par . 1. Ep. lectori . Reuel . Brigid . Bull Canone . Bonif. 9. Par. Crassus de cerem . Epis. & Cardin. l. 1. c. 39● To. 3. par . 2. fo . 1052. B. Epist. Rutbalo . Reg. Secret. ante Dial. Luciani . a Vita eius . fo . 17. & 24. & 57. b fo . 33. c fo . , 83. fo . 107. fo . 108. fo 229. fo . 488. Binsfeldius . de confel . Sa●ar . fo . 67. & 68 Menghi . fust . Daemo . c. 8. Ibidem . Vasques de Adorati . Litan . l. 2. ca. 2. N. 3. Ibid. N. 4. Sedul . Apol. pro libro . Con●or . l. 1. ● . 20 . N. 7. De Pont. l. 4. c. 8. § Q●ia . a In● . Expurg . belg . fo . 12. Dist. 4 statuimus . gloss . Dist. 12. quis nesciat glos . Ind. expur . belg . fo . 18. Index . Hisp. ●o .. 66. Idem . fo . 92. De Matrimo . l. 1. C. 5. §. vbi tamen . 27. q. 2. Cum societas . De pont . l. 2. c. 27. §. ●espond●o i●●as . De Purgat . l. 2. C. 18 §. preterea . & §. Ad quartum . De verbo Dei. l. 3. C. 10. §. dic●ns . De Pont. l. 4. c. 8. §. respondeo . De penitent . l. 1 . c. 1 . §. igitur . De Sacro . homin . Orig. & contin . l. 1 . ●a . 5. 36. q. 2. placuit . Ind. Hispa fo . 146. Fo. 147. Moral . In●tit . Par. 1. l. 11. C. 14. §. Secundo quaeritur . D● militia spirituali Ho. 4. To. 5. fo . 209. Pa●●●tri●a Hono●is fo . 1. Sedulius Apolo . contr . Alcura . l. 1. C. 16. N. 4. & 6. l. 2. c. 9. N. 1. l. 2. C. 11. N. 4. l. 1. C. 19. N. 3. Ibidem . l. 3. C. 21. N. 4. Ibid. N. 7. In fi●e libri . 4. Sent. dist . 19. q. 3. ar . 2. De purgat . l 2. c. 9. §. Preter●a . De Indulg . l. 2. c. 2. §. Sed primū De Indulg . l. 1. c. 9. §. Respontio . Turselinus Iesuit Histor. laurel . l 1. C● . 22. Obseruationes in Cassian●m . ●o . 739. Ex Collat . 19. Bell. de pont . l. 4. C. 14. §. Respo●deo . De Ioan. 22. Gretzer def●n● Bellar. To. 1. ●o . 362. §. Namquod Bell. de Po●t . l. 1. c. 2 §. Ex h●s . In septimo . l. 5. tit 3. c. 9. In septimo tit . 4. Ibid. ca 3. Ibid. c. 2. Ibid. c. 3. Histor. Ordi . Iesuit resut . a Gr●tz●ro . ●o . 45. R●badencyra de Scrip●● . Iesuit . fo . 100. & fo . 60. Cassia●us l. 11. c. 17. Instit. Moral . to . 2. l. 4. C. 5. § S●cundo . Ibid. §. Tertio . Ibid. §. Ex ploratum . Ribadeney . vbi supra . Cerem : Sacr. Cap. De elect pont . Petr●i Biolioth . Carthusia . ●o 304 Sedulius Apolog cont . Al●ora . l. 2 c. 11. § Innocentius . Serarius . Tri●aeres . l. 2. Cap. 24 Grego . de Valent . De purgat . C. 8. P●erre Mathieu His●●ire de Franc● . l 2. Nirrat . 4. S●du●ius . Apol. l. 2. c. ●2 . a. 8. Catalog Glor. Par. 4. Consid. 7. Menghi . Flagell . Daemon . fo . 9. Ide . fol. 105. Mat. Tortus supra la I ettera di Palmieri Romito . Raccolta . fol. 126. Pierre Mathieu . Histoire de fran . l. 1. Nar. 4. Ceparius de vita Gonzag. Epist. Dedic . Litan eut . l. 2. q. 7 De procurand . Indo . Salut . l. 2. c. 9. Sedul . Apol. l. 3. c. 13. Nu. 8. Idem . l. 3. C. 28. N● . 30. Id. l. 3 c. 24 n. 25 26.27 . Vita . Nerij . fol. 488. Sedul . Apol. l. 2. c. 2. n. 3. An. 1608. they were 10581. Ribad . scrip . Iesuit . in fin . Cassian . l. 7. c. 19. Iesuitar . regula Commu . Cap. Examinator . Regulae P●ouincial . 56. Cap. de formula scribendi . Cap. pro curator Gener. Pier. Mathieus . histoire de Fran. To. 2. l. 7. Nar. 4. a Vide Soto de teg . Secr●t . memb . 3. q. 4. Dub. 4. & Zambran . Cas. Cons●i . cap. 4. de poenit . Dub. 2. Sect. 5. vbi etiam est hoc Decretum ●lem . 8. Nu. 31. Reg. Commu . 38. Sedul . Apolo . l. 2. C. 3. N. 2. Bulla tertia Gretzer in Hateum . fo . 168. D'Auila de Censur . par . 2. Ca. 7. Disp 3. Dub. 8. a Bulla 18. Gretzer in Hatteum . l. fo . 211. b Iesuit Constitut spi●it . 4. c Reg. 48. d Reg. Com. ca. Rector reg . 8. e Cap prefect . Rer. spirit . f C●pariꝰ Iesuit . de vita Gonz●g . fo . 58. & saepe . g Fo. 84. h Fo. 83. i Fo. 84. k Fo. 154. l Bulla . 13. Gretz fo . 195. a Bull. 17. Gretz fo . 207. b Bull. 15. fo . 197. c Bull. 19 f. 217. d Bull. 7. fo . 186. e Re●u●●●●●ouincial . 84. f Bull. 16. fo . 198 g In s●ptimo . l. 5. Tit. 4. c. 6. h Constitut. spirit . 36. i Epist. Ignatij ad fratr in Lusita . Reg. Commu . ca. Missa . Pro. 17.24 . Vita Phil. Nerij fo 110. Rog●la B●nedict . c. 1. Ren. Choppinus de iu●e Coe●obi . .2 . tit . 3. n. 9. Seduli . Apolo . l. 2. c. 6. n. 7. Ibid. n. 14. Iob 2.2 . Danaeus in Aug. de Haeresib . c. 69 Prateolus verbo Circu●tares Alf. Castro . verbo Ecclesia , & Martyrium . Baron . Martyrolo . 21 Oct. ex Lind●no . Par. de puteo . De Syndic . c. de excess . Aduocator nu . 15. Pelargus de Nouo Iesu●tismo l. 4. C. 18. Spongia pro Iesuitis . cont . Equit . Polon . fo . 20 Muretu● . Variar . L●ct●on . l. 3. C. 10. Vita eius . ●o . 591. Gretz . in Hasenmill . fo . 118. De Institut . Renuntiant . l. 4. C. 10. Idem . l. 4. c. 24. Sedul . Apolo . l. 2. c. 5. N. 5. Mariana de R●ge . l. 1. c. 7. Bin●feld . de Confess S●g●●um . fo 216. Pet. Galatin . de verit . Christ. l. 1. ● . 3. Petrei Bibliothe . Carthus fo . 35. Spongia contr . Equit. po●on . f. 78 Missal . Roma . ex Decret . Con. Trid. restitut . Specul . vtriusque Dignit . c. I. n. 34 Idem . c. 18. n. 7. Binius To. 4. fo . 512. De pont . l. 4. c. 8. §. probatur . De pont . l. 2. c. 29 §. secundo . De Clericis l. 1. c. 16. § postea . De Concil . l. 1 c. 13. § Quarta . 〈◊〉 . 4. Catalog . Sc●●p . Ies●it . ●o 100. F● . 196. Ribadeneyr . Catal . Script . Iesuit Amphitheatrum Honoris l. 1. c. 4. § Primo . Fo. 41. Fo. 44. Baron . Martyrolog . Decemb. 29. Nauar. De Regular . Consil. 1. De Imagin . l. 2. c. 9. Ann. 55. n● . 119. Ann. 305 nu . 42. Mat. 3.14 . Luke 9.2 . Act 9.12 . Act. 10.42 . 1. Cor. 1.23 . Matth. 10.27 . Martyrolog . Decemb. 29. Alf. Aluares spec . vtri . Dig. c. 31. N. 1 , 2 , 3 , & 12.16 , 17. & ca. 41.12 . Azor. Mor. Iust. par . 2. l. 4. c. 18. & par . 1. l. 8. ca. 24. De priuileg . Eccles . Ar. 10. n. 25 Commen . in Mat 1. in fine . Azor. par . 1. l. 11. c. 5. §. Animaduertendum . Sayr . Thesau . Cas. Consc. l. 3. c. 7 nu . 25. Alf. Castro de potest . l●gis . l. 1. c. 5. Docuna . 1. Bartol . Dig. Indi . Sol. le . 4. §. Sireus . Aluares spec . v●r Dignit . c. 41. n. 10 ex multis alijs . Gent. de Iure belli . l. 1. c. 14. Cod. Theodos. de Ep. & cler . ●● . 20. Epist. ad Nepotia Aluares spec . vtr . d●g●i . c. 41. n. 7. De sent . Excom . Alma mater in sexto . Verbo , In●urgunt De Int●●d . Ver. §. 1. nu . 11. Dig. ad Ley. in t . Maiest . tit . 4. l●● I● 70. tit . 4. c. 3. Ibid. tit . 3. c. 3. Spongia Contra. Eq. Polon . fo . 29. Epist. ad Norimbergens . Ench●rid . Ind. tit . 56. nu . 5. R●baden . Catal. scrip . Ies●it . ●o . 109. 〈…〉 Ciu● . nu . 3. Catal. Glor. 〈◊〉 Consid. 23. Tannerus de ●●bert . Eccles. l. 2. cap. 5. De regn . & reg . offi . l. 1. Sepul●ed . de regn . & reg . offi . l. 2. ●o . 91. Deu. 14. Cassian . Collat. 24. c. 9. Id●m de Instit. Ren●n● . c. 40. l 4. Ibid. l. 4. c 27. & 28. Idem . Collat. 4. c. 20. Climachus Scala . parad . Grad . 4. 1. Sam● 2.25 . Cepaciꝰ de eius vita . fo . 196. Fo. 242. Fo. 244. Apol. l. 3. c. 1. Idem . l. 2. c. 2. n. 2. Ide . l. 3. c. 14. n. 2 L. 2 , c 5 , n. 7. Vita eius fo . 100 Fo. 306. Fo. 326 Fo. 225. Fo. 191. Fo. 360. Fo. 220. Fo. 346. Fol. 335. Fol. 288. Fol. 187. Sedul . Apolo . l. 3. c. 6. n. 1. Engl. Martyro . Ianua . 16. B. Dorotheus . Doctrina . 7 a. Relatione di Diego Torrez . Edit . Venet. 1604 fo . 5. This Iesuite died in Cusco An. 1598 Sedul . Apolo . l. 3. c. 24. n. 26. Id. l. 3. c. 25. n. 1● Id. l. 2. c. 5. n. 8. Epist , ad fratres in Lusitan . Extra . de Iu● , Iur. su●ficiat . Glo. Regul . Benedict . c. 48. Declarat . 22. ae . q. 104. Ar. 5. ad 3m. Ser. 3. de R●surr . Domini . a Azor. Mor. Instit . To. 2. l 4. c. 7. § Deinde . Extrau . Com. de Maior : & Obed. vnam sanctam Addit . Bertr●● Respondeo & dico . Alex. Pesant . de immunit . Eccles. & potest . pont . pag. 44 Ind. Belg● fo : 86 Simancha de Rep. l. 3. c. 7. ex Stobao . Azor. To 2. l. 4 c , 19. § Mihi De libert . Eccles. l , 2 : c : 1 Maynardus de priuileg . Eccles. Ar. 16. Nu 2. Bell. de Cler. l 1 c. vlt Tannerus l. 2. c. 12 , in fine : De Institut . l. 1 : c : 10 Aphor. confes . verb. clericus 15. q. 6. Alius . Paris de puteo de syndi● . Ca. de Excess● Regum . Dist. 86. qui venatoribus . Par. de Put. ca. Rex autem . In Io. l. 12. c. 56. Casub . de lib. Eccles. fol. 46. Azor. Instit. Moral . To. 1 l. 5. c. 14. in fine . De sent . & re indic . Pastoralis Glossa . S●pr● . la. le●tera de palmieri Romilo . Nella Roccolta fo . 183. Simancha . Ench●r . Iud. Tit. 5. nu . 3. Li. 1. To. 3. c. 1. 22. e. q. 104. Art. 5. ad 3m. Par. de put . de Synd. fo a 179. b. 192. c 193. 22 ● . q. 124. Ar. 4 a Epist. 8. ad Polycarpum . b 1. Cor. 15.31 . Aquin. ibid. Aduers . Iudaeos . Ora● . 5. De Pu●gat . l. 1. c. 7. § Q●into . Extrau . d● Reliquij . Audiuimus . Ser●rius Trihaeres . l. 2. c. 28. Biniꝰ To. 1. f. 490 Bellar. vbi supra Ibid. c. 8. §. Dices Ibid. c. 9. §. 1. §. T●rtio . Extra . de Reliq . gloss . verb. miraculis . Ceremon . Sacrae . Cap. de Canoniz . De Purgat . c. 10. §. 1. Extra . de Relig. C. 1. & ● . Ioh. 21.19 . 1. Pet. 4.15 . Matth. 5.11 . 22 c. q. 124. Art. 2. ad 1m. Epist. 24. In Marc. Hom. 13. To. 2. fo . 270 Acts 16. Par. Put. Syndic . fol. 484. Collat. 2. ca. 5. Io. 13. ●15 a Metaphra●t . in Nicepho . Mar. Ieruase . 1. Co● . 6.12 . & 10.23 . 22 ae . q. 124. ar . 4. ad 2. De Not. Eccles. l. 4. c. 2. § Item . Theomachia Calumist . l. 8. c. 18. nu . 1. Ibid. nu . 3. Nu. 1. Nu. 6. Nu. 10. a Iudgement of a Cathol●que of the Apol●g●e of the O●th . Pag. 91. Ca. 11. 3. Conue●sions . Par. 3. Chap. 1. N● . 19. Iuly . 27. Ibid. Nu. 21. Ro. 13.1 . Carninus de potest . l●g . H●m . Par. 1. C. 6. Instit. Mora. To. ● . lib. 2. c. 12. § si quando . De Iudicijs Ca. Nouit . Ibid. Carni●us de pot●st . l●g . 〈◊〉 . par . 1. c. 6. Idem . par . 2. c. 2. Par. 1. c. 6. Summa Summarum . To. 1. par . 1. c. 14. §. Tertium . De ratio . ●eg . Secret. memb . 3. q. 2. § Sed contra Heb. 12.1 . Ca● Confraterni●as . 12. q. 2. Euchirid . Iudi. Tit. 35. n. 41. Bull. Pij . 4. de ●erm . Iur. Responsio ad Docto. Venet. proposit . 5 a. § ad rationes . To. 2. l. 4. c. 18. § Deinde . Nouit . de Indic . Nu. 41. Marsilius contr . respons . Bellarm. Ad Gener. Inquisitor . venet . Barclaius de potest . pont . ca. 2. in princip . Vgoti●i de Validit . censura . Ca. 3. De pont . l. 1. C. 2. §. Decima et cap. 22. §. Decimasepti . 1. q. 79. Ar. 13. Concl●s . Carbo . summa sum● r. ●o 1. 〈◊〉 ●2 . S●c●●t●um . Carbo . summa summar . To. 2. par . 1. c. 2. §. T●rt●●m . Ibid. C. 3 : §. Tertium . Tractat. 7. Theol. de Interd . Pauli 5. prop●s . 5 a. a Comitol . respo●s . Mo●●l . l. 1. q. 99. b Simancha Ench●rd . Iudic. Tit. 5. nu . 3. c Azor. ●ns●it . Moral . ●ar . 2. l. 4. c. 2. §. Sexto . De●ence of Engl●sh Cathol . ca. 4. ●ar . de Pute●● so 327. & so . 773. a Fran. a Victor . Relect. de potest . Ciuili . Nu. 14. b Respons . ad Doct. Venet. propos . 1. §. Prima haec . a Swertius in Epitaph . Pataui . Nulla erat in Medico spes , neque multa Deo. Victorellus de custod●a Ang●lorum . a Fol. 16. b Fol. 133. c Fol. 121. d Fol. 17. Fo. 104. Fo. 105. Fo. 106. Aquin. contr . Gent. cap. 20. a Fraenc . a Victor . de potest . Papae et Co●cil . ● Ad Quintum . Hiero. de locis Hebr● . De Pont. l. 2. c. 31. § Argumentum . L. 2. c. 26. Hiero. Epist. ad Chromat . Par. 2. l. 4. Azor. Mor. Ins●it . c. 4. § Porro . a Lect. 23. Dist. 96 In Scripturis , &c. 6. q. 1. Sacerdotes , &c. Bellar. de Eccles. milit . l. 4. c. 4. Ibidem § At inquiunt . a Anastas . Cochelet . Pale●●rit . hono . f. 9. b Fo. 6. Florimond . de Remond . l. 6. Brancheda Orarati . ad Imp. de mutat . Imper. fo . 18. Esay . 9.6 . Lyra. De pont . l. 5. c. 4. §. Superest . Ibid. § Sediam . §. Caeterum . Ca. 3. parag . Gregorius . Ca. 3. ●arag . vt igitur . Ca. 3 parag . Eadē Ca. 4. § Confirmatur . Ca. 4. § Vt igitur Ca. 3. § Gregorius . Maynardus de priuil . Eccles. Ar. 7. N. 5.6.9 . Idem . Ar. 8. n. 3.5 De pont . l. 2. c. 29. §. Respond . primo C● . 7. § Secunda ra●● . Ca. 6. § Ita pr●r●u● . l. 5● C. 6. 1. Sam. 8.11 . De Pont. l. 4. C. 15. §. At in . De Concil . l. 1. C. 18. §. Dico . Reg. Iuris in 6. C. ●in . glos . verb. P●ntif●catus . Lelio medici contr . Venetia . Sopra il sunda 2. fo . 194. Titulo libri . De Pont. l● 2. C. 8. l. 2. C. 11. l. 5. C. Vlti . Barclaius de pot . Pap. C. 1. §. mihi . Cap. 3. in Princ. et ca. 40. De potest . Eccles. Sect. 6. Nu. 4. Ibid. Nu. 2. et 3. Aluarez specul . vtri . Dignit . ca. 33. Nu. 4. Carranza . sum . Concil . fo . 92. Cod. de Sum. Trinit . le . 1. Cunctos De Emendat . Grat. l. 1. Dial. 1. Ibid. L. 2. Dial. 8. L. 1. Dial. 4. L. 1. Dial. 19. L. 1. Dial. 16. L. 1. Dial. 3. Ibid. Ibid. L. Dial. 4. Ibid. Dist. 43. si quis . verb. postulat . L. 1. Dial. 4. L. 2. Dial 8. 1. Tim. 1.13 . De paenit . Doct. 1 potest fi●ri . 11. q. 1. Cl●ricum Ex Conc. Agath . Can. 32. Tom. 2. ●o . 306. De Clericis l. 1. c. 28 § Tertia . Baron To. 9. Ann. 774. n. 13. D●st . 65 Hadrianus . St Dist. 63 In Synodo . To 9. Anno 801. ●o . 622.11 . q. 1. Volumus . Dist. 31. quoniam . li. 1. Dial. 8. Dist. 13. Duo Mala. And Nerui . De p●niten● . Dist. 1. Quamuis in fine . L●c. 15.4 . Dist. 5. Quia sanctitas . verb. In Deserto . 24. q. 2. Sane pro●e●tur . Verb. Item . a Dist. 22. in tantum . in fine . 24. q. 2. Sane profertur . b Dist. 15. Canones . et glos . ver . Defe●sorem . Dist 31. Sacerdotibus . ver . semper . Dist. 33. Interd●xit . v●rb . Idoneas . Dist. 34. Quorundam . v●●sama . Ibid. Vidua . ver . multorum . Dist. 68. sicut . ver . sicut . Alb. Gent. de lib. Iur. C. 2. Dist. 13. Duo mal● . De Concil . autor● l. 2. c. 13. § Sea obijciunt . Dist. 19. In Canonicis . Dist. 15. Pierius de Barb. sace●do . §. At videte . Dist. 75. quod a patrib . gloss . ver . sabbati . Respo . ad Georg. Sohn . de Antichrist . Thes. 15. De Pont. l. 4. c. 14. § Respond . nec . Picrius de Barba sacerd . § Hoc in genere . De vit . & hon . Cleri . Clericus . D●st . 1● . s●ncta Romana . 25. q. 1. Viola●ores . Respons . ad Docto T●●●lo . propo●it . t●r●a § Te●tia haec . Marsilij desens . Docto. Ca. 5 , § E●rat . XI . Treat . of mitig . Ca. 7. n. 42. Nu. 43. Nu 43 Petr. de vineis . Epist. 4. l. 1. Ca●si●nus lugd●ni . Ann. 1606 f● 740. a De V●●ris super eo . b Extra● . Com. De reliqui cum perexcelsa . c Ibid Graue . d Victorell de Custod . Ang●lo . fo . 99. e De Consecra . D●st . 3. Pronunciand●m● Glos. ver . Natiuitas . Comitolus R●sp . Mor. lib. 1. q. 16. Maynardus de Priuil . Eccl. Ar. 11. ● . 8.9 . Dist. 4. In istis . De tregua et pace C. 1. Tregu●s . glos . ver . s●ongere . Manual . C. 23. Nu. 41. Vgolini . resp . ad 7. Theolo . §. 1. Nu 9. Azor. To. 2. l. 7. C. 3. §. Quaer●s . Vgotini . vbi supra . Albericus in Dictionar . ver . Elect●o . De Electio & Elect. potest . Venera●●lem . De Iure iurendo . Vspergens . so● 1198. De Sent. et re iudic . in 6. Ad Apostolicae . Binius To. 3. par . 2. fo . 1482. Clement . de Sentent . & re iudic . pastoralis . Anno 1306. Clement . de Iure iurando vnica . Dist. 63. Tibi Domino . De Pontif. l. 5. C. 8. §. septimum . Dist. 96. Constantinus . To. 2. l. 4. C. 19. e● 20. Dist. 9. Quae contrae . Dist. 10. lege . Dist. 21. Omnes . Dist. 96. Du● sunt . 2. ● . 7. Nos si . 9. q. 7. Episcopo . Ca. patet . ver . Innocentius . 15. q. 6. Alius . 7. q. 1. quamuis . petijsti . 15. q 6. Authoritat●m &c. Ibid. 11. q. 3. Quoniam . Ver. Quoniam . Ver. Temperamus . a D'Auila Par. 2. Ca. 6. Disp. 11. Dub. 90 15. q. 6. Iuratis . Binius . To. 3. ●ar 2. fo . 1293. q. 1. G●n●rali . De re●us Eccle● . 〈…〉 2. l. 3. C. 5. N. 17. Qui filij sunt legit . Causam quae . C. 4. &c. 7. & De offic . Deleg . ca. 17. Tit. ●od . per v●nerabilem . Ver. Certis . 1● . 12 . De iudicijs nouit No●erit . Gra●em De prescriptionibus . De Pont. l. 5. c. 6. § Itaque . Ex Cod. De prescriptionibus . Ver. Nota quod ver . Tam Canonica . Cap licet● Verb. priuand●● . De Ma●●r . & Obedient . 1. Tet. 2.13 . Ver. Tanquam De Supplend . neglig . praelat . Grandi●n sexto . Literâ , b. in Margine . Si fratrum . Ver ponatur . 10.16 . Grego Homil. 14. Citat . Ema● Sa. 22 38. Sâ . l. 10. Com. in lacam . Luc 2.35 . Ema . S. ● . De Pont l. 5. c. 5. Secundo . Extra● . Com. de priuileg . M●ruit . Licet ●aelici . Rescriptorum . Anto. August . de Emend . Grat. l. 2 Dial. 2. Tholoza . Syntag. l. 15. c. 4. n. 10. 〈◊〉 c. 23. N● . 48. De vi et Pot. leg . human . Ca. 8. P●r. 1. C. 1. C. 3. Extra . de Rescript . ex par●● . Ibid. Si quando . Ibid. ad Audientiam . Ver. Manifestū . Caranza . fo . 414. Binius . To. 3. par . 2. fo . 1047. Carran . Ibid. Id. fo . 415. Dialo . 3. De purg . l. 1. C. 9. Altera . Histor. de Sacr. Sindone . Par. 1. Epist. ●ector . De libert . Eccles. l. 2. c. 9. Carninꝰ de vi ●t pot . leg Huma . C. 10. Man. C. 23. N. 38. Citat . Theod. Niem . Nem. vitio . Tract . 4. Ca. 9. Annal. 13. Ap●end . ad lib. de Pont. Bell. de Pont. l. 4. c. 7. § tertia ratio I●●d § & 〈◊〉 . To. 10 Anno 878. N. 41. Dist. 22. In tantum . & 24. q. 2. ●●ane profertur . Higgons . fo . 32. Theodor. a Niem de Scrip. l. 1. c. 42 Na●ar . Manual . c. 27. n. 147. Clem. Exiui . Tit. de verb. si●ni● . Ver. Obedientia . a De p●t . pa● . & Conc. § Sed quia b Ibid. § preterea . c Ibid. § & preterea . Ibid. 87. si quis e Azor. To. 2. l. 4. C. 5. §. Tertio . Ibid. §. Decimaseptima . D'Auila de censuris . par . 2. C. 6. disp . 11. Dub. 9. Alf. Castr. de potest . leg . l. 1. C. 5. Docum . a Comitolus . Resp. Moral . li. 1. Q. 47. Dig. Tit. 5. L● . 1. Par. de Put. de Syndic . fo . 481. Mar Donatus in Sueto . c. 16. In septimo Tit. 2. c. 1. Apolog. of Iesuit , c. 5. Ibid. Spongia pro I●suit . fo . 79. Serarius Trihaeres . l. 3. c. 4. Ar. 34 Ar. 37. Par. de Put. de syn . ●c . fo . 990. Hier. Gigas de laes . Ma. l. 3. rubr . 1. q. 5. Nu. 2. Azoriꝰ Insti● . Mor. To. 1. l. 2. ca 9 praecep . prima § quoti●scu●que . In septimo Tit. 1. ca 4. a Baro●res● . ad Card. Colum. Nu. 31. Cerem sacr . Ca. de Coron Imp. Ibid. ca. de creat . Duc. Binius To. 3. Par 2. ●o . 1161. Clem. de Iure iurand . De Consecrat . Dist. 2. Ego . Sess. 19. De i●sta Haereti . Punitio . l. 1. c. 111 D' Auila de Cens● . Par. 2. c. 4. disp . 1. Dub. 4. Ibidem . D● Pont. l. 5. c. 3 § Hem. Alb. G●nt . de l●gatio . l. 4. Exod. 32.32 . Ro. 9.3 . Act. 15. De Pont. l. 5. c. 7. § Quod si . To. 2. l. 4. C. 5. §. Tertio . Carbo . summa summarum . To. 1. Par. 1. C. 14. §. prima . Franc. a Victor . Rele●t 6. De Iure bell● . §. Tertium Dubium . Clem. de Sen. ●t re . ●ud . I●a●●oralis . Dig. li. 50. Tit. 1. Ad munic . le . fin . 15. q. 6. Authoritatem . gloss . Aduer . Haere . l. 1. C 5. in princ . De libe● Eccles. l. 2. C 9. §. Secundus . Ad Leo. A●g . Epist. 97. in princi . Epist. 48. Cont. Rogat . et Donat. De Eu●har . l. 3. C. 8. §. Ac primum . Aduer . Heres . l. 1. C 7 Bo●osius . In 70. tit . 1. C. 2. Azor. To. 2. l. 4. C. 15. §. Item eo . In septimo l. 5. Tit. 3. c. 8. De Euchar. l. 3. c. 8. § Ac primū De Pont. l. 4. c. 3. § Alterum . D'A●●in . de pot . 〈…〉 23. n. 5. ●x 〈…〉 . Ann. 1215. ca. 3. Extra . de Heresi . c. 13. Direct Inqui. l●t . Apostol . pag. 13 , 27 , 51. Cod. l. 1. Tit. 5. l. 4 § Si vero . De Sent. & r●iud Azor par . 2. l. 4 c. 15. § Item eo . Serar . Tri●● . l. 3. c. 20. De Euchar. l. 3. C. 8. §. Ac primum . a Vercelleus . De vnitat Eccles. c●●seru . 24. q. 3. Hoeretic . ex . lib. de vtil . credendi . Gal. 5.20 . Cod. l. 1. tit . 1. ●e . 5 Ibid. En●hird . I●d . Tit. 24. n. 20. In Dig. l. 39. de Dam●nfe . le . 13. Nu● 18. Ca. 11. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4 de Peccat . Orig. Sayr . Thes. Cas. con●c . l. 3. c. 8. n. 6. & 7. 1. Cor. 11.19 . Desensio . B●ll . l. 2. c. 14. ca● . 6. Turon . 2. ca. ●●t . Binius To. 4. fo . 654. Dist. 11. consuet●d●●em . ver . fid●m . De Consecrat . Dist. 4. Si non . ●●r . catholicum . I●septimo Ti● . 3. c. 1. l. 2● ●●uer . 〈◊〉 c. 2. De veland . v●●g . c. 1. Alf. castr . adu . Ha● . l. 1. c. 9. De pont . l. 4. c. 5. § Ex his . Append. ad lib. 1. Bell. § Interin . 22 ae . q. 11. Ar. 2. ad 2. D● Haer●sib . Alf. castr adu . Heres . l. 1. c. 9. catalog . test . ex Mat. Paris . Anno 1253. b Vercell . de vnitat . Eccles. Epist. 39. Turibio . in fine . 
A07807	----	A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquitie; hainous rebellion, and more then heathenish æquiuocation Containing three parts: the two former belong to the reply vpon the Moderate Answerer; the first for confirmation of the discouerie in these two points, treason and æquiuocation: the second is a iustification of Protestants, touching the same points. The third part is a large discourse confuting the reasons and grounds of other priests, both in the case of rebellion, and æquiuocation. Published by authoritie. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. 1606 Approx. 655 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07807 STC 18185 ESTC S112912 99848153 99848153 13231 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07807) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 13231) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1029:3) A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquitie; hainous rebellion, and more then heathenish æquiuocation Containing three parts: the two former belong to the reply vpon the Moderate Answerer; the first for confirmation of the discouerie in these two points, treason and æquiuocation: the second is a iustification of Protestants, touching the same points. The third part is a large discourse confuting the reasons and grounds of other priests, both in the case of rebellion, and æquiuocation. Published by authoritie. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. [12], 121 [i.e. 131], [1]; 103, [1] p. Printed by Richard Field for Edmond Weauer, London : 1606. Dedication signed: Thomas Morton. A reply to: Broughton, Richard. A just and moderate answer to a most injurious, and slaunderous pamphlet, intituled, An exact discovery of Romish doctrine in case of conspiracie and rebellion. Pages 130 and 131 misnumbered 128 and 121. "The third part, which is a confutation of the principles of Romish doctrine, in two points" (caption title) has separate pagination and register. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Broughton, Richard. -- Just and moderate answer to a most injurious, and slaunderous pamphlet, intituled, An exact discovery of Romish doctrine in case of conspiracie and rebellion -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A FVLL SATISFACTION CONCERNING A DOVBLE ROMISH INIQVITIE ; hainous Rebellion , and more then heathenish Aequiuocation . Containing three Parts : The two former belong to the Reply vpon the Moderate Answerer ; the first for Confirmation of the Discouerie in these two points , Treason and Aequiuocation : the second is a Iustification of Protestants , touching the same points . The third Part is a large Discourse confuting the Reasons and grounds of other Priests , both in the case of Rebellion , and Aequiuocation . DEVT. 32. VERS . 32. Their grapes are grapes of gall , their clusters are bitter . Published by Authoritie . LONDON , Printed by Richard Field for Edmond Weauer . 1606. TO THE PVISSANT AND MOST RENOVVMED PRINCE , OVR GRACIOVS SOVEraigne , Iames by the grace of God King of great Britaine , France and Ireland , Defender of the Apostolike faith , &c. IT is not long sithence ( most gracious Soueraigne ) that one inscribed A moderate Answer , did traduce before your Maiestie the late Discouerer of Romish rebellious Positions for an iniurious and slanderous Pamphleter : Now therefore Innocencie , which ( though naked ) was neuer ashamed , hath charged me to manifest my selfe vnto your Highnesse , and , together with my Aduersarie , to appeale vnto your incomparable wisedome , which I do in so constant assurance of an vpright conscience , as that I shall willingly remit that iust aduantage , which the difference of comparison both betweene a legitimate or conformable subiect , and a person suspiciously degenerate ; as also betweene a Minister of simple truth , and a professed Aequiuocator , doth offer vnto me : and to be contented onely with that respect which the equitie of my cause may allow . It hath pleased my Aduersarie thus to decipher me : The Discouerer ( saith he ) is like to the espiall of king Alexander , who brought word that an army of enemies was approching , whē they were but a small companie of sillie Apes , imitating souldiers in a march from the mountaines : thus he , as a man distempered in his braine , and deluded in his fantasie , hath beheld our Catholike Priests , whom in euery page he calleth seditious and traiterous persons . This then onely was my error ; I thought , indeed , that I had discouered a companie of men , but my Answerer telleth me they were but beastes : and I partly beleeue him , for what men could euer be so sauage , as ( for so they haue professed concerning Protestants ) to depriue men of the due respects of all humanitie ? Notwithstanding though I had bene so much mistaken , as not to know that his Monks were but Munkies , and his Priests but Apes , yet sure I am ( and he so acknowledgeth ) that they were a companie of creatures which did imitate souldiers on the mountaines . This I then partly discouered , and now ( God willing ) will proue more plentifully in this Replie . The mountaines , from whence they march , be those Seuen hils of Babylon , whereon the woman clothed in scarlet sitteth : which ( by the confession of two most learned Iesuites ) doth signifie Rome , as it must be in the dayes of Antichrist . May it now please your sacred Maiestie , to see how exactly they imitate Souldiers in their march ? Parsons , teaching persecution against all Kings and States Protestant , doth propound for his imitation the example of Dauid in his conflict against Goliah ; Allen the example of Eliah in calling , if it were possible , for fire from heauen to consume the messengers of Kings ; Renalds the example of Iabel to knocke Generals on the head ; Bellarmine the example of Iehoida and other Priestes for murthering of opposite Queenes ; Sanders the example of Mattathias , who fought against King Antiochus ; Simancha the example of Heathenish Scythians , who murthered their naturall King Scyles ; Buchier the example of Sampson , to kill , if they can , a thousand , of his supposed Philistims with the iaw-bone of an Asse . These , and many such like be but his sillie Apes : which I should rather iudge to be of that kind whereof the prouerbe speaketh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they cannot be discerned but by euents . But this Moderate answerer may be referred to our faithfull Replie , wherein he will appeare often to haue betrayed his owne title , except some will call that moderation , which hath in it neither modum nor rationem . After the Replie is finished , there is presented to your Princely and most religious iudgement , a Confutation of the reasons of two of their more then vnreasonable positions ; as namely , of hainous rebellions , and execrable aequiuocations : both which are refelled ( I hope ) sufficiently by the testimonies of their owne most principall Doctors . A course which I professe in all disputes ; knowing that by no better wisedome may this new Babylon be confounded , then wherwith God wrought the destruction of the old , euen The diuision of their tongues . In the first part of the Confutation is examined the ambition of Romish prelacie , who would aduance their myters aboue scepters : which vsurpation the right honorable Earle of Northampton , at the arraignement of Garnet , did , according to his singular learning formed and habited with sound iudgement , publikely conuince of palpable noueltie , and insolencie intollerable . In the last place is discouered the other mysterie of iniquitie , a booke which hath this inscription by the Author , A Treatise of Aequinocatiō , but thus altered by the Authoriser thereof , A Treatise against lying and fraudulent dissimulation . We reade of the idolatrous Iewes , who , worshipping a Golden calfe , did name their adoration of an abhominable idole , an holy day vnto the Lord. Plutarke maketh mention of certaine Apothecaries who painted vpon their boxes of poison the titles of Antidote or Presernatiues against poison . Polydore obserueth , that the Popes a long time in their election had their names chāged by Antiphrase , viz. the elected if he were by naturall disposition fearefull , was named Leo ; if cruell , Clemens ; if vnciuill Vrbanus ; if wicked , P●…s ; if couetous , Bonifacius ; if in all behauiours intollerable , Innocentius . So now this Popish Treatise of aequiuocation , the notablest Art of lying , & most bottomlesse dissimulatiō that euer the prince of darknesse did inuent , will be styled , A Treatise against lying and fraudulent dissimulation . Yet why may not a lying title best befit the doctrine of lying & dissimulation ? Which kind of publike transfiguration of sinne into the habite of vertue , ( as it were the Angell of darknesse into an Angell of light ) S. Bernard often nameth Daemon meridianus , The diuell at noone day . Notwithstanding lest that the publishing of this cursed Arte might in respect of the more carnally minded , aedificare ad gehennam : edifie vnto hell ( as that reuerend Bishop of Chichester , & learned father of our Church hath said : ) I haue so framed this dispute , that it may seeme ( I hope ) to be like Aristotle his bookes of naturall Philosophie , So published , as not published ; because the clause of mentall Reseruation ( the taile of this serpent , wherin the whole poyson lyeth ) is alwayes deliuered in Latine phrase , to this end , that onely the guiltie partie by his sensible coniecture may perceiue his error confuted , and yet the ignorant , though desirous to touch pitch , may not be defiled . Which doctrine because it is acknowledged by your Highnesse , in your admirable wisedome , to be in Religion most sacrilegious and detestable , in politike state most pernitious and intollerable , & in euery actor most banefull to the soule of man : it may please your excellent Maiestie to prouide in this behalfe for your faithfull and religious Subiects , that they neuer be so intoxicated with this Antichristian spirit , as either to deceiue or be deceiued thereby . First not to be deceiued : but seeing that the authors of Aequiuocatiō are by it , as by a Gyges ring , made in a sort inuisible vnto Protestants to plot and practise against them what & when they wil , and Vlysses-like make a verie Polyphemus of your most noble State , that whensoeuer they be asked , who is the Traitor , licence themselues during life to answer ( till they be cōuicted ) by that aequiuocating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that therfore against such as cannot hurt vs but by our credulitie , there may be enacted , ( the onely refuge of Tullie ) Lex non credendi ; a law of not beleeuing them . Cōcerning deceiuing by the same policie more subtle then anie Machiauellisme , I would be a most humble suppliant to your gracious Highnesse , not to permit anie , of what condition soeuer , in the cure of the diseased bodie politike , ( as it were driuing out poyson with poyson ) in winding out these aequiuocators to aequinocate . For this purpose the counsell of S. Augustine is most soueraigne : Non minùs pernitiosè mentitur Catholicus , vt haereticos capiat ; quàm mentitur haeretiens , vt Catholicos lateat ; nec cuiquam persuaderi potest hominem non mentiri , nè capiat ; qui mentitur vt capiat . For it is certaine We ( to speake in the Apostles tenor ) haue not so learned Christ as the truth in Iesus : by whom we are taught that the new man must crucisie the old man , and therefore not to seeke by such diuellish exorcisme to driue out Satan by Satan , but to mortifie ambition by humilitie , intemperance by sobrietie : in briefe , to conquer all euill by goodnesse , and therefore onely truth must catch and kill a lye . Let not your Maiestie be offended with my boldnesse in exceeding the measure of an Epistle against my accustomed breuitie in all my labors : it is Credidi that begetteth Ergolocutus sum . Therfore speaking from the truth , I could not but speake for truth : and now , in high detestation both of idolatrous superstition , and hellish aequiuocation , beseech the God of truth to make your name glorious in Christendome , in the zealous defence both of the true faith of Christ , and Christian faithfulnes : establishing your Maiesties kingdome in peace , your person in safetie , your soule in grace , your Queene in mutuall ioy , your royall Succession in happie successe as long as the world endureth ; and in the end of mortalitie to crowne you all with endlesse blessednes . The vnworthie Minister of Christ , and your Maiesties most dutifull subiect , Thomas Morton . TO THE SEDVCED Brethren , Grace and peace in Christ Iesus . AFter that I had discouered vnto you ( my Brethren ) the hainous positions of your Priests , there arose some one , I thinke , of that priesthood , entituling himselfe A moderate answerer ; and me A slanderous and lying libeller : And why ? Because the testimonies alledged ( saith he ) are falsly applied . For proofe of this , scarce examining one of twentie , he commonly returneth this answer : If this ( saith he ) be the opinion of these Authors , or if these Authors write thus &c. wilfully seating himselfe in the chaire of those Doctors , whom the Apostle hath described : They will be Doctors , and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor whereof they affirme . To the manifold and manifest proofes , I may now adde the Arguments of the same Priests for the defence of their discouered rebellious conclusions . By what reason then can my Moderate Answerer charge me as slanderously misreporting that to be the doctrine of those Priests , which the Priests themselues by Reasons labour to confirme ? Wherfore I perswade my self his intent in answering was not to answer , that is , to satisfie the iudicious : but onely to be thought to haue answered , that is , to delude the too credulous : like the answer which the priests of the Synagogue did prescribe , for repressing the discouerie of the resurrection of Christ out of the sepulcher , saying : Whilest we slept his Disciples came and stole him away . Common sense might haue replied , How could you tell what was done when you were all asleepe ? But minds enthralled in the opinion of a neuer c●●ing Priesthood ( which confirmed that Answer ) could not possibly but erre with their Priests . Such , alas , is the case of all them , whom ( because they will not seeke or see the truth ) God in his iustce Deliueteth vp to beleeue lies , as idle and fabulous as fancies and dreames of men asleepe . Of which kind be many of your lying Reuelations : as that of the Deliuerance of the soule of Traian out of the lowest hell . Many lying priuiledges , as that temporall Donation of Constantine : and the other Ecclesiasticall forged Canon for Appeales to Rome . Many lying Traditions , as that Bodily assumption of the blessed Virgin into heauen . Many lying Saints , as that of Saint Christopher ( except in a picture ) neuer seene . Many lying Sanctities , as that of S. Francis in harboring of alouse . Many lying Histories , as the Goldē Legend , an abstract of a leaden braine . Many lying reports , as of the now Miracles among the Indians : to omit many lying prophecies and reports ; with infinite such other , which they call Piae fraudes , that is , godly cosinages : inuented to keepe the people in deuotion , and their priesthood in estimation . But that which excelleth all the rest in falshood , is their Aequiuocation , as being not onely alying Art , but also an Art of lying . This is now practised ( as will be proued ) in most detestable periuries for couert of the horrible treasons of their priesthood : teaching you to imitate the wisedome of the Ostrich ; which bird , if she can but couer her head , thinketh all her bodie safe . Notwithstanding that Romish See , like to the raging sea ( when none sought to discouer it ) fomed out her owne shame : especially in these two mischiefes which are noted as indiuiduall companions in holy writ , Speaker of lies , and the bloud-thirstie man ; Lying tongues , and hands that shedde bloud ; Hands defiled with bloud , and tongues that speake lies : Such are their hands of Treason , and tongues of Aequiuocation . But hearken a little , In the last dayes ( saith the Apostle ) shall come perillous times , when men shall be voide of naturall affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , Traitors . All which we proue to be the expresse characters of your Priests . O but it may be thought that the Apostle doth not describe any that do such things with any religious intent , but onely desperate and profane miscreants , who make no conscience of sinne : not so : for in the next words the Apostle describeth the colour of their cloake : Hauing ( saith he ) a shew of godlinesse , but denie the power thereof . A prophesie plainely verified by your Priests in their godlesse practises and godly pretences . Wherefore you are exhorted in the words following , Turne away from such . You should haue had this Reply two moneths ago , but that I was to adde another discourse of greater importance , which is contained in the third part . You see Beloued , how vpon all occasions , as I am exhorted by the Spirit of God , I cease not to instruct you , though contrarie minded , trying if at anie time God will grant you repentance , that you may acknowledge his truth . And now the God of truth and life illuminate and sanctifie your hearts in knowledge and obedience of his will , to the glorie of his sauing grace in Christ : In whom Yours , T. M. The first Part of this Reply , conteining the Confirmation of the former Discouerie against the friuolous Cauils of the immoderate Answerer . CHAP. I. The Discouerie of Romish Positions and Practises rebellious . The first Reason . THeir generall Assumption , whereupon all their rebellious Positions are founded , is this , that All Protestants are Heretikes and Excommunicate . The Answerer . A moderate Answer to an iniurious and slanderous Discouerie . a I answer , that this Position of the Discouerer , [ All Protestants in the censure of Catholikes are Heretikes and Excommunicate , ] is no generall assumption in Catholike Religion : from whence it will follow , that none of our Positions are to be iudged rebellious ; because he telleth vs that all these are builded vpon this Assumption . A faithfull Reply . By which answer I am chalenged to a double imployment : first , to confirme this my former Assumption , [ All Protestants in the common censure of Papists ( superarrogantly called Catholikes ) are esteemed as Heretikes and Excommunicate : the second , to improue this your illation and consequent , [ If we iudge not Protestants Heretikes and excommunicate , it will follow that our Positions cannot be proued rebellious . ] Our Assumption you impugne both by ample asseueration , and also ( in your opinion ) by learned proofes a●d demonstrations . Your Asseueration followeth . The moderate Answerer . b I suppose that not one particular learned Catholike in this Kingdome ( yet such can best iudge of our country cause ) doth or will defend this opinion , that Protestants are Heretikes and excommunicate : for there is not one Protestant esteemed with vs to be in that case within the dominions of our Soueraigne , of condition whatsoeuer in my knowledge . The Reply . What is this ? No Papist doth iudge any Protestant an Heretike or excommunicate to your knowledge ? As though you could instruct vs , how to know , when you speake from your knowledge : knowing that you professe your selfe to be one of that sect , who cannot possibly be knowne of vs , so long as you lurke in the hole of that Foxe , which you call Aequiuocation . And surely this your minsing Suppose giueth vs cause to suspect in you some such prodigious conceit : whereof * hereafter . In the instant we may demand , why you , who fetch all practises and positions , as it were Dagges and their cases , from beyond the sea , shold now stand only to the iudgment of the Papists of This kingdome in this your Countrie case ? Is the cause of vs Protestants the same , and shall we be subiect to contrarie Tribunals ? Haue you * One God in Dan , and another in Bethel ? Not , but that we wish that the same sea , which seuereth our country Region from Rome , might likewise distinguish your Religion . But , to leaue your Suppose , we will examine your proofe . CHAP. II. Containing fiue of the Arguments of The moderate Answerer . a NO man doubting in faith , b But onely such as be obstinate ; c No ignorant beleeuer , or , d deceiued of Heretikes , but he to whom the truth hath bene made knowne ; e None onely internally infected , but he that is a manifest professor , is subiect to the censure of Excommunication for Heresie . But Protestants ( in our opinion ) are of these conditions ( implying that they be doubting , and not resolute ; ignorant of the contrarie Romish faith , and not vnderstanding ; internally infected , and not outward Professors of their faith ) Therefore ( in our opinion ) no Heretikes . The Reply . We may not be ignorant , first , that , seeing the nature of Heresie is such , that f It is a vice proper to the mind ; it may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an Heretike without obstinacie , which is onely a peruerse obliquitie of the will : and therefore man may be an Heretike , though he be not obstinate . Secondly , because g The Church , consisting of men , doth only iudge of outward actions of men ; we must consider that there is difference of the iudgement of an Heretike , h Fori & poli , namely , of man iudging the outward act ; & of God , who discerneth the inward thought . And may hereupon conclude , that i There may be an internall Heretike , though not manifest vnto the Church . But because you do onely vnderstand outward Heretikes subiect to the censure of men , I approach to the Question , to disable both your Propositions by the generall and ordinarie , but ( in some points ) new and vnreasonable determinations of your owne schoole , By a threefold euidence : from a Popish 1. Definition of an Heretike , 2. Explication of a person excommunicate , 3. Application of Romish censures to them both . CHAP. III. Popish definition of an Heretike . a THat is onely true Religion ( say your Romish Doctors ) which is taught in the Romish Church . And therefore b Whosoeuer maintaineth any doctrine condemned in that Church , must be accounted an obstinate Heretike . What , obstinate ? It may be , some do but doubtingly defend it ; what will you iudge of these ? c If he doubt thereof willingly , he is certainely an Heretike . But , it may be he is ignorant ; will no ignorance excuse him ? d Affected ignorance doth argue him an obstinate Heretike . Yet it may be , he is no principal one to professe the supposed hereticall doctrine , but onely to fauour the Doctors or professors thereof : e Yet then doth the Bull of Excommunication , called Bulla Coenae , thunder against them ; and not only them , but also all wilfull defenders and fauourers . Of which kind all such , as f Wish to die in their faith : g Harbour their persons : h Commend their behauiours : i Or do either publikely preach or professe their doctrine , are to be accounted manifest Heretikes . In briefe , our countriman vpon this case of conscience . k An obstinate Heretike is as well he that is presumed so to be , as he that is manifest . Now let me be beholden vnto you for an Answer , whether that all Protestants of all conditions do not renounce your Romish Religion ? Do not Ministers preach publikely , and people also professe the contrarie ? Doth not the King and whole state enact lawes , and Magistrates execute them to ruinate your Babel ? What sort of people is there in England ( Recusants excepted ) which doth not either beleeue the doctrine of Protestants , or defend their persons , or reade their bookes ? &c. Seeing therfore * That ( as your great Casuist hath said ) euery one presumed to be an Heretike , is taken for an obstinate . What one is there among all these kinds who can be free from your censures against Heretikes ? For when your Leo Pope as * Taking eares to be hornes , shall iudge truths to be errors , what shall then become of innocents ? But lest your inuisible modesty may denie this , it will be largely proued in the fift Chapter . CHAP. IIII. Concerning the second euidence by Romish Exposition of a person excommunicate . The moderate Answerer in two other Arguments . a SIxtly , before Excommunication no communion is forbidden with any , whatsoeuer this Discouerer obiecteth from b Panormitanus , [ that where the crime is notorious ; ] such as the man telleth vs heresie is , [ There needeth not any declaration of Excommunication . ] For it is absolutely against the generall Councell of * Lateran , to the which consenteth Cunerus , and Nauarr. c Seuenthly , no Protestant or Heretike not Excommunicate by name ( as none in England is ) lieth subiect to any penaltie pretended . The Reply . I haue iustly manifested your darknesse , and now also hold it necessarie to continue a Discouerer , when you make your selfe so notorious a couerer of so many palpable vntruths , which I must vnfold in euery passage . For the present three . 1. No communion forbid to any before Excommunication . 2. No Heretike , not excommunicate by name , is subiect to any penaltie . 3. No Protestant is excommunicate by name . The falshood of all which is discouered by the iudgement of your owne schoole . First , Panormitan , you know , defendeth that * When the heresie is publikely knowne , there needeth no pronunciation of the sentence of Excommunication . But this is but as one swallow with you . Whatsoeuer ( say you ) the Discouerer obiecteth from Panormitan , &c. to make your Reader suspect , that I relyed onely vpon the iudgement of Panormitan for a point of so necessary consequent . Did I not alledge also your most famous Iesuite Gregorie of Valentia for confirmation thereof ? though then indeed the exigence of time would not permit me to translate it , and my presumption of a Modest Answerer whomsoeuer ( as of one that would vnderstand Latin ) thought it also superfluous : yet now for your better information , and the Readers satisfaction , I am constrained to English it . d If the guilt of heresie be so notorious ( saith he ) as that by no euasion it can be concealed , the partie doth incurre the penaltie thus farre , that his subiects may denie such a Lord all fealtie , yea before the sentence of iudgement . I did also alledge a third , namely , Bannes , a man famous among your Doctors , and guarded in this point with the common consent of the schoole . His words are these : e In this Article do Felinus and Caietan , and the more common opinion of the Scholers of Thomas concurre : prouing that the euidence of the fact is as effectuall in this caese , as a publike sentence in iudgement . I did furthermore ( pardon me if I must discouer your partiall concealements ) adde yet another Iesuite , your Father Creswell , auouching that this opinion f Hath the vniuersall consent of Lawyers and Diuines . I might haue cited more witnesse to appeare , if I had thought it as necessarie for euidence to the cause , as I feared lest it should be tedious to the iudicious Reader . But lest you or I may seeme to unisconstrue ( because you name it ) the Lateran Councell , giue your owne Doctors leaue to interprete it . g It is euident ( saith your Iesuite ) from this Decree of the Councell of Latèran ; If the Prince fall into the sentence of the Canon , forthwith he falleth into the penaltie denounced , before any further iudgement . Your next Author , whom you name , h Cunerus , doth onely report the sentence of Anathema : but that an Heretike is not to be exempted from all communion before a iudiciall and personall sentence , he lendeth you no voice , but proueth the contrarie . Wherein I further maruell that you dare match the the Councell of Lateran , and your Author Cunerus in one consent , because if you follow that corrupt Councell , you must necessarily be disloyall : if you yeeld to Cunerus , there is hope you may proue a good subiect , as * hereafter will appeare in due place . Lastly , those others you onely would name , may not be compared to our witnesses which we haue expressely named , Panormitan , Bannes , Thomas and his Scholers , Creswell and the vniuersall voice of Schooles . Those other also which ( I say ) I might haue cited , do now approach , as namely , your Cardinall , and sometime Iesuite , Tolet from the nature of iudiciall Excommunications in Councels , i The Excommunication of the law is generall , not directly against any determinate person . Which will appeare presently in the vse of * Anathema : so that ( as saith your Iesuite Sà ) k A generall Admonition is sufficient to inferre a generall Excommunication ; and that which is generally published containeth in it a generall Admonition . So generall , that your Iesuite Azo●ius doth wickedly extend the censure not onely to the namelesse , but also blamelesse sonnes of his supposed Heretikes . l The sonnes of Heretikes ( saith he ) are subiect to the punishment of heresie , if they be the sonnes of knowne Heretikes , whether knowne by euidence of their offence , or by sentence of the Iudge . And vpon this Assertion your Cardinall Allane is bold to conclude , m The Canon lawes being Authenticall in all lawfull Tribunals , do make all Heretikes , not onely after they be named particularly , but ipso facto , as soone as they be Heretikes , de Iure , by lawe excommunicate for the same to be depriued . If this his ( so intituled ) Modest Defence be true , then doubtlesse in this your Moderate Answer ( as you tearme it ) your last Arguments you call Sixt-ly , and Seuenth-ly , must be taken as the sound of their last syllables do import . Hitherto we haue confuted your onely exceptions of an Heretike , and an Excommunicate from your owne explications . We furthermore disproue them by CHAP. V. The third euidence from Popish Applications of Censures proper to Heretikes . The moderate Answerer . a NO Protestant in England is , in our opinion , excommunicate by name ; and therefore lyeth not subiect to the penaltie pretended . Ergo The foundation of this Discouerer is ruinate . The Reply . This your Proposition , [ None is excommunicate who is not excommunicate by name , ] we haue discouered , by many witnesses , to be your proper forge and miserable refuge , which the desperatnesse of your cause did inforce you vnto . That no English Protestant is excommunicate by name , how can you warrant vs ? If they be all excommunicate in the name of English , or in the name of Caluinists , or in the name of Protestants , or in the name of Heretikes ; are they not namely excommunicate ? To expect that all Heretikes should be cited by their sirnames of Tesimond , Garnet , Blackwel , &c. is against the tenor of Councels in this word Anathema , as will appeare . Shall we thinke that the grand Heretikes , the Arrians , were thus formally denounced ? This in those times , for their infinite number , had bene impossible : much lesse can it be possible in these dayes , ( though the Heretikes were but ten ) because each partie by change and multiplication of names , may alter his summons ; as by your late example to be called * Garnet , aliâs Wally , aliâs Darcey , aliâs Farmer , aliâs Philips : and so , like an Indiuiduum vagum , in infinitum . But I dispute . Those who both doctrinally and practically apply the lawes and censures of Excommunication , proper to obstinate Heretikes , vnto the professed Protestants of all conditions , do thereby manifest that all professed Protestants be , in their opinion , obstinate Heretikes . But all Romish Priests and Iesuites do apply the sentences and censures , which they hold to be proper to Heretikes , and truly excommunicate , against all sorts of professed Protestants . Ergo your former Suppose can be no sufficient repose for any Protestants to relye vpon . The Minor proued by Popish 1. Councels , 2. Bulles , 3. Doctors . First , the Councell of Trent in their generall Anathema : for b Anathema ( saith your Cardinall and Iesuite ) is to be numbred in the great Excommunications : signifying a separation from the Communion of the faithfull . Whome did they intend to excommunicate in their some hundred Anathema's ? Was it not the Protestants ? Whereof there can be no better Interpreter then Vega , c A man ( as your Iesuite saith ) very learned , and reckened among the chiefe Diuines in the Councell of Trent : who afterwards performed good diligence in the expounding of that Councel . This Vega answering Cal●in in one point , saith , d The Councell of Trent hath pierced you all with many Anathema's . Secondly , the Popes Buls . The Bull of Pope Vrban against Protestants in this forme : e We decree that all Heretikes within the Empire , by what name soeuer they be called , be punished , and that by all meanes they be rooted out . The Bull of Pope Paulus 3. against King Henry the eight : the forme : f We , vnder the paine of Excommunication , commaund , that no Prince Christian entertaine any league or couenants with this King , or any of his followers , or fauourers whomsoeuer : but that euery one of any condition do take armes against them , thereby to compell them to the obedience of the see of Rome . What was their principall Error ? g Because they embraced the Lutheran heresie . The third . The Bull of Pope Sixtus Quintus against all Protestants , whom , as though they differed in substance of Religion in substantiall points , he therefore repeateth in diuers names . The forme : h We excommunicate and anathematize all Hussits , Caluinists , Lutherans , Zwinglians , Hugonots , and all other that receiue or fauoitr them , by what name soeuer they be called ; and generally whosoeuer shall either publikely or priuately reade , print , or defend their bookes not licenced first by our authoritie ▪ This is the Bull ; can any Protestant now escape his hornes ? Nay , but that we may know that these are those Excommunications , which are à lure ( as they tearme them ) i Which is such a kind of Excōmunication as doth continue after the death of the maker , and is in force though there be no admonition thereof giuen . Such is the Bull called Bulla Coenae , excommunicating Lutherans , and Caluinists all and euery one . This Bull all * Iesuites and Romish Priests haue alwaies inforced vpon all Protestants of their times . Seeing therefore that these Buls runne vpon Protestants so madly , as that ( according to their tenor ) they anathematize all Lutherans and Caluinists with all their fauourers whomsoeuer , to be subiect to censures due to Heretikes , whatsoeuer , and to be inflicted vpon them by meanes howsoeuer : can you secure All , or any one Protestant , that he is ( in the opiniō of the Popes ) no Heretike , or not excōmunicate ? But because in modestie you would seeme to fauour his Maiestie , as being no formall Heretike in your opinion ; we must intreate you to driue away three other Buls , which do violently assault him : k Three Popes ordaining , that no Heretike , though improperly an Heretike , shall be capable of a Crowne . From Pope we may descend to Popish Doctors . I may euince my former Assertion from the effects proper to persons excommunicate : which ( as your Doctors do define ) are of diuers kinds : wherein we must make bold with you to iustifie Protestants in despite of all Popish aduersaries . The first . The first censure is , a Infamie to be cal'ed Heretikes . But your Popes haue censured them * Heretikes : and your Popish Authors call them b An adulterous generation of Heretikes : and c Very Antichrists , d Heretikes , Aegiptian frogges , and vncircumcised Philistims . And e Gyants sighting against God. f Impudent , subtill , and sactious Heretikes : g For who is if these be not Heretikes ? h Which Heretikes all Catholikes now hate more then Infidels , holding it more dangerous to dwell with them , then Mahometans . * They are , &c. But a whole Volume would not serue me only to recompt the name Heretike , and Arch-heretike repeated almost thousands of times in most of the Volumes of Priests and Iesuits . But cease your blasphemies you sonnes of Shimei , and reuile not Protestant Princes the Annointed of God , for this is a certaine truth , Protestants are no Heretikes . The second . The second Censure is to be denounced i Anathema , signifying a separation from the faithfull communion by a spirituall curse . From which ariseth , k Not admitting any communion in their Sacraments : l Nor permitting them ours : m But vtterly excluding them from all diuine Seruice : n And depriuing them of the ayde of publike prayers . Hearken now therefore you Priests of Trent , Who haue p●erced Protestants with so many Anathema's : feare you the path of Balaam , and know that cursed are your curses against Protestants , as Heretikes , for this is a Catholike defence : Protestants are no Heretikes . The third . The third and last o Is to put them to death : p And after death to denie them Christian buriall , a punishment first ordained as proper to Heretikes . Wherefore you Conspirators , in that which you call q Holy league , r Butchers of twenty thousand Protestants in one moneth : and you Officers ordained hereunto , namely , Inquisitors of Hereticall impietie ; but impiously vrging one newly inuented Article of your Creed , s To beleeue ( as saith your Doctor ) in the Romish Church , answering them onely with fire and faggots , who maintaine their cause by ( the fire of the holy Ghost ) the word of God ; howle and crie in the foresight of Gods wrath , who will reuenge the bloud of his seruants : for this is a conclusion to be held of all Catholikes : Protestants are no Heretikes . But let vs ( if it please you ) conclude this point . The Conclusion of the modest Answerer . t Thus haue I proued at large , as my violent and distressed leasure would giue me allowance , that the chiefest building of all these slanders against vs is ruinate and ouerthrowne : that we do not esteeme all Protestants for Heretikes , and excommunicate , as he pretendeth ; neither that they are subiect to such penalties as he alledgeth . The Reply . Thus haue you prooued your selfe a distressed , or rather desperate Answerer ; and such an one as may be thought rather vinolently then cōsideratly to haue vndertaken this taske . Notwithstanding as Caiphas u Did deliuer a good sentence with an euill mind : yet must we thinke that the spirit of grace might vse his tongue , which neuer touched his corrupt heart , saith Saint Augustine . So you , though in your mind you gaine say that which with your pen you publish , yet will we acknowledge grace in your pen , and leaue the spirit of dissimulation to your equiuocating mind , and with good consciences concurre with you in this conclusion , Protestants are no Heretikes . Thus haue we bene beholden vnto you for your answere , Protestants are no Heretikes : Not that we care to be called Heretikes of you , so long as we defending the Apostolike truth , are taught by the Apostle how to answere , [ * After that way which you call heresie , so worship we God. ] Yet because it is comfortable to the arraigned , when against many crying , * He is a seducer , crucifie him , one iudicially shall stand vp and say , * I find no fault in the man , and stop the mouth of the blasphemous and murdrous . Notwithstanding you are taught by this parenthesis of the Apostle [ That which you call heresie ] to acknowledge truly with your fellowes , that you call them Heretikes , whom so often you falsely call heretikes , yet one thing I mislike much in you . The moderate Answerer . x Thus is his chiefest building of sclanders against vs ruinate . The Reply . O ( good Sir ) you might haue learned this good by others late euils , to take heed you intermedle not in ruinating of buildings . CHAP. VI. Hitherto haue we only confirmed our Antecedent , namely , That Protestants in the common censure of Papists , are esteemed Heretikes : It remaineth we now disable your consequent following . The moderate Answerer . a HIs Assumption being ruinate , that Protestants are not esteemed of vs Heretikes , or Excommunicate : it followeth , that no positions , which we maintaine , are rebellious ; because he telleth vs that all such are built vpon this Assumption . The Reply . Which [ It followeth ] wanteth feet to follow , because there be two other reasons to prooue your doctrine rebellious . The first from the effects we see ; the second from another principle of doctrine , which you generally maintaine . The first . He that looketh vpon a goodly building , though he be deceiued in the foundation ( which is the cause ) whether it be a rock , or artificiall worke ; whether wooll or stone , because it is couered in the earth : yet can he not be ignorant in the building it selfe , which he beholdeth in the cleare sunne . Whether therefore I might mistake the cause of your rebellions , as not to discerne whether it be in the Protestants scisme , or heresie , or in your selues ( whereof I make no question ) malice , couetousnes , or triple-crowned pride : yet when we shew these your positions , as it were turrets of your Babell : No Protestant may be elected a King , being inthronized must be excommunicate , and deposed , and being hopelesse to be reclaimed during life , must be violently cut off by sudden death . Neither this only , but All Protestant Magistrates and people , and their fauorers are subiect to like censures , their kingdome is to be inuaded , and themselues expelled : Reason teacheth vs to iudge from these doctrines of the effects to the doctrine of the cause , and iustly to esteeme them rebellious . The second reason ; though they be not yet excommunicated or censured Heretikes by your Pope , yet is this but durante beneplacito , or as in the Councell of Trent , [ b Pro hac vice saluus conductus : ] Protestants shall haue safe conduct for this time . Marke here your Censurers , Only during the time of the Councell Protestants must be safe . Plainely signifying that they accounted Protestants heretikes before iudgement ; and not that only , but before iudgement also ( praeiudicium autem tollit iudicium ) against common rule of iustice had resolued to accompt them Heretikes euer after . As our borderers to them they haue in deadly feud , if peraduenture they find them at their owne house , will giue kind entertainement , yea and defend them from violence , but after they be dismissed , saying , only for this time , do honestly giue them a watch-word euer after to looke to their owne safety . And this your selfe will tell vs , for * His holinesse ( say you ) sent lately a iubet of obedience , and prohibet of disobedience in behalfe of our King , therein not obscurely confessing , that if the Pope shall turne his style of iubemus , then will you also turne your pikes of paremus ; and what then but rebellion ? * Then no dutie to King , Magistrates , husbands , wiues , creditors , fathers , children ; but among all conditions of Protestants hellish confusion . Thinke you so to babish the wisdome of our State , as not Ianus-wise to looke as well before them as behind ? No , for when they remember what hath bene * Kings and Queenes English excōmunicate by the Pope , and assaulted by secret treasons , and open inuasions by his instigations ; they well know that there is no safe repose in an arbitrary power of excommunication : but being warded by Gods hand from your last mischiefe , will so prouide , as not to lye open to a second terrible blow . And thus our building ( if our former foundation should haue failed ) by these two reasons might be sufficiently supported . Thus much in defence of our Assumption . We proceed to the confirmation of our seuerall reasons . CHAP. VII . The discouery in the first Reason in the Maior . THey who by their slanderous doctrine make all Protestants ( in their common opinion Heretikes ) so odious , as vnworthie of any ciuill or naturall societie , must necessarily be iudged seditious and intollerable amongst the Protestants . The moderate Answerer . a My answere is absolute before , that no learned Catholike reputeth the Protestants , or any one Protestant of this Kingdome an Heretike . The Reply . And my Reply hath alreadie passed to incounter your Answere , shewing that you by this your Answere haue made your greatest Doctors of all kinds Friers , Iesuites , Cardinals , Popes , yea Councels not only no learned Catholikes , but euen no Catholikes ; but ( as they be ) impious traducers , iniurers , murtherers of Protestants , no heretikes , for heresie : for which Answere made to vs how you may answere them , you may deliberate . The Discouerie in the Minor. But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites do brand all Protestants with detestable crimes , thereby to denie them of all ciuill , or naturall respects . Ergo The Minor hath two parts , both proued , Crimes slanderously obiected . All humane societie detracted . The first part proued . First a Stranger saith , that b Protestants beleeue not one article of the Apostles Creed . Our countryman more strangely : * Protestants haue no faith , no Religion , no Christ , but are meere Infidels . The Master of the Seminarie at Rhemes writeth , and entituleth his booke c Caluinish Turcisme , and pla●…e Mahometisme . Which booke Deane Gifford doth no lesse impudently then impotently maintaine , saying , that d Caluins doctrine is worse then the Alcoran of the Turks . The Iesuit e Possiuinus with the same spirit of blasphemie doth compile a booke , wherein he calleth Protestants doctrines , concerning Christ , meere Atheismes . And all to this end , that all humane societie with Protestants may be vtterly dissolued . The moderate Answerer . * This is no more then other Protestants charge Caluine , and such like with : as first the Deane and Colledge of Tubinge , writing a booke of this subiect , giueth it for a title , Fundamentorum Caluinianae sectae cum veteribus Arianis & Nestorianis communium detectio . The Reply . That which they did in the spirit of opposition , and contention , is not much to be regarded ; especially , seeing ( as it may seeme by their obiections ) their iudgement hath beene depraued by your malignant Doctors . For first concerning Arianisme , f Caluine ( saith your Iesuites ) doth plainely teach Arianisme , saying , that the Father is by a kinde of excellencie God. Whereas both the speach and sence is most orthodoxall , and agreeing with the tenor of holy writ , and iudgement of all ancient Fathers , as your owne learned Iesuits confesse . For the words of our Sauiour are plaine , g Ioh. 14. [ My Father is greater then I : ] in the true sence , Is , ( say your Iesuits , and truly ) The Father is greater not in substance and being , but by reason of Birth & begetting . For their Authority they produce an inquest of Fathers of free Caluine in this point : who was so far from Arianisme , that your own Bellarmine doth acknowledge that h Caluine did impugne the doctrine of the Arians . Your Iesuites likewise impute i Nestorianisme : whereof Caluine doth free himselfe saying , k We must therefore abandon the heresie of Nestorious , who rather distracted then distinguished the nature of Christ , against the doctrine of the holy Ghost in Scripture . It would therefore become your modestie , to haue omitted these imputations : but we shall find your moderation immoderate in this kind . The moderate Answerer . l I will next bring in Master Hugh Broughton , a man greatly commended by Master Willet , who telleth the Bishops of England that their translation of the Scripture is corrupt ; and that Christianitie is denyed here in England . The Reply . Master Broughton ( which I am able truly to witnes ) was as greatly commended and reuerenced for his learning among your greatest Iesuits at Mentz , and the Bishop elector there , yet he neuer allowed your Translation , but debaseth it more then any other : neither did he euer go to Italy or Spaine to learne Christianitie there . How you ought to esteeme of our Translation , I haue made it elsewhere euident from your owne m Romish censures , who haue giuen the translation of Tremelius as good an approbation , as any Protestant would require . Where also may appeare , by confession of your most learned Iesuites and others , the n manifold deprauations of your vulgar , falsely intituled o S. Hieromes Translation . But what modestie can this be in you , to obiect vnto vs a man , whom you know to be sequestred from vs rather by impotencie of passion , then any difference of Religion ; liuing now among them who maintaine both the same profession , and the same Latine Translation ? so immoderate in speech ( to confesse that which all , that know him , can witnesse ) that the least error he heareth he nameth heresie , and the least opposition to his opinion , infidelitie . This is but the language of passion , which no moderate Answerer may mention to preiudice the moderate . The very moderate Answerer . p The Admonition to the Parliament , written with no small consent , vseth these words ; That no man , in whom there is any sparke of grace , or conscience , can liue in the Church of England , whose inhabitants be all Infidels , going to the Churches of Bishops , and Arch-bishops , whose gouernement is Antichristian and diuelish . The Reply . This writer and you may both ioyne fellowship : You dedicate your booke to the King , he to the Parliament . He pretendeth the consent of a thousand ; you [ No Catholike will say Protestants are Heretikes , ] implie a thousand thousand : He with all his consent is not many ; and you ( for ought you well pretend ) but one , both inuisible and namelesse , neither of both able to make vp any great consent , except you multiplie the name of forenamed Aliâs A , aliâs B. &c. You see what is themaladie of this Admonitor , namely , to condemne our Religion only because of Bishops , as , in his illiterate braine , an order Popish , and therefore Antichristian . Say now , do you thinke his Admonition tollerable ? then must you ( who do defend that Bishop of Rome ) conclude your selfe an Infidell , and an Antichristian hireling . Do you thinke it immoderate ? then are you no moderate Answerer to condemne vs by that Admonition , which your selfe doth condemne . Let vs heare something else which may proue Protestants guilty of the imputation of Turcismes and Atheismes . The very moderate Answerer . q The deniall of Christ to be God , which Master Willet and Doctor Fulke do , denying Christ to haue receiued the substance of his Father ; or that he is Deus de Deo ; God of God : as the first generall Councels defined . The Reply . Deny Christ to be God ? God forbid : but to be God of God only in a particular sence , this indeed they do ; but can you finde no more Protestants of this opinion ? Your r lesuite reckneth vp Caluin and Beza ; and I thinke he saith truly : I would either he or you did as truly vnderstand them . But yet we wish to heare what your Doctors thinke of this Protestants opinion : your Campion calleth it s monstrous : your t Genebrard , Lindan , Canisius name it Heresie : your u Stapleton and Feuardentius do aggrauate it by an epithet , Heinous heresie : your x Possiuinus noteth it of Atheisme : and your y Colledge at Rhemes of Blasphemie . And now , belike , this is that doctrine which deserueth your generall clamors , which being examined with the eye not ouercast with the web of preiudice , z Doth ( in the iudgement of your famous Bellarmine ) seeme Catholicall : because they denie not the Sonne to be from the Father ; but they denie the essence of the godhead to haue any generation . This likewise is not the part of common modestie , to blind-fold your selfe , and strike you know not whom . To the former inuectiues I must adde another of the same die , euen deepe black mallice : a Looke vpon England ( saith your french Rabsacah ) and you shal find it to be an I le of men , who cate mens flesh , and who haue not among them ( yet they professe Iesus Christ and the Apostles creed ) the least footstep to Catholike Religion . This we see written , which giueth vs cause to beleeue that which is reported by our Trauellers , who affirming , that in our last Embassage into Spaine , the people there gazed vpon our English Nobles and Gentlemen with that eye which Pope Gregory a thousand yeares since beheld them , when they were Pagans ; and admiring the comely feature of their personages , and the fairenes of their complexions , asked b Who they were , and hearing they were named English , they may well be called Anglish , ( quoth he ) as it were Angels But , alas , what faire faces doth the vgly feend and Prince of darknesse now possesse ? Thus the vulgar in Spaine are said in their Christian charitie to haue bewailed the miserie of the English , Alas , that these men haue not the knowledge of Christ ! Being perswaded by their Monkes that we worship the diuels , which is more probable by their writings , as , c Caluinists are Heretikes detesting our Lord Christ . d Caluinish heresie is more detestable then the Religion of Turkes and Paganes . What is this else then to dissolue all communion with Protestants ? CHAP. VIII . The Discouerie in the second part of the Minor. 1. In Neigbors . a NEighbors , if Heretikes , may lawfully be spoiled of their goods ( by force : ) though it be better to be taken from them by authority . 2. In Parishioners . Where the question is concerning paying of Tithes , it is resolued : b Parishioners may lawfully defraud Protestant Ministers of their Tithes . 3. In Debtors , and whosoeuer haue any matter of trust committed vnto them . c Such are not bound to restore that which they haue receiued , or to satisfie their Creditors , who are Heretikes . d They are not bound thereunto . * This is an ancient Decree . 4. In Seruants . f Also keepers of forts , and all other vassals and slaues are freed from the oath of subiection to their Lords . 5. In Wiues . g Wiues are not bound to render due beneuolence to their Husbands , if Heretikes . 6. In Parents . h The father must disinherite his sonne , if he will be a Protestant . 7. In Children . i A Priest returning into England , if his father be a Protestant , he may denie him to be his father : meaning that he is not such an one , as he ought to acknowledge his father . k For by the heresie of the father the child is freed from obedience . 8. In all Kindred . l Heretikes may not be termed either Children or Kindred , but according to the old law , Thy hand must be against them to spill their bloud . 9. In Natiues . m If any find his natiue Citie to be most part infected with heresie , he may denie it to be his Countrey . Finally , by n Pope Gregorie his Constitutions ; By heresie a man is depriued of all his iurisdiction , whether naturall , ciuill , or politike . So that the tenor of the oath of the Leaguers in Fraunce is this : o If euer I make mariage , vse trafficke , yeeld ayde , hold friendship , giue credence vnto Heretikes , or once salute them ; then let God confound me . Shall we call this Religion which dissolueth the dutie of Seruants , Subiects , Debitors , and strangleth the vitall spirits of humane societie ? and by not acknowledgement of naturall duties of Wedlocke , naturall Parents , natural Children , naturall Countrey , doth bowell vp nature , as it were , and depriue men of humanitie it selfe ? O Babylon ! to proue this in all particulars were needlesse ; one kind may satisfie . Practise . The Papists in France did libell against p Henry the third as hereticall , a manslayer : so likewise against this Henry the fourth , callinghim a q Kitchin-dogge , long-bearded Iulian , most heathenish Apostate , and the very excrement of Satan . No lesse was the rank or of our Cardinall Poole against his Soueraigne , r Desirous to diuert the Emperors forces from the Pagans , and to inforce them vpon Henry the 8. as vpon an enemie more pernicious then the Turke . The modest Answerer . s Those penalties this Author alledgeth as belonging to the Excommunicate , and such Heretikes , as spoiling them of their goods , denying Tithes ; I answer , that these Societies of neighbors wiues , and such like are not to be denied to the Protestants in England , because we do not esteeme them in the case of Heretikes ; againe , we performe these communications and respects aswell to our Country Protestants , as they themselues . Lastly , I answer that those penalties mentioned were not of purpose ordained against Protestants , but Decrees against Heretikes of those times , and not now in vse in France , Heluetia , Sweueland , Denmarke , and most part of Germanie . And if the penall Constitutions of the Councell of Trent are not yet after 40. yeares continuance receiued into those recited Prouinces and Kingdomes ; there is not so great feare that those Papall paines will euer giue to this man so much cause of so outragious exclamations . The Reply . If all your Sect would allow your Answer , we should need no clamor : for first your answer de iure , Protestants are not to be demed these duties : secondly , de facto , that You do not deny them : for confirmation of the right you inferre : that These punishments were not ordained against Protestants ; and auouching the fact , you instance in other countries , where these penalties are not in vse . Concerning the fact , let vs admit that these are performed , yet the Apostle distinguisheth of performance of dutie , & propter Iram , & propter Conscientiam ; one for feare of ciuill power , the other for conscience sake . Whether bond doth tye you to obedience the subsequents will manifest . We do likewise acknowledge that some part of those penalties were more aunciently ordained against others , and not against Protestants ; What then ? if they be now extended against Protestants ? For thus dealt the Iewes against our Lord Christ , * We haue a lawe , and by that lawe he ought to die , because he hath spoken blasphemie . The law they had , was , Holy , iust , and good : but the application was their owne , vngodly , furious , and murderous ; we may herein compare Christs blasphemie , and Protestants heresie . And if your late penall Decrees of Trent be not of force in other countries , you haue giuen vs a reason , Quia vires desunt : because they want outward force . Otherwise I haue shewed that those penalties , as non-payment of Tithes , are by your * Allane extended against Protestant Ministers ; of Debts , by your * Tolet ; against Protestant Creditors ; of due beneuolence , by your * Simancha against Protestant husbands ; of due reuerence and acknowledgement , by your * Parsons , against Protestant fathers ; of allegeance , by your * Simancha against Protestant Kings and Magistrates . And for further euidence , CHAP. IX . I adde a Supplement to your former Positions . a IT is cleare ( saith Allane ) that what people and person soeuer be declared to be opposite to Gods Church , by what obligation soeuer , either of kindred , friendship , loyaltie , or subiection I be bound vnto them ; I may , or rather must take armes against them : and then must we take them for Heretikes , when our lawfull Popes adiudge them so to be . A litle after he striketh an Alarme , u Now therefore my Lords and deare Countrimen fight , &c. In the whole booke the English Clearke exhorteth now ( since the Councel of Trent ) the English gentrie to take armes against their English Soueraigne . Say now ( moderate Answerer ) will your modestie giue your face leaue to blush at this doctrine of your Cardinall ? The like trumpet of rebellion against German Protestants , after the Councell of Trent , did Frier Alphonse sound alowd : x It is lawfull to ouercome Heretikes by force of armes . As long then as we heare of such Proclamations , sounding nothing but Arma virumque : there may be reason giuen of our exclamations . But you insist . The moderate Answerer . y We haue not now another Queene Marie inheretrix to the Crowne , to be ioyned in mariage with a potent Prince , symbolizing with husband , conformitie in countrie discipline : to breed scruples in this behalfe . The Reply . This Answer giueth vs no more securitie , then the Cat doth the Mouse , when she seemeth but to play with it : for though you haue not a Maria , yet may your Dolman haue an Infanta , or your Catesby and his Complices an Elizabetha to match , and to ouermatch also at their pleasure , making her but as a garland of flowers in a May-game , to flourish for a day or two , and then to wither and perish . And before him your Watson saw no metaphysicall he or she to succeed . But though there be no such heire apparant , yet a man by troubling the water , may thinke peraduenture to catch an Eele , and * The little Flie hath power enough to set the Eagles nest on fire . I leaue the confirmation of my Discouerie , and come to the confutation of those denyed duties . It is written , * Owe nothing to any man , but loue one another . And therefore that debt of Tithes which Ioseph ( as due vnto them ) payed to the Aegyptian Priests : of Debtes and due beneuolence , which was neuer denied to Infidels : of Allegeiance and Homage , which Saint Ambrose did performe to an Apostate : may not be denied to any , though in case of heresie , much lesse then to Protestants . But to conclude with your owne words , Those duties are not to be denied vnto Protestants . It were well if either you writ as you thought , or that your Doctors did thinke as you write : and so should we haue lesse cause of scruples , to feare either you or them . Let vs proceed to the second Reason . CHAP. X. The Discouerie in the second Reason . MAior. Whosoeuer do professe any ciuill power soueraigne , whether directly or indirectly , are to be accounted seditious . Minor. But all Popish Priests do professe a double prerogatiue ouer Kings , Democraticall and Monarchical , namely , both of people and Pope . Both which are proued by the Positions . The moderate Answerer . a To the Maior . I would wish him to except the Emperor of Germanie , and such as be subiect to the Empire , and such cases : I say Transeat Maior for Christendome . The Reply . Why Transeat ? Do you then make all Kings in Christendome subiect to the Emperor ? I know you dare not proclaime this in b France or Spaine . Dare you , ( who thus insinuate your selfe into grace with his Maiestie : c I , one of your Highnesse obedient subiects ) subiect your Soueraigne to a forreine State ? as namely , to the Emperor , so farre from Imperiall , that ( as one Iesuite confesseth ) d It is almost ruinate : Yea , considered as it is called Romane Empire , e It is ( as another Iesuite acknowledgeth ) long ago ( an vnfallible note of the prophecied time of * Antichrist ) vtterly extinct . f Whereunto ( saith your Costerus ) scarce the Germans ( whom you obiect ) do obey . Which is very true ; for , in the tenor and forme of Election and Coronation of the Emperor , you may find , as I remember , this power ascribed to the Prince Palatine Elector , that he ( as being Steward rather to the Empire , then Emperor ) may cite the Emperor to the diet of the State , and constraine him in some case to yeeld satisfaction . And therefore my Maior may still recide in Christendome . To the Minor Proposition . The moderate Answer is of two kinds , 1. Recriminatiō against Protestants . 2. Apology and defence for his owne Priests . 1. Recrimination or Accusation . g And thus I frame my Minor. But all Protestant Writers do ordinarily teach , and practise this doctrine , as I shall proue . The Reply . This kind of Answer of retorting , which you call returning the Argument vpon Protestants , you vse in euery Answer : if truly , you shall proue your sinne to haue bene more common , which cannot iustifie your selues ; If vniustly , you shall but slander them and multiply your wickednesse . Which will be proued , when we come to giue the * Iustification of Protestants in answering your blindfold exceptions . The moderate Answerer in Apologizing for his fellowes . His second Proposition is this , [ But all Popish Priests do professe a double prerogatiue ouer Kings , Democraticall or Monarchicall , namely , both people or Pope . Ergo ) This his conceit fighteth with his owne Assertion , and present Position of the Popes Monarchicall prerogatiue ouer Kings : for where there is a Monarchicall power and gouernment in one , there is an vnpossibilitie of a Democracie and Democratical power and regencie in the people : and yet this simple Disputer doth thus argue . The Reply . Simple I confesse , professing also that simplicitie in Christ , as neuer either in word or writing to aequiuocate . Notwithstanding your simple Disputer wisheth that he had met with so subtill an Answerer as could haue distinguished betwixt mentiri , and mendacium dicere : to lye , and to report a lye . Say : this proposition , The Pope is taught to haue a Monarchicall power ouer Kings , and people Democraticall , doth it imply contradiction ? Seeing then I onely shew , in this present reason , that your Iesuites defend both , it is an vnreasonable modestie to fauor the Autors , and inueigh against me the reporter : which I haue done iustly in both , as will appeare in due order . Be not idle , but conforme your selfe to the lawes of dispute . The Discouerie . First , of the peoples power . Parsons . g The Common-wealth hath authoritie to chuse a King , and to limit him lawes at their pleasure . The French Iesuite sheweth a Reason . h For Maiestie ( saith he ) is rather seated in the Kingdome , then in the King. Like to Stapleton his Glosse . i People are not ordained for the Prince ; but the Prince for the people . But more finely Reinalds . k A King is but a creature of mans creation . The moderate Answerer . * People were in the beginning without Kings , and made Election of diuers kinds of Regiments , as they thought meete and most secure for their defence : for as I haue made demonstration , and his Maiesties words in the Parliament do conclude : Although a Kingdome and people be relata , yet can he be no King if he want people and subiects . The Reply . This Position , People , as subiects , were before their Gouernor , doth tast too much of Machiauellisme : for in nature the birth is called prodigious , which is deliuered with heeles forward , from whence some haue receiued their names to be called Agrippa : such is this politike curse which you fancie , but remember that though , as you trulie affirme , King and subiect be relatiues , euen as Father and Sonne : yet consider them in the nature , in the reall foundation as things , and not of accidentall relation ; and then ( I hope ) you will suffer the Father to goe before the Sonne . And so Adam , as an Oecumenicall King , was before his familie ; after his decease , alwayes the right of gouernement was inuested in the first-borne , as a birth-right : so God did signifie to Caine , [ * And thou Caine shalt rule ( meaning Abel ) ouer him . And that Kingdomes haue bene successiue by lawe of nations in the first-borne , is confirmed by a grand inquest of your owne 〈◊〉 Lawyers : not that wee denie Election of people to haue bene vpon necessitie vsuall ; but so to magnifie the power of a people electing , as to continue still Soueraigne ouer the Prince elected , this is that which we call a position rebellious : the very intent of your forenamed Authors , making regall power to be from the common-wealth , but as m Potest as vicaria & delegata : delegate and by commission ; to this end , that establishing the peoples dominion , they may vse them at their assignement for the subuersion of the King , as their places alledged do manifest , and is yet more amplie auouched by another Iesuite , saying , that n If any King Catholike shall prooue an Heretike , it is reason for the people to depose him : because this power is in the people , which is deriued vnto the King from the people . This is that position which we called rebellious , and yet behold Abyssus abyssum inuocat ; one depth of rebellious disloyaltie , in deposing , doth drawe one another of crueltie , in murthering their Kings , where the French yeeldeth them o Power of life and death ouer their Soueraigne . To ouerthrow this many-headed beast , by weapons borowed from your owne men . The Confutation . There is one honest Frier that dare aduenture to light a candle to discouer the murderous : for speaking of the power of and by Election , p Though there be ( saith he ) in the people a freedome of Election , yet after they haue chosen their King , they haue no more power to remoue the yoke , but stand in necessitie of subiection . This man was but a Frier , and therefore peraduenture in your Synods may not haue any definitiue sentence , q which ( you say ) is proper to Bishops . Here is therefore ( one of this order ) Bishop Cunerus , who from the holie writ doth mainely impugne your former assertion , r Some there be ( saith he ) who imagine that the authoritie of Princes dependeth vpon the courtesie of people , as to thinke that they , who gaue consent to choose Kings , haue likewise now a power to depose them : But the blessed Apostles , who by the holie Ghost were inabled to search the mysteries of God , haue more profoundly enquired into the foundation of the state and autoritie of Kings . * Saint Peter ( saith he ) entering into this argument , doth thus admonish Christians . Be ye subiect vnto the ordinance of man , whether to the King , as to the more excellent , or his messengers sent from him ; to the punishment of wicked , and praise of the godly : so is the will of God as free , and not as hauing libertie as a cloake of maliciousnes , but as the seruants of God. And S. Paul , * There is no power but of God ; and whosoeuer resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God &c. From whence he inferreth , Though all meanes whereby Kings come to the Crownes be not commanded of God , yet whatsoeuer meanes they vse , whether by Election , Succession , or inuasion , whensoeuer they are by consent of the Kingdome once established , this is the ordinance of God : and henceforth he , as sent from God , is to rule , and people to obey ; the Apostle saying of the people , * It is necessary to be subiect . This witnesse your selfe called for , saying , [ * As saith Cu●erus , ] so I , thus saith Cunerus . You may not in equitie refuse him . For this was iustice in the Gouernor , when S. Paule said , [ * I appeale to Caesar , to answere , And to Caesar shalt thou goe . Yet if he be not sufficient , behold a Iesuite will pleade our cause , s Though it be better to haue a more wise King , then a simple ; yet when he , whom we haue is but sillie , then may he no more be depriued of his Kingdome , then an vnlearned Prelate of his Bishoprick : otherwise the state of mortall men should be exposed to rapines and bloodshed . But to returne to the Oracles of God , S. Peter called mans entrance into the kingdome by consent of people , mans creation ; vpon this ground , it may be , your Reinolds did descant , where he called the King , mens creature : as though he could see in mans election nothing but man , whereas S. Peter in the same place saith to man creating , Be ye subiect vnto the creation of man , Propter Deum , for the Lords sake , in the creature beholding God : Why ? S. Paule will satisfie , Because the powers that are , be ordeined of God. Rom. 13. So that mans creation is but the bodie of soueraintie , Gods ordinance in that meanes is the very soule thereof , and ought in all Christians to be the life of loyall subiection . The Answer retorted . In the last place I must make bold to strike you with your owne sword : There is no King to rule ( say you ) where there is no people to be ruled : for King and people be Relata . All this is most true : Well now our Question is , whether after the peoples election of a King the power to depose a King remainestill in the people ; you affirme , we denie it , strengthned by this your Argument frō relation originall , thus . The power of gouernment resteth rather in the Ruler , then in the partie to be ruled . But a King is elected to rule the people . Ergo the rule remaineth not in the people , but in the King. In coniugall societie before the contract the woman is free , but after contract ( à relatis ) now his wife : there followeth a necessitie of subiection , not to be dissolued : * Let the wife be subiect . Notwithstanding in your conclusion you bewray this modestie , to exact Learning in your Accuser , and shew none in your Answere . Thus much of your people , now we proceed orderlie to the Pope . CHAP. XI . The Discouery . Secondly of the Pope . TO auouch his preeminence , these men goe beyond the Moone : as first Bozius . a The Pope , the head of the Church , hath power in all temporall causes and States . The moderate Answerer . b It will be obiected from the second Reason , that Catholikes hold the Pope head of the Church in ciuill power ; and also ouer Kings , & circa omnia temporalia : Therefore he may depose Princes , and command Subiects to take armes against them once excommunicate . First I answere . The Reply . But first I aske , why would you answere this in discourse of the first Reason , and omit it here in this second , where ( being his proper place ) you had reason to answere . I should thinke it was for loue of breuitie ; but that your manifold superfluous repetitions doe except against it : yet I rather thinke it was your modestie , least that my accusation and your Answere ( as different colors ) iointly examined , might one illustrate the other ; that , to be constant and iust ; this , a meere fugitiue . But ( be not offended ) we must compare them , seeking your Answere where it is , seeing we cannot find it where it should be : your first and second and third must be discouered in the reason following . What say you to the present point ? Haue Popes prerogatiue ouer Kings in causes temporall , as of autority to depose them ? The very moderate Answerer . c I answere for all Catholikes in generall to the maine Obiection , that Henricus , Victor , Iohannes de Turrecremata , Couor●●ius , & the common opinion of Schooles do teach , that there is no such temporallor regall power in Popes ouer Princes in ciuill affaires . And againe : d These Autors do not say that this ciuill power is simplie and absolutely subiect to the Papall autoritie . And yet againe , e The discouerer cannot sinde any such power soueraigne ouer Kings challenged by Popes , against which he so much inueigheth . The Reply . The summe of your Answere is , that the generall doctrine of Papists is to denie all temporall and ciuill power absolutely ouer Kings ; and that no Pope did euer challenge it . And yet behold , before your eyes , in this Reason to which you now would answere , your owne Doctor Bozius produced against you , who in his booke inscribed , f Of the temporall monarchie of the Church , and dedicated to the last Pope Clement the 8. is so absolute for this absolute temporall iurisdiction of the Pope aboue all estates whatsoeuer , that he extendeth it throughout the vniuersall world , euen g Ouer all Infidels , to punish them for some causes with corporall punishments . And he challengeth herein the consent of Andraeas , Syluester , Antoninus , and other Doctors Canonists ; yea also ( which you denied , that it can be showen ) Pope * Innocentius doth challenge it . A doctrine so common , that Bellarmine doth confesse , that h Aluarez , Syluester , and many others do affirme it . Furthermore ( because you say , Your Discouerer cannot show &c. ) I must yet discouer a greater and grosser consent amongst your Schoole in this point . Alexander Carerius Patauinus of late hath writ ; the title of his booke is this , i Concerning the power of the Pope of Rome against all wicked Polititians and heretikes of this time . This sure will be something to the purpose : say on . k This opinion , namely , that the Pope by the lawe of God hath most full power throughout the world euen in all temporall or ciuill causes , I defend : and hereunto the common Schooles of Diuines do subscribe . He numbreth two and twentie Authors , and among others one called The illuminated Doctor , and an other called Celsus , by interpretation , High or Aloft ; and therfore insignes him with Verè Celsus , as truly so named , and so truly he may be , if we iudge him by the loftinesse of his style and cōclusion , which only this Carerius doth therfore expresse , as being more eminent then any other . Such and so great is the spirituall and ciuill power of the Pope ( saith Celsus ) that as Plato to one asking what God was , answered , he is not man , not heauen , not good , but what ? more excellent : so if any shall demaund what the Pope is ; by a kind of resemblance one may warily answere , he is no Duke , no King , nor Emperour , but more excellent . What can this be else ( seeing God only is for excellencie called * King of Kings , and Lord of Lords ) but an other God ? Warily answered , but wickedly . Next he assumeth for autoritie of his defence l The common iudgement of Canonists , all building this opinion vpon the Decrees of Popes . As if they should say , if we be deceiued in our opinion cōcerning the Popes iurisdiction , then the Popes haue deceiued vs. What is that which Pope Innocentius decreed ? m That God created two great lights , the Sunne to rule the day , and the Moone to gouerne the night : signifying two dignities , the spirituall , which is the Papall , and the temporall , belonging to to the Emperour like the Moone . Yet so , that there is as great difference of excellencie betwixt the Emperour and the Pope , as betwixt the Moone , and the Sunne . What can you inferre from hence ? n That as the Moone hath no light , but that it borroweth of the Sunne : so the Emperour hath no power , which is not depending of the Pope . Thus Pope and popish by too much gazing on the Moone , are become lunatike , who by a spirit of pride carnally peruert the literall sence of the holie Ghost , as it is o Proued . And the whole doctrine will be plainely confuted in the * Confutation . Wherefore seeing that this temporall vniuersall iurisdiction of the Pope , some Papists with great consent , euen from Popes , haue proclaimed , all which you haue vnlearnedlie denied , which will yet be further confirmed in the next Chapter : learne henceforth a necessarie point of modestie , not to auouch a negatiue , No one Papist saith so , till you haue read sufficiently what they say . Thus much of the temporall power popish , considered directly : Now must we enquire how it may concerne him indirectly . CHAP. XII . The discouerie of the common doctrine of the Iesuitically opinionated . THat the Pope hath power in temporall causes . a This is true ( saith Bellarmine ) vnderstood vndirectly , as it may auaile for the spirituall good . In briefe , b This supremacie of the Pope ( saith Stapleton ) is a doctrine to be holden of all Christians vpon paine of damnation , and separation from the Church of God. The moderate Answerer . c But Catholikes defend only a spirituall , as that is which they claime in temporals , in ordine ad Deum ▪ ( that is , for Gods cause ) and is not to vse the Disputers words , A ciuill power [ Soueraigne ouer Kings directly : ] but only a spirituall preheminence . The Reply . Vse my words , but abuse not my meaning , to make the Reader thinke I only intreated of the power temporall ouer Kings directly : whereas in the Discouerie there is expresse mention of the temporall iurisdiction challenged of Papists both directly , and also indirectly , both which are hereafter confuted . Here only we are to explaine them , and to shew , how both of them challenge a power in the Pope at his discretion to depose Kings . This hath bene manifested in the former , now it will appeare in the second , which you , forsooth , d His Maiesties most loyall Subiect , do now mainteine , namely , A power spirituall ( say you ) in temporall causes , as it may be behoofull for Gods cause . And how that is meant , your Bellarmine doth interpret . e Protestants denie ( saith he ) that the Pope hath any temporall or politike iurisdiction and power ouer Kings by the law of God , as to be able to command Kings , much lesse to depose them from their thrones , and dispose of their Kingdomes . But the common consent of Catholike Diuines is , that indirectly and mediatly , that is ▪ so farre as it may concerne the spirituall good of the Church , the Pope hath a supreme power euen in temporall causes , to put downe Kings , and bestow their Kingdomes . And yet you denie , f That he hath directly any temporall gouernment by the lawe of God. A spirituall cosenage , as is proued by arguments in the * Consutation , & only in this place to be exemplified . You may peraduēture remember that King , whose name I haue forgot , who being desirous to decree something cōtrary to that lawe whereunto he was sworne , required counsell in this case : Sir ( saith his counseller ) the Lawe directly forbids you this ; yet there is another law which permits the King to do what he list . A dangerous State , where the Kings lust is his law . Now how is it in this your controuersie ? to say the Pope can directly iudge and depose Kings . O no , you will not , For ( say you ) we denie : This opinion ( saith Bellar. ) is the first extremitie , as though you would acknowledge that to be directly a ground of treason : yet you hold it lawfull , When the Pope shall thinke it be●oofull for the spirituall good , then he may iudge , depose , and kill . Herein giuing vs a speciall argument of your singular modestie ; whereas being ashamed to giue the Pope Direct Soueraigntie ouer Kings , haue closely conueyed vnto him the same power by the other tearme , called Indirectly . It were to be wished you would leaue that subtill modestie , and learne honest simplicitie . It may be we shall perceiue some dragme thereof in your fourth-ly . The moderate Answerer . g Fourthly , the maintainers of this doctrine do not vrge greater indignitie , or defend any sentence more offensiue ( in equall iudgement ) to any Pralate , sheepe , or shepheard ; then to the chiefest Shepheard vnder Christ the Pope himselfe : for they all with one consent affirme , that in case of heresie ( now in question ) he is either actually and really deposed , or to be deposed ; The Canonists do hold , that he is ipso facto deposed , if he fall into heresie ; with whom Turrecrem . Castr● , and others do consent . The Reply . Wherein I dare appeale to any equall , or almost any vnequall iudgement of my greatest aduersaries , to determine whether this your answer be not absurdly false in two degrees . First : h Those ( you say ) who vrge this opinion , of deposing Princes in case of heresie , offer no more indignitie to any sheepe , then to the chiefe shepheard vnder Christ the Pope : and yet in the same Chapter , I Answer ( say you ) if any man hold that opinion of such power ouer Princes in Popes , yet they will pleade it more tolerable in the authoritie of one supreme Pastor in the Church , whereof Princes be sheepe , &c. The argument then of these men , as you confesse , and * is hereafter shewed , is this , As the shepheard to the sheepe , so the Pope to Kings : but shepheards haue power ouer sheepe , and not sheepe ouer shepheards . Ergo Popes may depose Princes , and Princes may not remoue Popes . This is your Popish and ( as it is * after proued ) your sheepish conclusion : wherein whether there be not offered greater indignitie to Princes , then to Popes , let the equall Reader iudge . Secondly , the Authors of the doctrine of deposing of Kings in case of heresie , do professe concerning Popes , i That they cannot possibly be Heretikes , as Popes , and consequently cannot be deposed : Not ( saith k Bellarmine ) by any power whether Ecclesiasticall or temporall , no not by all Bishops assembled in a Councell . Not though ( saith l Carerius ) he should do any thing preiudiciall to the vniuersall stat● of the Church : Not though ( saith m Azorius ) he should neglect the Canons Ecclesiasticall , or peruert the lawes of Kings : Not though ( saith your n Gratianus Glosse ) he should carrie infinite multitudes of soules headlong with him into hell . And these forenamed Authors do auouch for the confirmation of this doctrine the vniuersall consent of Romish Diuines , and Canonists for the space of an hundred yeares . Whether therefore to affirme , that Kings may be Heretikes , and for that cause deposed , and that Popes cannot be deposed , because as Popes they cannot be Heretikes , be equall indignitie to Popes and Kings , let ( if you will ) your vnequall Reader iudge . And now ( not to stand vpon other transparent absurdities of these Authors ) your modestie is to be put in mind , not to appeale vnto equall iudgement in that , wherein you manifest your totall eclypse of iudgement . Hitherto haue we disputed of the power of people and of the Pope , considered as it were intensiuely . Now we approach to examine both of them in their extent and execution . CHAP. XIII . The Discouerie in the third Reason . WHosoeuer vpon any pretended supremacie , whether of Pope or people , do denie the necessarie right of Election . or of succession of Protestant Princes ; are to be holden amongst all Protestants seditious : But all Popish Priests do vtterly abolish the title of Succession in all Protestant Princes , by pretended prerogatiue of Pope and people . Ergo : The Minor proued by their Positions . In Election . 1. The Romish Cardinall : a There is no election , whether of King or Emperor , of any force , if he that is elect ( such as they esteeme all Protestants ) be excommunicate . In Succession . Reinalds : b The right of Kings Christian must depend rather vpon their Religion , then vpon order of Succession : and therefore all Christians are bound to cut off all hope , lest that any such ( speaking of Protestants ) may aspire to the throne . c Otherwise ( saith Stapleton ) what do people else but euen preferre man before God. Hereupon doth Simancha conclude , that d The Kingdome of an Heretike departed doth lineally descend vpon his sonne : but if the sonne in the race Royall be hereticall , the Catholike Common-weale may chuse him a Prince : but if also the Kingdome be hereticall , then the choice of the King belongeth to the Pope : and so the Kingdome may be taken by Catholikes . And lest , peraduenture , any should consent to the lawfull Succession , father Parsons doth pronounce sentence . e Whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant , is a most grie●ous and damnable sinner . Thus farre of the Position . Now behold their Practise . 1. In France . Reinalds doth forewarne the French. f Will you proclaime Nauarre a Caluinist King of Fraunce ? What is this else then to aduance a dogge to be Soueraigne ouer men ? g Shall Catholikes pray , God saue that King , whom they may not admit into their houses ? h For suppose ( saith Father Creswell ) that he professe to bring in a more sound Religion ; what is this to the purpose ? he is bound to defend the Romish faith . From France we will returne home , where father Parsons busieth himselfe to disable the title of Succession of our most dread Soueraigne King Iames : * with intent to aduance the Infanta of Spaine thereunto . Thus much of Successors , now of Possessors . The moderate Answerer . a Let all be true which he citeth , and that they so teach : yet if fiue particular men could make a generall Councell , and their sentence be tearmed a publike Position : yet they speake onely of a Prince excommunicate before his Election ; which case is not now in rerum natura , much lesse in England , as this vniust Accuser would proue . The Reply . Vniust ? not so , your selfe will acquit me : I haue instanced in sixe of your Priests and Iesuites , whereof foure be our owne countrimen , and therefore , by your owne iudgement , Best able to iudge of our country cause . And you answer , Let all be true which he citeth , when you could not answer that one testimonie was vntrue . Secondly , you start backe ; If ( say you ) fiue particular men could make a Councell , or their sentences be tearmed a publike Position : as if we may not rather vnderstand your publike Positions by these fiue your best learned Clearkes , then by onely you , who by that your [ Yet if ] would onely seeme to take exception vnto fiue , and bring instance to the contrarie from none . In all which you testifie that I am not an vniust Accuser , but that you are now an idle Disputer . But if these fiue should be thought priuate , whose bookes are priuiledged with the most publike and ordinarie approbation of your Church ; I could adde fiue score moe of your side conspiring in these Positions belonging to conspiracie . Thirdly , They speake ( say you ) of a Prince excommunicate , which is not our English case at this present . Good , Now at this present : namely , when you writ , and yet peraduenture whilest I replie the case is presently altered , or at the Popes pleasure may be . And is not this a safe case for our Soueraigne , trow ye ? Wherof more in the next Section . The most moderate Answerer . b His Maiestie was not excommunicate before his Election , neither is he now , but is both elected and setled in his throne both without any contradiction of the Pope , and with his Iubet of all obedience , and Prohibet of deniall thereof . All the Catholikes of this Kingdome applauded it as much as Protestants , and his vnion and league with Catholike Princes and people abroad is sufficient Answer , that this is a malitious slaunder of holy Priesthood , and proueth Catholikes innocent , Protestants guiltie , and this man an vniust Accuser . The Reply . If his Maiestie was not excommunicate by the Pope before his Election , ( which you should rather call Succession ) then was he vniustly ( that I may so say ) excommuned by the Pope before his Election : but your Superior Garnet confessed , that he had receiued two Breues from the Pope , to make vse of , whensoeuer our late Queene Elizabeth should depart out of this mortalitie . The content of those Breues was this : that c None should be acknowledged King of England , but such as was a professed and resolute Catholike : Nulli , quantâcunque sanguinis propinquitate nitantur : that is , No other , though neuer so nigh in bloud . Which Breues , he ( perceiuing the generall applause of people yeelding to the right of Succession according to nearenesse in bloud ) burnt . Thus we see if the Popes power had not bene disappointed by want of force , his Maiesty , though nearest in bloud , might not haue entred but with bloud . Now therefore what a case am I in ? If I shall denie my fonner assertion , then your superior Priest Garnet will accuse me for a liar ; for his Maiesties case was not different from others , seeing The Pope gaue contradiction to his succession : if I still defend it , then your Priestship doth accuse me for a Slanderer of holy Priesthood . The very moderate Answerer . d Because the Pope gaue a Iubet of all obedience , and prohibet restraint of disobedience . The Reply . Yea , Iubet of obedience ? Iubet ? what is that ? Euery child can expound it literally to signifie To commaund , but by Popish Glosse may happily signifie to forbid : for we must not be ignorant of your like glozing in the publike Decrees of Popes . Whereas your Canon is e Statuimus , We decree : that is , ( saith your Expositor ) We abrogate , or disallow . Is it not as easie for you to turne Iubet , to an id est , prohibet ? Howsoeuer we perceiue your subiection stands still vpon the Popes Iubet , that ( as it is recorded of the French ) f If he shall commaund to kill the King , you must be his subiects . Lastly , there is but one of these Authors aboue mentioned , who speaketh expresly of the excommunicate : and there is not one of them , but iudgeth a publike professed Protestant in the state of an g Excommunicate . To conclude therefore , be you admonished not to preiudice your modestie so much , as to taxe any for an Vniust Accuser , against whom you can shew no iust exception . Yet there remaineth two other mysteries to be vnfolded , the first is yours , the second is your Superiors . CHAP. XIIII . The new deuice of our moderate Answerer . a TThere is at this present a great difference betweene the Emperor , who is created by the Popes lawes , and with his solemnities from whence he receiueth his sword ; and a King that is absolute , and not so created or depending for power or iurisdiction , such as our Soueraigne in England : for the Emperor is the Popes Minister , as saith Molina . The Reply . We might peraduenture be beholden vnto you for this distinction , if we could presume you knew what you said : being guiltie herein of a double falshood , first , to thinke , That the Emperor hath no power , but from the Pope : the second , to say you thinke , That other Kings haue not any power , which is not from the Pope . The former is confuted * hereafter : the other now in this place . For your Carerius , making vnction by Romish Bishops in Coronation of Kings to be essentiall to royaltie , without which they be no Kings , saith : b That this is a doctrine most commonly knowne of all , that the Kings of France , England , Scotland , &c. were neuer esteemed Kings before their Vnction : c No more ( saith your Parsons ) in the rigor of iustice before ( Popish ) Coronation , then the Maior of London can be called Maior before his oath . d Which Vnction whosoeuer shall refuse ( saith Reinalds ) can haue no right to gouerne Christians annointed in Baptisme . In briefe : e None is lawfull King or Queene of England ( saith your Cardinall ) without the approbation of the See Apostolike . All grosly false : for first : f In France ( saith your Barclay ) Kings who are to succeed by inheritance , are iudged as consecrate and inaugurate before they be solemnely annointed . And shall we thinke the French Kings to exceed our English herei● ? No , I haue heard Lawyers say , The King of England neuer dyeth . I thinke they speake not without booke ; otherwise Q. Mary could neuer haue iustified her act , when she beheaded the Duke of Northumberland , some moneths before her Coronation , for high treason against her royall person , I returne to your argument . g If the Emperor ( saith your Carerius ) who is held more eminent , at least in dignitie , then any King , may be reiected by the Popes : then much more other Kings may be punished by the Popes authoritie . For he that can tame an Eagle , may much more command Hawkes . Here we obserue your spirits of contradiction : you from comparison of disparitie betweene the Emperor and other Kings , would seeme to free Kings , and inthral the Emperor : your Doctor Carerius from the contrarie disparitie would bring all Kings into subiection . But know , that howsoeuer now the Eagle be entangled , whom you esteeme no better then the Popes vassall , yet Non facile Accipitri rete sternitur . And that neither Emperor nor King are lawfully subiect to this yoke , is afterward made manifest . A second new deuice . h His Maistie is not in the case of Excommunication , as other relapsed Protestants , because he was borne in that faith which he professeth . The Reply . And yet the now Henry 4. King of France sucking Protestants doctrine from his nurce , was excluded from his birth-right of the Crowne , till he was reconciled vnto the Pope . And this same father Garnet had a Breue from the Pope to barre our Soueraigne from Succession , except he should be found absolutely a Romish Catholike . If then the Borne Protestants be free from Excommunication , why did the Pope exclude the King of France , or by his Breue to you , except against the King of England ? If the case be otherwise , what Quacksaluers be you to offer a salue which cannot possibly cure the sore ? I haue digressed a little , but I hope not transgressed ; for this point was , you see , pertinent . I returne to you our moderate Answerer , and we will now ioyne issue in the next Reason . CHAP. XV. The Discouerie in the fourth Reason . WHen the King is established in his throne by the common consent of the Kingdome ; whosoeuer shall manackle the hands of his subiects , detracting all obedience , may iustly by order of lawe be challenged and condemned for a disordred and rebellious person . But all popish priests do dissolue the oath of obedience to all Protestant Gouernors . Ergo. The Minor proued by Their Positions . First one of their Bishops resolueth , that a As soone as a Christian King becomes hereticall , forthwith people are freed from subiection . Secondly their Cardinall . b As long as the Prince continueth excommunicate , the subiect is freed from the oath of subiection . By whom are they freed ? c By the Pope ( saith the lesuit ) who vpon iust cause hath iust power to absolue from oathes both himselfe and all others . Sometime the Prince is personallie excommunicate , what then ? d Then ( saith their Lawyer ) Subiects are freed from their allegiance : and all his hereticall Assistants to be rooted out , and their land to be exposed to be possessed of ( Strangers ) Catholikes . But how if he be not excommunicate by name ? yea , what though not excommunicate ? e If ( saith an other ) his heresie be publikely knowne , there needeth no pronunciation of the sentence of Excommunication . f So that ( saith the Iesuite ) Subiects may lawfullie denie him obedience . How so ? g For the euidence of the crime ( saith their whole schoole ) doth inferre a sentence of condemnation , because ( as the more common opinion defineth ) there must we vnderstand the Pope his will is to haue him excommunicate , whom vpon the knowled●e of his fault he would excommunicate . Say , Father Creswell , is this true ? h It is certaine and of faith auouched by the vniuersall voice of Schooles . Satisfie vs yet in one question more : Suppose that the Protestant Prince haue a iust quarrell , what then ? * No warre can be lawfullie denounced or waged by the Queene ( being excommunicate by name ) though otherwise in it se●fe it were most iust , because her power is vnlawfull . The very moderate Answerer . i This is the first Proposition I grant vnto ; but how false and standerous his Assumption is , I haue proued before . Secondly all his Autorities he bringeth are priuate men , not able to make a dogmaticall principle , or publike position ; againe they intreate of such as be nominatim excommunicate : of which sort there is no Protestant Prince ; neither can there be any iust feare of the Popes generall proceeding herein : except any Protestant Prince should be incited by some such vnchristian spirits , as this Discouerer seemeth to be possessed with , to exceede all others in persecuting Catholikes , and offering indignities to the Church of God. The Reply . It seemeth you were now in your naturall choller , because in this one Answere you do vilifie your friends , threaten your Soueraigne , traduce your Aduersarie , and in conclusion condemne your owne ghostlie fathers . Your friends : to call these your Doctors , Cardinall Tollet , Reinolds , Symancha , Creswell , Stapleton , Azorius , Panormitan , Greg of Valentia , Bannes , and such like , and the most of them most publike and eminent Doctors your late Romish Church did glorie in , and autorized with the common consent of Ordinaries , priuileges of Collegies , and your vniuersall schoole ; to call , I say , such like priuate men , and not be able to oppose one priuate man of that sect against them , doth argue a spirit of rare modestie , and singular insufficiencie . Your Soueraigne : If he shall offer , as you misconster it , to persecute , and to cut off the most capitall enemies to his state , and gangrenes of their countrey , then The Pope &c. O sir , ●emember your selfe , One of his Maiesties loyall Subiects &c. This is not modestie , but hypocrisie . Your Aduersarie , The Discouerer , forsooth , an vnchristian spirit : who doth discouer only the hooke , of treason , whereby sillie soules are catched ; and herein not chargeable with misieporting his Autors , desirous to recall you to the ancient truth of Christian subiection , and ( if it be possible ) to sauing health ; And yet is thus censured as an inciter of his Maiestie against Romish Priests , whom their owne positions and practises do proclaime publikely to be persons seditious . Your Fathers : for this proposition , Whosoeuer shall manacle the hands of Subiects , denying obedience to their established Kings , must be iudged a rebellious person , you say you Grant : now it hath bene proued , that not only these aboue named Iesuites , but also your Popes haue bene principals in these kinds of Treasons both against the Emperour Henry the fourth , and also the mirror of all princely wisedome , Elizabeth our late Soueraigne . And therefore in your conclusion you infold your Popes in the roote of these rebellions . These Popes we haue discouered by their practises , as for example . CHAP. XVI . The Discouerer in the Practise . FIrst , Pope Gregorie the seauenth , alias Hildebrand , beginneth his pageant i We by Apostolicall autoritie do absol●e all from their oathes , which they haue giuen to persons excommunicate . And another Gregorie vseth the like tenor , k We absolue , &c. in the same case . Lastly , Pius Quintus , their successor in place , but superior in malice : l We command all Subiects ( saith he ) &c. and absolue them from the faith they haue plight with Elizabeth their Queene . The moderate Answerer . a First to Gregorie the seauenth , who , as this man vrgeth , absolued all from obedience to Excommunicates : I answere for all Catholikes in generall , that this nothing concerned Protestants , neither any heretikes ; but only such as he had other quarrels and contentions against . The Reply . True , the histories of those times shew , that the Popes were after some 600. yeares after Christ alwayes quarrellous ; and according to that proper name of Gregory the seauenth ( now mentioned ) called Hildebrand , the very firebrands of Christendome . But how do you satisfie for Hildebrand ? I grant ( say you ) that he that dissolueth the obedience of Subiects to their Soueraignes , is iustlie accompted seditious : Here you cannot denie , but that Pope Gregorie the seauenth absolued all from obedience to excommunicates . You know what followeth : Ergo , the Pope is condemned as one guiltie of high treason : This is commendable modestie , which is voide of partialitie . To the second example you answere . The moderate Answere . b But he vrgeth the Glosse of Gregorie the ninth , and citeth the Decret where there is no such matter , or any thing like vnto it . I commend your diligence , and wish you were as modest to acknowledge all my other truths , as I am to confesse this my only escape : which the importunitie of the time , and not the exigence of examples did occasion . For besides other examples , I might haue insisted vpon that Bull of Paulus the 3. against King Henry the 8. which differeth not from the tenor of the decree alledged * Wee commaund the Nobles of England by force of armes to expell Henry the 8. out of that Kingdome . This then was an error of mistaking my Autor , not by ●eigning of false matter , which is proued by so many witnesses . But I thanke you for your taxation of this default , trusting that your modestie will condescend to that point of lawe , He that excepteth in some doth yeeld to the rest . The moderate Answerer . c Lastlie he bringeth in the Bull of Pius Quintus against Queene Elizabeth : but I answere , that many graue and learned men haue thought the information of the case of Queene Elizabeth to the See Apostolike , whereupon the censure of Excommunication was awarded against her , to haue bene vntrue : and Pius Quintus , an holie man , himselfe after bewailed the proceedings vpon such suggestion . The Reply . In this Answere ( I confesse ) you shew some arte , as namely , to deplore the state past , that you may more easily delude the present . Touching the first . Say , was the information against the Queene vntrue ? and did Graue men so iudge of it ? Take heed what you say ; This answere will more preiudice the two principall prerogatiues of that your Romish See , then you are aware of ; as namely , the power of canonizing Saints , and excommunicating of Princely sinners , which both are cases reserued as proper to the Pope , and both proceeding ( as you say ) from the d fulnesse of Apostolike authoritie . The truth of canonizing Saints ; as for example , Thomas Becket , dependeth vpon true information : so ( by your owne confession ) the truth of excommunication , ( as of Queene Elizabeth , ) must relie vpon a iust suggestion . Now then did your Pope Pius erre in excommunicating , and so in condemning an innocent ? and might he not likewise erre in canonizing an Offendor ? The second prerogatiue which that See doth challenge is , Appeales to Rome : but seeing a lying fame ( like a rowled snowball ) the further it moueth the more increaseth in her falshood : we must learne wisedome from that ancient Councell of Carthage ( whereunto Saint Augustine did subscribe ) which thought it necessarie , for feare of false information , to haue all causes iudged in their owne Countries : and therefore did expreslie decree against the See of Rome , that none should make appeale beyond the Sea. But because this practise of Pius in excommunicating our late gracious Soueraigne , doth liuely exemplifie all popish positions in our late Discouerie , we must desire your patience to be informed in the true circumstances which concerne this excommunication , not by the witnesse of your imagined Graue men , who , if they euer were , yet now happilie be dead in their graues : but by those monuments which make the acts of dead men immortall , such as the tenor of the Bull of Pius doth purport . Pius &c. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam . The Bull of f PIVS QVINTVS , with the principall circumstances and interpretation thereof : written by Petrus Mathaeus , and dedicated to Sixtus Quintus then Pope . The Bull. g BEcause the Queene of England hath filled her Countrie with Heretikes , oppressing the Catholikes , translating the Byshopricks of Catholike Prelates vpon Heretikes , not acknowledging the Iurisdiction of the Church of Rome , but making her selfe head in all causes within her Dominions ; Wee from the fulnesse of our Apostolicall power doe pronounce Elizabeth an Hereticall Queene , and a fauourer of Heretikes , and denounce Anathema to all that shall adheere vnto her ; and also depriue her of all rule and dignitie , Absoluing all the subiects of the land , of what condition soeuer , from the oath of their Subiection , and from all manner of obedience . This is the summe of the Bull of Excommunication . Now heare The Interpretation thereof . h This Bull after the death of Pius Quintus , was confirmed by his Successor ; which the Heretikes themselues , doubting the danger of the euent , did labour ( as it is said ) secretly by great men to haue this sentence of Excommunication repealed : But all in vaine . The Queene was and is an Heretike . By this Bull , and interpretation thereof , your whole moderate Answer is conuinced of extreme impudencie . First , * No Protestants are by any Catholikes accounted Heretikes : yet heere , he whom you named the chiefe Shepheard , hath named our Queene and her Subiects sixe times * Heretikes . We dispute of Buls , and Buls haue hornes : I must therefore encounter you with a Dilemma , which the Logitians call an Horned argument ; thus , If that no Catholikes can call Protestants Heretikes , then was not Pius Quintus and his Successor ( both Bishops of Rome ) Catholikes ; who haue numbred Protestants in the catalogue of Heretikes : If Protestants be to be iudged Heretikes , then this your Answere is blasted , Protestants are no Heretikes . You are then in these straites , either to recant your Answere , or to renounce your ghostly father . Secondly , the horned syllogisme doth assault you the second time , thus : If the excommunication of our Queene by your Pius was iust , why was it * Bewayled ? If it were vniust , why was it i not repealed ? This is a second straite , either to confesse your Answere to haue bene inconsiderate , or else your Popes Bull to haue runne mad : and so it did : for * To condemne the innocent , and iustifie the vngodly both are abhominable to the Lord. Thirdly , the horned Argument doth againe tume vpon you , thus , Either you Priests will take an oath of constant obedience , without the Popes arbitrary pleasure , or you will not ; If so , then the pretended power Papall indirectly ouer Kings , must be directly renounced : If not , then , for me to affirme , that Euery Priest Romish doth denie the oath of obedience , is no Slander . This is an other straite , and doth constraine you to acquit me as no slanderer , or else to confesse your Pope an vsurper . Lastly , your Pope Pius did Bewaile the proceedings of that Bull , and so we verily thinke , but so as your Guido Faux immediatly after his apprehension , sorrowed for the proceeding of his stratageme , namely , Because it did not proceed . For ( as your Interpreter complaineth ) k The Queene after that time did more grieuously afflict the Romish . Wherefore we wish the Article verified of your excommunicating Bulles , which is vulgarly common in the like kind , viz. To haue alwaies short ●ornes . This of the acts past . CHAP. XVII . Concerning the State present . The moderate Answerer . a IF the case was such betwixt the Popes and deceased Princes : yet I cannot conceiue how any equall minded Protestant can thinke that the Pope so strictly commanding obedience of all Catholikes to his Maiestie , will or can be so contrarie to himselfe , to publish a contrary command against a King , offering in publike Parliament to meete with the Romish Church , all nouelties taken away , ( we wish no more ) and in the meane time acknowledge the same Romane Church to be our Mother . Church , and that his mind was to free vs from persecution for matters of Conscience . Of such a King Bellarmine himselfe , cited against vs , will be witnesse , that he thinketh the Pope cannot proceed against him . The Reply . Conceiue but how strictly the Pope hath commaunded obedience ; and then you will easily vnderstand how largely you may become trecherous . First , the Popes Bull of Excommunication against our late Queene , b was nailed publikely vpon the Bishop of Londons gate : but this gentle Bul of obedience doth without any voice range secretly , we know not where , ( it may be as the Popes Breue , in Garnets pocket ) and named to be , by them , who are not , because they do equiuocate . Secondly , the Popes Bull of obedience is so strictly commaunded , as alwaies limited within the crooked hookes of this Parenthesis ( c Rebus sic stantibus ) or ( d Donec vires habeant ) that is , ( Till there be oportunitie , ) or ( e Pro hac vice , for this time . ) Whereof our English State hath had too large experience . For to insist onely vpon the present : when the oportunitie of surprizing the King , Queene , and Prince , was plotted by the Disciple of Machiauell ; then the Pope hath two Priests ( Watson and Clearke ) to dissolue that knot of obedience : when after the oportunitie of that Sudden blow , against the whole State , had possessed the malignant ; then there is presently at hand a Prouinciall and his Priest subordinates to kindle the minds of their Agents , hellishly to consume and swallow vp both obedience , and all the persons to be obeyed . That his Maiestie so gratiously wished there might be some meanes of compounding dissentions , and an vniuersall mariage betwixt temporall peace and truth of Religion , proceeded from his most Christian heart : teaching rather what you shold , then what you will do , who deny to remit any Romish superstition , though it sauour of meere noueltie . As is apparant in the Oration of Gasper in the Councel of Trent : where question was concerning the vse of the Sacrament in both kinds , according to the institution of our Sauiour Christ , and the vse Ecclesiasticall for a thousand yeares in Gods Church ; did resolue notwithstanding , no : but why ? Ne errasse videamur . His Maiestie saith , All nouelties taken away ; you say , We wish no more . But if you would haue bene correspondent to his Maiesties wish , you should haue answered , We wish no lesse . But your modestie would neuer yet grant , that there were any nouelties in that Church , where notwithstanding there is nothing else but daily brewing new liquor , hopped with Wormwood . His Maiestie hath expressed his meaning , to call the Romish Church our Mother Church ; as that Church Romish may now call Hierusalem : but when both mothers will be parricides , to murther their children which speake against Idolatrie their spirituall adulterie , they may be called mothers in name , in deede monsters . You cite Bellarmine and omit this his sentence : f It is not lawfull to suffer a King who is an Heretike , when he shall labour to draw his people to heresie . To iudge hereof whether he draw his subiects to heresie or no , is the proper office of the Pope . I suppose there is no Infidell in the world , endued with any opinion of God , but he would labor to draw his subiects to his opinion . Now then the cause of our King persisting to be a Protestant is no better then his Predecessor ; for it is yeelded to the Pope both to iudge who is an Heretike , and when he shall so iudge , then , according to his Libet to send from Rome , comes a Non licet tolerare Regem . Will your modestie neuer leaue deluding vs by pretended allegations of Iesuites ? as here to that purpose to giue hope of reconciliation , whereas onely by the insolencie of Iesuites all such hope is debarred . As is plaine by this forecited Iesuite : for whereas that most graue and learned Cassander , honored of two Emperors for his singular learning and pietie , did teach , that g Emperors should indeuour a reco●…ion betwixt Papists and Protestants : because ( saith he ) Protestants hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particular opinions . The grand Iesuite doth answer , that h This iudgement of Cassander is false : for Catholikes cannot be reconciled with Heretikes , heretically meaning Protestants . CHAP. XVIII . The Discouerie . VVE haue alreadie vnderstood , how they forbid to Kings : now will we also examine how they inforce violence . And in this case we argue thus : The fift Reason . Whosoeuer suggesteth a doctrine of forcible deposing of Princes from their thrones , are therein manifestly rebellious : But all Popish Priests defend violent deposing of Kings and Emperors . Ergo Their Positions . Costerus . a This power ( saith he ) of deposing Kings of their Crownes , and Emperors of their dignities , in behalfe of the good of the Church , was alwaies peculiar to the Pope : b who hath no lesse authoritie , as Christs Vicar ouer Christians , then the hireling hath ouer his beasts . c So the Pope hath authoritie ouer the Emperor ( saith Molina ) because the Fmperor is but the Popes minister , and is to vse his temporall sword onely at his becke . But what if Kings will not inthrall themselues to the Popes authoritie ? d It is not lawfull for Christians ( saith the Cardinall ) to tolerate any King , who draweth his Subiects vnto heresie . e But subiects ought ( saith Sanders ) to indeuour to set vp another in his place . f Yea , they ought ( saith Creswell ) to expell him out of his kingdome , as the enemie of Christ. An vndoubted doctrine among the learned , and agreable to Apostolicall truth . Yea which is more : g Although the Pope ( saith Bannes ) should tolerate an hereticall King , yet may the Commonwealth remoue him . And yet behold a greater mysterie of this iniquitie then all these : for suppose that the King deposed shall be willing to be reconciled to the Church , h Yet notwithstanding ( saith Simancha ) he may not recouer his Crowne . The moderate Answerer . i Let vs grant this Proposition , Whosoeuer , &c. The Reply . Let vs grant ? We know not by this whether you grant it by Asseueration , to allow it ; or onely by way of Concession , for disputation sake , as not to grant it . This your Art of answering would be discouered for of one Maior Proposition in your 4. Chapter you say , For this present I grant this Maior , and yet after in the fift Chapter of another Maior , This is the first Proposition I grant vnto . Wherefore sophisticating in this manner [ Let vs grant : ] & deluding a Propositiō , which discouereth so manifestly a doctrine rebellious , will somewhat impeach your moderation of a guiltie disposition . To the matter . The moderate Answerer . k Not one of these particular Authors defend violent deposing of Kings . The Reply . Though I know your deuotion can dispence with lying , if with an l intent to couer the leprosie of your Sect , yet me thinketh , your discretion might haue taught you , to vse that Art where it should not be so transparent as that any one of small reading might easily conuince you . For what ? not one of your sect teach violence ? First , your Frenchman m The Nobles must depose the King , as Iehu did Iezabell : there was violence . Your Parsons , n As Dauid did Goliah : violence . Your Card. Allane . o My Lords and deare Countrimen , for Gods loue fight against the Queene to depose her , as the Priests did Athalia : violence . Your Reinolds : p Reuenge and roote out as Iudith did Holofernes : violence . Your Costerus : q As an heardsman his cattell : violence . Your Bellarmine . r It is not lawfull to suffer a King hereticall , but to expell him , as the shepheard doth a Wolfe : violence . Your Creswell . s Subiects ought to expulse such a King out of his dominion : violence . Your Simancha . t As the Scythians , who murthered their King : violence . Your Bannes : u The English ought to depose their Queene by force , all which is violence . We hanc also alledged exāples of many Popes , who vsed all open violence . To which might be added Azorius , Salmeron , Bristow , Stapleton and others , all crying Adarma . And yet you say , Not one . What impudent modestie is this , to denie before the Reader , that which none who readeth can denie : idlely conceiting a power to depose without violence , ( in your opinions Heretikes obstinate ) that is , such as cannot be deposed without violence . Your comparison of the Emperor with our King is but a shadow , which * vanisheth in this Treatise following . CHAP. XIX . The Discouerie . Let vs now see this family of Corah . WE will omit Henries , Frederickes , Othoes , and like Emperors and Kings of former times : call but to mind that which hath bene visible in our dayes , the late Henry of Fraunce , concerning whom their owne Prophet hath published a Treatise , the scope thereof is this : a The French haue with good conscience borne armes against K. Henry the third , and depriued him of his Crowne . Returne home , there we see a Comet . The Rebell Oneale is vp in armes against his Queene : the Colledge of Salamane bring pitch to quench this flame , and resolue thus : b Whatsoeuer Catholikes shall not for sake the defence of the English , and follow Oneale , doth sinne mortally , and cannot obtaine life euerlasting , except he desist . Shall we thinke that other Priests can haue more loyall spirits ? Impossible , as long as they receiue their breath from that Maister , who commendeth the former Positions against the foresaid King of Fraunce . c Those Diuines ( saith Pope Xistus ) haue done the parts of good Lawyers , Confessors , and Doctors . His Successor ( this rancor growing by Succession inueterate ) Pope Pius against our late Soueraigne : d We will and command the Subiects of England to take armes against Elizabeth their Queene . The moderate Answerer . e Now let vs heare this the supposed publike practise in this point : I answer , he alledgeth three authorities onely of priuate men , which do not pronounce the iudgement to be publike . The Reply . You contest for all Catholikes , and teach vs to answer , that this your Answer is but the writing of a priuate man : but you haue publike approbation from your Superior , & they frō many are publikely authorized . And yet againe remember your selfe . f Not aboue foure or fiue examples ( say you ) can be giuen in the whole Christian world , for the space of 1500. yeares of Popes of Rome , who haue translated titles to depose Princes . Well then you grant fiue ; your Bellarmine doth vrge g Seuen , as from publike Records : a notable contradiction . You But foure or fiue , willing to substract , as one ashamed of the number of your Fathers of Rebellions : but he alledgeth Seauen or eight , desirous to multiply , to make the pride of Romish Prelacie more glorious . Whether But seauen , or But foure , what can this auaile for answer ? As much as a fellon accustomed to steale , he careth not how many horses : yet indited for seauen , shall answer , I had but foure or fiue : which commendeth the want of that he would , not his will to want . Pope h Paulus teruus did excommunicate Henry the 8. King of England , commaunding his Nobles to beare armes against him . Your Pope Pius Quintus , now alledged , Did excommunicate Queene Elizabeth , dissoluing all her subiects from their obedience . And yet he that is The King of Kings , maintained their Scepters , not to suffer them to be deposed by those Popes , notwithstanding their good wils were manifested by their acts , their acts condemned by the euents , which examples none can denie but were publike . You further adde . The moderate Answerer . i But his Maiesties case is different , except this Discouerer will inrolle him in the number of Excommunicate , which is most iniurious to his Highnesse : for who seeth not that the Queene was Excommunicate ? The Reply . Why iniurious ? what euill can ensue ? for you seeme by this Answer to portend some mischiefe , if it should happen his Maiestie should be excommunicate : say , what euill ? is it spirituall , as onely to be excommunicate by the Pope ? Why , this is nothing , because your Tolet saith truly , k An vniust Excommunication ( such as we know the Popish is ) doth not endanger the soule . Is it bodily ? belike his Maiestie shall find you a good Subiect , howsoeuer ( your spirituall being accompanied with violence in this his different case ) you teach his highnesse to prouide a corporall preuention , lest ( as in the defect of our lawe sometime it happened , that a man might haue bene out-lawed , and not haue knowne of it , and so subiected to the extremitie of that lawe ) your Excommunication of Bulla Coenae vpon your Maundie Thursday by some * Guido be closely executed before his Maiestie be aware . CHAP. XX. The Discouerie . HItherto hath bene manifested only their violence against the dignitie of Princes : now heare of the violating of their sacred persons in conspiring their deaths . The sixt Reason . Whosoeuer doth intend , designe , or practise the murther of Princes , must necessarily be holden for desperate Traitors : But all Popish Priests are guiltie in some of these kinds . Ergo. The Minor proued by their Positions . They professe all , that it is lawfull to take armes against their Kings , as we haue proued : from whence we may argue against them , as he against a seditious one , * Quis sensus armorum ? what other meaning can armes haue but onely bloud ? But not to dispute from our suppositions , but their Positions , by these degrees . First , the french defence saith , that Anie man may lawfullie murther a Tyrant : which I defend ( saith he ) by common consent . Now b It is euident ( saith our Reinolds ) That euerie Heretike Prince is most proper lie and perfectlie a Tyrant : which is supposed by the Spanish Iesuite , speaking of this point , That if ( saith he ) they may be bereaued of their liues , then much more of their liuings and Crownes . And , which is the height of furie , d Hereticall Kings ( saith Simancha ) deserue more grieuous punishment then priuate men : therefore the Scythians ( as he well deserued ) did put to death their King Scylen , for violating their Bacchanals . Scythia a most barbarous Nation is the fittest glasse that these Priests can finde to looke their faces in . Well , shew vs then your Scythian and heathenish practises : But first , let vs heare your answere to these positions . The very moderate Answerer . e I answere , that the late Lord Treasurer was thought in his dayes a man not second to manie in politicall wisedome : And yet he telleth vs in the booke entituled , [ The Execution of English iustice , ] that many Catholike Priests and Byshops also in this Kingdome , which although they were depriued of their dignities , and also imprisoned by Queene Elizabeth ; yet are they dignified by that wise Councellor , with these titles of faithfull and quiet subiects , inclined to dutifulnesse to the Queenes Maiestie . Reply . Nay , that honorable Treasurer was not second to any in his time , so worthie a Counsellor both for policie and sound Religion , that you may be thought vnworthie to commend him : whose wisedome as it was most excellent , so euen in this question will proue as sufficient to display your fellie . For his most commendable Treatise , of the Execution of English iustice , did defend the proceedings of the Queenes Maiestie ; whom for the same iustice your Pope did ( if our Lord Treasurer in his singular wisedome knew iustice ) vniustlie excommunicate . Yet he then commended many graue and learned Bishops and Clarkes on your side for their faithfull subiection . What though they then in the Orient of her Maiesties dayes were faithfull ? ( peraduenture because they then wanted force ) yet after , toward the Sunne-set of her years were otherwise affected . This the Reason of that honorable and sage Counsellor doth shew , bringing the examples of the former more moderate Romish Clarks by comparison to condemne the insolencie of the later brood . This you modestly conceale : But father Creswell will deale plainely , who speaking to the Lord Burleigh ( whom for honor sake I often mention ) hath these words : f If you by sedition ( saith the Iesuite ) vnderstand that whereof Christ spake , saying , ( an holie text wickedly peruerted ) [ I came not to send peace into the world , but the sword , ] which you ( indeed ) do so vnderstand ; I confesse that we Priests both are and alwayes will be seditious . Now then the question will be , whether your moderate , or his impudent answere be more dangerous . The moderate Answerer . g The sentencer discursseth , as though armes had no other meaning but blood . But against Catholikes , who knowe both offensiue and 〈◊〉 fensiue warre , this mans bloodie iudgement can giue no deadly wound . The Reply . Neither was your Sentencer ignorant of that distinction , which he learned long since from the very Heathen , who were illuminated with this truth , saying , that h Against Kings we may vse a shield , but not a sword . But it was spoken according to the meaning of your Authors applying it to them , who both by position and practises haue giuen sufficient tokens that their armes were most cruelly and cursedly offensiue , which agreeth with your positions , as the discourse following will demonstrate . Yet againe you insist . The moderate Answerer . i The Discouerer bringeth the Author de Iusta Abdicat . to say of Henry the third , that it is an act honest to kill a Tyrant . Well then , King Iames by his iudgement is a Tyrant : otherwise both he and the Author be iudges against himselfe , for that Writer expresly nameth a Tyrant . The Reply . And the next Author doth interpret the meaning of the first , That euery King , who defendeth heresie , is properly a Tyrant . This said your Reinolds , intreating of Protestant Princes , defining them to be properly Heretikes : whereunto your Iesuite Gregory de Valentia did assent . Whence I , according to the true and infallible lawe of Schooles , conclude , that Romish Priests would haue all Protestant Kings , as Tyrants , censured with death . Where is now your iudgement ? to make me guilty of that inference , which I noted to be most detestable in your sect ? King Iames or our late Queene Tyrants ? No , but they that say so be Traytors , who cannot discerne betwixt a most gratious Prince , and a barbarous Tyrant ; but by their monstrous mischiefes haue turned extreme clemencie into iust extremitie . CHAP. XXI . Discouerie in the Practise . LEt vs trauell ( but in our thoughts ) into India , a where ( as your Arnoldus in his publike Oration in the Vniuersitie of Paris did contest ) the generall clamor of the poore people wās , that Iesuits were the causes of all tyrannie which was exercised amongst them . Passe homeward through Germanie , there we see b Duke Rodolph persecuting the Emperour his King by force of armes , thorough instigation of the Pope . From thence we come to France , where Clemens the Monke , as a bloudie patricide , did murther Henrie his King. Lastly to arriue at home , where after the Bull of Pius Quintus few yeares passed without desperate attempts against their Soueraigne , that Bull bellowing thus . c We will and commaund Subiects to take armes against their Queene . Which breath possessed all those late conspirators , Arden , Someruile , Parrie , Cullen , Squire , Lopez with others : all by instigation of Priests sought the death of our and their Soueraigne . And now at this present behold , and be astonished : A so●…ace prouided to consume at once , not onely the King , but also ( because an absolute state assembled ) the whole kingdome . Du●st these Enginers do anie such thing without direction from their priests ? First they conspire by oath vnder the seale of the Sacrament , ( here is probably a Priest . ) Secondly * he that was to put fire to it , runneth once againe to the Seminarie at Doway , doubtlesse , to consult with that Priestly Oracle . Thirdly , he will not bewray his complices , except he may be warranted by a Priest . And that this is their Priestly function , will appeare in the subsequents . The moderate Answerer . d For practise in this point , he onely alledgeth three authorities , besides this vnhappie Stratageme . The Reply . Your selfe knowes , that I might haue brought in threescore of that kind , if I had bene bent to haue bene as tedious in Allegations , as you are in repetitions : yet besides your late Stratageme I gaue you examples of diuers Conspirators English , for whom your modestie durst not , or your wisedome would not yeeld any other answer then dumbe silence . The moderate Answerer . e It is knowne that Arnoldus was an enemie to the Societie , confuted by Montanus : and Gallo-Belgicus is not without his hyperbolicall locutions . The Reply . You know , that Arnold was the choice Orator and mouth of the Vniuersitie of Paris elected to pleade against the Iesuites Society , whose iudgement the State and Parliament of France did iustifie by their publike act of expulsing the whole Societie of Loyalists out of the Kingdome . Gallobelgicus indeed was more then hyperbolical , but it was in magnifying the Romish faction . But what say you generally for Priests ? The most moderate Answerer . f I answer concerning Priests most maligned in this matter , that the Canon lawe it selfe is to the contrarie : that neither Bishops nor any Clearkes may take armes either by their owne authoritie or by the authoritie of the Pope of Rome : and reasons be added there , authorized by g Gregorie the 13. alledged against vs in this Treatise . And therefore all of that Order are absolutely freed from that iealousie , and may answer with Saint Ambrose against Auxentius , saying for his defence : My teares are mine armour , for such are the defence of Priests ; otherwise I neither ought nor can resist . The Reply . The force of your Answer is this : There is a Canon contrarie to them that shall say , Priests may take armes : Ergo , Priests haue no Positions contrarie to the Canon ; or else is not your Order freed from all iealousie in this point . It will be therefore first materiall to shew the doctrine of your Priests concerning this militarie discipline of Priests . Was not the Iesuite and Author of the Booke , De iusta Abdicat . a Priest ? and yet he admonisheth h Priests to be the first of them that forsake the Oppressor of Religion , imitating Elias zeale , when he killed the false Prophets . Was not your Reinolds a Priest ? and yet he would perswade i That holymen , euen Priests may resist by force Kings oppressing Religion , whensoeuer oportunitie will serue : and that dying in such a quarrell they are not to be accompted Traitors , but Martyrs , not deseruing punishment of God herein : but , as the souldiers of Christ , an eternall reward in heauen . Adding further , k As the Priests of Greece resisting their Emperours , ( * A presumption absolutely false ) by force of armes , thought it not a sinne of treason , but rather iudged it an hainous crime not to resist . Your Cardinall Allane was a Priest , and yet he wickedly and falsely defendeth , that l The auncient Bishops might haue excommunicated Arian Emperours , and haue defended themselues against them by force , but they did not ( saith he ) by reason of the greater forces of the Persecutors . This Answer he calleth A true and modest defence of English Cathotholikes : which in his Admonition●e ●e indeuoureth to proue from the example of Gods Priest m Against Athalia . And againe , in behalfe of the Pope , whome you esteeme as High Priest , he saith : n In truth if it be lawfull for the Pope to occupie his forces , which God hath giuen him , against the Heathen ; much more may he employ them against those , whom he accompteth Rebels against the Catholike Church , which be properly vnder his correction . Yet all this is nothing to the resolution of your Sanders a Priest also : o It belongeth vnto Bishops ( saith he ) both to pronounce the King an Heretike , and the Subiects , freed from their obedience , ought to indeuour to place another instantly in his throne : but if the Subiects shall faile in this their dutie , then it is the office of Pastors ( Priests ) to prouide ( Kings must looke to the Priests mixed Chalices , perfumed gloues , priuie sheaths ) by what means soeuer , that such a King raigne not in the Church of God. Againe , who was it that would haue killed the now p King of Fraunce with a knife ? was he not a Nouice deuoted to be a Priest ? And he that killed your last King Henry the third , I meane your Monke Clemens , had he no affinitie with a Priest ? Such an one was that q Monke , who poisoned Iohn King of England . And who ( I pray you ) did commend and magnifie that your Clemens his desperate exploite ? You know who , Pope Xistus Quintus your high Priest . A fact also highly commended by your French Iesuite , ( sure one of your Priesthood ) saying , r That he is worthie to bee esteemed another Ahod , who killed Aeglon the Moabite ; yea more forcible then Ahod , for he ( the Monke ) stabbed the King through the guttes : so that we need not now to wonder at former histories , where we reade how Iudith killed Holofernes ; Dauid , Goliah ; Samson a thousand men with the iawbone of an Asse , this act is farre more maruellous . These be thy Priests , O Babylon : who boasting falsely of a real vnbloudie sacrifice of Christ to be offered to God : Now in later times by rebellions haue offered sacrifice to their Moloch the man of Rome in bloud . Secondly , to this your consequent , Therefore all of this Order are absolutely freed from iealousie of Rebellion . As though in warre onely the figh●ing souldiers were enemies : doth not Reason in the Apologue teach you the contrarie ? For there * The Trumpeter that gaue the Alarme to excite men to warre , was taken of his enemies : and to free himselfe , O good Sirs , ( saith he ) kill not me , for I would neuer haue slaine any of you : alas , you see I haue no weapon , the onely instrument I possesse is this trumpet : to whome they answered : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore thou shalt rather die , because , when thou canst not fight thy selfe , yet doest thou incite and encourage others to fight . Your Order will make the morall : for in Fraunce your Reinolds did sound his trumpet for the battell thus : s All that we haue spoken are to this end , to perswade Generals , Captaines , and all Ecclesiasticall men , who follow the battell , that these are the warres of the Lord. Hearken another trumpet sounding so loude , that it is heard from Rome into Ireland , the Pope ( a Priest ) t Promising his blessing to Tyrone and all his adherents , who should fight for the Catholike cause against their Queene . And another in the same Ireland of the Colledge of Priests in u Salamane , resounding Benediction of the same Pope to encourage the O●eale in the same warres . Listen yet againe , and you shall heare another terrible sound in England for the ioyning with the Spanish Armado , in that their expected inuasion Anno 1588. Cardinall Allane ( a Priest ) x Now therefore Lords , Nobles , and deare Countrimen for the honor of Knighthood fight . And lest we should be too deafe in sense , not to heare , or dull in heart , not to beleeue , that Priests secular were interested in these affaires : Parsons a Priest doth proclaime against the Seculars , ( who would seeme herein to be onely excusable ) saying , y Was not Doctor Storie , Doctor Lewis secular Doctors , who are knowne principally to haue furthered the action of Sir Thomas Stukesl●y for Ireland ? were not Ballard , Gifford , and Gartly secular Priests ? And of all Priests in generall . r This holy sedition , ( if you call it so ) which is to send warre into the world , I confesse our Priests do and will teach . These are the phrases of Baals Priests , except it be that those launced themselues , these let others bloud . These are their alarmes against Protestants , neither can we reade of any one of note among them , who by publike writing did euer sound a retraite . A question materiall : for if Popes were not pleased with all these abouenamed Positions and practises , shew vs where euer he did condemne seditious Priests . Can you then apply the sentence of holy Ambrose to this order ? Is this to pray for vs , and not to prey altogether vpon vs ? Wherein also I cannot but maruell at your modestie , who bring in an old Canon , teaching not to fight , to the end you may cloake their shame who openly professe they must fight : which is to couer a bald head with a Chrystall glasse . There is yet another point you would satisfie . The moderate Answerer . z Lastly , he addeth the late vnhappie Stratageme and conspiracie against the house of Parliament : but I trust that all Priests will be innocent in so vile a practise against our present Soueraigne . The Reply . If , as S. Gregorie calling the first transgression of mankind * foelix facinus , an happy mischiefe : because of the euent , Quia talem meruerit habere Saluatorem : because it begat so gracious a Sauiour ; you likewise may call this , vnhappie Stratageme , because therby your mischiefe was preuented , & malice discouered ; then you are no better then a painted sepulcher outwardly presenting vs with hieroglyphicall showes of fellowship , and inwardly full ( through your hatefull wishes ) of dead mens bones . Yet I thinke you may presume that not any Priest will be found innocent in so vile an act : meaning till he be found : but many are found and conuicted : God , who hunteth out the vniust person , maruellously by the diuersitie or rather contrarietie of their languages , confounding them , as in the dissolution of Babell , each one of them impeaching another , A iust presumption , that scarce any Priest is innocent . The moderate Answerer . a And it is certaine it serueth not to his purpose to proue all Priests to intend such things . For first , the chiefest Priest the Pope had absolutely forbidden all disobedience to his Maiestie by these words : Quia Papa iubet , the obedience ; and prohibet , the disobedience : which the chiefe Superior of Priests in England in spiritual things , as the Arch-priest , had receiued and promulged the same commaund long since in August last . And vpon this first notice of this pretended wickednesse condemned it by his particular letters , for an intollerable and desperate fact against the order of holy Church , against the prescript of generall Councell , against the commaundement of the Pope . Then if the Priests of England will acknowledge the Archpriest for their Superior at home , or the Pope at Rome , as all both regular and other must do : neither all the Priests of this nation , nor any one , except disobedient to his Superior , was guiltie of this Conspiracie . The Reply . And yet behold your Superior a Iesuiticall Priest is found guiltie of this Conspiracie , but the frame of your Argument doth infold in it a Sorites , thus : The inferior Priests are subiect to their Superior the Anchpriest ; this Archpriest is subiect to the ( what is there a Chiefe aboue Arch - ? ) chiefe Priest the Pope . But the Pope hath commaunded dutifull subiection to the Arch-priest , to commaund subiection to the inferior Priests . Ergo all inferior Priests ( except they will be disobedient to their Superior ) will be faithfull Subiects . Wherein first I do obserue that in this gradation of your obedience to Kings the highest staire is the Pope . But the true Disciples of Saint Peter did soare higher , [ Propter Dominum ] to God and his word . And in the descent the last degree you make is a Priest : as though you would suffer Laymen in a blind zeale , with an intent to aduantage the Catholike cause , to practise any vile act , and you stand to giue ayme : that in the successe you may cry , Well shot ; but when they misse , the Actors may perish , and you cry out : O an vnhappie fact ! Otherwise by this series causarum it must as probably follow , that the Pope and Archpriest , and other inferior Priests are guiltie of this vile practise , viz. Euery Romish Catholike doth acknowledge a spirituall subiection to their Priests , euery Priest to his Superior , the Superior to his Generall the Pope . But many of the most deu●ute Romish haue bin found guiltie of this gracelesse attempt , Ergo the Priests , ergo the Superior , ergo the Pope . Or else the Pope failed to giue his proh●bet and restraint of disobedience to the Archp●iest ; or the Archpriest neglected to giue commaund to the inferior Priests ; or your other Priests foreslowed to forewarne the Laymen ; or ( which is the truth ) you are but spirituall Polititians , bearing the world in hand , that none of your mischiefes can be proued by vs , till , by the vpshot , they be proued vpon vs. And then those Priests and traitors , whom you now call vnhappie , Watson and Clearke will be of better esteeme . Thus hath your modestie made good gradation for the break-necke of your cause . CHAP. XXII . The Discouerie in the seuenth Reason . SEeing * It is in a maner all one to commit a villanie and to commend it : we may argue , that whosoeuer shall iustifie acts of treasons and parricides , are not vnguiltie of the same crimes : but all Priests do iustifie such hainous paricides , Ergo. The Minor proued by their Positions practicall . The famous Cardinall and publike Reader in Rome saith , a Many Popes haue iustly deposed many Princes . Our Count●iman b Card. Alane , c Reinolds , d Parsons , inciting subiects to armes against their Prince , do perswade by examples merely rebellious , as resisting of K. Iohn , of Edward the second , of Richard the second , of Henry the sixt , as presidents to be followed . The Author of the booke of e Deposing Henry King of Fraunce , doth sing a Gaudeamus for his death . And againe , Allane approueth the perfidious rendring vp f Douentore , and encourageth the English Mal-contents to ioyne their forces with the g Spanish inuasion . So the Colledge of the Iesuites at Salamane approued the insurrection of * Tyrone . And do not the most of that sort canonize in their conceits all such Popish ones , as haue bene executed for treasons ? The moderate Answerer . h I grant the Maior , and denie his Minor , [ That all Popish Priests , &c. ] And haue proued that all such assertions are most false and slanderous . The Reply . And I haue proued from your owne Authors , that they are the doctrines , which you ( granting the Maior ) must confesse to be truly rebellious , and now further confirme it by many examples . Answer them in order , and because in the most you haue bene extrauagant , be intreated in this seuenth Reason to be regular . The very moderate Answerer . i He will maintaine his sentence , because Bellarmine saith , [ Many Popes haue worthily depriued many Princes of their regall authoritie . ] The examples be in Leo 3. Fred. 1. in Otho 5. and Childericke King of France : to the which I haue answered before ; and sincere dealing would haue alledged the true causes , which knowne , proue a flat disparitie in the matter . The Replie . Whatsoeuer cause there was to wish any wicked Emperor to be deposed , yet was there neuer cause to authorize the Pope to depose him , which is plentifully * proued . But Popes ( you will say ) did formerly depose Emperors : as though from a case de facto , that is , of an act of deposing , you would conclude a case ex iure , that is , inferre a right to depose . This would be a welcome plea to malefactors of all kinds , and in this kind not a little preiudice your Popes : because Bellarmine being vrged with examples of many k Emperors who did iudge and depose Popes ; doth returne this answer : These Emperors indeed , did so , but by what right let them shew . So we driuing out one naile with another , oppose acts to acts , and say ; But by what right Popes haue vnthronized Emperors let vs know ? For we shall hereafter shew , that they had from God no such authoritie . Where is now your moderation to require of vs acknowledgement of iust causes of Popes acts , who ( you know ) proue that no cause can iustifie such proceedings ? If you yet insist , and vrge to know the causes , why Popes did so insult vpon Emperors , moderate your appetite a while , till we come to the confutation : where I doubt not but you will at least satisfie your selfe , if not surfet . For the interim , it will content the Reader to vnderstand that which your Barckley proueth , namely , l That in true historie it cannot be found , that euer heresie was a cause of abrogating the authoritie of Emperors . The moderate Answerer . m He accuseth Cardinall Allane for approuing of the rendring vp of Douentore vnto the hands of the King of Spaine the true owner : by which he condemneth himselfe to be within the compasse of his owne conclusion of Rebellion : for all the world can witnesse , that towne truly to belong to that King. The Reply . Was the King of Spaine the true owner ? Who are you , I pray you , that can thus define ? if you will be a true Diuine , then learne from our Sauiour , [ * Who made me a Iudge ouer you to diuide inheritances among you ? ] If you will be ( according to your State-style ) a Statesman to iustifie that the King of Spaine was then the true owner of Do●entore , and for confirmation call all the world to witnesse ; we shall not greatly maruell at this in you , being of the Order of them , who would make that King the Monarch of all the world . How the case might stand I may be lawfully ignorant , excepting onely , that howsoeuer Sir William Stanley , being no subiect to either parties , but onely a substitute to the States , and subiect to his Queene , from whose command he had receiued that charge , he is therin intolerably perfidious : for if the right were doubtfull , then it is a conclusion , which your Iesuite cannot denie , but that n When the souldiers shall doubt whether the warre ( and so the possession he holdeth ) which his Prince maketh be lawfull : in all such doubts he ought to obey his Prince , for euen to obey doth remoue the doubt . Secondly , if the case were plaine , yet many things are lawfull to be done , which are not lawfull for this man or that man to do : for our Lawe saith , A man ( as he that shall go to his neighbours house , and take twenty pound he lent his neighbour ) may be hanged for taking his owne : and is there no iustice against him , who will render vp that which is not his owne ? But what his intent was he hath discouered to all the world : who , as he then , in violating his Princes repose , fled from her subiection , so in the inuasion in 88. was bent to returne , not as a good subiect , but as a mortall enemie against his Soueraigne . Lastly , for the States in this point , suppose their getting of Deuentore were vniust , yet another Iesuite ( though I should condemne it ) would defend their possession , who in like case thus resolueth : o Admit ( saith he ) that it was a great sinne for the Spaniards to vsurpe the Kingdomes and possessions of the Indian people : yet can they not ( * O Confessors ! ) now be restored ; for to whom and how can this be performed ? nay though it could , yet will not the danger of decay of ( O Religion ! ) Religion permit restitution . Yet there remaineth another example to be satisfied of you , which is this . CHAP. XXIII . The Discouerie . An example of a notable Patron of high Treason . h XIstus Quintus maketh a publike Oratiō in his Consistorie of Cardinals : the subiect matter he sheweth is this : i The King of France is slaine by the hand of a Monke . And what of this ? k This ( saith he ) is a notable , rare , and memorable act . But why ? l Because he slue not ( saith he ) a King painted in paper , or grauen in stone , but the King of Fraunce in the middest of his hoast . Is it a wonder any should wonder that a Monke could murther a mortall King ; seeing Popish histories do record , that m Pope Hadrian being guiltie of the like seditious practise against the Emperor Henry the second , was choaked with a Flie ? Nay , but if the Monke had killed a painted Image , that had bene an act farremore memorable , and lesse intolerable : notwithstanding no fact is good , because great ; but therefore great , because good . Say then what is to be thought of the worthinesse of the fact ? n It was a fact done by the admirable prouidence , will , and succour of Almightie God. How ? by Gods will counselling and approuing it ? o Holy Iudith is famous ( saith he ) for the slaying of Holophernes , which she did not without the suggestion of Gods Spirit . p But this religious man hath done a farre more maruellous worke . O maruellous Relgio● ! Yet so it is in this sinne of parricide , where A Monke doth murther a King. The best word the Pope affoordeth the murdred is , q An vnhappie King , and one perishing in his sinne . The worst he doth bestow vpon the murtherer , is : r Religious man. And thus in not condemning , but rather commending , one Traitor , he hath made vp two . Lastly , this Henry ( a note very materiall ) was a Papist ; onely he fauoured the Protestants , and especially Prince Nauarre ( because a Protestant ) excommunicate . By this Pope this was his crime , vpon which ensued , This fact ( to paraphrase truly of the Popes words ) rare for the attempt ; not able for the wickednesse ; memorable for the shame of the Sect. The moderate And most modest Answerer . The Reply . What nothing ? not one word in behalfe of Pope Sixtus ? Sixtus ; who a First did confirme the league in France for the vtter destruction of Protestants ? Sixtus ; who Did excommunicate ( in that name ) the King Nauarre and Prince of Condie ? Neither onely them , but expresly b All Lutherans and Caluinists : proclaiming a c Iubilie and indulgence for all in Fraunce who should pray for the successe of the Leaguers against the Protestants ? One to whom you ascribe power of absoluing you from all your sinnes , and yet not one syllable to free him from the suspition of ( but one sinne ) patronizing a most brutish parricide ? Could you not answer that his speech was onely an admiration and no approbation ; or that he did declaime onely and not determine ; taking vpon him the person of an Orator , and not of a Pastor ; or that he spake as a priuate Doctor , and not as a Pope ? Nay , all such answers ( you know ) had bene friuolous , for he vseth examples of commendation , arguments of asseueration , and the Oration was not pronounced in his priuate closet , but in the publike Consistorie and Conuent of his Cardinals . And therefore herein onely you haue giuen vs a token of your extraordinarie modestie , who not finding one ragge to couer your Fathers shamefull nakednesse , you shut your eyes , as loth to behold it . God grant you grace truly to detest it . But we find ( as in all Societies ) in your Synagogue men of diuers foreheads . For the * Pope and his * Acolythus do extoll the Monke for an Excellent instrument of God : whom your Lawyer doth decipher to be a d Wicked , faithlesse Monke , ●nd a most hateful monster . He depresseth that King as One most impious and sacrilegious ; whome your Lawyers vpon better intelligence , do commend ( if this be a commendation ) e As one that was too deuout and religious . But you ( as it becometh a moderate Answerer ) answer nothing ; and thus in saying nothing bewray what you would , or rather , what you would not say . CHAP. XXIIII . The discouerie in the eight Reason . THose Snakes that do naturally sting , as soone as they get warmth , may not be harboured in the bosome of the Cōmonwealth : but all Popish Priests professe rebellions , as soone as they can presume of their strength , Ergo , &c. The Minor proued by Their Positions . The Discouerie . Bannes maintaineth this as a necessarie Parenthesis : a Subiects before sentence of Excommunication ( if they haue sufficient force ) may then depose their King. This Father Creswell addeth as a war●e caution : b Let subiects take heed ( saith he ) that they haue competent strength in such a case : otherwise it may preiudice the Catholike cause . And lest any taking an Antidote against their poyson , should obiect the condition of the Church of Christ primitiue , and of the glorious Christians of those times , who intended not killing of Kings the enemies of the Gospel ; but to be willingly killed for the profession of the holy faith : marke with what vntemperate morter those men daube vp the consciences of Christians , c Then ( saith the French Defence ) the Christians did onely suffer , because the Church was not yet perfect , and because their enemies were more in number . Againe , d It is commendable to suffer when thou canst not resist . Which is the last miserable refuge of their desperate cause . Whereunto notwithstanding their grand-Cardinall is glad to betake himselfe . e I answer ( saith he ) that Christians in auncient times did not beare armes and seeke to depose Emperors and Kings , enemies to the Catholike faith ; because they wanted power . Wherby the now Romish faith doth seeke to make wicked men excusable . f By this second conclusion ( saith Bannes ) the English Catholikes , who now do not take armes against the Protestants , are excused , because they want sufficient power . Hence we may perceiue , that as long as Protestants liue safe , they must acknowledge themselues beholden to the Popish faction , because they haue no power to hurt them : otherwise they may heare of them before they can see them , peraduenture in such a manner , as to * Receiue a terrible blow , and yet not know who did them the hurt . Yea , they must perish , for g Christian people ( saith Creswell ) are bound in conscience and hazard of their soules , to resist whensoeuer they can make resistance . The moderate Answerer . h To the first Proposition I say , Concedo . The Reply . Concedo , that is in English , I grant it : wo then , and thrice woe to all your Priests , who fall violently vpon it , thereby to be conuinced rebellious . Is it not so ? The moderate Answerer . i To the second Proposition I answer , that if this be the opinion of Bannes , he speaketh ignorantly in this case . The Reply . Bannes an Author easily to be had of all men : I deliuer his name , I cite the place , I expresse his words , apparantly signifying that this was Bannes opinion : and yet your Answer is ( to speake moderately ) too moderate : If this be ( say you ) the opinion of Bannes . I alledge for the same opinion your English Iesuite Creswell , your French Iesuite De iusta Abdicatione , your Romish Iesuite Bellarmine , al of the opinion of Bannes , teaching , Then and not before , to take armes , as soone as they haue strength . And you answer to one onely saying : If this be the opinion of Bannes . Is this modestie ? This opinion ( say you ) is false : this is honestie : but then are your greatest Clearkes Blind , and leaders of the blind : as namely , Creswell , Felinus , Caietan , Tolet , Sà , Alane , Bellarmine , Saire , and the present currant of Romish Schooles , * as hath bene proued . This doctrine therefore being false , which the supposed lights of your Religion do auerre , I may well take vp the complaint of our Sauiour against your Church : * If the light that is in thee be darknes , ô how great is that darknes ! In the last place you name Gregorie the 13. for the contrarie , but ( all you could do ) only name him ; opposing names to expresse writings , shadowes to things . O moderatorem ! These are but Positions . Now followeth CHAP. XXV . Their Practise . The Discouerie . IN the yeare 1580. when Campion and Parsons came into England , they procured a dispensation from the Pope , that al Papists in England , notwithstāding the Excōmunication of the Queen , might professe a large obedience in al tēporal causes : but with this addition , ( Rebus sic stantibus ) i. the case thus standing : that is , ( as the sequele did interpret ) till you waxe stronger . For in the yeare 1588. when the Spanish Armado was a sloate , when by doubling their strength they might presume the better , then our Countriman Alane doth write an Admonition to the Nobilitie of England , making his booke the Popes Nuncio , to expound his former Parenthesis : a Though the Pope ( saith he ) hath tolerated obedience vnto the Queene in temporall conditions : yet now our holy Father Xistus Quintus doth discharge all men of their faith and loyaltie vnto her . This is the Popes common guise , when he doubteth his faction shall be ouermatched , then to inioyne obedience : but it is onely in policie to gaine his souldiers a breathing ; as Clement the late Pope dispensed with the Irish for their fidelity to the Queene , till that he had some confidence of Tyrones successe . For then in the 20. of Ianuarie the yeare 1601. he writ a letter for incouragement : b Fili dilecte , nobilis vir salutem , &c. My deare sonne all health , &c. After he calleth the Rebellion Sacrum foedus , an holy league ; promising in the way of blessing an happy successe : Deus pugnabit provobis , conteret inimicos suos ante faciem vestram . i. God will fight for you , and tread his enemies vnder your feet . But he ( God be thanked ) proued a false Prophet . The moderate Answerer . c I answer , that Cardinall Alane , better acquainted with these affaires then any Protestant Writer , relateth the Popes declaration for Catholike obedience to Queene Elizabeth , without any restraint or limitation : neither doth this man discouer where he findeth any such restricting clause . The Reply . It seemeth you are not acquainted with Cardinall Alane : shall he be brought to auerre a Commission of subiection without restraint of , [ Rebus sic stantibus , the case so standing : ] who , Rebus sic non stantibus , Anno 1588 raised English Recusants against the Queene , prouoking them to * fight ? I did not indeed discouer where I find any such restraining clause . Here is one onely little clause , Rebus sic stantibus , that wanteth the Author ; and I must be suspected for a coyner : you in all your Answers scarce alledge the expresse sentence of any one , and yet challenge credit . Such are the times which are fallen vpon vs , and the oddes which by mens wilfull infatuation , you haue obtained . But I must produce my Author , for your pleasure : whō though I perswade you , yet ( a grieuous case ) will you not be perswaded . Notwithstanding hearken to your Father Creswel , who telleth you that , d That moderation concerning obedience vnto the Queene , was comprised within . these lists , [ For the present state and condition of things . ] Here your clause and your expectation is satisfied : I pray you satisfie me in the next example . The very moderate and modest Answerer . The case of the Earle of Tyrone , whatsoeuer it was , is not now imputed against him , as his libertie and fauour in England since then be witnesses : therfore it might be better suppressed , then vrged by this Discouerer . The Reply . That is , The Earle of Tyrone his offence hath bene pardoned by the King : Ergo , it might better be suppressed , then that the Pope the patron of his Rebellión , should be discouered . None can find fault with the modestie of this Answer , wherin you seeme to be ashamed of the Popes blessing ; and there is hope in the end , you will be ashamed of your owne answer . To the next Reason . CHAP. XXVI . The Discouerie in the ninth Reason . WHosoeuer doth perfidiously either denie or violate , with men of diuers Religion , an oath , the most sacred bond that * God hath allotted vnto men , as the most secure * Confirmation of all fidelitie with men , and * End of all contention , must necessarily be esteemed of them as a person perfidious and trecherous : But Popish Priests are guiltie of such perfidie , Ergo , &c. The Minor will appeare in these three : 1. in the manner of disallowing : 2. of deluding : 3. of dissoluing of a necessarie oath . The moderate Answerer . a In his Maior Proposition the Discouerer must needs make some exceptions : or else , &c. The Reply . Let vs descend to the seuerall Propositions , and after shew your instances . The Discouerie . From the manner of denying a requisite oath , we reason : Whatsoeuer seruant being demanded of his maister , to say or sweare , whether if he saw his master assalted by his professed enemies he would defend or betray him , would either dislike the article , or deferre the answer , he should euidently bewray a trecherous disposition : But all Popish Priests in like articles concerning loy all subiection to Protestant Kings , are in like manner affected . Ergo , all their other kind of * Haile Maister , is but to kisse and betray . The Minor proued by Their Positions and Practises . When as it is demanded of Priests ( a necessarie Article in ciuill States ) what if the Pope should autorize the Queenes subiects to rebell , or other forraine Princes to inuade her Realme ; whether they would take part with the Queene or her enemies ? First , they dislike this Interrogatorie . Alane calleth it a An vnlawfull , vnnaturall , & intolerable search of mens consciences . This kind of examination which Princes make for preseruation of the liues of themselues and subiects , Creswell tearmeth b Vniust and bloudie demaunds . And these questions Stapleton nameth c Captious questions , wicked , and full of all impious subtiltie . As though Samson were bound to put his head in Dalilahs * lappe . Nay but their answer sheweth that this Interrogatorie was as necessarily inuented , as it is wickedly impugned : for this being an inbred law of * Nature , to studie for a selfe-preseruation ; these men call vniust and vnnaturall : but how senslesly let the very heathen iudge , * Theeues watch to murther , doest thou not awake to saue thy selfe ? Now secondly , their delaying . When the question is vrged , whether , if the Pope or any of his appointment should inuade the land ; which part they would take : then they shift footing , and some ( as our Gouernors haue obserued ) haue answered : I will then take counsell when the case shall happen : others , I will answer then and not before : others , I am not yet resolued : lastly , I shal then do as God shall put in my mind . As though these masks were large enough to shadow their faces : which their Creswell hath alreadie discouered , saying that d If by the Popes command the warre should be vndertaken , to the end of restoring Religion , then ( to answer ) that he is bound in Conscience to hold with the Romish . This man speaketh without Parables : make then but a pretence of Religion , and farewell subiection . The moderate Answerer . e There is none bound generally to euery oath : for as the lawe of nature , and his Maiestie , with Bishops and Nobles , in the last Conference taught : if the Article either touched the parties life , libertie , or scandall , he may refuse to sweare . The Reply . This Answer and my Question differ as much as yesterday and to morrow : for my argument à simili concludeth of an oath concerning a matter to be done , and not of that which is past : yet not so , as to enforce any to the oath de futuris , but from the denying , or delay thereof to euince a politicall demonstration of a disloyall heart . You haue another answer no whit more true , though somewhat more pertinent . The very moderate Answerer . f As cōcerning Interrogatories de futuris contingentibus , things which are to come : no creature , man , nor Angell naturally can perceiue them : therefore the examen of such things may be left to God. The Reply . You haue reason to refuse the examination of men , lest they ( vnderstanding your trechery ) might preuent their owne danger : I dare say , there is no malefactor in the world bent to any mischiefe , but he is of your mind . But you are deceiued ; the question is not absolutely de futuris , that is , of things to come , as if your debtor promiseth to repay you this debt , may he not answer he will pay it ? The act of payment hath respect to the time to come , but the will to pay it , it is an internall and present act , and a resolution of the mind , which no perfect man can be ignorant of in himselfe . Nemo nescit se velle quod vult : No man can be ignorant of his owne will. And this is that present will , which by his outward messenger , the tongue , he doth thorow a corporal oath manifest to man , what it doth resolue . Else why are leagues betwixt Princes , contracts betweene man and man , consent of wedlocke , holy vow in Baptisme to God : are not all these visible acts , symbols , and signes of inward will ? Acts ( I say ) de futuris of things to come , as namely , of fidelitie , loyaltie , sanctitie hereafter to be performed ? Otherwise how is it , that you dare contest g For all Catholikes , not to refuse an oath of allegeance according to the iust proceeding of law ? promising in your selfe , that other shall take an oath of allegeance and obedience to his Maiestie , A thing ( except you meane they will not take the oath ) hereafter to be done . Wherfore when you are about to make an answer , take foorth this l●slon of true moderation ; It is better to hold your peace , then say nothing . CHAP XXVII . The Discouerie . THe second point is their deluding of an oath by a new tricke of Equiuocation , as they ( vnproperly ) terme it . Others call it Reseruatiō : but most fitly we may cal it Collusion . Their Position in the Mator . a When any Iudge ( saith one ) shall demaund an oath vniustly , then may the examinate sweare by an equiuocation : as for example : being thus demanded ; Whether didst thou that fact or no ? he ( though he did it ) may answer , I did it not ; vnderstanding secretly in his mind , at this time ; or , I did it not , meaning , to tell you : or some such like euasion . If you desire to know the Author , it is Cardinall Tolet ; if his authoritie , b Vasques the Iesuite sheweth he had a speciall priuiledge from Pope Gregorie the 13. writing thus vnto him ; We so approue of your singular learning , that we hold it vnmeet that your bookes should be subiected to the censure of others . Now their Assumption in this case of our English iustice , cōcerning examination of Priests is : c The Officers of the Queen of England ( saith Martin ) cannot challenge Answers and oathes iud●●iously , because an hereticall Queene is no Queene . Vpon this sand is builded that which they conclude , namely , Alane , Parsons , Gregorie Martin , that d If a Priest shall vpon suspition chance to be asked either in any hauen , or else where concerning his ancient name , his countrie , kindred , or friends ; he may denie all . And againe : e When a Priest is conuented before a Iudge , after the oath taken , concerning such questions , he may answer by the foresaid Equiuocation : because these that aske this oath , are not to be accompted Iudges , but Tyrants . Which point of Equiuocation ( saith * Parsons ) is not onely to be allowed by all Diuines , but iudged necessarie also in some cases for auoiding lying and other inconueniences . This man , we see , ( as if he would driue out Satan by Satan ) teacheth by lying how a man may auoide a lie . This is the generall doctrine of their * Schoole , more then heathenish : for among Pagans this was a Decree of Conscience : f Craft in an oath doth not lessen but strengthen periurie . Now the Practise . The practise of this deuice of Equiuocation in Priests hath bene found to haue bene common of late , by experience of Magistrates . It may be thought to haue crept out of Saint Francis sleeues . For g He ( as Nauarre writeth ) being asked which way the murtherer did flie ; putting his hands into his sleeues , answered , he went not that way , meaning , through his sleeues . The moderate Answerer . h For Tolet among the Iesuites I cite another Iesuite , famous among the Casuists , * Emanuel Sà , who writeth , that some are of another opinion , and peraduenture with better reason . The Reply . If you oppose the persons of these Authors , there is ( in the opinion of a Iesuite ) no comparison ; if their opinions , there is scarce any opposition . For their persons : Tolet was lately a Cardinall , i But to recken a most reuerend Cardinall ( speaking of Baronius ) among the Iesuites , ( saith a Iesuite ) is as if a fond Astronomer should number Arcturus among the lesser Starres . Examine now their opinions , Tolet saith : This kind of Equiuocation is lawfull ; Iesuite Sà saith , There is more probable reason to the contrarie . These may seeme contrarie to men of syn●eritie , but among these speakers , in their practicall iudgement , there is no contradiction : for they haue another winding in this their Labyrinth , that k Many times the lesse probable opinion is to be followed . So then as yet we haue but an Eele by the tayle . Againe , to determine against so damnable a doctrine onely in these termes , More probable ; yea and peraduenture more probable : I say , to doubt of such a Protestant and orthodoxall truth , is doubtlesse to denie it . But of this hereafter . How will you therefore excuse your selues ? The moderate Answerer . l For our excuse in this place and question Catholikes do generally agree , that to equiuocate before a competent Iudge ( such as we allow all Magistrates in England to be in temporall causes in as ample manner , as if they were of our Religion , keeping order of lawe ) is a mortall sinne : as it is defined by Thomas , Nauarre , and others . The Reply . This excuse will make you more inexcusable , because I shall proue that by your dissembling parenthesis you do but cloake your liars . Are all Magistrates in England reputed of your Equiuocators competent Iudges ? So you answer , but falsely , both against your ordinarie Thesis and practise : For in your Positions your now-cited Author Nauarre ( I omit Thomas , as one not acquainted with our English affaires ) saith , that , m It is lawfull for a Catholike ( except it be in question concerning his faith ) to equiuocate ( speaking expresly of English Magistrates ) before Heretikes . Your Reinolds was by birth English , by baine Romish , and telleth vs plainely , that n All people must be instructed thus to reason , ( speaking of the King of France when he was a Protestant ) This man is an Heretike , therefore hath no authoritie ouer vs. Your Parsons , English by nature , though now translated into Romish , commending your Southwel , o This point of Equiuocation M. Southwell ( saith he ) defended ( before English Protestant Iudges ) at the barre . The booke intituled , Resolution of English cases , by Alane and Parsons , resolueth thus : p When ( say they ) any is brought before those Magistrates to be examined , they may answer by Equiuocation : because they being Tyrants do not examine iuridically . This was then in the dayes of Queene Elizabeth : but now in the raigne of our Soueraigne King Iames , it may be the case is different . Nay now also hath your Arch ▪ priest authorized the booke in defence of Equiuocation in behalfe of Catholikes ( the words of the title ) before a Magistrate : speaking professedly of our present English State : and the present practise both of Priests and their Disciples is ( alas ! ) so ordinarie , that the daily experience of their equiuocating lying is readie for this your answer to giue you the lye . I will not trouble my memorie with multitude of examples , which diuers Magistrates haue reported : I will onely be contented with two , proued the last day in the Arraignment of Garnet the Iesuite your Superior . Garnet : He ( as before almost al the Honorable of our State was proued ) had by manifold protestations and execrations denyed before the Lord Chiefe Iustice , and his Maiesties Atturney Generall , that he had conferred with his fellow Hall since their coming into prison : by and by was witnesse produced , who heard their conference , and related the very words so directly , that both Garnet and Hall did confesse , they indeed had had conference together . What was his excuse now for his first Answer ? He did equiuocate , ( his owne words at the Barie ) because he was not bound to accuse himselfe , before he saw witnesse to conuince him . An answer wretched and witlesse ; wretched ( I say ) because to vse equiuocation in a religious execration , is execrable wickednesse : witlesse , because to defend a denyall of truth , till one be conuicted of a lie , is to professe a defence of an vntruth , till he be not able to defend it . The second example is in your Disciple M. Tresham , who vpon his death-bed , moued by a sinister spirit of a woman to retract his former true confessions , wherin Garnet was brought in suspition of the last treason , ( least the guilt of such a Priest , might be preiudiciall to the Catholike cause ) did before the formerly named Magistrates at the point of death recall his foresayd confession thrise with protestation : Vpon my saluation ( saith he ) I was not acquainted with Garnet this many years . After his death is Garnet apprehended , and examined of that point of acquaintance with Tresham , who did vnder his hand writing confesse both the times and places of their conuersing together : al this Garnet did acknowledge at the Barre . Then the right Honorable the Earle of Salisburie , ( whose rare wisedome did in that vmuersall audience proue it selfe often the only racke to that Iesuite , in extracting many truths from that Equiuocator to his often publike confusion ) asked him : What iudge you , M. Garnet of that false protestation of M , Tresham he made vpon his saluation ? Garnet smiling , answered . I thinke he did equiuocate . Smiling , a thousand beheld him . A very ridiculous answer indeed , if it had not bene horribly impious , which therefore the whole audience , as children of truth , did then by a common murmure openly detest . To conclude , I must now ( my moderate Answerer ) necessarily racke you : but ( feare not ) onely by that Logicall instrument , which is therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : thus : you would perswade vs that Priests thinke our Protestant Magistrates competent , before whom you may not vse Equiuocation : your Superior , by whome ( if you be a Iesuite ) this your booke was priuiledged , did both by practise and position more then allow the vse of Equiuocation the last day , euen in a most honorable presence . Now therefore if your booke was not priuiledged by Garnet , then this inscription of your booke , * [ With licence of Superior ] is vntrue : if you say he did priuiledge it , then this excuse for all your Priests , saying : [ We allow Magistrates in England co● petent , before whome we may not equiuocate , ] ( Garnet gaine ▪ saying it ) is likewise vntrue . The greatest difficultie now will be , to tell whether of you two be the Superior in lying : you in saying , You do not defend that , which you do so manifestly defend , a flat lye ; or he , who defendeth that , which no man can euer defend , Equiuocation , the very damme of all damnable lying . Whereof more at large in the Confutation . Yet behold a greater mysterie of this iniquitie , then hath bene yet reuealed : Tresham taketh it on his saluation , that , to his knowledge , no Priest was acquainted with the plot , Digby and others make the like protestations at their death : Garnet a Priest did deny with maine and many protestations , that he had conference with Hall , and defended it lawfull , till he was conuicted by witnesse . To what end ? lest that Priests guiltinesse might make their priestly function and Religion more odious . Whence I may conclude , that it were more then sottishnesse for any Protestant to beleeue the Priests protesting their innocencie ( as Garnet did ) at the Barre , or their disciples protesting ( as Tresham and Digby did ) the innocencie of Priests and their adherents at their death : I say , all their witnesses deserue no credite , who defend thus to equiuocate , till they be euidently conuicted by witnesse . CHAP. XXVIII . The Discouerie . The third abuse of Oathes is in dissoluing them . THat though they take an oath of allegeance in cases temporall , yet their common interpretation is still with respect of their more supreme head . * During the will of the Pope , who ( say they ) hath power to free both himself and others from the bond of an oath . Which is their old glosse , saying , that a The case is so to be interpreted , namely , except the Pope shall release him from his oath : because in euery oath the authoritie of a Superior must be excepted . The moderate Answerer . b There must needes be some exception of lawfull oathes , else whatsoeuer wickednesse is sworne must be performed : as that of the Iewes against Saint Paule ; and of Herod against the Baptist . The Replie . There must be some exception of an oath , which is this , In male promissis rescinde fidem : that is : A wicked vow is well broken . But your Popish exception for two respects we iustly think intolerable ; this will be plaine by this example : If now the Spanish , in his league vpon expresse conditions with the English , would , for the performance of his oath , depend vpon the Popes arbitrement , which is , [ Till you can find oportunitie for a mischiefe , ] then silly English are in no better case then a goose tyed with a line by the legge to a foxe tayle , which doth appeare in the Discouerie following . The Discouerie . Practise . Their practise we haue shewed in the former Reasons : we may here adde a more auncient example . c A Canonist ( saith a Iesuite ) did inueigh against Pope Gregorie the 12. who in the time of a great schisme did openly and solemnely sweare , that if he were made Pope , he would giue it ouer againe : but being elected , he performed nothing lesse . The Canonist , doubtlesse , wanted not a Canon to condemne this perlurie , though the Iesuite vpon presumption of iusta causa doth defend it . For the cause was indifferent , whether to giue ouer his Popedome , or to keepe it : but the oath of indifferent matters doth inferre a iustice in performance , and condemne the not performance of periurie . Who also in the same Volume holdeth their generall position saying , d Other mens oathes may be dissolued by the Pope . So that when the Pope shall send but his Bull of freeing our English , the bond of their oath will proue as strong as the knot of a Bul rush . The moderate Answerer . e But to speake vnto this Obiector concerning Protestants proceeding in equiuocating . The Reply . But first , men should be so modest as to couer their owne bald pates , * before they note others of like imperfections . The moderate Answerer . f I plainely answer , that all Catholikes of this Kingdome both Priests and others , do and ought syncerely to acknowledge his Maiestie absolute and really a true King of all his kingdomes , &c. And that among other duties to denie to sweare , or violate an oath , iuridicè , iustly and according to the course of lawe proposed , and to equiuocate therein is a sinne damnable . The Reply . In this your protestation by these words , It is damnable to vse Equiuocation before them iudging , iuridicè , iustly and according to lawe , I doubt much that you your selfe vse some damnable Equiuocation : for what is ( I pray you ) iuridicè , iustly ? may you Priests take a corporall oath before a ciuill Magistrate whomsoeuer ? this is against your owne Decrees . g A Priest ( saith your Iesuite ) may not take an oath before any ciuill Magistrate , though the Bishop should ●●cence him thereunto . Secondly , call to mind the forme of our English oath , To acknowledge no forraine power either of any King or Prelate to haue any preheminence ouer our Soueraigne ( to insist onely vpon this branch ) in causes temporall , either directly or indirectly . Say now , will you be sworne to this or no ? If you shall say , you will not , take heed , then shall you be a Preuaricator , denying that which you wold seeme before to defend . If you say , you wold , which all yours say , * you may not , then are you ( whom you would seeme not to be ) a damnable Equiuocator . CHAP. XXIX . The Discouerie in the tenth Reason . WHosoeuer is possessed with these former seditious Positions , that ex Officio , that is , as he is a Romish Priest , he must professe them ; such an one is to be iudged a most desperate Traitor . But all Romish Priests , as Priests , professe some , and othersome all of these seditious Positions , ●…go , &c. The Minor 1. proued , 2. confirmed . Proued by an argument of Relation : that seeing the Auth●… of this rebellious doctrine are the principall Rabbies of 〈…〉 Sect , and publikely authorized with the ordinarie pr●… of that Church ; it may not be imagined , but that the 〈…〉 are infected with the leauen of their Professors & D●… bouenamed . To wit , 1. Tolet a late Cardinall , whose 〈…〉 haue this speciall priuiledge by Pope Gregor●e 1● . a That ( 〈…〉 Vasques the Iesuite ) they may without censure or examination of any be published to the world . Now the booke wherein these positions or rather poysons are contained , is intituled , De Instructione Sacerdotum : that is , The Booke of instructions for Priests . 2. Cardinall Bellarmine publike Reader in Rome , in his Booke intituled , Of the Pope of Rome , dedicated to b 〈◊〉 Quintus Pope of Rome , and authorized by the same Pope of Rome to no other end , but ( as he confesseth ) c To instruct those Scholers , whom his Holinesse did send for from beyond the Alpes , that is , all Scotish , Polish , Flemmish , Danish , and English extrauagants . 3 Cardinall Alane created of the same Pope Xistus Quintus , Anno Dom. 1588. to the like end : for in the same yeare when the Spanish inuasion was intended against England , he published his booke intituled , An Admonition to the Nobility of England . 4 L. Molina Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Ebor. 5 Gregorie of Valentia Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Ingolstade . 6 Doctor Stapleton , Diuinitie Reader in Lo●aine . 7 Dominicus Bannes Diuinitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of * Salmat . Another much infected with the same leauen , and yet priuiledged in Spaine with these commendations : * A worke admirable , and profitable for all Diuines . Dignified also of the Friars , called Minors , in these termes : e Aglorious worke , which lest it want his deserued obedience , this we challenge in the power of the holy Ghost , vnder our formall commaund ( without all exceptions ) in the name of the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost , Amen . We haue also alledged the resolution of the Iesuites Colledge of the Vniuersitie of Salamancha in Spaine , Anno Dom. 1602. As likewise Creswell his Philopater , printed at Rome , Licentiâ Superiorum , by the licence of the Superiors ; signifying the Iesuites there . What shall I need to mention Reinolds ( in his Rostus ) a Doctor of Diuinitie , and chiefest man in the English Seminarie at Rhemes ? Father Parsons ( in his Dolman ) a principall Rector in the Seminarie at Rome ? Seeing all these be Seminaries , you may trie the young plants by their fruites . If any desire further experience in this kind , he may consult with Carolus Molinaeus , and Pontus Tyardaus , both Parisiens , and but euen now , before I can reade them , to be read of all men . The Confirmation . It will not be denyed of any Priest , but that in these Popish Seminaries he hath vowed obedience to his generall Fathers in those schooles : and it is as notorious , that all Generals are absolutely enthralled to their chiefe Generall the Pope ; all of them as hands and feet to worke and walke , as that their head shall deuise . Which ( as we haue heard in Gregorie the 7. Gregorie the 9. Pius Quint us , and others ) haue absolued Subiects from all obedience , and charged them to take armes against their Emperours , Kings and Queenes excommunicate , &c. Shall we now imagine , the old Foxes being such , that their cubbes can degenerate ? If euer any of that kind gaue hope vnto vs , it was the secular Priests ; who for a fit did write many things very truly against Iesuiticall rebellious Practises : but after , perceiuing the Recusants to withdraw their beneuolence , as rather deuoted to the Iesuites , and that the Pope also tooke part against them , they , searing their consciences , wholly submitted themselues vnto the Arch-priest , whose commaund vpon occasion is countermaunded by the faction Iesuiticall . So that now we may aswel expect grapes from thorns , or a white Aethiopian , as loyall subiection from this Religion . The moderate Answerer . f His tenth Reason is no new Reason , but an Epilogus of the former . But I answer , that the Catholike Students neither of Englandn●r of any other Nation are bound to defend their Masters reading , but in matters of faith and generall receiued doctrine . The Reply . Nay , it is a different and demonstratiue Reason , taken from the formall cause of conspiracie and consent in such practises , because Doctors and Disciples with you , are more then Relatiues : for what can most of your Priests say here , but as School-boyes , Dictata Magistri ; and as Infants , who receiue no more food , then that which they sucke from their nurces . A matter notorious : and how ( I pray you ) may we better , then by the doctrine of your Generals , know what is your generall doctrine ? The moderate Answerer . g These Assertions are most falsely obiected , for the Scholers do not vow any obedience to their Superiors ; and that obedience which they follow , is in obseruing the Collegiall Rules . The Reply . Yet they acknowledge obedience , as a due thing , h Though not in the bond of precept , yet of perfection . And I thinke your vowes do arrogate perfection . Secondly , it is requisite you should shew vs some reason , why your scholers should in these points dissent from their Masters ; and whether we shold rather beleeue you herein , liuing in cryptis , or them who for their excellent learning , dominantur in Cathedris , your doctrine couched vnder a bushell , or theirs within their publike and priuiledged bookes , set as it were on the house top . The moderate Answerer . i And yet there is not any one sentence alledged from any of them or any other Catholike , which in his true sence will bring any preindice to our most holy innocent cause : as I haue demonstrated . The Reply . In his true sence , say you ? Why ? by what reason can you challenge my sence of vntruth ? k Because the authorities be falsly applyed . Why so ? l Because this particular Reason , whereupon , as 〈◊〉 most certaine foundation , his arguments are built , is this , Protestants are by vs accounted Heretikes and excommunicate ; which is most false . O , this then is the onely cause you can pretend , but seeing * it is confirmed by impregnable demonstrations frō Popes and all Popish Authors , that Protestants by all Papists ( though heretically ) are esteemed as Heretikes : it will demonstrati●ely follow , that all the authorities I alledged are rightly applyed , and all the crudities of your indigested answer sufficiently dissolued . Whether therefore that doctrine , whereby detestable lying , vnder the shadow of Equiuocation , is authorized for truth ; where desperate Rebellion is aduanced in the pretence of Religion ; where most barbarous massacres of Christian people , and monstrous murthers of Kings and Princes are magnified as glorious Stratagemes , be preindiciall to the holinesse of any cause . I dare call heauen , earth , yea and hell also to witnesse between vs. Thus I leaue you as persons conuicted of high Treason , ( God grant you grace of repentance ) and now I proceed to pleade the cause of Protestants generally impeached by you as persons guiltie of the same crime . The second Part , containing a Iustification of Protestants against slaunderous imputations , obiected vnto them by this Answerer in two points , Doctrine of Rebellion , And sacrilegious Aequiuocation . CHAP. I. THE second kind of answer in this our moderate Answerer , is by Recrimination , to make Protestants as much , or rather more guiltie of crimes Rebellious , and Aequiuocations , then the Romish sect . First is the case of Rebellion , 1. generally , 2. more particularly . 1. In generall . The moderate Answerer . a Let the Discouerer battle himselfe against his Protestant brethren , which , of all the people in the world that euer were , or will be , are most guiltie in these proceedings . b All iumping together in this conclusion , that Kings differing in Religion from them , are not worthy to be accounted either Princes or men , but must be deposed . We haue read and seene many conspiracies and rebellions proceeding from the dogmaticall men of this profession , and their Rebels s●aine in their actuall rebellions , and approued of them , and canonized for holy Martyrs . The Reply . Lowd clamour and lewd ! Which your generall accusation must haue a general satisfaction , to shew that it is childish , extrauagant , and slaunderous . As childish as your boy-trick , when , about to be conuicted for a truant , you accused some other for fellowship . Admit then this to be a true recrimination ; yet , as S. Augustine reasoneth of two kind of theeues , so may I of diuers kinds of rebels . c This theefe ( saith he ) is not therefore good , because the other is worse . Can the one of these be saued by the other mans halter ? 2. Extrauagant : wandring out of the circuit of the question , thus , The question was whether Romish Priests can be true subiects vnto our Protestant King : you would satisfie by examples of Protestants disloyaltie to Romish Gouernors . Suppose it be so , although we condemne all such Protestants , yet here is your iniquitie : those Protestants in the Romish regiments , you call Rebellious traitors ; and yet you Romish , in Protestants kingdomes , will be called dutifull and faithful subiects : contrary to the naturall law of all equitie , Feras legem , quam fers : To be iudged by your owne law ; and acknowledge your like case with such Protestants ( if yet there haue bin any such ) worthy of the like condemnation . 3. Slanderous : for those , whom you in this place accuse rebellious , in another place by consequent you acquit as innocent d Protestants ( you say ) alledge this Scripture , [ * Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit : ] Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers , &c. to proue Princes supremacie . By the which also Protestants proue , e That the Pope of Rome ( saith Bellarmine ) ought not to ouer-rule Princes , or depriue them of their regiments , although otherwise they deserued to be depriued : of this opinion be all Protestants . Now I would demaund of any indifferent Reader , whether they do suffer any to resist , who chalēge euery one ●o acknowledge obedience . We may deuine now , what moderation you will keepe in the rest of your accusations , who haue thus plainely confuted your selfe in this first . CHAP. II. The particular Recriminations are fetched from diuers Kingdomes . First ( to begin at home ) England . The moderate Answerer . a The Discouerer hath made a fond argument against the Protestant ministers in England conuinced of sedition , for taking armes against their Soueraigne . The Reply . I would this your obiection were such , whereby we might onely charge you of fo●dnesse , and not of falshood also , and malice . For of the Church of England your Iesuite hath giuen a contrary verdit ; b The English Protestants ( saith he ) do acknowledge their Christian Prince supreme , euen in causes Ecclesiasticall . Which is true in his lawfull sence . But here againe we behold the spirits of giddinesse : you defame the English Christians , as denying due subiection to their Soueraigne : your Iesuite accuseth the same English for yeelding more then due . But I leaue you both to battle together , you to accuse him of impudencie , and he you of stupiditie . This hath bin of English onely yet in generall . Next you CHAP. III. Descend vnto Indiuiduals in our English nation . The moderate Answerer . a I must put the Discouerer in mind , that he hath beheld his visage too much in the glasse of Cranmer , Ridley , Latimer , Sands , Rogers , and all Protestants of all places . What haue these men done ? b It was the consent of these and the chiefest Protestant Bishops and Diuines , that Queene Marie might be deposed ; and not onely she , but her sister Queene Elizabeth a Protestant , which was put in practise both with wit and weapons , to the vttermost of the Protestants power by the Duke of Northumberland and Suffolke , and many others of great estate : and not this only against the expresse statutes of the kingdome , but their owne oath to the Lady Marie in her fathers life . c Thus did these wth their Protestant Preachers and forces against the succession of Queene Elizabeth . d For England I haue spoken already more then I desire , had not such wicked accusations against vs vrged me to the breach of silence . Now I will onely say , that the publike and dogmaticall positions and practises of rebellions by the greatest Protestant subiects of this kingdome , the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke , and so many Nobles to be passed with oblinion , with the whole Cleargie , against not onely God and their Queene , but oathes of fidelitie to King Henrie the eight , that I am bold to affirme , &c. The Reply . No maruell though you be bold to affirme thus much concerning the knowledge of these things , seeing you ( verifying the vulgar article ) are herin blind . Seeke therfore into historie , the light of veritie , and life of antiquitie , and you will easily see how much you haue bin ouerseene . First your boldnesse , touching historie , hath presumed to affirme , that e K. Henrie the eight did illegitimate his two daughters M. and E. and after declared the contrary , making them legitimate by statute . I haue inquired into the Acts which are extant , and I find three Acts , whereby the aforesaid daughters were disabled , as namely in annis 25. 28. 33. of King Henrie his raigne . But for establishing of them in the right of succession , I think you cannot shew it , except it be in anno nunquam , canone nusquam . The case is more manifested by the answer of the whole Councell to the letters of Queene Marie , wherein she now after the death of King Edward made chalenge to the right of the Crowne . The Councels answer is thus framed . f This is a-against the sundry Acts of Parliament remaining yet in force , confirmed by the King of famous memory Henrie the eight , against the letters patents of our late Soueraigne King Edward the sixt , and his great seale , against the consent of the most part of the noble Vniuersities of Christendome , &c. Wherefore you , that tell vs of a statute of Legitimation , as a matter euident , in modestie shold not haue concealed your euidence . Otherwise you know in a proposition copulatiue , if but one point be true , the whole is a lie . Say then , whereof can you accuse Cranmer , Ridley , and all Protestants , wherein you will not make King Henrie the eight , King Edward the sixt , and many Parliaments guiltie ? I did neuer heare the whole state of any kingdome termed Traitors but by your boldnesse : If you had strooke at the head of that opposition , you should not haue needed to haue lopped the branches : for if King Henry might haue spoken from the dead in the day of the succession of Queene Mary , he would haue pleaded the cause of the opposites , as Dauid did in the behalfe of his people , Oues hae , &c. It is I : these other what haue they done ? Notwithstanding we acknowledge her successiō iust : and after the proclamation of her title , shew vs what Protestant euer resisted ? what Minister of the Gospel in all that fierie trial did kindle the least sparke of sedition among her people ? Was it because they wanted hope of succession ? Behold there was the hand-maide of God , Elizabeth their hopefull successor to the Crowne . Was it for want of power ? why death is rightly described to be a Giant , hauing a thousand hands , able to giue any liuing creature his mortall wound . But I abhorre to discourse of these rebellious conceits . Lastly , of all Protestants which were burned in Queene Maries dayes for Religion , name but one that was accused of treason ; I require instance but in one : an apparant demonstration , that their Religion taught them loyall subiection . The second Instance for England . The moderate Answerer . g Sir Thomas Wyat warranted by Protestants Cleargie , with diuers others in the short regiment of Queene Marie may be giuen for instance . The Reply . The Historie relateth the pretence of Wyat , thus , h A Proclamation against the Queenes marriage , desiring all English men to ioyne for defence of the Realme , in danger to be brought into thraldome to strangers , who be Spaniards . The like was the Proclamation of the Duke of Suffolke , Against the marriage with the Prince of Spaine . Where auouching his loyaltie to the person of the Queene , layed his hand on his sword , saying , Hee that would her any hurt , I would this sword were at his heart . Againe , there is recorded the Oration of Queene Marie against Wyat ; where there is not to be found any scruple concerning the ( subiect of our question ) cause of Religion : neither was there ( to make it more apparant ) any Minister of the Gospell brought in question , as a commotioner in that cause . Though therefore it is requisite that that which is lawfull , be performed by lawfull proceedings ; yet if intent ( the subiect of this dispute ) might answer for Protestants accused in that name , then is it plaine , that it was not Religion : if for Wyat and his fellowes , it is as plaine it was not against the Queene or State , but for both , that the whole land might continue in their former subiection , and that by Spanish insolencie , her Highnesse preheminence and soueraignetie might not be impared . Let vs heare The third Instance for England . The moderate Answerer . i Goodman published a booke , concluding it lawfull to kill Kings transgressing Gods lawes themselues , and commaunding others to do the like . The Reply . If I should iustifie this Goodman , though your examples might excuse him , yet my heart shall condemne my selfe . But what doe you professe to prooue ? All Protetestants teach Positions rebellious . Prooue it . Here is one Goodman , who in his publike booke doeth mainetaine them . I haue no other meanes to auoyde these straites , which you obiect , by the example of one , to conclude All Protestants in England rebellious , then by the example of * All the rest , to answer there is but one . And now let me be beholden to your moderation , to remember multitudes of your Priests , Iesuites , Cardinals , and Popes in their publike authorized bookes , Bulles , Decrees ; and now you requite mee with one . But shall one dramme of drosse prooue the whole masse no golde ? Let vs therefore leaue this Goodman , as a man , who by his vnauthorized , wicked and false positions hath falsified his name . You proceed The fift Instance against English Protestants . The moderate Answerer . k The English Protestants notes vpon the Bible ( as his Maiestie is witnesse ) do not disallow the killing of Princes in such case : as is shewed by the booke of Conference , pag. 47. The Reply . It will be requisite , without preiudice to the most learned and religious iudgement of his Maiestie , to satisfie for two places related from that conference . The first place touching the act of the midwiues of Egypt , who mercifully spared the liues of the infants of the Hebrewes , notwithstanding the commaundement of the King. The note : [ Their disobedience herein was lawfull , but their dissembling was euill : ] And was not this disobedience lawfull ? Let vs consult with the holy Ghost , Heb. 11. 23. where it is written [ By faith Moses when he was borne was hid three moneths of his parents , neither feared they the Kings commaundement . ] The same is the case of the [ midwiues disobeying the commaundement of the King. ] Now that which is noted by the Spirit of God , as commendable in the parents of Moses , may it be condemnable in these mercifull midwiues of the Egyptians ? Nay , for it is also written , [ * The midwiues of Aegypt feared God , and did not as the King commanded them , but preserued aliue the male children , and therefore God prospered them . ] But we must discerne in this act two colours , white and blacke , which S. Augustine distinguisheth : l They did a worke of mercie in preseruing the liues of the yong babes ; but they did lie vnto the King for safeguard of their owne liues : The first deserued prayse , the other needed a Pardon . Therefore this their lawfull and mercifull disobedience for preuenting the bloudie Massacre of Infants , can be no president for your practises intended in malice , to end in the bloud of Protestants of all sorts . The other point of the note against Dissimulation , doth indeed crosse your equiuocating profession : but you are not to be offended with vs , if we condemne that as sinfull , which ( as S. Augustine saith ) * needed a pardon . The second place , 2. Chron. 15. 16. the Text , [ King Asa deposed Maachah his mother from her estate , because she had made an Idole in a groue . ] The note , Mother , or Grandmother , yet herein the King shewed that he lacked zeale : for she ought to haue bene burnt by the Couenant , as vers . 13. And by the law of God , Deut. 13. but he gaue place to foolish pittie , and would also se●me after a sort to satisfie the lawe . The truth then of this exposition ( as al Orthodoxal Comentaries shew ) is grounded vpon the direct Scripture , the Oracle of truth : for in the law , Deut. 13. 6. & 9. If thy brother , &c. the summe whereof is repeated in the Text in question , vers . 13. ] Whosoeuer will not seeke the Lord God of Israel , shall be slaine , whether he were small or great , man or woman . ] What shall we say then ; is the Soueraignty of Kings disabled ? God forbid , but it is rather established hereby : for the King is made the Deposer , yea euen of whosoeuer . Now that Commentarie doth not defend deposing a King , neither possibly can it be defended by any ordinarie commaund of God in all Scripture : which is * proued . Wherefore supposing that the Relation of the Conference be direct , yet may you not thinke that his Maiestie ( whose iudgement is so diuinely illuminated by the light of the word of God , that he neuer refused Conference with the greatest Iesuite or Doctor Romish ) could take exception to the note , as from an offence thereby giuen , but onely in suspition , an offence taken by weake ones prepossessed with your Romish maladie , whereof you haue giuen vs experience in your many controuersies . For wheresoeuer in all Scripture almost you feele but any sent of fire , O behold , this doth * Proue Purgatorie fire after death . Whereas indeed the context is plaine , there is onely signified * Afflictions of this life . Where you reade promised Reward for goodworkes , there you presently conclude , Amerit of Condignitie ; when as all is the onely iustice of Gods promise , and the consequent of the onely grace and mercie of God , who giueth to will , to worke , to perfect , and crowneth his gift of grace , with the grace of the gift of glorie . I may not digresse . Here doubtlesse his Maiestie doubted lest some impotent Reader , not ignorant of your suggestions , vnderstanding a Prince deposed by the King , might iustifie your proceedings , where so many popishly inspired , haue assumed the office of Kings , to depose a Prince . But know you , there is not in any part of our Commentarie vpon the Bible any one sparke , whereat any Guido may light his match , to giue fire to his powder . The last instance for England . The moderate Answerer . m If I had trauelled no further into that doctrine , then to the late printed booke , by your Maiesties Printer of the late intended Conspiracie , I might easily performe a iust defence : for the Protestant Author giueth it out as a generall rule , and vndoubted Maxime to all Professors of worship to take armes , if their Religion be in hazard : and that no priuate man should thinke his life more happie then to fight pro Aris. Which is greater libertie then our Aduersarie can find in Catholike Writers , so of him attached of Treason and Rebellion . The Reply . This shoot is but twelue score wide of the marke you ayme at : your bent is to defend them , who professe it lawfull for Catholikes in the maintenance of Religion to murther Kings , and harrow Kingdomes ( in their opinion ) hereticall . This Author teacheth vs to Fight ( his owne words ) pro Aris , pro focis , pro Patre patriae : his Reason , Because the indangering of one of these would at once stirre the whole bodie of a Commonwealth , not any more as diuided members , but as a solid and indiuiduall lumpe . What is then the difference ? he in the whole Treatise , teacheth euery priuate man to arme himselfe by all possible meanes , but first armed with authoritie of the King and State. You teach to fight for Religion ( violating the obedience of God ) against your King and kingdome , to destroy them . The difference may be illustrated by the like : A priuate man , if without authoritie temporall he kill a murtherer , he is a murtherer ; but authorized by the publike lawe , he is now no more priuate , but an Officer , but the lawles homicide doth best pattern your lawlesse parricide . So that there is no more oddes betweene our and your Authors opinion , then cum Rege , & contra Regem : to fight with , and against the King. You can find no more exception in England , whither will you now ? it is but a step to Scotland , what see you there ? CHAP. IIII. The Obiection of the moderate Answerer against the Church of Scotland . a KNox , and Buchanan defended the power of people ouer their King. The Reply . You might haue added , that there was in Scotland an * Act of Parliament , to call in that Chronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such contempts and innouations : but it stood your modestie in hand to conceale this , lest we might reply vpon your moderation thus : That is not to be called the doctrine of Scotland , which the general currant of that Church and State in publike Parliament doth condemne : such is this seditious doctrine of resisting and deposing Kings , a learning substantially popish , your * Popes being Authors thereof , your other Priests of Rome suggestors publikely authorized herein , and your traiterous Actors canonized for Saints in the conceit of all Romish . And now you may bid great Britaine adiew : you may make a short cut into France . CHAP V. The Obiections of the moderate Answerer against the Protestants in France , both in their Positions and Practises . a LEt vs come into France . The Reply . But vpon condition , that you will not returne . Yet what of Fraunce ? The moderate Answerer . b Caluin and Beza , and the rest of that holy Synode say , that the Kings and Queenes , their children , posteritie , and all Magistrates must be put to death : and so euery Protestant must be more then a Pope . The Reply . Nay , God forbid ; that any should be so great a man in Rebellion , as your Popes , who haue bene the heads of the greatest tumults in Christendome . Caluin and Beza , whom you traduce ( if your moderation will suffer that which iustice doth exact ) must answer for themselues . Caluins iudgement in this case . In his booke of Institutions , which he framed for instruction of all the Church of Christ , touching the case now controuerted , he beginneth to consult with God , saying : c The word of God teacheth vs to obey all Princes , who are established in their thrones , be it by what meanes soeuer : yea and though they shall do nothing lesse then the Offices of Kings , yet must they be obayed ; though the King be neuer so wicked , and indeed vnworthie of the name of a King , yet must subiects acknowledge the image of diuine power in his publike authoritie , and therefore must in all temporall duties reuerence and obey him , as well as if he were the godliest King in the world . To contract his other sentences into a briefe . We are instructed ( saith Caluin ) by many documents of holy writ neuer to suffer these seditio●s cōceits to possesse our minds ; as to thinke an euill King must be so dealt withall , as he deserueth : but we are directly charged to obey the King , though he be a sauage Tyrant , and neuer so wicked : which I therefore often vrge , that in such a case it may content vs to know , that euen such Ki●gs beare in their office the image of God , in whom God hath stamped andingrauen an inuiolable Maiestie , not to be contemned . Thus farre Master Caluin : neither doth he euer restrain the outward power of any King , except in those States where there is customably ordained for that purpose , the Magistracie of those who are called Ephori , and Tribuni plebis . But when ? when they shall commaund any thing against the lawe of God ? then Caluin embraceth the doctrine of Saint Peter , Act. 15. 29. [ We rather obey God then man : ] but how ? not to obey man ? as actiuely to resist , that is , to rebell against him ? God forbid ! but onely passiuely , which is not to do that which shall be wickedly commaunded ; Perpeti potiùs , quàm à veritate discedere , au● à pietate deslectere . Rather suffer ( saith he ) then to betray the truth of God , or to accord to iniquitie . But reade and examine all the lines which euer Caluin penned , and you shall not find one syllable that can preiudice his loyaltie . Wherof more hereafter . The moderate Answerer . d Beza also and the rest of that holy Synod , defend the same . The Reply . Belike then this rebellious doctrine will be proued a Synodicall Decree among Protestants : but if you should vow faithfully not to eate , till you proue this , I could easily prognosticate what death you should die . But Beza , as he succeeded Caluine a Doctor , so in doctrine likewise . Heare Bezas owne confession , and it will proue him innocent , you a slaunderer , and your Popes the capitall delinquents in this kind . 1 His innocencie . e Priuate men , among whom I account inferior Magistrates ( in respect of their King ) haue no other remedie against Tyrants , to whom they be subiect , then amendment of their liues , prayers , and teares , which God in his good time will not despise . They alwaies prouided not to do , but onely to suffer euil , as Christ by his owne example hath taught vs. And if it shall so happen that we cannot obey the commaund of the King , but that we must offend God , the King of Kings : then must we rather obey God then man. But how ? so , as likewise to remember , that it is one thing not to obey , another thing to resist and betake our selues to armes . This kind of violent disobedience we may not vse . Can any moderate spirit call this doctrine rebellious ? Secondly : Your slaunder . f What our opinion is concerning subiection vnto Magistrates , ( saith Beza ) a man may better be instructed by our writings , then by the slaunders of such as number vs among the companie of intoxicate Anabaptists , who renounce the authoritie of Magistrates : which doctrine how much we abhorre , none can be ignorant , which doth not obstinately refuse to see the light . Of which kind you must needes be , seeing you had rather beleeue any libels against Beza , then see his owne writings . Thirdly , your Popes capitall Offendors , g The impudencie of our Accusers ( saith Beza ) herein is most notorious ; that they , who contrarie to the word of God haue openly subiected Kings and Kingdomes to their authoritie , being themselues the most rebellious Sect vnder heauen in contemning Magistrates ; dare notwithstanding obiect the guilt of that crime vnto vs , which they thinke to be a vertue in themselues , and wherein they glorie and vaunt . Which is most true , as we haue proued out of your Bellarmine and others , glorying in the acts of such Popes , who haue deposed Emperors . CHAP. VI. The Practises of Caluin and other Protestants of France obiected by this Accuser in diuers particular instances . The first instance . The moderate Answerer . a THese were instruments of all Rebellions and oppressions in the Monarchie of France , wherein they tooke all authoritie from the King and Magistrate , against King Francis , whom they rebelliously persecuted . The Reply . For your proofes against Protestants in this your Answer you produce Genebrard , Claudius de Sanct. Petrus Frar . Coclaeus and such like , all professed Aduersaries to the Religion of Protestants . How moderate dealing this may be accounted will appeare , when I shall oppose your owne Historians to condemne you , and acquit the Protestants . Two witnesses shall suffice , who how farre they were from fauouring the Protestants you may iudge by their complexions : for the b first greedily relateth a Discourse , wherein he calleth our Religion new and a plaine imposture . The c second is dedicated to Charles the then French King ; and to d the Queene mother : in which Historie he calleth the doctrine of M. Luther , e A multitude of absurd heresies . Therefore you may not think these men partiall in our behalfe . Both prouing 1. The pronenesse of Papists to slaunder the Religion of Protestants . 2. That this accusation is a slaunder , which is now obiected . For the 1. I will alledge of many but one story , published by them both . f False witnesses were brought against ( Protestants ) them of the Religion , affirming that in a place at Maubert , at a Councellors house , great numbers of them had eaten a pigge instead of a pascall Lambe before Easter ; and after , the candles being put out , euery man tooke his woman , and had his pleasure of her . The Cardinall vpon these informations moued the Court , the Queene mother tooke occasion hereby to reuile some of her Gentlewomen , who were of the Religion : but they desired and obtained means that the principall witnesses might be examined : it was done , two young boyes come foorth , and affirme that then and many other times they had had the vse of your Councellors daughters : but in the end the witnesses began to stagger , and couertly to denie it . The Councellor ( sought after for his Religion ) vnderstanding this shameful slander , went with his wife and his two daughters , yeelding himselfe prisoner for his Religion , desiring that the cause of his daughters might be examined . They were diligently searched by Physitions and women , and found to be virgins : and the young men did thus iustifie themselues that they did it in deuotion , being perswaded that such an accusation against such Heretikes was good , whether it were true or false . But the virgins were cleared , and yet their father remained in prison , and the witnesses were not punished . The second . Concerning the present Accusation thus it standeth . g The Guizes ( who were no naturall Frenchmen ) not able to accuse the Prince of Condie of Treason , ( Daniels case ) called him in question to be condemned of heresie for his Religion . But what was the right cause of tumults ? h There was deliuered an exact declaration to proue , that those of the Guizes had decreed to put all the Princes of the bloud Royall to death , as soone as they had cut off them of the Religion ; and they were euidently proued to be guiltie of his treason . i And the King could not otherwise iudge , but that great wrong was offered to his bloud . Then not the Protestants , but the Spanish faction of the Guizes were guiltie of those broyles in the daies of King Francis. Notwithstanding k Though the Prince of Condie did acquit himselfe of Treason , and boldly stood to his Religion , yet not long after they pronounced iudgment of death vpon him : But King Francis fell extremely sicke , and in his sicknesse made a solemne vow to all Saints in Pieardie , that if it pleased them to help him , he wold wholy purge his Realme of ( meaning Protestants ) all those heretikes . And thus all Protestants were freed then from this designe : the Saints of Piccardie belike were of your mind , Protestants are no heretikes . The second Instance , of The moderate Answerer . g They raised such rebellions and civill warres against Charles the ninth , wherein the King of Nauarre , and Duke Nyuers with others were slaine . The Reply . I reade the storie in our foresaid h Historicall collection of memorable accidents in France , and others , and I can find onely this thing memorable concerning this point , that The King was then in his minoritie , and the Queene Mother was regent , who yeelded too much vnto the Guizes faction , who persecuted the Prince of Condie , and sought the destruction of all the bloud royall : at length Duke Nyuers with King Nauarre in the warre against his brother , at the siege of Roane are wounded and slaine . See the cause of the Prince of Condie his defence . i In lan . 1● . anno 1562 was made an Edict , whereby permission was granted to them of the Religion to assemble without the townes , and order was taken , that either part , Protestants and Catholikes , might liue in quietnesse and peace with each other : But a while after the Constable did deface all places of their assemblies , and those of the Religion were cruelly handled . This was the first beginning of the horrible troubles in France . But were Protestants after this rebellious ? k In those of Languidoch the King did pardon whatsoeuer they had done in their iust defence , holding them for good subiects . What was then the cause why the Prince of Condie and the Admirall did beare armes ? l They vnderstanding that 6000. Switzers were now entred into France , with intent to execute violence vpon them of the Religion , they betake themselues vnto the King , from whom they receiued no fauourable answer , therefore they did flie for defence against those Switzers , not suffering their throates to be cut by theeues . m After this was there concluded a peace , the Prince of Condie doth lay downe his armes , his aduersaries were contented onely to promise to do the like , alledging that there is no faith to be held with heretikes . Shewing themselues herein false , and not onely faithlesse ; for you know Protestants are no heretikes . The third Instance of The moderate Answerer . n The Duke of Guize was trecherously murdered by Pultrotus , for that fact suborned by Beza and the Protestant Admirall . The Reply . The storie is , that o The Duke of Guize had appointed a day to take Orleance , wherein he would not spare any man , woman , or child whomsoeuer ; and after he had kept his Shrouetide there , he would spoile and destroy the towne : Pultrot riding vpon a Spanish Ginnet shot the Duke with a Pistoll and slue him ; after was taken and tormented with hot tongs to make him confesse , and then torne in peeces by force of horses . Let vs leaue him ( if you will ) iustly executed by them ; come to the other vniustly slaundered by you : for p It was euidently knowne at his execution , that Pultrot did it of his owne motion and particular intent , thereby to free France and especially Orleance frō the violence of the Duke of Guize . To this first Historian agreeth the second . q The King after he had examined the Admiral , to ●ether with his Councel , did acquit him of suspision , and imposed perpetuall silence to all , not to speake of it . You therefore ( though no subiect ) might haue bene taught silence , especially seeing that r the confederates of the Religion , among whom was Theodore Beza , did condemne this fact of Pulirot as rash , and directly contrary to the commaundement of God , who will ( herein condemning all such desperate examples , inspired onely with a diuellish motion ) that euery crime and offence shal receiue punishment according to the institution politike and forme of gouernment established in euery state , at the discretion of the Magistrate . The moderate Answerer . s Such were the miserable murders and calamities which they brought to that distressed kingdome , that in the two first ci●… wars and rebellions aboue an hundred thousand were slaine , as Gaspar Collen witnesseth . The Reply . It is not vnlikely but an hundred thousand were slaine ; but it is as probable that a thousand for an hundred of them were Protestants persecuted for their Religion , who alwayes lay open to Popish trecheries , as is plaine by the barbarous massacre , wherein ( as testifieth your owne * author ) there was slaine twentie thousand Protestants in lesse then one moneth by the furie of the Catholikes . What could there be in the Protestant ? was it rebellion ? No , but only constancy in Religion , then persecuted by the malignant . But what kind of motion might this be in those Catholikes which egged them on to this butcherie ? whether was it zeale or fury ; Christian iustice , or Antichristian malice ? t The Catholikes not content ( saith your Author ) to liue alwayes assured , hauing the autoritie of the State for them , aspired with a burning desire to bring to passe that which they had a long time plotted against their enemies . But let vs leaue this G●lgotha ( for so you made France by your monstrous massacres ) as then a place of dead mens sculs . Whither shal your next voyage be ? CHAP. VII . The Instances of the moderate Answerer in Heluetia . The first . The moderate Answerer . a LEt vs come to Heluetia , and especially Geneua , the Mother-Church of the Reformed ; M. Caluine the supreme head of thereformed there , hath told vs before , that Princes not agreeing with vs in Religion , are to be spitted vpon rather then obeyed : they are not to be numbred among men , they are to be bereaued of all authoritie . The Reply . What ? absolutely depriued of all authoritie ? Proue this , and I will as absolutely denie all his doctrinall authoritie : whom , by reading of your most learned Iesuites , as Maldonate , Ribera , Pererius , Salmeron , Tollet , and such others , and conferring their expositions with Caluins , I dare boldly affirme him , to be of that excellēt iudgment , that these your greatest Rabbies ( for their best expositions ) light their candles at Caluins to arch . But to the point . Caluin doth consider in the person of a wicked King two situations , one as he sitteth vnder God , the other when he exalteth himselfe to sit aboue God : when he commandeth as a substitute and subordinate , God hath commanded vs to obey man : but when he commandeth contra Deum , against God ( saith * Caluine ) he vsurpeth Gods throne , and herein he looseth his royaltie , which is to be obeyed . A matter so reasonable , that in the behalf of God , the A postles in like case are content to appeale herein to the iudgement of his aduersary , man , [ * Whether it be better to obey God or man , iudge you . ] To explane this by example : If a Iustice of peace shall command me to kill a fellon , I denie his authoritie , this is against the commission of his and my King , and in this case of too peremptorie a commaund I acknowledge him no Iustice , yet not absolutely no Iustice : for if presently he shall commaund me to apprehend the same fellon , I willingly obey him . He therefore in his former commaund was as it were disjusticed onely by that act of disobedience ; wherein obedience to him had bene disobedience against the Crowne : but yet he remained Iustice in office , and therefore comanding iustly , I dutifully obeyed him . Thus is it in Caluins iudgement , in the comparison betweene man and God : If the King exalt himselfe to Gods throne , then pull him downe , that is , do not obey , yet so , that we dispossesse him not of his owne throne , which is Gods footstoole . Therefore , said Caluine , * In the most wicked King , that is enemie to God ; there is by Gods ordinance an impression of maiestie , which is inuiolable , and his authoritie is not to be contemned . This is cleare in Daniels case , wherein Caluin doth insist : for Daniel commaunded by the King to worship the Idoll , refused ; & cast among Lions , was miraculously preserued , & in the end deliuered : then he thus answered the King , * Against thee , O King , haue I done none iniquitie . Wherein Caluine obserueth , that b No King ought to thinke it iniquitie to be disobeyed in that which he shall commaund contrary to God , because the order of obedience to Kings beginneth at God : as S. Peter saith , [ Feare God , honour the King. ] This is the summe . And is there any King which feareth God , that can call this exposition rebellious ? For to * giue to God that which is Gods , doth not depriue a King ( though most wicked ) of his due : for it followeth . * Giue vnto Caesar that which belongeth vnto Caesar : but you doe not onely take away duties belonging vnto Caesar , but also take out of the way Caesar himselfe , if opposite vnto your super●●itious doctrines . Thus haue I satisfied according to the truth of Caluins opinion . Now for his phrase . The Phrase of Caluin iniuriously vrged . The moderate Answerer . c But Caluine saith , that such a King is to be berea●ed of all authoritie , and not to be numbred among men , but rather to be spit vpon then obeyed . The Reply . You haue weighed the words of Caluine in false ballances I would I could say ignorance onely , and not also malicious deceit : but first of ignorance . For when we consider man created with a reasonable soule , and after rebelling against his maker ; shall we not thinke him vnworthy of the name of reasonable man ? What is this els then that which we reade , * Man in honour hath no vnderstanding , and is become like the beast that perisheth ? Shewing ( as ancient Fathers do comment ) that man by disobedience to God , is degenerate frō his kind : and therefore as God said for the presumption of his transgression by an Ironie , * Behold man is become as one of vs , &c. So the beasts may say in mans confusion , thus : Behold man is become like one of vs , because he is degenerated frō the first sanctified reason : for which cause our Sauior called Herod a * Foxe , and his owne Disciple * Satan . And yet in regard of their offices , neither did the Apostle cease to be an Apostle , nor Herod to be acknowledged King. Nay Nabuchadnezzar by a sauage distraction metamorphosed into the disposition of a brute beast , to liue in deserts with beasts ; yet lost not , in the interim , the right of his empire . The next word of [ rather spitting in their faces , ] spoken comparatiuely , doth not rebelliously teach irreuerence to the maiestie of a King , but only emphatically , inforce a more zealous obedience vnto God : as whē I say , I had rather burne my hand , then write any thing against my conscience ; I do not danger my hand , but I auouch the sinceritie of my conscience . Notwithstanding if the word had bin vsed simply , yet could it not haue bin vnderstood literally , but figuratiuely . As when it is written of God , that * God will spue the luke-warme professor out of his mouth : signifying he doth loath such . Therefore you must not deale with mens speeches , as Salomon teacheth men not to deale with their owne noses : * He that wringeth his nose too much , doth fetch bloud . 2. D●ceit . Caluin saith ( say you ) that such a King is to be bereaued of all authoritie . It is noted of Satans temptation , that in alledging a text of Scripture [ * He hath giuen his Argels charge o●er thee , to keep thee in all thy wayes , &c. ] the subtile Tempter left out the words of greatest importance , In al thy wayes . I wil not charge you with imitation of that spirit of lying by substracting ; for you do but adde onely one word [ All : ] bereaued of [ All ] authoritie . But Caluine [ Abdicant se potestate ] bereaued of authoritie , meaning only in that case of contradiction against God. But this kinde of dealing is but ordinary in your moderation . Thus is Caluin i●stified concerning his doctrine , & in him also Beza : because Beza ( say you ) his successor in place , succeeded him also both in opinion and practise . We haue heard of their opinion . Haue you any thing to except against their practise ? The practise of Caluin and Beza , obiected by The moderate Answerer . d Both Beza and Ca●…n armed subiects against their Prince at Geneua , and ( as Calu●… himselfe , Doctor Su●cli●●e , and the Arch-bishop of Canterburie be witnesses ) deposed their Soueraigne from his temporall right , and euer since continue in that state of Rebellion . The Reply . I am sure if Caluin hath written to that effect , your modesty would not haue concealed it : but as the Comedian Poet maketh his parasite to speake , Aequè quidquam nunc quidem ▪ ●…uen any thing so I m●y seeme to say something . The booke of Doctor Sutcli●fes I could not find , and I needed not seeke it , for I haue con●erred herein with the master , who answered me , that the booke De Iure Magistratus , he neuer thought to be Beza his worke : and concerning the State of Geneua , the Bishop thereof , whom you call Prince and Gouernor of Geneua , was neuer there Prince , but the state of the towne was a free state of it selfe . To make a question , whether I should rather beleeue him or you , is to doubt whether he that hath bin at Geneua , or he that neuer saw it can better report the state thereof . The words of Caluine his confession , which should haue be●e produced , are these : c We haue restored to the Magistrate of Geneua all the ciuill power which those false Bishops had , vnder colour of liber●ie and priuiledge , taken from the Magistrate , and by collusion did chalenge to themselues . Adde that which may be obserued , the continuall contentions partly betweene the Bishops and the Dukes of Sauoy about that soueraignetie , partly also of the citizens against them both . An argument of no constant consent . The conclusion will be , that you may rather proue those Bishops to haue bene iniuriously ambitious , then the citie rebellious . CHAP. VIII . Instance in Burgundie . The moderate Answerer . a IN Burgundie a like assembly and conuenti●le was kept at Cabillion , therein was decreed that three wor●… to be taken out of the world ; first the Church of Rome , secondly ●…le ●…es of auncient houses , and thirdly all ciuill policie and gouernment . The Reply . Were euer any Protestants so fantasticall ? who were the authors of that decree ? nay who was your author witnessing that there was any such decree ? You expresse neither . We may not maruell if through the wearinesse of your so long trauell into many countries you fell at length a sleepe , and dreamed this idle dreame of three wormes ; so I had rather thinke , then that you dreamed it waking , for then should you find a fourth worme worse then all those three , euen the * worme of conscience which gnaweth euery lying soule . The like may I answer for your imagined rebellions b In Denmark , but that you haue for your witnesse your owne Peter Frarer , you might say Frater ; for who so shall reade his idle pamphlet , shall easily perceiue that his inke wherewith he writ was of that co●…ound which the Iewes offered our Sauiour , vineger and gall . There is an established Church of Protestants in Sueueland ; doe you see no beakons of ●i●e there which might portend rebellions ? CHAP. IX . Sweueland obiected by The moderate Answerer . a FOr Sueueland the Protestants themselues gi●e also testimonie , that the Catholike King thereof was enforced by his rebellious Gospellers to make himselfe a subiect vnto their designements , and condescend , that no Catholike should beare office in that Kingdome : as is witnessed by Cytraeus Chron. Anno 1593. 1594. The Reply . The Storie is long ▪ but the summe is short : that the whole State of Sueueland required that according to the former Parliament of their Kingdome , the King should sweare to defend them in their former liberties , and especially the fruition of the Religion then professed . Doth your Protestant witnesse call them Rebellious Gospellers ? It was the demaund of an whole State for defence of their countrie priuiledge ; can any Papist call this rebellious ? You will be as loth to confesse this , as you are prone to forge the other . Let vs trauell homeward againe , and end there where you began . CHAP. X. In the Imperiall State of Germanie : particularly obiecting Luther . Muntzer . The moderate Answerer his first instance against Luther . a MArtin Luther the prime Protestant of that time said , he cared not for Kings , & so careles he is in this case , that he telleth , that it is the nature of the Gospel to raise wars & seditions : that among Christians there is no Magistrate , no Superior , that it is a thing to be obtained by prayers , that countrimen obey not their Princes ; No lawe , or syllable of lawe can be imposed vpon Christians neither by men or Angels ; there is no hope of remedie , except all humane lawes be taken away . The Reply . Here is your common Linsi-woolsie , mixture of truth and falshood : but as you would haue vs to confesse a truth , so be you willing to acknowledge your Error . The truth . Luther professed that he did not care for Kings : true , but in that comparatiue sence , which he had learned of our Lord Christ . * You shall be called before Kings and Rulers for my name sake : but feare not man , who can kill the bodie , but feare God , who is able , after the bodie is dead , to take the soule , and cast it into hell fire , I say , feare him . Secondly , Luther telleth that it is the nature of the Gospell to raise warres and seditions . And doth not the Gospell it selfe tell vs the same likewise ? * Behold , I came not to send peace into the world , for I will set the father against the sonne , and the daughter against the mother , &c. You cannot be ignorant of the difference of a cause and an occasion , a thing considered properly in his owne nature , and vnproperly by externall accident . b Do I ( shutting the doore ) breake it , because the theefe would not haue broken it except it had bene shut , saith Saint Augustine . So Luther : Because the Gospell is preached , the professors thereof are persecuted with the sword ; is therefore the innocent professor cause of the persecution ? no , but onely an occasion . Christ , who is in his owne nature * Petra salutis , a rocke of saluation to the elect ; to the reprobate is called a * Stone of offence : because the godly are by faith edified to life , and the wicked by the malice of their hart do spurne against Christ , stumble , and perish through vnbeleefe . The Gospell likewise hath a double sauor , vitall and mortall ; being * The sauor of life vnto life to the sanctified by Gods spirit , and the sauor of death vnto death to the irrepentant and vnregenerate . So then the Gospell is no otherwise seditious then the sweet flower is venimous ; frō this the Spider sucketh sweetnesse , but through the fierie malignitie changeth it to peyson : so that obstinate hearing of grace , peace , and saluation , by his naturall malice resisteth grace with contempt , peace with warre , and eternall saluation , by working bodily destruction . The falshood : to affirme , that Luther did abandon all Magistracie , and abhorre all humane lawes , is first false : for then I should maruell in what commonwealth the doctrine of Luther could●… long breath . Secondly false , for Luther defendeth Magistracie in his publike bookes . Thirdly , thrice false , for Luther also condemneth the Romish for their contempt of Magistrates . His doctrine . c Though some thinke gouernement of man ouer man to be a tyrannous vsurpation , because all men are naturally of like condition : yet we that haue the word of God must oppose to this delusion the commandement and ordinance of God , who hath put a sword into the hand of the Magistrate , whome therefore the Apostle calleth * Gods Minister . His taxation of the Romish . d I grieue , and blush , and grone , roses how scornefully our Emperors and Princes of Germanie are abused : whom the Pope leadeth and handleth like brute beasts , both for spotle and slaughter at his pleasure . This Poperie is liuely described by Saint Peter , saying , that in the latter times [ Some should despise Rulers : ] by Rulers , signifying secular Princes . Now the Popish Clergie by their owne authoritie haue exempted themselues from performance of tributes to Princes . And the Pope is so farre from acknowledging the Soueraigntie of Princes ouer him , that he will scarce admit them ( sauing your presence ) to kisse his sh●oe . How like you this doctrine of Luther ? If well , then must you free him from rebellious conceit , for he defendeth subiection to Princes ; if ill , then you condemne your self , for he renounceth Popish Hierarchie , as a rebellious tyrannie . The moderate Answerer His second instance against Luther . e He censured King Henry the eight of England , the Princes of the Imperiall Orders , the Princes of Germanie to be vnworthie either of obedience from Subiects , or life in themselues ; and giuing the same doome of his naturall Soueraigne George of Saxonie , nameth him the Calamitie of his countrie , and Tyrant : so he scorned the Emperor and wrote directly against his Edicts . He taught , that Protestants hands must be imbrued with bloud , teaching that he had warrant from God to battell against Princes . The Reply . His literall censure of words will be partly confessed , but the other of swords which draweth bloud , neuer can any proue . But to him that looketh through red spectacles , whatsoeuer he be holdeth seemeth red . No maruell therefore though your fantasie preoccupated with the reflection of your last bloudie stratageme , cannot see your aduersarie but with suspitiō of bloud . It may be you wil alledge Wicelius : as though your owne Romish might suffice in this case , or professed malice could euer speake a truth . A man whome Luther thought so vnworthie the naming , that f He doth maruell that any will answer the booke of Wicell , which doth sufficiently answer it selfe . The former censure of sharpe speech let vs see how Luther can excuse . He writing to the Duke of Saxonie , doth thus reconcile himselfe : g As God doth seuerely chasten those , whom he purposeth afterward louingly and fatherly to embrace , killing that he may reuiue : I likewise ( most excelent and gracious Soueraigne ) had no other intent in my bitter speech , wherein I might happily offend your Highnesse or any other . Wherfore my humble prayer to God hath bene , that I might recouer your Highnesse fauor , especially seeing that a tart reprehension for good , is a 〈…〉 simple and syncere heart , more precious then all ●…ses of painted flatterie . He writeth almost the like Apologie vnto King Henry the eight , wholly to the same end : granting , that h He had offended his Maiestie with his writings , yet not with intent to offend him , but by instigation of such as did not so greatly fauour his dignitie : and did not therefore doubt but his Princely clemencie , knowing himselfe mortall , would not harbor any immortall displeasure against him . He craued pardon onely for words : O that your case would suffer such an Apologie ! Concerning his allegeance to the Emperor , the Emperor himselfe did acquithim , who neuer charged him with seditious doctrine against his State , but onely religious profession against the sacrilegious superstitions of that time . Which his doctrine he iustified in the presence of the Emperor at Auspurge : whereof Luther writeth thus : i Our cause was heard at Auspurge before the Emperor , and before the whole world manifested to be improuable . I haue published our Apologie , answering therein to all Popish lying slaunders , which are infinite : but I may not enuie in those men that facultie , because they haue no other excellent vertue , wherly to ennoble themselues . A certaine argument of your ruinous house , whose best supporter is the priuiledge of lying : by vertue whereof to your other more then a good many euill slaunders , you adde these two next following . The third instance in Luther by The moderate Answerer . k By Luthers doctrine , that Christians must not fight against the Turke , in short time Belgrade and Rhodes were taken , Hungary was entred , King Lodowike slaine , Buda conquered , &c. Witnesses Munster in Chron. & Pantaleon Chron. 121. The Reply . I haue perused the follies you quote , and perceiue that your wisedome in deluding your Reader is excellent : for Munster and Pantaleon both writing of Belgrade , Hungarie , Rhodes , &c. neuer attribute the least scruple or suspition of occasion thereof vnto Luther . Can you be contented to vnderstand the true causes of those mischiefes ? Hearken then vnto your owne Historian . l Because it was publikely knowne that Leo the Pope had not employed the great summes of money , which he raised from Pardons , against the Turk : there followed the ruins of Hungary , Bohemia was assaulted , Rhodes surprised , and a thousand other euils fell vpon Christendome . This is certaine from the truth of all Storie concerning the Turkes , that Popes and Popish Clergy by their insatiable riot and couetousnes haue bene the bane to all m Christendome , & alwaies since their temporall Hierarchy by kindling firebrands of seditions among Christians , haue giuen the greatest aduantage to the Turke . CHAP. XI . The last instance against Munster and other Anapabtists . The moderate Answerer . a MVnster was of the same opinion and practise , and called Rebellion for his Religion the warre of God : affirming that he had receiued some speciall commandement from God to war against Kings , and had promise of victorie from heauen : and hereupon such Rebellions ensued , that of his owne adherents and Traitors were slaine within the space of three moneths one hundred and thirtie thousand . The Reply . You being in your selfe Magnus opinator , told vs of the opinion of Luther , and now descended to Munster , say , Munster was of the same opinion , ( viz. with Luther ) and called , &c. But your Peter Frarer , whom you brought to accuse Caluin , is herein readie to iustifie Luther , saying , that b Luther wrote against these rebellious ones , prouing that it belonged to all Christians to persecute them to death . Caluin also wrote a booke , intituled , * Aduersus Libertinos : against fantasticall and Anabaptisticall Libertines : and Beza , as we haue heard , saith , * That it is impious wickednesse for any to obiect vnto Protestants the opinion of those rebellious Anabaptists , and spirits of giddinesse . But what thinke you ? were Anabaptists Protestants ? or were Protestants whom you haue named , of this opinion of Anabaptists ? Thus would you perswade your English Reader ; but your Cardinal , & Reader at Rome doth confute you , c For this opiniō of the hereticall Anabaptists ( saith he ) not only we Catholikes , but Melancthon also , Caluine , and Luther , do abhorre . Recount now your words : Munster was of opinion that it was the commandement of God he shold war : True : and that he sa●… he had a special reuelation from heauen , promising him victory : True : And that thereupon ensued rebellions to the death of many thousands . All these yet true : but now there is wanting this one word [ same : ] Munster ( say you ) was of the same ( meaning Luthers opinion ) . It is written , * One dead ●…e in the ointment of the Apothecarie , doth poison the whole box : And so in one little word [ same ] your great lie hath disabled your whole accusation . For as well may you call the Bandites , namely those grand theeues and out-lawes in Italy of the same incorporation with the citizens of Rome , as name Anabaptists who depend vpon extraordinary and fantasticall reuelations of the same opinion with Protestants , who are wholy directed by the expresse written law and Gospell of Christ . I perceiue you are now growne weary with long trauell , I could haue wished you would haue visited Polonia , and after that Bohemia in some particular obseruations : for in both those kingdomes there hath bin long time manifold vexations executed vpon Protestants , and yet neuer any of them or others can be named , who deposed Princes , inuaded Crownes , or by any treason did practise the deaths of their Soueraignes . Now therefore let your moderation be admonished to returne home into England : and seeing you cannot find Protestants for your fellowship in your kind of rebellion , now let Protestants ( I pray you ) haue your fellowship in faithful subiection . But lingua , quo vadis ? CHAP. XII . The second kind of Recriminations against protestants , is in the second wickednes of Aequiuocation . YOu returne the guilt of this cursed doctrine vpon Protestants after two fashions , Reasoning , Railing . 1. Reasoning , ( if it may be called Reason , which is mixed with most slanderous vntruths ) but you wold be heard speake with good will. The moderate Answerer . a But to speake vnto this Obiector concerning Protestants proceedings in aquiuocating : Luther vsed it at his pleasure , now appealing to the Pope , and after renouncing his authoritie . Cranmer did often recant his errors by othes , and again oftē defend them ; counter fetted the hands of fiftie Conuocation men ( Fox himselfe being iudge ) to giue alying credit to his false cause , but excused his false oaths by equiuocation . Protestants of England in the dayes of K. Henrie the eight , King Edward the sixt , and Queene Elizabeth , did equiuocate . Such was the proceeding of P. Martyr and Bucer , two great Professors of Diuinitie in Oxford and Cambridge . Such was the Protestant adherents the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffalke , and now the ordinary vse of Puritanes . The Reply . Luther , Cranmer and others , as they were perswaded that the Bishop of Rome was a faithfull Bishop , did sweare obedience vnto him ; but afterwards being better illuminated , did renounce him , as Antichristian . But if all recantation shall be thus censured , then might you teach S. Augustine to retract his retractations . But we wil not denie their infirmities , for it hath pleased God to note the like in his chosen Saints in holy writ , to the amplifying of the glory of his grace in their repentance and his pardon . Yet was not there in these acts any equiuocation , no more then in the acts of Peter , who , at the cock-crow , went out * of the high Priests hall and wept bitterly . Thus Cranmerawaked by the call of the spirit of God , executed vengeance vpon that hand which subscribed vnto your idolatrous seruice , b Burned it in the fire . Then whatsoeuer his dissimulatiō was , he thought it worthy of repentance , not as you do think your equiuocation worthy of defence : whereas in the truth of Christianitie , there is the same punishment due to your equiuocating tongues which he executed vpon his dissembling hand . O but Fox is witnesse that he defended himselfe by saying he did equiuocate . I am sure you would not haue bene indebted vnto vs for the words if they had bene extant : I found the place of M. * Fox , but no mention of equiuocation . A monster not hatched in those times . That which was obiected by Doctor Weston , is there satisfied by M. Cranmer : but you are more rigorous then auncient Aduersaries . Yet further would I demand , why Protestants , turning from Papacie in the daies of King Edward , must be condemned for such as haue equiuocated : and Papists reuolting from Protestants in the raigne of Queene Mary , must be thought to haue bene innocents ? The moderate Answerer . c Aequiuocating was practised by Caluine , as the Lord of Canterbury , and Beza , and others record . The Reply . I reported this your accusation to my Lord of Canterbury , and his Grace answered , that you had wronged his testimony : for I am sure ( said his Grace ) that this mystery in those times was not set abroach . We also examined the book you alledge , and find not one syllable for your purpose . But what can we expect from you , Patrons of lying equiuocation , but in your accusations against Protestants equiuocating lies ? The most moderate Answerer in his railing . d Luther was so vile in this kind of equiuocating , that neuer pillory mate behaued himselfe so as he did . Cogging , lying , equiuocating , dissembling was practised by Caluine , who was banished for a dissembling seducer . Cranmer periured himselfe , and excused it by equiuocation . The Reply . In these your lying slanders , you giue vs good hope that you will leaue your equiuocating lies , because , as though you detested the impietie thereof , you vilifie it with these termes , vile equiuocating , adiudging it worthy the pillory , matching it with cogging , lying , seducing , periury . This is yet very wel . But we find that true which the Orator saith , Natura suilena : Euery man naturally is a band vnto himselfe . Now you examining your Glycerie equiuocation in your aduersaries , Luther , Cranmer , Caluine , O then it is vile , cogging , lying , seducing , &c. But beholding her in your owne embracements , so e In equiuocating there is nolie nor sinne . Adulterous Iudah iudging of Thamar , whom he had vnknowingly knowne , hearing that she was brought in for an adulteresse , gaue presently sentence , * Let her be burned : but when by certaine euidences and pledges she made it knowne vnto him , that if she were the woman , he was the mā ; then he confesseth , She is more righteous then I. There was some modestie in this , but what moderation do you vse to adiudge equiuocation ( which you fas●ly faine to be in Protestants ) to the pillory : and for your selues , in whom the Leprosie raigneth , to vse an Apologie ? Thus haue I iustified the innocent , whose names your equiuocating spirit hath wickedly traduced : for whom this might haue bin a sufficient answer , that ( because you bring onely accusations without proofe ) f If it be sufficient to haue accused , who can be innocent ? For our Lord Iesus , euen innocency it self , was accused : who of his grace turne you to repentance , that these your slaunders be not layd vnto your charge . THE THIRD PART , Which is a Confutation of the principles of Romish doctrine , in two points : 1. The supreme head of Rebellion . 2. The impious conceit of Aequiuocation . Concerning the first , this shall be our Conclusion : The Pope hath no authoritie from God to depose Kings or dispose of their Kingdomes . CHAP. I. Romish Obiections answered . THIS pretended predominance of the Pope in temporall causes , whether a Directly , or b indirectly considered , ( in the which diuision of gouerning , the Romish schoole is at this day extremely diuided ) if it be from God , it will sure plead , Scriptum est , and be warranted by Gods word either in the Olde or New Testament . This point is discussed by the state of Gods church in the Olde Testament . Obiect . 1. In the generall view . The Romish Pretence . c The high Priests in the Olde Testament were supreme in ciuill causes . Ergo : Ought to be in the New. The Answer . This is so contrary to the Story in holy writ , that by the examples of Kings in ordering ( though neuer in ordeining ) of Priests , the Iesuits are inforced to allow that the King was supreme ouer the Priest . Their reasons : d Because ( sayth one ) in the Synagogne of the Iewes was a state rather earthly than heauenly ; so that in that people ( which was , as in the body of a man , consisting of body and soule ) the carnall part was more eminent . Meaning , the temporall to haue beene supreme . Or , as another sayth more conceitedly ; e The Temporall state exceeded the Spirituall in the olde Law , as much as the Substantiue is more excellent than the Adiectiue . In both these we dislike their comparison , and accept their conclusion , which is this : In the Old Testament the Kings authority was aboue the Priests . And therefore they can not prooue the ▪ souerainty of the Pope ouer Kings by the state of the Olde Testament . Albeit this is infallible , yet are not the Romish ashamed to argue from thence both by typicall Analogy , and by examples . Their Analogie . CHAP. II. The second Obiection . The Romish Pretence . a THe Olde Testament was a figure of the New in Christ. And b Therefore in the New , the Spirituall ( as Popedome ) is the Substantiue , & the Kingdome is but the Adiectiue . The Answer . In this Obiection there is more childhood than manhood , babish Grammar than sound Diuinitie . The Olde Testament indeed in his earthly elements was a figure of the spirituall and heauenly , but of the truely heauenly , the day of that eternall * Sabbath and the celestiall Hierusalem the mother citie of the Saints of God. And the Argument may be retorted . The Argument returned vpon the Romish . Christ being c King and Priest was shadowed by the types of the Olde Testament : but in Christ , his kingdome had the preheminence of Priesthood , because he is Priest only for vs , but he is King ouer vs : secondly , as Priest he is suppliant to the Father ; as King he is predominant ouer all powers and principalities equally with the Father . Ergo this order inherent in Christ ought to holde as conuenient among Christians . An argument Demonstratiue . CHAP. III. Obiect . 3. from 14. examples . The Romish Pretence . a IN the old Testament we finde 1 Saul deposed by the Prophet Samuel ; 2 Rehoboam by the Prophet Achia ; 3 Athalia by Iehoiada the Priest ; 4 Mattathias lift vp his sword against Antiochus , and did remooue him ; 5 Elias also and Elizeus both Prophets did kill the false Prophets , and other Ministers of the King. 7 Iudith did kill Holophernes , 8 Ahod Aeglon , 9 Iabel Sisera : Saul was dispossessed of his kingdome by 10 Dauid , Ahab by 11 Iehu , 12 Amon by the people : and the 13 M●cca●ees sought against Kings for defence of God● worship : L●stly king 14 Ozias for exercising the Priests office was by the high Priest depriued of his kingdome . The Answer to six kinds of these examples . Heere we heare of nothing but fighting , dispossessing , killing of Kings , and those chieflie by Priests and Prophets of God in the old Testament : propounded to the Prelates of the new , to teach them to erect their miters aboue crowns . But first our question is of the obedience of Subiects to their lawfull Kings , not of for●aine inuadors o● false vsurpers . But b Manie examples of the old Testament ( saith your Doctor ) we reade of such , as haue borne armes and vsed hostilitie against Kings , who being not their naturall Princes , either did , or would inuade their kingdomes , to bring them into thraldome : Such both by the law of nature and ordinance of God may be resisted . c And this was the case of 8 Ahod against Aeglon , 9 Iabel against Siser●… ▪ 7 Iudith against Holophernes , the 13 Macchabees against Antioch●… . Therefore our aduersaries haue roaued at a wrong marke : for by this your Cunerus confession , your 3. example of ●eho●d d your 4. of Mattathias , your 7. of Iudith , your 8. of Ahod , your 9. of Iabell , and your 13. of Macchabees ; Who onely resisted vniust inuadors , and not naturall kings , pertaine nothing to the purpose . The Answer to two other examples . Secondly we dispute of lawfull examples of deposing kings : but behold your 1 * Saul was killed of an Amalachite , whō therfore Dauid commanded to be slaine . Your 12 * Ammon also was slaine of his owne seruants , who were therefore pursued and slaine of the people , because of th●ir conspiracie against the king . Thus your 1. and 12. examples which you propound for your imitation rather shew what you would , then what you should be , yet so it is , that wicked acts are the best examples you can alledge to proportionate your godlesse conclusions . The Answer to fiue other examples . Thirdly , extraordinarie acts can be no presidents for ordinary or generall axioms : e But ( your selues cannot deny ) many of your examples were specially priuiledged functions by Prophets and others extraordinarily and immediately from God appointed to those offices : and therefore cannot inferre any ordinarie power of altering States and kingdomes . Of this kind was 1. Samuel the Prophet , who dissolued the succession of Saul . 2. Achia the Prophet who diuided Ieroboam from Rehoboam : 5. Elias the Prophet , who slew these Baalites , and destroyed the messengers of the King : 6. Elizeus the Prophet who raised vp Iehu against Ahab and his family : and * Nathan and Dauid Prophets who preferred Salomon in succession . Therefore your f 2. 5. 6. examples be satisfied . For in them , that will holde which Bellarmine acknowledgeth in one 5 Elias ; To haue beene done by zeale , and not by Pontisicall authoritie , like that act of Phin●es in destroying those fornicators of Israel . The last two examples obiected . g In the 2. Chron. 26. The high Priest deposed 14 Oziah , or Vziah , from his kingdome : And in the 2. Chron. 23. Iehoida the Priest put downe 3 Athalia , and commanded her to be slaine . The answer to the former example . King Ozias was strucke by the hand of God with leprosie , and therefore by the law of God might not come into the common societie of men , for feare of contagion . He was not therefore deposed from his soueraigntie , but only as a sicke King disabled and debarred the ordinarie execution . A thing so manifest , that your owne Doctor calleth this your assertion h Most false , and contrarie to the direct historie of the Bible , and ancient Interpretors , because it is manifest ( saith he ) that he died a King , and his Sonne during his leprosie was only Rector , &c. It falleth out oftentimes that some Noble-man is ordained Regent to moderate matters during the minoritie of the King ; is therefore the right and reall King bereaued of his crowne ? The Answer to the example of 3 Athalia . This example is satisfied * already : only now I will adde a confirmation of that which hath beene said . Athalia ( 2. King. 11. ) put to death all the Kings seed , excepting onely Ioash , who by good meanes was hidde from her ; after he was come to age , produced , and , according to his right of succession , proclaimed lawfull King , commanding Athalia , as an vsurper , to be slaine . So plaine , that the fore-cited Doctor doth yeeld vnto it : i She was deposed ( saith he ) for destroying the Princes of the blood royall , and vsurping the kingdome . Now what maner of disputation call you this , when to the defenders of the soueraigntie of lawfull Kings , you oppose only the examples of intolerable vsurpers ? The last Answer to all the former examples in generall . Fourthly , example without law is as a bodie without a soule : for though God be a law to himselfe , yet his reuealed commandement is a law to man. As Gen. 4. vers . 7. His desire shal be subiect vnto thee : this is the canon law , the eldest is to be preferred in succession , but yet dispensable onely with God , Genes . 25. 23. The eldest shall serue the yoongest . And thus was Iehu a seruant sent of God to resist Ahab his King ; and thus was tolerated that defection of Israel from * Rehoboam their lawful King , vnto Ieroboam the idolatrous . These be all your owne examples . Now I would argue thus : If Gods dispensation in particulars could inferre a generall application , then might we conclude from this example of Ieroboam , that it shal be lawfull for subiects to forsake their lawfull Kings religious , and to adhere to another King idolatrous : A conclusion ( I am sure ) in your owne doctrine most impious ; and yet your argument doth inforce this conclusion . CHAP. IIII. The Argument from examples of the old Testament returned vpon the Romish . 1. In generall . IN generall obserue : there be recorded in the old Testament the examples of nineteene wicked Kings of Israel ; such as were either Idolaters , or Tyrants , or Apostates : with fourteene others as wicked in the Kingdome of Iuda , and yet not one of all them were by a Priest or people deposed from their Kingdomes . 2. In particular . The first example of Saul and Dauid . King Saul , a For he was the first King of Israël , prouing himselfe in the end ( you know ) a most wicked man , and a verie tyrant . yea such an one as was in a sort excommunicate : * God refusing to speake vnto him either in dreames or visions , &c. This example your Cardinall obiecteth against Protestants : b This man ( saith he ) was by Gods appointment deposed from his Kingdome by Samuel : so that after the sentence knowen , Dauid might lawfully haue killed him . A Carnals , ( I should haue said ) a Cardinals conceit , vtterly condemned by Dauid himselfe . For c Dauid persecuted by Saul ( as the * storie sheweth , and your Bishop acknowledgeth ) when he was now in a caue where he had Saul in his power , excited by his souldiers to kill him , would not lay violent hands vpon his person ; but which is more , closely cutting off a lappe of his cloake : ( as though euen in that he had offended ) stroke his owne brest , saying thus to the souldiers , [ God be mercifull vnto me , that I doe not this wickednesse against him ; as the Lord liueth , except the Lord strike him , or his day shall come to die , or that he perish in warres , God be mercifull vnto me that I ●ay not mine hands vpon the Lordes anointed . * Yea after Dauid found Saul asleepe , he said to his owne seruant Abisay ; Let vs not kill him , for who shall laie his hands vpon the anointed of God , and be innocent ? ] Shewing euidently that he did refraine to kill Saul , not so much for the loue to his person , as for conscience towards God. And yet your purpurate Cardinall would from this same example of Dauid die his gowne afresh in the blood of his Soueraigne : concluding ( contrarie to Dauid ) It was lawfull for Dauid to kill Saul . The Application of this former example in the position confuteth the Romish . This example of Saul and Dauid , ( if there were no other in the whole booke of God ) might suffice for full determination of this cause : for there is nothing which you can pretend for the iust deposing of any person , which is not correspondent in this example . First you require in the person to be deposed that he be either a Tyrant , or Excommunicate , or an Apostate from God : but 1. Saul by persecuting Dauid an innocent , ( which he did not by order of law , but by mortall enmity ) is by your Bishop defined a d Tyrant : 2. by being * forsaken of God , an excommunicate : 3. by * asking counsell of a witch of Endor , an Apostate . Secondly , the end of deposing you pretend is the Catholicke cause , propagation of true religion . This end might Dauid haue proclaimed , because ( after Sauls death hec saith , * [ But we will bring againe the arke of God , for we sought it not in the dates of Saul . Signifying equall necessity of the restitution of religion . Thirdly , you in deposing of the possessour must foresee a probability of * an hopefull Successour : behold heere is godly * Dauid anointed of Samuel the Prophet , ordained of God to succeed Saul after his decease . Lastly , you professe to attempt this deposing and murdering of such a King , * As soone as there is an opportunity to effect it . Marke heere , * Dauid hath the tyrant in a ca●● , as able to stabbe him to the hart , as to cut off the lappe of his garment : another time finding him and all his guard asleep , and able now to cast him into a dead sleepe : Notwithstanding all this , Dauid , who was afterwards to performe the office of a gratious King in ruling , doth now practise the duty of a faithfull Subiect in obeying . And now from the application of the position we descend vnto The Application of his practise . 1. Dauid flieth into a Caue or vault of the earth , yet not to plot , but to auoid parricide . 2. Dauid hauing Saul in his power , he cutteth off only the lappe of the garment of the King , so farre was he from cutting off the head and shoulders of a kingdome . 3. Dauid praieth not God speed the proceeding of the complot of treason , but God forbidde ; and , God be mercifull vnto me , that I doe not this wickednesse . 4. Dauid sweareth also , but what ? a sacramentall oath of secrecy , and confederacy , To doe it as soone as possibly he can● No , but As the Lord liueth I will not lay my hands vpon the Lords anointed . To conclude , when Saul is slaine by an Amalakite , Dauid entertaineth the murtherer , but how ? reioicing and approuing the act ? or as thus dignifying the malefactour , e ô memorable act ! ô religious man ! No , but he * Rent his owne clothes , fasted and wept and commanded the murtherer to be slaine , saying , Thy sinne be vpon thine own head . &c. This one example of this incomparable seruant of God Dauid is therefore recorded in the volume of Gods booke , that in one man all men might haue a double example to imitate ; Kings to behold him as he was a gratious King , and no Tyrant : Subiects to beholde him , as a faithfull subiect euen to a Tyrant . CHAP. V. The second example , which must be returned vpon the Romish , is that which hath beene of them obiected of Elias . * ELias did call for fire from heauen , and destroied the Captaines and Messengers from the King. Ergo ( say your men ) Protestants officers may be so dealt with by vs Priests . Now , we argue contrarily , Ergo this may not be attempted of Gods Ministers . 1. because Elias was no Priest , but a Prophet , that is , his calling was not ordinarie , but extraordinarie , as appeareth by his act , [ Fire from heauen ] a worke miraculous . 2. Our Sauior Christ , who did assoile this question long agoe , hath taught vs how to conclude ; for * When his Disciples asked him saying , Master shall we command fire from heauen to destroy them , as Elias did ? * Iesus rebuked them , saying , you know not what spirit you are of : for the sonne of man came not to destroy but to saue the world . Concluding from the same example negatiuely , namely , that the Ministers of the Gospel must not heerein imitate Elias . The Application of this example and Answer . Whom doe you seeke to destroy ? Protestants , whom you call Heretikes : but marke , 1. these disciples desired to destroie Those * Samaritânes , namely the false worshippers , which had long before forsaken the true religion of God ; and therefore now disliked Christ , * Because his face was as though he would goe to Hierusalem : that is , because of his religion , for that he gaue some signification that he meant to goe to the feast at Hierusalem to solemnise the true worship of God according to the lawe . Secondly what haue Protestants done ? * They will not admit of our Priests , and our high Priest and Vicar of Christ the Pope they doe reiect . And these Samaritans in this place , * Would not receiue Christ . 3. What therefore ? A generall destruction at * one terrible blow : and these desire to * Call for fire to consume these Samaritans . 4. Now who are you ? Men zealous of Gods glory : and these for their zeale are * Surnamed the Sonnes of thunder . 5. To what end doe you breath fire , and why are your mouthes so hot ? In ordine ad Deum : euen for the glorie of God , aduancement of the church of Christ : So these wished * fire from heauen , namely , that it comming by the prayer of Christ immediately from heauen , God might be glorified in his Sonne . 6. What ground haue you for such an attempt ? The example of Elias : the same example did these Bonarges alledge saying , * As Elias did . Notwithstanding all which , Christ answereth you in them , saying , * You know not what spirit you are of , adding , I am not come to destroie , but to saue : shewing that there is as much difference betweene a minde so resolued , and a true regenerate spirit , as is betweene Christ and Elias , Law and Gospel , destruction and saluation . Thus the Sonnes of thunder and our Sonnes of powder being rightly compared , there is only this difference : They would not haue fire except from Gods owne hand , from heauen , an argument of their patience ; these , as men desperate , will worke it in many barrels in the earth , as if it had beene from hell . they consult with Christ , * Master wilt thou that we command ? you without all command , yea against Gods forbid , seeke the ruine of a Kingdome . The Conclusion from the old Testament . Seeing that 1. there was No soueraigntie either of * Priests or a People ouer Kings ; we are taught from the example of the people of God ( as saith your Cunerus ) b With great patience to indure the tyrannie of mortall Kings , yea when we haue power to resist . And because they be next vnder God in earth , in all their iniuries To commende the reuenge vnto God. Nay he teacheth Kings an other excellent rule of policie , fitting for the preseruation of all States , which is , c He who succeedeth a King violently murdered of any , though of a godly zeale , yet ought he to reuenge his Predecessors death by the death of the male factors . Thus much of the old Testament concerning the law of Subiection ; wherein we haue many lawes to obey Kings , but none to resist : We ascend to the new Testament sealed by Christ his death , whose speech is true concerning the Ciuill law of the prerogatiue of Kings which he spake of the Morall law of God , * I come not to destroy the Law , but to fulfill the Law. CHAP. VI. The former Question disputed according to the state of the new Testament . The Romish shewing the state of the question . a THe Pope hath all absolute and direct power and dominion temporal ouer all Kings & Kingdoms of the world . Which we prooue by consent of Diuines , and Canonists : And the Defendors of the contrary to be but meer Polititians . Take heed , there was a spirit that shewed a synopsis of All the nations of the world to our Sauiour , and said , * All these will I giue thee : he was no lawfull Doner , but a lying Tempter . From whom it may seeme this your doctrine had his stampe , b For ( to beleeue your owne Doctor ) to say that the Pope hath all temporall domimon ouer all the world , is nothing else but a flattering of the Pope : And c False ( saith your Iesuite ) as I shall prooue . You will not then contend for all the world ; what say you to all Kings in Christendome ? d He hath ouer these indirectly , that is , as it may be behoouefull for the Spirituall good , power temporall ouer all these . By what law ? e Not by Ciuill but Diuine law . Well then , this would be prooued , either by Scripture or by tradition , or at least some probable reason . Obiections from Scriptures . 1. Obiection . The Romish pretence . f Saint Peter when he receiued of Christ the keies of the Kingdome of heauen , he also receiued the temporall and ciuill sword , and a right of erecting and destroying kingdomes ; as farre foorth as hee might thinke it behoouefull for the good of soules , and to this end ought the Popeto use the ciuill sword . This cannot be , for g By the k●ies of the kingdome of heauen ( as your Victoria determineth ) is signified a spirituall autoritie different from the ciuill iurisdiction , as is prooued by the vse , which is remitting and deteining of sinnes : which no way can belong to ciuill autoritie . Neither can any shew me any one Doctor of but reasonable antiquitie , ( Peto vel ex millibus vnum ) who by keies , vnderstand a ciuill power . It were au excellent Art if you could make a sword of a paire of keies ; and as profound Diuinitie were it to turne spirituall regiment into politike . 2. Obiection . The Romish pretence . h Where it is said to Peter , Ioh● 21. [ Feede my sheepe ] is vnderstood the power wherby the Pastor may driue away a woolfe ( such an one is an hereticall Prince ) from his flocke . Againe : i A Prince is the spirituall sheepe of a Priest , but a Priest cannot be called the sonne of a Prince : for Priests haue their spirituall Gouernour , to whom they are subiect both in spirituall and temporall matters , and to no other . The Answer . It was neuer read , heard , nor dreamed , that [ Feed my sheep ] should signifie any temporall feeding , as though Princes must be dieted corporally at the Popes discretion ; this will follow vpon your assertion , because the metaphor , Feede , hath more significant relation to diet then to dominion . Againe , k Scriptures doe often call Princes Pastors , as your owne Doctors demonstrate , and as plaine it is , Kings are called nourcing fathers ; Es . 29. And we will make no question but that Father is a relatiue to a Sonne , and therefore a Priest may be a sonne vnto a Prince . Lastly your deuice of exemption of Priests is too crude to be easily digested of any reasonable Diuine , for ( as your Victoria saith ) l Priests , besides that they are Ministers of the Church , they are likewise members of the common-wealth ; and a King is as well a King of the Cleargie , as of the Laitie : therefore the Cleargie is subiect vnto the ciuill autoritie in temporall things ; for such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall . a plaine demonstration . The third Obiection from the prophecie of the old Testament , and the euents of the new . The Romish pretence . This is the tenor of the late yongue Buls of Popes , as of m Paulus 3. n Pius 5. and all their followers . I the seruant of the seruants of God , placed in the seat of iustice , according to the Prophecie of Ieremie , where it is written ( Ierem. 1. ) [ Behold I haue appointed thee ouer Nations to roote them vp and destroy them , to plant and establish them ] doe excommunicate these Kings and their fauorites , absoluing subiects from their obedience , and commanding them to take vp armes to roote them out . Is this the true sense of that Prophecie ? o It was spoken to the Bishops of Rome in the person of Christ . The Answer . O arrogant glossers , yea impudent glosers and peruerters of the sacred Oracles of God! Did euer Ieremie put downe Kings to root them out ? Hearken to your Lyranus : p No , he did onely denounce Gods iudgements against wicked Kinges . Hearken to that godly Pope Gregorie , who sheweth that Ieremies act was onely q By preaching , and not by fighting . If you demaund in whom this prophecie was fulfilled , listen to your Doctor Capella : r It was fulfilled in Christ , at whose comming Idols and false Oracles ceased , and the Prince of the World was cast out . Which Scripture lest the Pope might vnaduisedly applie to himselfe , holie Bernard doth forewarne him to * Beware of insolent pride : for these wordes being applied vnto the Pastors of the church , betoken onely an industrio●s ministrie , but no predominant autoritie . CHAP. VII . The antiquitie of this pretended Papall power is examined from the Apostles times . The Romish pretence . a THe Priest of the new Testament in the Priesthood of Christ haue more authoritie than that of the law ouer Kinges to depose them . The Answer . This is not probable , except you can shew some footings either of Christ , or his blessed Apostles , or their holie successors in the purer periods of times . But 1. Christ vsed not this ciuill iurisdiction . For b Princely autoritie ( as your chiefe Iesuite confesseth ) had beene supers●uou● in Christ , whose end was to worke the worke of Redemption of man , whereunto the onelie spirituall power was sufficient . 2. Peter and the other Apostles neuer challenged temporall authority . This also is confessed : c Apostles ( saith Carerius ) were subiect vnto the heathen Kings in all temporall respects : because Pontificall gouernment is only ouer Christians , within the church , but the Heathens are said by the Apostle to be without . 1. Cor. 6. Heereupon your Saunders doth conclude , that d Peter receiued of Christ no power ouer Heathen Kings . He conceiteth a reason . e There is a double power , of fortitude , and Christian valour , ( saith he ) The one in suffering aduersitie constantly , the other in attempting and effecting hard matters couragiously : that power of suffering , as more excellent , Christ chose as fittest for himselfe , and his Apostles , and their successors for the gaining of the world to the faith , and therefore they did abstaine from armes and prescribe obedience . The Romish insist . f As though there were not a difference of the condition of the church ; as of a vine , there is one time to plant and water it , an other to loppe and prune it . The Answer . As though the Church , which before time was planted & watred with the blood and deaths of holie Martyrs , ought now ( for that is this mans scope ) to be lopped in the cutting off of the heads of wicked Kings . Nay but if the patient suffering of the tyranny of Kings , be ( as your Sanders truely said ) the more excellent Christian power , than acting and working the death of Kings : and that therefore that power was practized of our Lord Christ , and bestowed on the Apostles for the confirmation of the glorious faith : pardon vs if we fall at Iesus feet , to choose the better part : especially knowing that * To all those who suffer vniustly for iustice , there remaineth a crowne of iustice , which the iust Iudge will giue in that day of Reuelation . CHAP. VIII . The primitiue Successors of the Apostles for the space of two hundred yeares and long after , did acknowledge all Obedience temporall to all Emperours and Kings , whether heathen or baptized ; although Tyrants or Heretickes or Apostatates , yea euen then , when they wanted no force to resist . The Romish pretence . a IN former ages Christians ( said your Bellarmine ) did not depose wicked Emperours , as Diocletian , Iulian , and such , because they wanted force . Which maketh some Catholicks ( said your Bannes ) now not resisting their Kings , excusable , because they want force : For it is commendable ( said your Frenchman ) to suffer when thou canst not resist . Otherwise Catholickes ( said your Creswell ) are bound to hazard their liues in this cause , assooue as they can make resistance . Whereunto might haue beeneadded your Cardinall Allen , b Ancient Bishops ( saith he ) might haue excommunicated the Arian Emperours , and hauedefended themselues from them by force of armes ; but they did not , by reason of greater forces of their Persecutors . The Answer . This is the very Arche of all your rebellious building , which all your Iesuites haue erected , and whereupon our bastard English Cardinall doth insist in his booke intituled , A True and modest Defence for English Catholickes : which how false and shamelesse it is , I am now ready to shew vnto all true catholickes for their confirmation , and to the others for their conuersion . First in generall . For. c For the space of two hundred yeares we cannot reade ( saith your learned Tolossanus ) of any christians resisting Emperours of other times , or in their most bloudy persecutions to haue raised any tumult in the Common-wealth ; no not then , when they were able both by equall number and power to match them : But heerin they thought their religion aduanced before all others , and gloried in this behalfe to be called Christians , who professed this as a most holy doctrine , namely , obedience to Magistrates . True , the patient Christian did aduance Christian religion by suffering vnder Kings ; but the now pragmaticall Christian ( God grant I may be a false Prophet ) by acting and plotting Strategemes , in resisting Kings , will ruinate the holy faith . To Tolossanus agreeth your Cunerus , saying , d The Martyrs of those times , when they by reason of their multitude , might easily haue conspired against their persecuting Tyrants ; ( Hearken you conspirators and be ashamed ) yet for the honour of Christ by performing obedience to the higher power chose rather to suffer then resist . For , as saith S. Augustine , they would demonstrate their hope of the life to come , and , by their confessions and deaths , whereby they gaue witnesse to the truth of God , were called Martyrs , witnesses : whose number was so great , that if it had pleased Christ to arme them , and aid them , as he did the Hebrewes of old , what nation could haue resisted thew force ? Although these glorious Martyrs of the mother Church in their death , whereby they haue anouched that good and glorious profession of Christian faith , haue thereby also sealed the infallible truth of Christian obedience due to earthly Potentates : yet will we not be content with these two hundred yeares , but challenge the currant and successiue practise of 4000. more . We therefore come to CHAP. IX . The same duty of Subiection proued in the next 400. yeares . FIrst Tertullian in his Apologie in defence of Christian loyalty . a God forbid ( saith he ) that Christian professours should reuenge themselues with humane power , or feare that touch of persecution whereby they are tried : for if we would either seeke secret reuenge , or vse open hostility , can you imagine we could want sufficient force ? we are visibly knowen vnto you , and are interested in all your affaires , your Cities , Iles , Forts , Borrowes , Tents , Tribes , Decuries , Senate , Ma●kets are all full of Christians , except only your temples . Now what warre are not we ready and sit for , who being in power moe , yet do willingly suffer death , if by this profession it were not more lawfull to be killed , than to kill ? Heerein you who boast often of yours as great multitudes in England , as there were locusts in Aegypt , able to do mischiefe if you would , and professing also to be willing as soone as you are able : Compare but your God speed , with Tertullian his God forbid , and then you shall see that God cannot be said to be otherwise in your Popes Buls to kings , than he was in Aarons calfe , for in both there is a sinne of rebellion against Gods ordinance . The second is Cyprian ; he likewise penneth an Apology , and directeth it to Demetrianus the Officer of the persecuting Emperour , answering in behalfe of all the Christians of his time . b None of v●when he is apprehended doth resist , or reuenge himselfe of your vniust violence , although the number of our people be maruellous great : for our certaine confidence we haue in him that will take vengeance of all transgressours , doth confirme our patience . Whereby you are taught not to glory of patience , who ( if you had force ) would banish obedience . The third is Athanasius , writing an Apologie for himselfe to Constantius an Arian Emperor , and therfore hereticall ; to free himselfe of a slanderous imputation , which was that he had suggested some matter to the Emperour Constance a Catholicke , thereby to kindle coales of dissention betwixt Brethren ; therefore he saith . c I call God to record vpon my soule , and your Brother Constance could witnesse , that I neuer spake word of you in euill part ; I was not so madde as to forget the commandement of God , who saith ; Thou shall not speake euill of thy King , no not in thy hart : but did obey your command , when I had charge to depart from Alexandria . The summe is this . When he had power to stirre the Emperour Constance a true professor , against his brother Constantius an hereticke ; yet he made conscience , not to raise rebellion , but rather submitted himselfe to the violence of persecution . If your Pope had beene truly catechized in this Creed of Athanasius belonging to the truth of faithfull allegeance , he would not so oft haue raised King against King , as your selues confessed : And why then may not hee be that man prophecied of , * Sitting on a red horse , and hauing power ( permissiuely ) giuen vnto him , to take peace from the earth , and that they should kill one another ? The fourth is Gregory Nazianzene , in his Oration against the Emperour Iulian , who ( the very hinge of this cause ) had beene a Christian , and did after Apostate and proue an Infidell , saith : d Against whom of you did wee euer raise any insurrection , or sedition among your people , though otherwise of themselues prone to rebellion : or whose death did wee euer conspire ? But , you , lately whose deaths haue you not conspired ? The fifth is Ambrose . When the Emperour infected with the heresie of Arius , had sent magistrates to remoue Ambrose from his Bishopricke , and the people thronged to rescew him , e In such power ( saith Ambrose ) that the Officers could not resist their force ; I quieted the people , and yet could not auoid their malice . Then sure he did abhorre by raising sedition among the people , to prouoke magistrates to malice . The same Father vpon that penitentiall dumpe of holy Dauid , [ * to thee only haue I sinned ▪ proueth that some f Kings are not subiect to any penall law of man. And for S. Ambrose his actiue profession in this kind , it is confessed by your owne Doctor , saying that g Saint Ambrose when he was sufficiently armed both by power of people and souldiers , strengthened with the might of Christ , yet would not defend his Church with violence against the fury of the hereticall Emperor . The sixth is Basill , h Who by reason of the strength of the forts , wherein he was , needed not to feare any danger ; yet suppliantly offered himselfe to Iulian , the Apostate : and caused the gates of the city to be opened vnto him , thereby to appease his wrath against Christians . The seuenth is S. Augustine : who in his expositiōs of some proposition , doth , concerning this point , giue this instruction . i Whereas the Apostle ( saith he ) exhorteth that we should not resist gouernors in temporall matters , he saith , [ It is necessary that we be subiect : ] and lest any might not performe this in loue , but as from constraint and necessity , he addeth ; [ Not for feare of wrath , but for conscience sake : ] that is , not dissemblingly , but dutifully in good conscience , and loue to him ( God ) who commandeth subiection : and , as in another place he exhorteth , Seruants * Obey your hard and iniurious masters ; but not with ey-seruice , as only pleasing men , but God. Therefore you must not plead Your most humble subiect aboue ground , and from the concaue and vautes of the earth seeke how to humble your soueraigne . Forey seruice and hart-seruice do distinguish a Christian from a Pagan , according to that of Arnobius , k You Pagans do feare onely the outward sight of men ; we only the inward conscience of our mind . The eight is Pope Leo , writing to a true Catholicke Emperour . l You may not be ignorant ( saith he ) that your Princely power is giuen vnto you not only in worldly regiment , but also ( Spirituall ) for the preseruation of the Church . As if hee had said , Not only in causes temporall , but also inspirituall , so far as it belongeth to outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them : And this is the substance of our English oath ; and further neither do our Kings of England challenge , nor subiects condiscend vnto . We are not yet passed the lists of 500. yeares . The last is Pope Gregory in his Epistle to Mauritius , a right Christian Emperour . m To this end ( saith he ) is power ouer all persons giuen from heauen vnto my Lord , that good men may be helped in the way to the kingdome of heauen . And again , n In those gratious commands of your Highnesse , your grace in sparing me did not spare mee one whit , but was pleased to call me ( whereby is signified a ciuill simplicity ) foole . But let not my Lord from his earthly preeminence too hastily disdaine the Priests of God ; but in his princely wisedome , for his cause whose seruants they be , so rule ouer them , that he denie them not due reuerence . Heerein we finde another clause of the forme of our English oath , Power ouer all persons , euen the Pope himselfe yeelding that , which is not due but only to a Superiour rule : and requiring that which may be yeelded to an inferiour , * Reuerence , or curteous respect . o For it is without doubt ( saith your Bishop Espencaeus ) that Gregorie did acknowledge a soueraigntie in Emperours ouer Priests . We haue not yet passed the period of 600. yeares : now therefore CHAP. X. We descend vnto the ages following of foure centuries more : which may make vp a complete thousand yeres . The Romish Pretence . p ANcient generall Councels were gathered not without the cost of ( good and Christian ones ) Emperours , and were made by their consents : for in those d●ues the Pope did make supplication to the Emperour , that by his authority he would gather Synods . But after those times all causes were changed , because the Pope , who is head in spirituall matters , cannot be subiect in temporall . Who would thinke this man could be a Papist , much lesse a Iesuit , how much lesse a Cardinall , who thus disableth the title of the Pope , granting to vs in these words , [ After these times ( that is , after 600. yeres ) the truth of purer Antiquity challenging Popes to be subiect vnto Christian Emperours ? And yet , who but a Papist would ( as it were in despite of Antiquity ) defend the degenerate State , saying , After those times Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters ? As if he should haue said ; Thou gratious fauour of ancient Christian Emperours , thou sound iudgement of ancient reuerend Fathers , thou deuout subiection of ancient holy Popes ; in summe , thou ancient purity , and pure Antiquity adiew . But we may not so bastardly reiect the depositum and doctrine of humble subiection , which we haue receiued from our Fathers of the first 600. yeares : and not so only , but which ( as your Bercklay witnesseth ) the vniuersall Christian world embraced q With common consent for a full thousand yeares . Which is further confessed by others in the Chapters following . CHAP. XI . We further challenge the consent of successiue Antiquity in the currant of more than 1000. yeares after Christ , wherein the Papallpretended Iurisdiction ouer Kings , hath beene euidently controwled . The Romish Pretence . a WE haue many examples of Emperours deposed by Popes , as Leo , Fredericke , Henry 1. Freder . 2. Otho 1. Lewis 3. Lewis 4. Henry 4. who was deposed by Gregory the 7. The Answer . This argument , The Popes did depose them from their temporall authority , Ergo , He had authority to depose them , will iustifie all Pyrates , and theeues in their spoiles ; all Tyrants in their vsurpations ; and will impeach this authority of the Pope , which you would heereby defend . For ( as your Cardinall doth confesse ) b Many Emperours haue deposed many Popes . Therefore from the act done to conclude a right of doing is no good argument . Let vs therefore examine the worke by the square , and not the square by the worke ; and by the law of doing , trie the lawfulnesse of the thing done . And first , beyond the antiquity of a thousand yeares granted , we find that the first who euer violently deposed an Emperour , is the last of them whom you cite for authority of deposing them . For c I reade and reade ( saith your Otto Frisingensis ) and I find that Pope Gregory the 7. called Hildebrand , ( in the yeare 1060. ) was the first Pope that euer depriued an Emperour of his regiment . d He was the first Pope ( saith your bishop Espencaeus ) who by making a new rent betwixt Kingdome and Popedome did raise force against the Emperiall diademe , arming himselfe & by his example excited other Popes against Princes excommunicate . An act new , you see ; and that it is also naught will appeare by the Actor . e Pope Greg. the 7. ( saith your Chronographer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolike See by Simony and other Capitall crimes . There is an Instance giuen in the Donation of Constantine , which proueth the Popes to haue beene notable forgerers . The Romish Pretence . f Boniface Bishop of Rome , ( so saith Carerius ) writ to Philip King of France : to let him vnderstand that Philip ought to acknowledge vnto him both spirituall and temporall subiection , and whosoeuer shall thinke otherwise ( saith Boniface ) we iudge and declare him an Hereticke . The Answer . May it be lawfull for vs to aske you by what law this temporall is assumed ? g There is extant the Donation of Constantine ( saith Sanders ) sufficiently defended against all Heretickes . Then belike this iurisdiction was from man and not from God. h Not so ( saith Carerius ) for it was rather a restitution than a Donation , because he did but returne it , being a Christian , which he had receiued by Tyrannicall vsurpation , being an Heathen : therefore according to the iudgement of Turrecremata , did not now so much giue it as publish it to be due to the Pope . What was contained in this schedule ? i There was heerin specified ( saith your Valla , and so is the tenor of the Donation ) a conueiance of the kingdome of Sicily , Naples , all Italy , France , Spaine , the Countries of the Germans , and Britans , and all the Western part of the world . This is a goodly gift , if it be good : but I heare Luther say , k It is a large lie . But you had rather heare your Doctors speake , although they may seem partiall , because yours . l The most ancient Historians , authors of best credit ( saith your Canus ) and such as purposely , and most diligently recorded the acts of Constantine , and yet make no mention of any such Donation : m Which Pius the second Pope of Rome , did ( as saith your bishop Balbus ) * proue to be a slatte counterfet . So that now your Popes temporall hold should be forfetted , because it doth appeare that your Pastor , in this challenge , is a meere imposter . The Donation is called palea , and therefore as light chaffe I passe this ouer . What is your next claime ? CHAP. XII . Popish Arguments from Reason . The first , wherein they ( failing to prooue the temporall dominion of the Pope by succession ) endeuour to prooue it from successe . The Romish Pretence . a THe Popes of Rome haue long since got not only possession but also dominion of the city of Rome : a matter to be wondred at , to see how after that the Emperours had many times sought to root out the Popes of Rome by force , the Popes haue contrarily remoued the Emperours out of Rome , the chiefe towne of their Empire ; and the property of Caesars pallaces and the city of Rome is without force come vnto the Pope . This ( saith Sanders ) is the singer of God : This ( saith Bellarmine ) is Gods prouidence . The Answer . As though that which is without force might not be by * craft ; or that they who pretend a * forged donation , of the Emperour Constantine , ( as your own Pope called it before he was Pope ) would want art to delude his Successours . It it not impossible for Pyrats to build a shippe , for spoile , and call it Gods prouidence . Which wil so much rather appeare in this , by how much more you labour to obscure it : for c Boniface the 9. ( as your owne Balbus noteth ) was the first who did assay to challenge there giment of Rome to himselfe , which was in the yeare of Christ 1400. And this was but a forged challenge too , as is euident , because d Emperour Charles the fift , ( about the yeare 1550. ) was the first that bestowed the city of Rome and the Territories adioining vpon the Pope . CHAP. XIII . Their second Reason from a pretended right of Confirmation of Emperours , to conclude a power of abrogation and deposing . a THe Emperour in his election is confirmed by the Pope , and as the Popes minister is to vse the sword at his command , and at his command be is deposed . Proue this . b This is apparent by the oath that he taketh at his coronation . Proue this . c The Pope himselfe saith of himselfe , that the right and authority of examining the person elected ( saith he ) to be a King or Emperour belongeth to vs , who doe anoint and consecrate him . What will you prooue by this ? d In euery vacancie of temporall States the Pope is Successour in the gouernment . What yet more ? e That when there ariseth any doubt betwixt the Emperour and a Prince , the Pope is a competent Iudge ; yea , when there is a cause or doubt betwixt the Pope and Emperour , the Pope himselfe is Iudge . The Answer . You know the fable : If the wolfe may iudge the sheep in the cause of troubling the water , the wolfe wil be the guilty , but the sheepe shal be the condemned . But that you say [ The Emperour is not without the approbation of the Pope , ] is false : And your Consequents , [ Ergo the Pope doth succeed in vacancy ; Ergo he may depose ] are both friuolous and preiudicious to your owne cause . To the Antecedent : your Bishop Lupoldus hath satisfied long sithence , saying : f That hee that is chosen Emperour by the consent of the greater part of Electours , needeth not either seeke or receiue any approbation of the Pope . This doth your other learned bishop g Balbus by many arguments determine , and to this end produceth A publicke decree of the Emperour Lodouicke , by the consent of all the Electours : Ad ●…ging All such as deny the imperiali dignity to depend only of God , as not needing the Popes confirmation , to be seditious , and presently they that deny it , and whosoeuer consenteth vnto th●… , to be reputed as guilty of high Treason , and to incurre all the p●…s due to so great a guilt We proceed now to your consequent : and first shew the noueltie of your claime . h For ( as the same your author witnesseth ) It was an ancient custome and of long continuance , and till Adrian the Pope in the yeare of Christ 815. without contradiction , that the Emperour did confirme the election of the Pope , that none could be Pope without the approbation of the Emperour : which custome after the death of Adrian was inforce , till Pope Gregory the 9. which was in the yeare 1072. But now we see a new and contrary countenance of the state of Christendome , which the Lawiers deplore as miserable , and complaine that the Emperour lost his priuiledge by cosenage and deceit . &c. How it was we leaue the case to be disputed among your Romists : that heere is a change of Antiquity it is not denied , either by your Balbus , or i Carerius , or any other . Hence we argue . That if power of approbation of the election of the Emperour do conferre a temporall authority Emperiall vpon the Pope , then when the Pope was confirmed by Emperours there was in the Emperour a spirituall authority ouer the Pope : if you will deny our latter consequent , then you teach vs to deny your former . CHAP. XIIII . Their third Argument from a presumed danger . The Romish Pretence . a EXcept there were a way of deposing Apostate Princes , God had not prouided sufficiently for his Church . The Answer . This obiection is in your b Extrauagants , and so it may be called , because it rangeth Extra without the bonds of Gods ordinance , beside the presidence of primitiue example , beyond the compasse of your owne allowance . First from Gods ordinance . c For by the word of God ( as your Cunerus diuinely reasoneth ) which is not partiall , and not by the selfe-pleasing fancy of sensuall affection must this question bee determined . Though therefore it may seeme to vs a decree of nature for euery one to defend himselfe and the things he doth enioy ; yet the law of God doth forbid to doe this by taking armes against the higher powers : as our L. Christ taught his Disciple now about to defend his Master , [ Put vp thy sword , for he that smiteth with the sword , shall perish with the sword . ] Because the sword is not put into the hands of Subiects against their Kings , but into the hands of Kings against Subiects . Accordingly S. Augustine doth conclude . d Those who beare the sword ( saith he ) against rulers , must perish : therefore the Apostle speak * th generally , [ * He that resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God. ] And againe [ * not defending your selues , ( my Dearest ) but giue place to wrath ( of the Gouernour ) for it is written , vengeance is mine , ( therefore no reuenging power ouer Kings ) and I will reuenge , saith the Lord : be not ouercome of euill , but ouercome euill with good . ] The second is the consideration of examples of the primitiue Church , when for the space of 300. yeares , it was in grieuous persecution : where ( as S. Paul speaketh ) the faithfull * fought with beasts after the manner of men : namely , ( as some doe allegorize ) with men as sauage as beasts ; and there was found no power on earth to restraine that earthly power . Was therefore God awanting to his Church ? God forbid . Nay rather he was not awanting , for it is written , * Vertue is perfected in infirmity . And againe , * As gold is purgedin the fire , So by affliction &c. Because , * When the outward man suffereth the inward man is renued : And * When I am weake , then am I strong . As therefore the wisedome of the Artist is then present with the gold , when he is refining it ; the Physician with his Patient when he woundeth to cure him : So whensoeuer the three faithfull be in the fiery furnace * Behold a fourth , that is , a diuine succourer either by the inward miracle of comfort in patience , or the outward of deliuerance . The third is the view of your owne Popish Principles , which is this : e That the Pope ( saith Bellarmine ) may not be iudged of any person vpon earth , whether secular or Ecclesiasticall , no not of a generall councell : f Nether may be ( saith your Carerius ) be deposed , though he should do something contrary to the vniuersall state of the Church , g As for example ( saith your Azorius ) though hee should neglect the Canons of the Church , spare offenders , oppresse Innocents , make a pray of the goods of the Church , and violate the lawes of Kings : yet is he not to be iudged of any but God. h Not though ( saith your Pope himselfe , one placed in the Calends of your Martyrs ) hee should cary many people with himselfe to hell : yet no mortall creature may presume to say , why do you so ? Heere is a desperate disease , wherein you will not suffer so much as practise of Phlebotomy , much lesse an incision or exustion . And yet in like case against the secular state obiect Gods prouidence : said I like ? O no , farre different ! The difference of Kings and Popes in this point . The Papall power will be thought spirituall ; and thus being euill , may be the baine of soules , the power of Princes is but corporall , * [ Therefore ●●are them not ] because they can goe no further then the body . Now the bodilie tyrannie worketh in the godly , patience , patience supports martyrdome , martyrdome gaineth a crowne of life : Therefore this euill with patience may happily be indured ; but the spirituall tyranny doth captiuate the inward soule , the sou●…c commands the senses , these practise sinne , and the stipend of sinne is death , euen the euerliuing death of hell . Therefore heere is need ( according to Gods prouidence ) of power to depose so desperate a spirituall euill , whereof it is written : * If the salt want his salinesse , it is good for nothing , but to to be cast vpon the Dunghill . Marke then concerning the spirituall that God hath ordeined , Eijciatur foras , cast out : concerning the temporall , * Resist not the powers . CHAP. XV. The Arguments of Protestants against the pretended Papall power ouer Kings from 1. Scripture , 2. Fathers , 3. Reasons . 1. Scriptures . In the Old Testament . IT is granted vs for the old Testament that * Priests were subiect to their Kings ; and the necessity of due subiection to wicked Kings , we haue exemplified in * Dauid the mirror of all perfect loyalty : which case is made more liuely by the Answer to the example of * Eliah . Scriptures . In the New Testament . Of many one shall suffice . Rom. 13. * [ Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers : ] If you doubt what power this is to whom subiection is due ; looke what he hath in his hand , * He beareth not the sword for naught : It is a sword therefore power temporall , if from whom this is due , it appeareth , * Euery soule be subiect , all other conditions of reasonable men : If why ? this is expressed , * For the power is ordained of God. The point in question is concerning the Subiect : The Romish seeke two enasions to free their Pope from subiection . The Romish pretence . a From this place the Protestants conclude , that therefore the Pope ought to be subiect : But I deny their consequent , for the Apòstle writeth of subiection to Heathen Emperours , to whom euery Christian was to submit themselues : But now that Emperours be Christians , they ought to acknowledge a superiour power in the spirituall Pastor the Pope . The Replie . This your solution doth destroy a generall maxime , confessed of all diuines , to wit , that ( as your Acosta confesseth ) b Insidels conuerted to Christian faith , do not therefore lose their former temporall right . Which we haue already prooued by your owne confessions , and more then ten circles of Antiquity . We argue further now from this knowen principle ; Princes by conuersion to the Gospell lose no temporall right , which they had before their conuersion : But in the state of Infidelitie we neuer reade that they could be deposed by their Pagan Priests . Ergo , this their prerogatiue may not be impaired by their obedience vnto the Gospell : nay , it is rather confirmed thereby , euen in this text , especially in three degrees . First , it teacheth greater Christian reuerence , because in the Prince a Christian man doth not behold only man , but the hand of God , * He is the Minister of God. Secondly , from Christian feare : For Pagans , as hirelings , onely performed obedience propteriram , for feare of the temporall Sword ; which man ( because it is in the hand of man ) might auoid by many meanes : But Christians , [ * He that resisteth purchaseth damnation , ] are dutifull for feare of the eternall wrath of the iust omnipotent God. Thirdly , from Christian confidence , For Pagans , assoone as the King doth tyrannize , do rebel , as though freedome corporall were their speciall good : but Christians * [ Wil t thou not feare the power ? doe good and thou shalt haue praise of God in suffering outward euill for well doing are confirmed in the hope of an euerlasting good . Fourthly , from the bond of Christian loue , for Pagans by their Princes commands are naturally inclined to discontent and hate : but Christians [ * Loue is the fulfilling of the law ] are by the law of Loue made perfect to obey the iust lawes of men . If therefore Christians would , as they ought , be subiect to the law of Christ , I suppose there is no Pagan Prince ( if perswaded of this doctrine of Christ ) but would more easily be a Christian . Their second Euasion . The Romish Pretence . c The Apostle doth not restraine his speech to any kind of superiour power , but speaketh generally of [ powers that be : ] signifying aswell the spirituall power , as the temporall . Therefore Protestants may not conclude heereupon , that the Pope ought to be subiect vnto temporall Kings . The Answer . If we suffer the spirit of God to be our Iudge the cause is plaine , [ He beareth not the sword in vaine , ] he meaneth the temporall Gouernour : If we require witnesse of this truth from all antiquity , behold d S. Chrysostome ( saith your own Bishop , and that truly ) doth vnderstand by ( euery soule ) that euery Apostle , euery Prophet , and euery Bishop ought to be subiect : To whom doe other ancient Fathers , as Euthym. Theod. Theoph. Oecumen . and all the Greeke Doctors agree . Yea Gregory surnamed the Great , Bishop of Rome , doth so likewise expound it : and S. Bernard in his Epistle to a Bishop said th●… ( Euery soule ) saith the Apostle : then must you also ( speaking the bishop of Senona ) be subiect , he that shall offer to exempt you , shall but offer to tempt and delude you . CHAP. XVI . Arguments of Protestants from Antiquitie . HE that is Alpha and Omega , first for Antiquity , and last for Eternity , Christ our Sauiour ( by the confession of your grand a Iesuite ) as he was man and the Messias , had no power temporall on this earth . Secondly , S. Peter and the other Apostles ( as is also confessed by your most vehement b Aduocates in their plea for Papall hierarchie ) were all subiect to the temporall States . Thirdly , all ancient holy Popes , Martyrs , Fathers , ( as is c commonly granted ) yea when they had force to resist the violence of Tyrants , Heretickes , and Apostates ; did performe subiection to temporall gouernment , as the ordinance of God , d Tertullian saying , If we would be reuenged we could not want force : e S. Cyprian , We doe not resist , although our number be great : S. f Nazianzene , Not though the people be prone to resist you : S. g Ambrose , Not when the people are present and offer a defence : S. h Augustine yeelding the cause , Because Christian subiection is to be performed in loue , and not in feare or by constraint . A doctrine for those times , namely , the first 600. yeares in generall vse , saith your i Bellarmine : And continued after Christ the space of 1000 yeares saith your k Be●●la●●s : neuer changed till the yeare 1060. saith your * Tolossanus , Friburgens . Espencaeus and others . And shall we dare to remooue * The ancient Land-markes of our forefathers ? CHAP. XVII . Other Proofs of Protestants from Antiquity in two most Christian and potent Nations : England , and France . THat this soueraignity of his Maiesty ( whereunto , notwithstanding all Papall iurisdiction , we doe willingly subscribe ) may be knowen to be as anciently as earnestly challenged , I will only point at some few heads of examples of our ancient Christian Kings , which Sir Edward Cooke , his Maiesties Attorney generall , in his alwaies reportable and memorable Reports hath lately published . a In the raigne of K. Edward the first , a Subiect brought in a Bull of excommunication against another Subiect of this realme , and published it : But it was answered that this was then , according to the ancient lawes of England , Treason against the King ; the Offendor had beene drawen and hanged , but that by the mercy of the Prince he was only abiured the Realme . Compare this Bull , which did only push at a Subiect against his benefice , with that Bull which more mankeen goareth Kings , to giue them their mortall wound . At the same time The Pope by his Bull had by way of prouision bestowed a benefice vpon one within the prouince of Yorke ; the King presented another : the Arch-bishop refuseth the Kings presentation , and yeelded to the Popes prouision . This Arch-bishop then by the common law of the land was depriued of the lands of his whole Bishoprick during life . b In the raigne of King Edward the third , the King presented to a Benefice , and his Presentee was disturbed by one , who had obtained Buls from Rome , for the which cause he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment . Compare this Bull of disturbing onely the Present of Kings with that which doth ordinarily violate the Kings person . c In the raigne of Richard the second it was declared in the Parliament [ R. 2. cap. 2. ] that England had alwaies beene f●ce , and in subiection to no Realme , but immediatly subiect to God and to none other : and that the same ought not in any thing , touching the regality of the crowne , to be submitted to the Bishop of Rome , nor the lawes of their Realme by him frustrated at his pleasure . Compare this English King immediately not subiect to the Pope , and the aboue mentioned Iesu●ticall principle , * All Kings are indirectly subiect to Popes . d In the raigne of King Henry the fourth it was confirmed that Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England . Compare this Of no force in England , with those excommunications which in these later times haue been made * against England . e In the raigne of King Edward the fourth , the opinion of the Kings bench was , that whatsoeuer spirituall man should sue another spirituall man in the Court of Rome for a matter spirituall , where hee might haue remedy before his Ordinary within the Realme , did incurre the danger of premunire , being an hainous offence against the honour of the King his crowne and dignity . Compare this with their Acts , who haue made no other sute at Rome , but meanes to dispossesse English Kings of their crowne and dignity . Many other examples of like nature I pretermit , and remit the Reader desirous to be further satisfied to the booke of Reports , Habet enim ille quod det , & dat nemo largius . The conclusion is , that that challenge of Soueraigntie which was in opposition to the Popes Buls , ancient right and iustice in Kings which were predecessours , be not traduced now as an irreligious impiety , in the successors . The like might be spoken of France , but I hasten to the last Argument , presuming that my studious Reader perusing the French stories will ease me of that trauell . CHAP. XVIII . The last Argument of Protestants from Reason . IT will be sufficient onely summarily to recapitulate the Arguments dispersed in this former Treatise . The first Reason was long since Christened : for The Apostles ( saith your a Sanders ) did chuse rather to suffer euill , than to reuenge : wherein they were seconded by other heroicall Martyrs of Christ , Who thought ( saith your b Tolossanus ) their faith glorified in this , that being persecuted , yet they performed obedience . Questionlesse they had some reason heereof : One is specified by S. Cyprian , c Christians must be Preachers of the supernaturall vertue patience , and not of vengeance . Another by S. Augustine , that d Induring the misery of this life , they may auouch their hope of a life eternall . And lastly by Arnobius , Heereby to make distinction of Christian obedience , from that other of Pagans : that whereas these yeeld onelie obedience proceeding from feare of man , ours should appeare to be from Conscience towards God. The second Reason is politicke , which is that of your * Victoria , that the Clergy be members of the common-wealth : Ergo , they ought to be subiect vnto the state temporall . I will adde another of this kind which wee borrowed from your Acosta , shewing that licence of deposing Kings , is an occasion of much spoiles and bloudshed . The third Reason is violent inforcing you by your owne confessions to grant our conclusion ; your confessions be of two kinds ; first , f The Pope hath not temporall Soueraignty ouer Kings directly , but onely indirectly , in ordine ad bonum spirituale , that is , as the temporall doth necessarily helpe or aduance the spirituall good of the Church . But g So you may as well say ( saith your Carerius ) that a King hath not iurisdiction temporall , but only indirectly ; because his authority doth intend a spirituall good , a● namely preseruation of iustice in a common-wealth . And he saith truely as may be confirmed by Saint Augustine . h A king as a man ( saith he ) doth serue God by his owne good life ; as a King , by gouerning other mens liues , to see that they doe that which is good : It is his office not only to ordaine lawes for the preseruation of the politicke peace , but also to establish true religion . From hence I conclude : that if this your distinction be good The Pope hath temporall iurisdiction ouer Kings to depose them , indirectly : that is , as far foorth as may be behooffull for Religion : then must you grant that Kings haue iurisdiction temporall onely indirectly , because their Office also is ordained of God [ in ordine ad Deum ] as a minister of God for defence of his Church . If your position be false , then hath not your Pope that power ouer Princes , no not indirectly . The second Confession I take from Carerius , your most importunate , and most impudent magnifier of Papall authority , that ( excepting your Bozius ) we can reade of . This Carerius reasoneth thus : i The Donation of Constantine to the Pope ( whereby the possession of all the kingdoms in Europe were bestowed vpon the Pope ) was either true or false ; if true , then the Princes of the West parts hold their thrones by the Popes authority : if false , then had Pope Zachary no authority to confirm K. Pepin of France , nor Leo the third to constitute Emperor Charles the great &c. This your Doctor giueth vs this antecedent proposition . If the pretended Donation of Constantine to the Pope be counterset , then hath not the Pope authority to dispose of these Kingdomes . But , * That pretended donation ( by your owne confe●sion ) is fabulous : so false is it , as this is certaine , k That no Pope was possessed of the dominion of the city of Rome , till the yeare of our Lord 1400. Insomuch , that l Bellarmine can find no title of the Pope till the yeare 755. To the Dukedome of Rauenna . The fourth from a necessary consequent , strengthened by the authority of S. Bernard , who writeth vnto Eugenius the Pope concerning this very point . His argument is ; The successour of S. Peter cannot challenge anie authority as descending from Peter , which Peter had not in himselfe : m But Peter had not this temporall . Ergo , ( for Eugenius did not challenge it directy essentiall to the Popedome ) the Pope , by S. Bernards iudgement , may not assume any such authority either directly or indirectly . We may conclude , that both direct scripture , torrēt of Fathers , and euidence of reasons do all confute this Papall Vsurpation ouer Kings as a challenge meerely ambitious , fraudulent , and rebellious . Come you therefore out of Babylon in this point with holy Bernard , and put vpon you his Christian resolution : for writing to king Lewis , who was n A wicked man ( saith your Barclay ) multiplying most heinous crimes both against God and man : yet against the suggestions of the rebellious spirits of those times thus doth S. Bernard determine for himselfe : o Though all the world ( saith he ) should conspire against me , to moue me to practise any conspiracy against the Maiesty of the King , I would feare God , and not willinglie offend the King ordained of God : for I cannot be ignorant of that which is written , [ If any resisteth the power , he resisteth the ordinance of God , and purchaseth to himselfe damnation . &c. Mark , S. Bernard maketh this necessity of subiection an article of Christian morality necessarily to be defended vpon danger of damnation : relying vpō a canon : what , Papall ? of Si quis nostris mandatis ? &c. no , but * Apostolicall , Si quis ; If any resist regall powers , he resisteth the ordinance of God , & purchaseth damnation . Whereby you are taught neuer to delude your soules in any such mischiefes by presumption of your good intent , as for the Catholicke cause , or , in ordine ad Deum , for that can neuer cary an order to God , which is against the ordinance of God. Who gratiously sanctifie you with that * Feare of God , which worketh Honour to your King , and glorie , through patience , to our Christian faith . The second Member of this Third part , Which is a Confutation of the wicked doctrine of Aequiuocation . CHAP. I. I Am now to encounter this new-bred Hydra , and vglie Monster , which lurked a while in the inuisible practise of the Aequi●ocating sect ; but , at length being discouered , is now by the Arch-priest drawen into publicke by a solemne Approbation , as it were a golden chaine , that it might heereby appeare lesse monstrous . The Priuilege of this Treatise of Aequiuocation by their Arch-priest . a THis Treatise is very learned , godly , and Catholike : wherein doubtlesse the Authour doth confirme the equity of Aequiuocation by euidence of Scriptures , Fathers , Doctors , School-Diuines , Canonists , and soundest reasons . A work● worthy to be published in print for the comfort of all afflicted Catholiks , and instruction of the godly . Thus do I iudge , George Blackwell Arch-Priest of England , and the Apostolicall Protonotarie . All this is very semblable , for who could be more fit to commend this Aequiuocation , a piece of blacke art , than Blackewell ? Who can be more willing to autorize this Aequiuocation , the Arch-piller of security for Romish Priests , then their Arch-priest ? And from whence rather shall a man expect a priuiledge of lying , then from that place ( falsly called Apostolicall ) b where ( as their owne learned Bishop saith ) there is nothing but lying ? Of which kind ( by the assistance of the spirit of truth ) I shall proue this Aequiuocation to be , and also the approbation thereof : shewing that not one iota in all Scripture , not one example in all Catholicke antiquity , not one shadow of reason in all the wit of naturall man can be brought for the iust proofe or colour of this Mysterie of iniquitie . First we must vnderstand that our Aequiuocatours teach a double kind of Aequiuocation . The first is a mentall reseruation in the mind , differing from that which I outwardly expresse , whether it be by voice or writing . Their example : c If a Catholicke or any other person before a Magistrate shall be demanded vpon his oath , whether a Priest be in such a place , may ( notwithstanding his perfect knowledge to the contrary ) without periurie securely in conscience answer no , with a secret meaning reserued in his mind , namely that he is not there so , vt ( loquar enim Latinè , ne hinc Idiotae ansam sibi arripiant nequitèr mentiendi ) quis teneatur illud detegere . The second is a verball Aequiuocation , whether it be vocall , that is , vttered in the voice , or literall , that is , expressed in writing : when one word shall import two or moe different significations : as thus , To go to fast : the word fast , whether vocall or literall , doth equally signifie to abstaine from meat , and also , to make haste . By liberty of this Aequiuocation one merily did play vpon his friend going at dinner time to a churles house , O sir ( saith he ) you go to fast . But to vse the example of our Aequiuocatours ; d If one shall aske whether such a stranger ( this is for security of a Priest ) lieth ( meaning whether he lodge ) in my house , I may answer he lieth not i● my house : meaning , non mentitur , and heerein I say truth . Concerning these two kinds of Aequiuocations I make two conclusions to be manifested in this dispute . Our first conclusion is this ; Euery Aequiuocation by a mentall Reseruation is not an hidden truth , but a grosse ●…e . The second conclusion is this ; Euery Aequiuocation , ( whether it be mentall or verball ) if it be vsed in an oath , though it be no lie , yet is it an abhominable profanation of that sacred Institution of God ; by whomsoeuer or to whomsoeuer this oath be performed . To prooue that Aequiuocating by a mentall Reseruation is a lying falshood , we must first distinguish of falshood , lest the doubtfulnes●e of this word falshood , dull the vnderstanding of my religious Reader , not to perceiue the State of the Question . There is a double kind of falshood in speech ; The first hath respect to the thing spoken , the other to the mind of the speaker . The example of the former : If thinking it to be ten of the clocke ( when it is but nine ) I shall say it is ten , this is false , but not a lie : Because e None must be iudged a liar ( saith Saint Augustine ) who speaketh false , thinking it to be true which he speaketh : because heerein his purpose is not to deceiue the hearer , but he is only deceiued in himselfe . The other , when thinking that to be false which I speake , I affirme it to be true , ( and so on the contrary ) as thinking it to be ten of the clocke , shall say it is nine : thus whether it be ten , or no , I do lie : and thus sometimes a man doth lie in speaking a truth . As the Client , who hauing in his pocket both counterfet and currant gold , intending to cozen his Counsellour with the woorse mettall , by chance gaue him the better , saying ; Sir , I cannot be vnthankefull to any that shall deserue well , heere is an Angell , and so he departed a falsly true , a deceiued deceiuer , and an vnthankefully thankefull man. The first kind of false speech is against truth , as it is defined Logically , A congruity or consent of the speech with the thing : the second falshood is defined morally , as it is opposite to truth , which is a consonancy of the speech with the vnderstanding of the speaker , and this falsity we call properly a lie . f The former kind ( saith S. Augustine ) speaketh falslie for want of knowledge : the latter speaketh falsly against his knowledge and conscience , properly a liar . And only of this liar now we frame our dispute . CHAP. II. NOw we must come into the lists of this conflict , and enter vpon our Aequiuocator , to conuince him a grosse liar by manifest arguments , and to answer all his Obiections in their due order . The first Argument from the definition of a lie . Maior . ) Whosoeuer vseth any signification of speech against his conscience , is properly a liar : ( Minor ) But our Aequiuocator doth vse a signification of speech directly against his conscience . Ergo , he is directly a liar . The Minor is not onely the confession , but also the profession of our Aequiuocator , as hath beene shewed . * If a Catholicke ( saith he ) shall answere , [ The Priest is not in my house ] contrary to his perfect knowledge . &c. And can any man of conscience deny the conclusion ? Yet because we haue to deale against consciences * Dawbed vp with mortar vntempered ; we adde A confirmation of the former Argument . Let vs consult with the principall Doctour of your more ancient schoole , as the first of all , with him , who for his excellencie obteined the name of Master , as it were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his time . a This is properly lying ( saith he ) when a manspeaketh any thing contrary to that which he thinketh in his mind . This Doctour is seconded heerein by Aquinas , who in your opinion was not second to any in , or since his time : b This is proper to a lie ( saith he ) when a man will signifie in outward words another thing then that which he thinketh in his mind . In which consideration S. Hierome about to free S. Paul from suspition of lying , who promised to the Corinthians , to come vnto them , but did not : c S. Paul ( saith he ) did not lie , because he purposed with his hart to doe that which he had promised with his pen : but he only is a liar , who thinketh contrary to that which he speaketh . For , d Euery lie ( saith Saint Augustine ) is that false witnesse ( which is forbid in the commandemnet ) therefore it is that our Lord Christ doth admonish euery one ; [ Let there not be in your speech yea & nay , but let your yea be yea , and your nay nay . ] This being his iudgement against , as I may so say , Sarai , a free speech : what thinke you he determineth concerning Hagar the bond-woman , that is , such a speech as is obliged by an oath ? e This is a formall property of periurie ( saith S. Augustine ) to sweare that which I thinke is false : for nothing can make a guilty tongue , but only a guilty mind . To endeuour to prooue this point by testimonies of all men , who maintaine it , were a labour infinit ; and it may seeme also vnnecessary to confirme vnto men that which no man can deny . Now must we examine whether that we haue not by this proofe so intrapped the fox Aequinocatour , that he cannot find any hole whereby to escape . The Aequiuocatour . f Though the Catholicke thinke the Priest to be in his house , yet may he answer , No , with a secret Reseruation in his mind , as this , Vt narremtibi . Or demanded whether I be a Priest , notwithstanding , contrary to my knowledge , I may answer , No , with a secret reseruation , Vt me detegam . The Replie . Suffer me Socratically to debate this point with you , and answer me friendly to these demands : Q. When being asked , whether you are a Priest , you answer No , what signification hath this word No ? R. It doth signifie directly , I am no Priest . Q. And yet you thinke you are a Priest . R. Yea I know it : Q. Wherewith doe you know it ? R. By my inward mind and vnderstanding , my conscience testifying this vnto me . Q. Can conscience beare witnesse ? then can it also speake . R. It speaketh as verily to my inward soule , as my tongue speaketh sensibly to your eares . Q. When therefore I aske you whether you be a Priest , your conscience saying to your selfe , I am ; would it not say the same to me likewise if I could heare it ? R. Certainly it would . Q. Yet it may be your mind may demurre or varie in that which it thinketh , as namely , thinking thus , [ I am a Priest ] yet to be able to perswade your soule , and say , [ I am no Priest . ] R. Vnpossible , for this is an infallible position , Mens non potest non intelligere quod intelligit : The mind cannot possibly but thinke that which it thinketh . Q. And it is as vnpossible but , [ I am ] the direct voice of your conscience , and [ I am not ] the expresse voice of your tongue , must be as contrary as yea and nay . R. True. Q. Then will this be as true , that when your conscience affirmeth that which your tongue denieth , that your tongue speaketh , against your Conscience . * And this is that which we haue proued to be flat lying , a conclusion which no art of Aequiuocation can possibly auoid . Our Aequiuocator conceiteth a double intention of the mind , the one directly respecting the signification of the words ; and thus they grant that the Nay of their tongue was contrary to the yea of their vnderstanding : the second is an indirect intention , which is a clause of Reseruation , [ Vt dicam tibi . ] Whereby they would reconcile their tongue to their mind . Whereas our Witnesses haue thus determined , that truth and falsity doth consist only in the conformity or contrariety of the signification of the words , and direct intention of the mind , plainely calling it a lie , When one shall speake words ( saith Aquinas ) which doe not signifie that which he intendeth : When he speaketh otherwise then he thinketh , saith S. Hierome : When he speaketh that which hee thinketh is false , saith S. Augustine . But the indirect intention of the speaker [ Vtreuelem tibi ] cannot alter the signification of his outward words , [ I am no Priest ] which his direct intention of conscience doth contradict , saying , [ But I am a Priest . ] Ergo our Aequiuocating Priest cannot possibly reconcile such a contradiction of his hart and his tongue . Wherefore we will desire S. Augustine to conclude against our Aequiuocatours ; g Whosoeuer shall sweare that which he knoweth is false , is but a detestable beast . CHAP. III. The second Argument from the Definition of Aequiuocation . The Aequiuocator must speake . a WE will speake with Aristotle and the Logicians speaking of foure propositions : first mentall , only conceiued in the minde ; secondly vocall , vttered with my mouth ; thirdly written ( which I haue called literall ; ) and the fourth mixt , when we mingle some of these propositions together , when one part is expressed outwardly , as to say [ I know him not : ] the other part reserued in my mind , as to say , [ Vt tibi significem ] both ioined together make vp one true proposition . The Replie . Dare you appeale vnto Logicke ? This is the Art of all Arts , and the high Tribunall of reason and truth it selfe , which no man in any matter , whether it be case of humanity or diuinity can iustly refuse . Consult therefore with the ancient Logicians , and proue ( marke what scope I yeeld vnto you ) that from the beginning of the world in the whole currant of so many thousand generations of mankinde , till within the compasse of these last foure hundred yeeres , and lesse , that euer any Logician , whether Infidell or Beleeuer , did allow your mixt proposition ( which is partly mentall , and partly verball ) or thinke it a Proposition : and I will be ( which my soule vtterly detesteth ) an Aequiuocator . Yet I must not now expect impossibilities , to trie what you would proue , but shew herein what I can disproue . The Argument . Your proposition [ I am no Priest , ] mixed with your mentall reseruation , [ Vt tibireuelem ; ] if it be true , it is so either in his simple signification , or by vertue of Aequiuocation : but it is not true in his simple signification ; this you grant : neither can it be true by vertue of Aequiuocation ; this I prooue . b Aequiuocation in word or speech ( sayth the Oracle of all Logicians ) is when one word or one speech doth equally signifie diuers things . As when one shall say , I am afrayd of a Dogge : this word Dogge hath a triple signification ; for it signifieth aswell a fish in the sea , called a Dogge-fish , & a signe in the heauenly spheare , wherein when the Sun hath his course , we call the dayes Dogge-dayes ; or as thirdly , it doth signifie mans faithfull seruant , a barking dogge . Therefore when he sayth , I feare a Dogge , whether he meaneth he is afrayd of the housholde dogge to be bit with his teeth , or to be drowned , and so deuoured of the Sea dogge , or to goe mad by the poisonfull influences of the Planeticall dogge : If , I say , he vnderstand any of these kinds , this his speech is true , [ I am afrayd of a dogge . ] But your mixt and patched proposition is not one word or speech signifying equally diuers things ; but contrarily ( as you pretend ) diuers parts of speech ( one in the minde , and another in the mouth ) signifying one thing : for , I am no Priest , and To tell it to the , what words can be more different ? which whosoeuer shall call Aequiuocall , may be iustly suspected to be bit with the highest dogge ; the position is so absurd and vnreasonable . The Aequiuocator doth insist . His Obiection . c Voices and writings are ordemed for instruments and signes to expresse a Proposition which is in the minde ; therefore may I expresse all in word or all in writing , and the proposition in the minde remaineth the same . So may I by another mixt proposition expresse some part , and reserue some part in my minde . For example , If when I say [ God is not ] should lose presently my speech , before I could vtter the word following [ vniust , ] which hauing my pen in my hand , I exhibit by writing ; who doubteth , but all that is but one proposition , the trueth whereof consisteth of the mixture of both parts together ? So is it where one part is deliuered with the mouth , and the other reserued in the minde . The Replie . It were better that both you & I should become speechlesse and handlesse , than either in word or writing to minister such a bainfull Conclusion vnto the world . But to the matter : Voices and writings ( say you ) are outward signes of the inward propositions of the minde . This is true : What then ? And the part wanting in voice is supplied by the other word in writing . This is also true : But why ? Because words and writings be mutuall signes and interpretations of the minde . This is againe most true : What can you inferre from all this ? So the signification of the part outwardly expressed [ I am no Priest ] may be supplied with the other part of the proposition reserued in my minde [ Vt tibinarrem . ] I tell you this comparison is vtterly false . For the foresaid Oracle in his booke intituled , The interpretation of speech , saith , that * Euery proposition enunciatiue ( that is , euery outward speech , whether by word or writing , whether affirming or denying ) is ordeined for signification : that is , ( as you haue well said ) to expresse some thing . But no mentall , or inward conceit of the minde is ordeined of God as a signe to expresse or signifie ( as words and writings doe ) but as a thing signified hath need to be expressed and expounded . Such is your mentall clause reserued [ Vt narrem tibi . ] Can you make this a signe or instrument to expresse & signifie your true meaning , which you haue purposely deuised for a den to lurke in , lest your false meaning might be signified and reuealed ? Thus haue you by your comparison of voices and writings made a strong loope whereby to strangle your selfe . This is confirmed by S. Augustine . d Euery speech ( sayth he ) whether it affirme or deny any thing , is to be referred vnto that which it doth affirme or deny . But your Negatiue , I am no Priest , can not be referred to your supposed true clause [ Vt narrem tibi ; ] for it doth not signifie any such thing : but only to your Priesthood . In which simple signification it is ( by your owne opinion ) most false . A delusion notably confuted by your owne Seraphicall Doctor , who affirmeth , that e A speech is so farre foorth true , as it is a signe of a true vnderstanding . But your voice ( you know ) is contrary to your vnderstanding . And as concerning Voice , which is the signe , he addeth from Aristotle , That it is against nature to signifie any thing by words which we haue not in our minde . If then this equiuocation be vnnaturall , we haue not without reason called it a Monster . And now we will shew your vnnaturall countenance in a like example . An example of like Sophistrie . A presumptuous Gorgias and Sophister in Cambridge vndertooke the defence of this Probleme , Virtus est vitium , vertue is a vice : but being plunged in his answer , he fled to a reserued clause , fugere . And was not this his fugere , plainly your subterfugere ? Therefore as any Philosopher onely hearing these words , Virtus est vitium , must necessarily call it after that name of one of the markes of Sophistrie f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , A singular absurditie : so might any hearing a Priest say simply , I am no Priest , call this after the name of the second scope of Sophistrie , which is g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lie . CHAP. IIII. The third Argument from the description of lying . MAior. ) a No man can doubt ( saith S. Augustine , and your whole schoole ) but he lieth , which speaketh any thing which is false , with an intent to deceiue another : ( The Minor ) But our Aequiuocatours professe by a false speech to b delude ( their owne words ) Protestant-examiners , Magistrates , Pursuuants , and other Officers , and whosoeuer may be instruments to call their persons in question , Ergo , by their art of Aequiuocating haue they obtained a perfection of lying . What can you answer ? The Aequiuocatour . c This speech [ I am no Priest ] is not false , being mixed with that clause which is vnderstood [ Vt tibi significem . ] The Answer . I haue already prooued from the iudgement of S. Hierome and S. Augustine , two of the most iudicious Fathers ; out of Lombard and Aquinas , the two eies of your Romish schoole , that wheresoeuer the speech is contrary to the knowledge ( such you haue granted your Aequiuocating to be ) there the speech is false and a slat lie . Which is now further proued from the end of lying , which is , To deceiue the hearer : except you professe an intention to deceiue men by true speaking , and so make truth a Seducer . The Aequiuocatour doth insist . d Our Aequiuocating doth not alwaies deceiue the hearer , for if a man of Couentry , a place generally infected with the plague , dwelling himselfe in a part of that city , which is free from infection , and comming to London , shall be asked if he came from Couentry ( they intending to aske him concerning a place infected ) may answer , No : for heerein he deceiueth not the mind of the Questioner , but answereth directly to his intention . The Replie . If this one instance were true , yet could it not iustifie your other Aequiuocations , as that [ I am no Priest : ] whereby your whole purpose is to delude the intention of the examiner . e For this is an intention to deceiue , ( saith your Iesuite ) to seeke to beget a signification of your speech in the mind of your hearer , diuers to that which you conceiue your selfe . Secondly , this your instance is false ; for euery one that asketh a Question , doth intend to receiue a direct answer : and therefore his answer , [ I came not from Couentry ] who came from Couentrie , cannot satisfie the intention of the Examiner . Thirdly , though it shall satisfie the remote intention of the Examiner , yet is it a lewd lie in the speaker , because he that speaketh truth hath alway a conformity betweene the intention of his mind and his speech : but to deny , He came not from that place from whence he knoweth he came , is no conformity , but infinite contrariety between his speech and his owne intention . An answer so grosly false , that a Iesuite of high esteeme in your church , writing against this spirituall iugling of his subtile lying brethren , doth confesse , f That if this kind of answer ( concerning a place infected with the plague &c. ) be not false , then there is no speech so false , but it may be freed from falshood : because willingly to vse words in a contrary sense to that they signifie , is plaine lying . By whom you Aequiuocators may learne , that if the man you fancied came not from a place infected with bodily pestilence , yet this your aequiuocating proceedeth from minds spiritually infected with the contagion of pestilent lying . O but you are more subtile then your Aduersaries ; and so was the * Serpent ( the Diuels instrument ) more subtile than all the beasts of the field . Yet behold one Doctor amongst you so subtile , that for that faculty he hath ( by figure of excellency ) beene called the subtile Doctour : who doth conclude all you Aequiuocatours liars , saying , g To say that [ I did not ] that which I know I haue done , although I speake it with this limitation ( or reseruation of mind ) [ Vt tibi significem it is not aequiuocation , but a lie . And not he alone , but euen the subtilest of all your Iesuites must be called a liar , if this your aequiuocating subtilty be not rancke lying : h Whosoeuer ( saith he ) doth indeuour by feining to deceiue another , although he intend to signifie something else , yet doubtlesse he lieth . Which kind of aequiuocating when your diuine of Cullen doth examine , he maketh his Theophilus , that is , the louer of God , to answer Philetus , that is , a louer of himselfe ; to wonder at your i Trifling foolerie thus contrary to the iudgement of graue and wise men , to inuent such a lurking hole and refuge for periurie . Concluding that It is certainly a lie , when any doth thinke one thing in his mind , and signifie the contrary in words , with intent to deceiue another . Therefore are you to be exhorted as his good Theophilus , for the loue of God , who is the truth , to recant this your doctrine of aequiuocating , the metropolis of lies . CHAP. V. The fourth Argument a Specie , or from a particular kind of lying , which is Periury . MAior. ) a Periurie ( as both your now Iesuites , and also your ancient Schoole saith ) is a lie made in an oth . b For an oath void of truth must needs be a lie . c Because in an oath to vse such a speech as thou thinkest is false , is formally periurie . Anancient doctrine , for the Prophet requireth in euery Iurist truth ; * Thou shalt sweare the Lord liueth in truth &c. But mentall aequiuocating is in an oath per●urie . Ergo simplie in it selfe without an oath it is a lie . The Minor proued . This is a certaine maxime in Diuinity , grounded vpon the eternall commandement of God , [ * Thou shalt not beare false witnesse ; ] and expounded by his Prophet , Thou shalt sweare in truth ; and confessed by your Azorius , d That is to sweare both for the confirmation of a truth , and so also in truth as to thinke probably that true wherunto thou art sworn . ( Minor. ) But our Acquiuocatours do neither sweare from truth , nor for confirmation of truth . Ergo their oath is plaine periury . A conclusion thought so iust , that your owne great Moralist doth condemne all Aequiuocators heerein as periured liars ; e or otherwise ( saith he ) there is nothing which may not be affirmed and denied without a lie . Yet against your conceiued reseruation we will obiect a conceiued supposition for further confirmation of this point , This last Minor confirmed . Suppose that your Guido hath wrongfully impeached some man of honour , as to haue beene an Inginer and worker in the Powder-vault together with Piercie and Catesbie brethren in that euill : and thus is the noble person made guilty of high treason ; but after by more exact triall of circumstances , it is found that the man of honour was neuer incorporate in that conspiracie , what can you answer for your G●… ? What else , but as your Garnet answered for your Tresham , I thinke he did aequiuocate ? saying [ The honourable man was present in that vault ] reseruing in his thought this clause [ Quatenus vir longissimè absens , praesens esse potuit . But answer , ( for we wil draw you out of that foxe hole ) He swearing according to these words , [ This man was one of vs Pioners , ] did his words accord with his direct meaning ? No : then was not his oath a veritate , from truth ; But did his oath ( the second propertie of a true oath ) confirme a truth ? No : for it did betray an innocent ; then was it not pro veritate , for truth . Therefore call you such an oath , Aequiuocation , or , Reseruation , or secret limitation , or what you will : our great grandfathers ( I am sure ) would haue termed it peri●rie , and adiudged it to the pillorie , a shame too little for so shamelesse a collusion . For seeing that f Periurie ( though not in the iniurie to man , yet in it owne iniquity ) is a more grieuous sinne than murder ; it may be wished that mentall aequiuocation might haue a corporall suspension ; and where any of whatsoeuer profession he be , shall be found guilty of both murder and the aequiuocating clause of Reseruation ; the sinne of Reseruation , may haue a reseruation of punishment : that if , for the one , he hang by the neck , for the other , he may hang iointly by the tongue , as it is written , Iuxta peccatum ita erit & poenae modus . CHAP. VI. Our fift Argument from the principall subiects of Truth , God : and Lying , the Diuell . 1. God. HEb . 6. 17. God willing to shew more abundantly vnto the heires of promise the stablenesse of his Counsell , bound himselfe by an oath , that by two immutable things , wherein it is impossible that God should lie , we might haue strong consolation &c. Heere we see the nature of a lie , g To be so absolutely euill in it owne nature , as ( which all Diuines hold ) that nothing can make it good . Therefore so it is said , that to say it is vnpossible , that our good God , father of truth , should lie : is as much as to say , it is impossible for goodnesse to be euill , or for truth to be a ●ie ; because this is as contradictorie , as God not to be God. Hence we argue . Maior . ) That , which God can not doe by reason of lying iniquity , hath in it the iniquity of a lie . ( Minor. ) But your aequinocating conceit is that which for the lying iniquity thereof God can not possibly doe . Therefore it is a godlesse and lying wickednesse . The Minor proued . If God by an oth of promising saluation in Christ could vse your aequiuocation , then should the Elect of God not haue any strong consolation , when God by word or oath he promiseth life , and though h his spirit witnesseth to the spirits of his Elect , that they are the sonnes of God , and that they shall no ▪ perish : yet might they suspect ( which blasphemie farre be it from the hearts of his Regenerate ) that it is spoken with some secret reserued clause of delusion . i But let God be true , and euery ( especially aequiuocating ) man a liar , as it is written : for he who is Trueth will be iustified , when this sect continuing in this sinne must necessarily be condemned . The principall subiect of lying is the Diuell . Because when the voice of the Almighty had denounced death to the Transgressours , saying , k Eating of this fruit ye shall die : the Diuell in his instrument contradicting that trueth , sayd , l You shall not die at all : he is therefore truely called m A liar from the beginning . From whence we may argue thus . Maior . ) That can not be a doctrine of trueth , which stoppeth a mans mouth , that he can not giue the Diuell the lie . ( Minor. ) But admitting your aequiuocation , all mankinde is silenced , as not able to giue the Diuell his due title of a Liar . Ergo aequiuocating is no doctrine of trueth . The Minor proued . For Eue , who was catechized in this trueth , God sayd that if we eat we shall die , and hearing the Diuels contrary suggestion , Though you eat you shall not die : might she not say to the serpent , Spirit thou liest ? If she might not , then is that no lying spirit , which is father of all lies : if she might , then is your close aequiuocating a lie . Otherwise , the Diuell might haue freed himselfe as you do , saying , I sayd truely , for I did aequiuocate . The Minor confirmed . Though the Diuell haue plunged himselfe in Abyssum , the bottomlesse gulfe of wickednesse , as to do wickedly for loue of wickednesse : n Yet is there not the most desperate sinner amongst men , but if he could , he had rather by honest than by wicked meanes atchieue whatsoeuer his wicked heart lusteth after . We will borrow of you an example : o The late intended conspiracie , which ( as you confesse ) was so hainous an impiety , that God and heauen condemne it , men and earth detest it : Now then , what wickednesse vnder heauen would not these Conspirators haue attempted , which haue beene found guilty of so damnable a mischiefe ? Yet am I persuaded that for aduancement of their Religion they would neuer haue practised by powder , if they could haue preuailed with paper . All which I produce to this end , to let you vnderstand , that if mentall aequiuocation were lawfull , and did qualifie a false speech to free it from a lie , no man instructed in that Art would or could lie ; and so we should seeme to liue in an Outopia , where men shall be conuicted of most manifest aequiuocating falshood ; only he shall be the liar , that giueth the conuicted the lie . CHAP. VII . The sixt Argument , from examples of dissimulation condemned by 1. Scriptures , 2. Fathers , 3. Pagans . 1. Scripture . ACts 5. 1. Ananias with Saphira his wife solde a possession , and kept backe part of the price , his wife being of counsell with him ; and the other part he brought and layd it downe at the Apostles feet . Then sayd Peter , Why hath Satan filled thine heart that thou should'st lie ? thou hast not lied vnto men , but vnto God. When Ananias heard these words , he fell downe and gaue vp the ghost . After this came in his wife , ignorant of that which was done ; and Peter sayd vnto her , Tell me , Sold you the land for so much ? and she sayd , Yea , for so much : and Peter sayd , Why haue you agreed together to tempt the spirit of the Lord ? and she fell downe , and yeelded vp the ghost . These pretended to bring all their substance , and to tender it to the Apostles for the common good of the Saints , an act proper to the infancy of the Church : but they reserued one halfe for supply of their peculiar vses , if happily they might come to want . The woman is asked , Solde you the land but for so much ? her answer is , Yea , but for so much : and yet this dissimulation is called a lie . When she answered , For so much , meaning but one halfe , concealing the other halfe , it was not possible but in that dissimulation your reserued clause must haue come into her minde , to thinke , But for so much : vt in commune bonum conferamus : or , vt alijs largiamur : or your owne crotchet , [ Vt vobis significemus . ] Let any but enter into the meditation of such a dissimulation , and he shall finde it vnpossible but some such conceit will be flittering like a butter-flie in his mind , and like one of the * false spirits of Satan , delude his soule , as not to discerne of a lie : but S. Peter calleth it a Satanicall lie . This is the first example of lying we reade of in Christianity , wherein the actours by the visible vengeance of God were strucke dead suddenly and perished in their sinne , and should therefore teach you , that though you may delude man , who only iudgeth the mouth , ( therefore S. Peter sayd of it , Thou hast not lied vnto men ▪ ) yet for feare of the all-seeing iust God , not any more thus , * To tempt the spirit of the Lord. CHAP. VIII . Examples out of ancient Fathers . SAint Augustine vseth many , especially two : The first ; a Suppose there is a man so dangerously sicke ( sayth this holie Father ) that if he should but heare of the death of his deare and only sonne , his strength cannot beare the griefe of it , but he must presently die : thou knowing his child is dead , and being asked of him whether he be dead or aliue ; what wouldest thou answer ? Thou must either say he is dead , or he liueth , or I know not : but these two , [ he liueth , and , I know not ] are both false ; the only true is , He is dead . But thou wilt say , then truth shall be a murtherer : why ? if an impudent woman shall soliicite thy chastity , and thou denie , she in the rage of her passion shall shortly die : wilt thou say that chastity is a murtherer ? Me thinke I heare our Aequiuocators say , what , no true answer but only he is dead ? simple S. Augustine ! for both of the other might haue beene made good , as either to say , I know not , inwardly vnderstanding , [ Vt narrem tibi , or , nescio calcibus , or , nescio cras ] and such like : the second vi●it , he is aliue , might haue stood for currant , intending in the mind , [ Viuit in Purgatorio , or , in coelo , or , vitam spiritualem , or , sibi , or , Deo , ] and an hundred such qualifications & reseruatiues , both to free the answerer from lying , and the man from dying . Well S. Augustine his simplicity made him a Saint ; what your double-harted subtilty may make you , I had rather you should duly consider , than I vtter . His second example : b There was a certaine Bishop , by name Firme , but firmer by the constancy of his will : who being asked where the man was , whom he had hid from the hands of the persecutor ; answered the seruants and officers of the Emperour thus : I ( quoth he ) may neither ●…e , nor yet betray my brother : and lest he should do either , he suffered many torments of these persecutors . What answer could haue beene giuen more resolute and honest than this ? Thus resolueth S. Augustine euen vpon the case in question : only differing heerein , that the example which the Father propoundeth , is of a Bishop for the safetie of a Christian ; the answer which our Aequiuocator teacheth is especiallie directed to lay-men for preseruation of Priests , viz. themselues . S. Augustine resolued that the Bishops answer was most honest : what wil our Aequiuocators iudge ? surely their subtilty teacheth that it was most sottish , by ignorance of another meane of euasion , through this backdoore of Reseruation , [ Vt tibi reuelem . ] Therefore the Catholicke Bishop might seeme foole-hardie to expose himselfe to torments when by aequiuocation he might haue kept his knowledge as inuisible for that time , as Christ did his person by his almighty diuine power amongst the persecuting Iewes . But S. Augustine could not finde that passage , because it was not heard of in those daies ; therefore doth resolue thus , that the answer of the godlie Bishop was honest : c Because it is written , he that lieth slaieth his owne soule : therefore it were peruersnesse to say , that one should choose to die spiritually , that another may be saued bodily : for man it is who may kill the body , but God can take body and soule and cast them both headlong into hell . d But the example of Rahab ( saith he ) will be obiected , whether she had not done well if she had not shewed mercy vnto her guests the seruants of God , when inquisition was made by their enemies to know whether they were there ; She might haue said , I know where they be , but I feare God , and therefore will not tell you to betray them : thus should she haue answered if she had beene then a true Israelite in whom there is no guile . But you will say that then they would haue slaine her and haue sought out the strangers : doth it therefore follow that they should find them ? But suppose she had lost her life , a life which must be lost , yet had her death beene right deare and pretious in the eies of God , and the benefit to her guests had not beene in vaine . You will furthermore obiect that they by this meanes might make more diligent search for her guests , and haue found them out ; and what I pray you , if they would not haue beleeued that leud woman ? Howsoeuer , who are we that we should censure or limit the power of God ? For he that preserued them after by this womans lie , might haue preserued them without her lie : except we can forget his power against the Sodomites ; they sought the guests of Lot , but were strucke blind , and not able to find the doore . This S. Augustine his Scio our Aequiuocators turne into Nescio : they can spie out a bench-hole to hide the persecuted by her answer , [ Vt tibi reuelem ] which was neuer reuealed to S. Augustine , nor yet to the holy Popes of ancient time : for S. e Gregory , and f Innocentius in the same cause of preseruing the life of a brother was of the same mind . Neither is there one in all antiquity who euer knew the Nescio of your mixt proposition , no not for any cause of danger to be free from them there is no greater Tyrant than * a lie , which slaieth the soule . There remaineth the third example deriued from Paganisme ; and also other two arguments , the one deduced from comparisons , the otherfrom effects , which will follow in their conuenient order . In a conflict we know it is required that the Souldier be prouided as well defensiuely , to ward ; as offensiuely , to impugne his Enemy . Let vs a while trie the forces of our aduersaries in CHAP. IX . The Obiections , which our Aequiuocators vrge for their mentall Reseruation from Reasons , Scriptures , Fathers . 1. Reason . a WE will prooue our mentall Aequiuocation by naturall reason . Thus , If I were alone and should talke with my selfe , and say one thing , vnderstanding a thing different from that , this is not a lie . Ergo mentall aequiuocation is iust and true . The Answer . Of these two most diuine properties , whereby man is discerned from beasts , Ratio & oratio , Reason and speech : the vse of speech was not ordained for a looking glasse , whereby a man might see himselfe , but as the * Interpreter of the mind , whereby he might be knowen of others : as the learned Philosopher looking earnestly vpon a Scholar professed in all arts , Loquere , inquit , vt t● videam : Speake , ( quoth he ) my friend that I may see thee . Now because there is no man of sound braines , but he knoweth before he speake , what his tongue vttereth , there can be no neede that by speech hee should interpret his owne meaning to himselfe , no more then a man may be properly said to steale his owne goods , or commit adultery with his owne wife : because both these are actions ad extra , that is , without a man , and haue relation to others then to our selues . Which is yet more apparant heerein , seeing that he cannot be said properly to speake vnto himselfe , who cannot properly be said to lie to himselfe : but whosoeuer can lie to himselfe may also by speech properly deceaue himself ; because a lie is described to be a false speech , to this end , * To deceiue . And can any by any wilfull lie deceiue his owneselfe , as thereby be made ignorant of his owne meaning ? This were to distract a man from himselfe . Therefore this naturall reason taken from the speech of man with himselfe , might best befit a pure naturall , or some person distracted ; namely , such a one as being beside himselfe can best talke with himselfe . The second Obiection from Reason . The Aequiuocator . b When there is a mixt proposition the two different parts make one &c. The Answer . This is already answered , and proued that this patch of mixture is no better than a new peece of cloth in an old garment , * which maketh the rent greater . CHAP. X. The Obiections from examples of Scriptures in the Old and New Testament . 1. From the old . The Aequiuocator . a THe Scripture telleth vs how * Iaacob told his Father Isaac that he was his eldest sonne Esau : which was not so in the sense of the Patriarch Isaac &c. The Answer . First , b Esau ( as your Cardinall Caietan saith : c Which is also the opinion of many learned Doctors ) being a proper name , which Isaac did purposely restraine to that particular person , saying , [ Art thou my eldest sonne Esau ? ] Iaacob heerein is inexcusable from alie . Secondly , your Aequiuocators doe prescribe the vse of this your art to be put in practise onely before a iudge , or hearer incompetent : and shall wethinke that Isaac the blessed Patriarch and father of the promised seede could be an vnfit and incompetent hearer of his sonne now only crauing his blessing ? This Disputer therefore ( to speake mildly ) is incompetent ; although , I must confesse , this example is very semblable to your persons , in whom we heare Iaacobs dissembling voice , but feele the rough hands of Esau , who intended the murder of his brother . The second example . The Aequiuocator . d Such aequiuocation did the Prophet Ieremie vse ( Ier. 38. 26. ) when he tooke aduice of the King. The Answer . You discern̄e nothing in the outward speech of this Prophet but a lie , falsely imagining an inward aequiuocation of thought , which no man can discerne . But your ancient expositour telleth vs , that e The very outward speech of Ieremy was true , as may appeare , ( saith he ) in that the King swore vnto him , that he would not kill him , nor deliuer him ouer into the hands of those Princes . Neither is it probable that the King did grant any thing to Ieremy which he did not require . Which is plaine by the 15. verse . Againe , if we iudge the outward speech of Ieremy was false , yet is it not written for our imitation , but for direction , that ( as S. Augustine doth obserue in the like examples ) Casus maiorum sit cautio minorum : the faults and slidings of the stronger might be warnings to the weaker . According to the wisedome of the holy Ghost in S. Paul , saying , * Let him that standeth t●ke heed lest he fall . Howsoeuer , for your glosse of mentall resernation ; shew vs but one Father whether Greeke or Latine ; one Pope , whether Catholicke or Antichristian ; one Author , whether learned or vnlearned , who did euer so fancie . But now you shall receiue A generall Answer to all examples of the old Testament , wherein there may be any scarres of infirmities : from Saint Augustine . f We reade of such kind of examples in holy writ , not that , because we beleeue they were done , we should therefore beleeue they may lawfully be done ; lest when we would imitate examples of men , we transgresse the precepts of God. This Answer doth S. Augustine vse against the Heretickes of his time , called Pris●●lli●…ists , who defended lying by the same examples whereby you would defend Aequiuocating , yet not so modestly , ( I confesse ) as you doe : for they maintained openly lying in his proper name ; you couertly vnder an adopted name of Aequiuocation , an euident argument that those Heretickes , whose best refuge was lying , either by ignorance knew not your aequiuocating crotchet , or according to the common language of Diuinity in those times , called it by his proper name , lying . And yet your booke for aequiuocating must be intituled , A Treatise forsooth against lying . CHAP. XI . Examples out of the new Testament obiected . The principall be foure . The first Example . The Aequiuocator . a THe infallible Verity saith to his Disciples , ( Ioh. 11. ) [ All things which I haue heard of my Father haue I manifested vnto you : ] Yet in the chapter following affirmeth , that he had many things to say vnto them , but they were not able to beare them away then . Therefore must the first proposition be vnderstood according to his meaning reserued . b Aequiuocation therefore is euidently conuinced out of thi● speech of our Sauiour , who is infallible truth . The Answer . I answer ( with S. Augustine ) that c Now mans infirmity plaies her part : but know that no man learneth of christity to be adulterous , or of godlinesse to be impious , or of bounty to be iniurious ; and shall we learne of truth to be liers , and periurious ? God forbid ! Touching the text , your owne Bishop Iansenius answering this obiection , saith , that d These kinds of speeches , and all such are to be expounded according to the circumstances either of state , place , time , or condition of the persons speaking , or to whom they were spoken : as namely that , Whatsoeuer you aske my Father in my name he will giue you ; what any thing absolutely ? nay , but vpon condition it be expedient for you . So heere , Christ saying , I haue manifested all things , it is expounded by the circumstance of the present state ; signifying , All that appertaine vnto you to be knowen . So then heere is no concealed sense to deceiue the hearer , but it is euident by circumstance of speech . Whereby you may perceiue , that not that infallible Verity , but your owne infirmity and vanity hath deceiued you : in so peruerting the truth to patronize your lie . The second place obiected . The Aequiuocator . e Our Sauiour said to his Disciples , that he himselfe knew not the day of iudgement , but his father only : which by consent of holy Fathers is to bee vnderstood , that hee knew it not [ vt significaret eis . ] Thus Ambrose , Chrysostome , Theophilus , and Basil expound it . And Garnet at his arraingment obiected S. Augustine , and wholly depended vpon his iudgement in the same exposition . The Answer . It will not be pertinent to oppose the other exposition of Fathers , Who were many ( saith your Maldonate ) expounding this text thus ; that Christ , as he was man knew not the daie and houre &c. but the question is , whether the former exposition of S. Augustine and others doth imply any mentall equiuocation . And because Garnet did select onely S. Augustine of all the Fathers , we will appeale to S. Augustine for answer to them all . By whose testimony it doth appeare , that when our Sauiour said , I know not the daie , signifying , [ vt dicam vobis ; ] this clause whereby he meant to conceale the time , was not concealed from them ; who though they were by the sense of the speech held in ignorance not to know the day , yet were they not ignorant of the sense of the speech , which was , I may not let you know it . For he maketh the sense of the word Nescio , I know it not , to be a figuratiue speech , and by the emphasis of pronunciation to signifie so much to his Disciples , as you shall not know . His examples . g When it is written Deut. 13. The Lord your God trieth you , that he may know whether ye loue him . These words , [ That he may know ] do not signifie that God may receiue knowledge , who knoweth all things before they be ; but the sense is this , That he may make you to know how much you haue profited in his loue . So Christ speaking to his Disciples , saying , The Sonne of man knoweth not the day of iudgement , had this meaning , to make his Disciples that they should not know it . Now therefore as the people of God vnderstood the figure of the phrase , Vt sciat Deus , in his id est , vt scire vos faciat : so did his Disciples by circumstance , or emphasis of Christ ; speech vnderstand his Nescio , in his id est , vt vobis dicam , which is yet more perspicuous by that which S. Augustine doth adde ; Such kind of speeches ( saith this holy Father ) are ordinary in the common speech of men , as when we say , It is a pleasant , or a drowsie day : signifying that the day maketh vs pleasant , or drowsie . I would desire the Reader to compare this Nescio of Christ with S. Augustines Nescio , in his * former example , and hee shall easily interpret S. Augustine by S. August , to vnderstand that Nescio cannot admit a concealed sense . Now what man of common sense doth not know the sense of such speeches ? plainly shewing that the Apostles did then know the sense of that Nescio , the day of iudgement , onely that they might not know it . Can then your vnknowen Reseruation haue approbation by S. Augustine ? fie no : his Christian ha●t was ●o diuinely precise in this point , that the did not admit of dissimulation for preseruation of the glory of woman-hood , womans chastity ; no not for the preseruation of another mans life , no not of our owne life , no not for gaining a mans soule . And will you make him guilty of more than Heathenish Aequiuocation ? Secondly , consider but the vse of your imagined Reseruation , which you prescribe to be then only requisite , when the hearer is incompetent and vnfit to vnderstand the clause reserued : but shall any imagine , that the Apostles were not fit to vnderstand ( the only reason of your imagined Reseruation ) that they were vnfit to know the day of iudgement ? senselesse , for our Sauiour elsewhere saith , * It is not for you to know the times and seasons . And why was not that [ vt vobis significem ] at this time also seasonable for them to vnderstand ? Yes doubtlesse , if that were the meaning of his wordes , they vnderstood it , and then it was no concealed reseruation ; if it were not his meaning , there was no aequiuocation . Thirdly , the purpose of the Aequiuocator is by his secret reseruation To delude his hearer . And will you say now therefore that Christ did aequiuocate , that is , delude and deceiue his Disciples ? This were blasphemy . Fourthly , this exposition [ Vt vobis significem ] is either deriued from the circumstances of Christ his speech , whether of time , or place , or persons &c. Or else it is idlely imagined , to say that the Fathers doted dreaming vpon a sense without light of some circumstance would be iniurious to reuerend Antiquity , and prooue the subuersion of your owne cause : but if the Fathers collected this by circumstances and consequents of Christs speech , then was it not the sense concealed , except you will say S. Augustine and S. Ambrose did vnderstand better the meaning of our Sauiour then his prime , chosen , and ( concerning the tenor of Christs speeches ) his familiar Disciples . Lastly we will conclude this point by the testimony of your Genesius , who will tell you that this sense which you conceit , is not only contrary to the sentence of all Fathers , but also against all common sense : h We may not suffer ( saith he ) those who relie vpon this interpretation to bring in ( speaking of purpose against your Aequiuocation ) any doctrine amongst men , which is not onely contrary to the common consent of ancient Fathers , but also common sense . The Aequiuocator . i Our Sauior Christ in going to * Emmaus , did faine as though he would go further . Ergo , it is lawfull to aequiuocate . The Answer . k The Greek word ( saith your Doctor ) might haue been more securely and conueniently translated , as one doth it , [ He made as though he would go forward : ] But Aequiuocatours delight in faining : will you therfore behold your own visage ? l The Heretickes , called Priscillianists , as appeareth in S. Augustine ( saith your Iesuite ) from this text did labour to prooue a lie lawfull . And in reading S. Augustine you shall finde , that neuer either Catholickes or Heretickes could discerne in your mixt proposition any thing but a lie . But to the text ; the Fathers shall be our Iudges , and your Authours our witnesses . First , m Saint Augustine ( as your Bishop relateth ) saith that Christ did seeme to go further , but not with any purpose to deceiue those Disciples . How then ? your Aquinas will tell you . S. Augustine saith , that Christ made as though he would go further ; to signifie figuratiuely , that he was ready to go into heauen , but that for a while he was in a sort retained by earthly hospitality . n Pope Gregory likewise and Bede ( saith your Iesuite ) hold that Christ did it not to deceiue them , but rather to shew how they were deceiued . He cannot be said to he ( saith Gregory ) who vseth words , which are not intended to deceiue another , but to shew that he is deceiued , as the Prophet Michaiah dealt with Ahab . 1. Reg. 22. The story is plaine : when King Ahab was bent to go to fight against Ramoth Gilead , all the false Prophets promised him a prosperous warfare : the King calleth for Micheas , and asketh , [ Shall we go vp against Ramoth Gilead , or no ? the Prophet answered , Go vp and pros●er . ] When notwithstanding he knew that the King should perish : but this was an irony , and in a sense knowen to the King himselfe , who therefore charged him to speake seriously . Therefore the Prophet spoke these words now according to the meaning of the false Prophers in scorne : as When a sicke man shall take water died with a red colour , which he is perswaded to be wine , we would say in iesting manner , well drinke your wine ; thereby to tell him his errour , and not to cause him to erre : so here these disciples not perswaded that Christ was risen from death , but held him as a stranger and passenger feined himselfe a passenger to go forward . Come to the literall and historicall sense . [ He made as though he would go furder : and they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , did compell , or , constraine him , saying , Abide with vs , and he abode with them . ] And now it appeareth , he meant as he seemed , to goe further , but after was ouercome by their curteous importunity to yeeld vnto them : as the * Angell of God was by the vrgent request of holy Loth : heereby teaching vs a double instruction : in respect of man not to be peruerse , but when our occasions may suffer vs to yeeld to the sweet violence of curtuous humanity ; in respect of God [ Who loueth an importunate beggar ] to be instant in praier , knowing that God , who in our remisnesse will , by withdrawing his graces , seeme to go from vs , yet condescendeth in mercy to our importunity , and will abide with vs. If therefore we consider the figuratiue sense , then in this fiction there could not be your aequiuocation , for it was done to instruct them , and not to deceiue them : If we imbrace the literall , then it was no fiction , but a plaine and familiar humane practise , as any one who departeth from his friends is truely said to depart . What reason or religion then shall we call this , which thus from an action of sensible instruction , would prooue an aequiuocating dissimulation , a reseruation insensible , that is to say , a deceitfull delusion : turning by this meanes the Oracle of the sonne of God Christ Iesus , authour of the truth , into the Oracle of Delphos , the professed diuellish schoole of Sophisticall aequiuocations ? The fourth place . The Aequiuocatour . o Iesus said to his Disciples , * I will not go vp to the feast at Hierusalem , and yet afterward went , meaning ( as Bellarmine in his Dictates doth expound ) not as the Messias , but in secret , or ( as S. Cyrill doth interpret ) not to solemnize it publickely ; or ( as S. Augustine will haue it ) not to manifest my glory ; or else not the first or second day , but in the middest of the weeke . Thus haue wee from Scriptures and Fathers sufficiently proued our mixt proposition . The Answer . You haue bestowed many leaues in Commenting vpon this text , to euince from hence your reserued conceit : let me borrow a little leaue to pleade aswell for truth , as you do for a lie , and shew you , how expounding this place , you , blinded with the loue of your Thais , had rather snatch at any meaning , then take that which is meant : for those words [ I will not go vp ▪ in the Greeke are , [ I will not go vp yet : ] and then ( as your Iesuite Maldonate well obserueth ) p He who saith he will not go vp yet , doth not denie that he will not go vp at all , and therefore going ap afterwards , that act doth not contradict his former speech , and so all doubt and question is easily assoiled . But your Helena , the Latin vulgar text must be imbraced , for q Albeit , ( saith our Aequiuocator ) in all the Greeke co●ies it be [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nondum , not yet , ] yet all Catholickes are bound to admit [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non , not , ] because it is so in the vulgar edition . How farre they erre from Catholickes heerein , I haue * elsewhere shewed ; how wee are to esteeme of the Greeke translation in this present text may appeare by the testimony of your forenamed Iesuit , saying : r Almost innumerable Greeke copies haue [ I will not yet ascend ] and in that most ancient Vatican copie vniuersally commended throughout the world , it is sore●d , which reading many graue and learned Fathers do fellow . Yet we will not so strictly challenge our right in this equity approoued by all antiquity , which is , that as in discerning pure water , rather to examine it by the fountaine , then the riuer : so we iudge of the truth of texts by the Originall , rather then by the translation . For your Latin text doth sufficiently betoken the same sense of the Greeke , [ Not yet ] : so do two of the principall Doctors of your Church paraphrase : the first is your some-time Iesuite , and late Cardinall , Tollet : s [ I will not go up , ] that is , ( saith he ) not yet , because [ my time ] when I must goe vp [ is not yet fulfilled : ] which being fulfilled , then I will goe vp ; lest that his Disciples should haue beene offended at his absence from the solemne feast at 〈…〉 rusalem ( because the obseruation of Iewish rites was not yet abolished ) Christ did not absolutely denie to goe , but did signifie that after a while he would go vp . For the word [ Not ] in the Latin is the same with [ not yet ] in the Greeke , as appeareth in the words following , [ For my time is not yet fulfilled . Our next witnesse is your bishop Ia●senius , who from the sound light of the text concludeth that [ t Not ] signifieth plainly , not yet ▪ and that this is the proper expositiō of the place . Adding ou● of Erasmus , That many ancient Latin translations follow the Greeke , hauing , [ not yet . ] Therefore this text admitteth no reseruation . What shall we then say to the other expositions obiected ? only this , that whatsoeuer exposition they vnderstand , did thinke that the same was aswell vnderstood of the Apostles , as of themselues . For if the Apostles ha● not t●… that Christ would haue gone at all to the feast , they should haue beene scandalized : saith your Iansenius . But your coined Reseruation is alwaies supposed of you to be a clause concealed , and not vnderstood . Therefore in all these expositions alledged , there appeareth not the least haire of your foxtaile , you call Aequiuocation . Scriptures forsake you , or rather you them : now you will haue recourse vnto Fathers . CHAP. XII . Obiections from Fathers . The Aequiuocator . a SAint Gregorie ( * lib. 26. moral . cap. 7. ) teacheth that we ought not to respect w●rds , but the intent of the speaker . Ergo the intent maketh the Proposition true . The Answer . You roue from the marke , your learned Doctor will direct you to vnderstand the meaning of S. Gregory , as thus : b Gregory doth in that place ( saith he ) reproue a quarreller , who knowing the simple meaning of him , with whom he doth contend , yet maliciously doth wrest his words : And thus do the most learned expound S. Gregory . This kind of example we reade of in our Stories : An Inne-keeper in London at the signe of the Crowne , to incourage his sonne to learning , would vsually say , Learne fast , child , and I will make thee heire of the crowne . One peruersly taking aduantage of the ambiguity and double sense of the phrase , heire of the crowne , brought him in question of high Treason , & the poore Inne-keeper ( as I take it ) lost both his artificiall and naturall Inne . Here was place for S. Augustine his moderation not captiously to catch at mens doubtfull words , where we are not ignorant of their simple meaning . The like I haue heard of a Minister called in question of periurie , because he had sworne that N. was possessed of a lease , as it might be the 13. day of May. It appeared , indeed , that vpon the same day the said lease was deliuered to the forenamed N. according to this forme of law , To hold from the day of the date heereof . O sir , ( saith a Lawyer ) you are now conuicted for a notorious periurer ; for these words From the day &c. are vnderstood exclusiuely , signifying after that day , and that the lease was not in force till the next day . Seeing then ( saith the Minister ) both law and Lawyers faile , I must beseech your honours to giue me leaue to shew the simplicity of my meaning in a case of like tenor ; leaue was granted him to plead his owne cause : thus then ( quoth he ) when any in this honourable assembly was married after this forme , To haue and to hold from this day forward ; whether were they man and wife before the next day , or no ? If they had said no , they should haue stained their first-borne ; and , affirming it , they were forced to acknowledge the simplicity of his meaning , and remit the rigour and extremity of the law . Haue you no Father to father your aequiuocating lie vpon , but only Saint Gregory ? ( For this is the onely direct testimony which you alledge out of the Fathers , to this purpose . ) You thought , belike , that if you must haue an authour for a lie , it was most likely he should be a Pope . But you must then make choise of some other , than S. Gregory , who I am sure ) as Popedom is now defined ) was nothing lesse than a Pope . We wil conclude concerning Fathers with your owne authours : c That this maner of aequiuocating is against the autority of most ancient and chiefe diuines , & that none before Gabriel ( not that Gabriel , Angel of light , but Gabriel Biel a Sophister ) taught it . Whosoeuer was the author , I dare boldly conclude , that though S. Gregory , or a thousand of Saints , yea though celestiall Gabriel , or any Angell from heauen should teach and authorise such a doctrine as this , we may from the word of God pronounce him * Anathema . Now that we haue wrested your weapons out of your hands , it will be easie to pierce you euen with similitudes , the bluntest kind of Argument . CHAP. XIII . Our seuenth Argument from comparison of a 1. Signe , 2. Interpreter , 3. Coine , 4. Gygesring . a VOices and writings are as signes ( say you ) and instruments ordained to expresse a proposition . Very good , now euery signe which a man shall vse contrary to the signification thereof , is a lying signe : thus to hang an ●uie bush at a Bakers dore would be a lying signe ; thus idols in visible formes made to expresse the essentiall forme of the inuisible and incomprehensible God are called * lying vanities : the mirabilia , that is , wonderfull workes which exceed not the principles of nature , and yet challenge vnto themselues the name of Miracula , as though they proceeding from an omnipotent power aboue nature are called * lying wonders : the action of the stage-plaier , who lifted vp his hand to heauen crying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 earth , cast them downe againe to the earth , crying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god in heauen ; was counted a solecisme and lying gesture . And shall not your voice , I am no Priest , which cannot possibly expresse ( that which you are ) a Priest , be a lying voice ? Yes verily , and your pen also defending and approuing this doctrine of lying , is made of the same wing , whereof others were , whom God condemned by his Prophets , saying , * Stylus Scribarum est styl●s mendax ; the pen of the Scribes is a lying pen. But whereunto shall I compare this generation ? they are like vnto Cacus in the fable , who is said to haue stolen oxen , and lest hee should be traced by their right footings , he dragged them backward by the tailes into his denne : so the right answer of our Aequiuocator should haue been , I am a Priest , but he saith contrary , I am no Priest . Euen by this deuise wresting a meaning by a clause of reseruation ( this is the taile ) and so like Cacus lurketh safe in the closet of his hollow heart . The second similitude is an Interpreter : for Aristotle defineth euery proposition to be an interpretation of the mind , You must now imagine that your Pope should send his Nuncio to congratulate ( together with Amba sladours , from other Princes ) our Kings last miraculous deliuerance , with all complementall pretences of ioy ; for his Interpreter he shall make cho●●e of you ( Aequiuocator ) who professe your selfe his Maiesties loyall subiect , whom hee shall acquaint with his secret meanings and clauses reserued in his message : Notwithstanding our Aequiuocator shall report it thus . His holinesse doth greatly reioice ( most renon med King ) at your happy deliuerance ▪ Reseruing that which was the meaning of the Nuncio ; Ab omni spe obtinendi Romanum imperium : ] and wisheth vnto your Maiesty with all his hart [ reseruing another clause , which was intended by the Nuncio from his holinesse , Admodùm exiguam ] contiauance of Gods protection . Will any iudge otherwise of such an Aequiuocator than of a notorious liar ? The third Similitude , vulgar and country speech by Plutarch is resembled to the country coine : now your selues cannot denie but that in all states b Stamping of a false coine is high treason ; and so is also clipping and impairing the Kings stamp : But Aequiuocators by their clause of reseruation clip off that part of speech , which is the image of God , the truth of the speech . Ergo guilty of higher than high treason . The fourth similitude : Mentall Aequiuocation is not vnlike Gyges his ring , which Plato and others mention , being of that vertue , that * Whilest the pale of the ring was kept on the backe-siae of his hand he was visible ; but being turned into the palme of his hand he was inuisible , seeing any , & seene of none . By meanes whereof he shortly after practised adulterie with the Queene of Lydia , and murdered the King. So our Aequiuocator , when happily he shall turne his aequiuocating clause outward to manifest it in speech , he lieth open and is easily knowen for a dislo●al subiect : but when he keepeth it close in his mind , hee is imboldened to practise against his King. But the Heathen Ora●our intreating of the property of an honest man , he would haue him tried by the opportunity of Gyges ring : No good man ( saith he ) would abuse it , because honest men do not seeke meanes how they may be secretly euill , but alwaies resolue to be absolutely good . Surely this Pagan must rise vp in iudgement against this Aequiuocating generation to condemne it . I might adde another Similitude taken from chastity ; the Fathers calling alwaies veritatem 〈◊〉 virginitatem ; and S. Augustine castitatem mentis : Verity is the ch●…y of the Soule . It may be they haue taken this from S. Iohn in the description of his * V●gines , in who●e mouth there is found no guile : as though a chast soule should abhorre as much the vse of a lie in the mouth , as a deuout Virgin would loath to staine her selfe with a knowen adulterer : such is the a●tinit betweene these deuises , that S. Paul doth range * w●…gers and liars in one sentence . From hence it is that the craft of Vintners in the mixing and colouring of their wines is called Adulterare , adulterating of the wine . Compare this craft of mixture of wine with your Aequiuocation , which you call Amixt proposition , and what shall you perceiue else but an artificiall adultery ? Our last argument which is belonging to this conclusion , taken from the effects of Aequiuocating , I reserue for the last in the next conclusion , because there it will be more effectuall for confirmation of both . CHAP. XIIII . Our second conclusion , that no maner of Aequiuocation , whether mentall or ver●all , can be vsed in an oath without sacrilegious profanation . WE deny not but ambiguous words may sometime be vsed in common speech : for so we reade of Athanasius , who , flying by shippe the malice of the persecutor , and at last ouertaken the pursuer asked , a Did not Athanasius passe this way ? Athanasius himselfe made answer , Yes , he is a little before you , if you make hast you shall soone ouertake him . The Persecutor imagining , A little before , must signifie some other shippe then that which was immediately before him , passed by Athanasius , and pursued a butter-fly . The state of this Question from the opinion of the Aequiuocator . b This aequiuocation of ambiguous words , is to vse one word which hath diuers significations : as being asked whether a Priest be in my 〈…〉 , c may answer non est : vnderstanding by est , the signification of edere , and not of esse . May this kind of aequiuocating be vsed man oath ? No , not before a competent Iudge lawfully examining ▪ this were a mortall sinne . We suspect you will proue an honest man : therefore tell vs , Whom do you hold competent Iudges ? Do you esteeme any competent and fit , who are Aduersaries to your Romish profession ? d When a Magistrate shall sweare me to bring a ( Papist ) Recusant to the Assies , which is vnlawfull , yet seeing there is no other way for the Recusant to escape , then will I sweare by aequiuocation . Now you returne to your former wallow , but we must take you as we finde you . CHAP. XV. Our first Argument from the forme of an oath . WE are not now to prooue that wrought to take an oath of all them that exact it , but only that whensoeuer , or to whomsoeuer we sweate , we are bound in conscience to answer directly . To shew therefore what an oath is , we will be come●ed with your Iesu●ts definitions . One defineth it a A religious inuocation ( whether it be expresly , or implicatiuely ) of God , as witnesse of our speech . Another , b It is a dutifull act of religion , whereby we professe God to be the authour of all trueth ; who can neither deceiue , nor be deceiued . Hence may we reason thus : The competencie of God , by whom we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges and hearers , to whom we sweare : but by swearing by God , whom we can not deceiue , we religiously protest that we in swearing intend not to deceiue . Ergo our deceitful aequiuocating is a profanation of the religious worship of God. The Maior is true , for that our Sauiour in auouching trueth , held Pilate a competent Iudge , although he did not Iuridicè , but falsly proceed . S. Paul in his cause appealed to Caesars tribunall seat , who was a Pagan . Iacob did couenant with Laban an Idolater : and the maid , to whom S. Peter swore , was competent enough to heare a true oath , if he had been as ready to sweare truly : and yet neither the maid , not that Iudge did proceed turidice ; for she was no lawfull Examiner , and he was a partiall Iudge . A Confirmation of the former argument from the authority of the Fathers . To know in what sense of words we must take any oath , the doctrine of Isidore is insallible : c Though man vse neuer so great art and cunning in swearing , yet God doth value the oath according to the sense of him , to whom the oath is made . Hereby your art of Aequiuocating is quite excluded , which teacheth to vse that signification and sense which is most contrary to his vnderstanding to whom wee swearè . To know what is the necessity of performance of a lawful oath , the rule of S. Hierome is most diuine ; which is this : d Faith must be kept in an oath , because we must not regard to whom ; ( man ) ; but ( God ) by whom we haue sworne . And thus also your cousenage of falsifying your oath is likewise excluded . In both these testimonies we see the Iurer is taught alwayes in swearing to man to fix his eyes vpon God ; and his omnipotent iustice , by whom I sweare , maketh euery man , to whom I sweare , a competent hea●er ; therefore chargeth me to sweare directly , euidently condemning our Aequiuocatours , who make a Protestant-magistrate competent to take their oath , but holde him incompetent to take their sincere and direct oath : as though man only , and not also God , did take our oath . Impious ; for so sacred a thing is an oath , that e Though a man should sweare by a thing , in his own opiniō vnholy , which is holy in the opinion of him to● hom he sweareth ; this man swearing falsley is periured . Still we see , that though an oath appeare outwardly , * but as a flame in the hush , yet God is in this flame , therefore we must put off the shooes of our feet , that is our carnall affections ; for Gods name , the foundation & ground of an oth , is holy ground . A Confirmation of the former argument from their ancient Schoole . These our Aequiuocators do by their new subtleties foolifie the honest simplicity of their ancient Schoole : the two eyes whereof Lombard and Aquinas law clearely in this kind of swearing an homble prosanation of the sacred name of almighty God. f Whosoeuer ( sayth Lombard ) doth vse craft o● sub●… in an oath , doth defil● his conscience with a double guilt ; he both deceiueth his neighbour , and also taketh the name of God in vaine . Therefore Aquinas doth expresly conclude : g If a Iudge ( sayth he ) shal require any thing , which he cannot ( the point in question ) by order of law , the party accused is not bound to answer , but either by appeale , or some other maner of m●anes may deliuer himselfe : but in no case may he tell a lie , or vse falshood , no nor any kinde of craft or deceit , for this is to answer , &c. I may from Thomas insult vpon our Aequiuocatours in the words of their owne Genesius ; h Could Thomas more plainly denie their opinion , who teach the guiltie person to auoid a true accusation by words of guile and deceit ? CHAP. XVI . The second Argument taken from the end of an oath , as it is affirmed in Scripture . HEb . 4. An oath is for confirmation , to make an end of all contention . This Maior is Scripture . ( Minor. ) But in an aequiuocating oath there is neither beginning of confirmation , nor end of contention . Ergo it is a vaine and sacrilegious oath . The Minor proued out of that mouth of the Aequiuocatour . a For further direction of the partie examined , let him admit the oth with a secret intētion of aequiuocation , & if he be more vrged to sweare without aequiuocating , let him sweare that also ( namely that he doth not aequiuocate ) but with the forsaid intention of aequiuocation . What should the Disciple of Christ say to this Doctour , though he sate in Peters chaire ? What , but as our Lord Christ taught by his example , who in the fauourable temptation to do euill for security of his life , answered , * Get thee behind me Satan : for this is the mouth of Satan , to sweare by an aequiuocation . We do not aequiuocate ; and vrged againe to sweare this without aequiuocation , to sweare aequiuocatingly we doe not aequiuocate . &c. Heere is contention without end , by this aequiuocation which is as bottomlesse as the pit of hell . A confirmation of this former Argument from the Iesuite Azorius . b Whosoeuer ( saith your Azorius ) is rightly catechized in this point of religion concerning an oath , calleth God to witnesse of the truth , and therefore it is an heathenish impiety not to beleeue Christians thus swearing . Say now , you Aequiuocators , who sweare Sophistically , turning * esse into edere , thereby to deceiue your hearer ; Is he to whom you sweare bound to beleeue you ? this were hard , for so a Christian shuld be bound to be deceiued : may he lawfully suspect you ? then this your doctrine , which taketh away the consecrated vse of an oth , which is , for Confirmation of speech , is plainly Antichristian . CHAP. XVII . The third Argument , à minori , as the Logicians terme it , from the lesse to the more . MAior. ) That doctrine which is lesse honest then the doctrine of Pagans , is intolerable among Christians : ( Minor ) but Iesuiticall aequiuocating is lesse honest than the doctrine of Infidels and Pagans . Ergo , ought to be esteemed abhominable among Christians . The Maior is taught by our Sauiour : * Except your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the Scribes and Pharisies , you shall not enter , &c. shewing where there is more knowledge of Christ , there the profession must be more honest . And more expresly S. Paul : * There is such fornication among you , as is not among the Heathen . Concluding that it is blasphemy against God for a Christian to be more vile in life than a Pagā . The Minor prooued : for your Iesuite Sà doth tell vs , that there be but a Some of you , who thinke that a Prisoner vniustly detained vpon his oath is bound to returne , except he be absolued from his oath by a Bishop . This in an oath without aequiuocation : but our Aequiuocators thinke their Aequiuocation in making an oath better , and of more power than any Bishop to free them from periurie in an oath ; esteeming it as good as no oath wherein they vse their Reseruation : when as yet the very Infidels in respect of their naturall knowledge of God , kept better fidelity among men . An Example of the Pagans fidelity out of Tullie . b There was a man , who together with nine other prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage , vpon his oath , that he within a prefixed time should returne againe : assoone as he was out of prison , he returned as though he had forgot some thing , by and by departeth home to Rome , where he stayed beyond the time appointed , answering that he was freed from his oath . See now the opinion of his owne countreyman concerning this aequiuocation of Returne ; c Non rectè ( sayth Tully ) this was not well done : for craft in an oath doth not lessen but make the periury more heinous : wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this cousening mate bound , with cords , againe to the prison of Annibal their enemie , from whom he had escaped . d But some obiect , That we are not bound to keepe faith with them that are * faithlesse : ô let them take heed , this ( such is our Aequiuocators obiection of a Iudge incompetent ) is but to seeke a lurking hole for periurie : whereas we may excuse subtletie in any thing rather than in an oath , wherein euen the least deceit is a great mischiefe . This was the honestie of the ancient Heathenish Rome , which must rise vp in iudgement against this present Rome to condemne it , which hath changed that faithfull Romanam in Punicam fidem . CHAP. XVIII . The fourth Argument , à paribus . SOcrates reporteth this story of Arius , the arch-heretike , d who being compelled by the holy Emperour Constantine to deliuer his subscription to the Councell of Nice , and to auouch his integritie by an oath , he vsed this art and sleight : his owne ( hereticall ) opinion he closely kept vnder his left arme , and then swore ( laying his hand vpon his left side ) that he so beleeued as he had written . What can be the difference betwixt the oath of our Aequiuocators , and of this blasphemous Arius ? He kept secret his aequiuocation vnder the hollow of his arme , but these conceale theirs in the hollow of their hearts . An Obiection remoued . You peraduenture will insist and say , that Arius did aequiuocate in the cause of faith , which all Christians holde a thing most abominable : but first know , that although the matter of deceitfull swearing may make the deceit to be more wicked , yet it can not make the wickednesse to be more deceitfull ; for euery thing is defined by his forme , and not by his matter , Vero nihil verius , and so on the contrary : for example , to say the mouse worried a cat , and to say adulterie is no sinne , this latter is not the greater lie ; yet by reason of the matter is the greater sinne , because besides the wickednesse of lying , it doth iustifie ( another wickednesse ) adulterie . Now to the matter . You will aequiuocate in the question concerning your Priesthood , saying and swearing against your knowledge that you are no Priest , by some secret reseruation of minde ; as according to the example of one of your fellowes , I am no Priest ; meaning , No Priest [ Apollonis ] : as though an aequiuocating Priest can consort with any better than with those Satanicall Priests of the Pagan god Apollo . For all their answers ( as euery scholar knoweth ) from their Oracles was by Amphibologies and Aequiuocations . Of many , be you contented with this one . Pyrrhus his question to that Oracle was ; Whether he should giue an ouerthrow to the Romans , or no : the answer of the Oracle was this : Aio te Aetacidi Romanos vincere posse ; That is to say , I say that Pyrrhus the Romans may ouercome . So whether the Romans ( which after was true ) should ouercome Pyrrhus , or Pyrrhus ( which was false ) should conquer the Romans , the aequiuocating Oracle might be found to haue sayd trueth . It is recorded by * Eusebius , that at the birth of Christ all those diuellish aequiuocating Oracles were put to silence : when the last which spoke , being asked Why they now ceased to giue answers ; returned this last answer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Because the Hebrew babe ( meaning Christ ) is borne . So doubtlesse , in what heart soeuer there is the regenerating spirit of Christ , there the aequiuocating spirit of Delphos doth wax dumbe . Now you holde , that your Priesthood is conferred vpon you by a Sacrament of Ordination ; and that b Ex opere operato it doth impresse in your soules Charactêrem indelebilem , that is , a marke neuer to be blotted out . c By the power of that Sacrament of Order , which heerein ( say you ) excelleth all other Sacraments , that it aduanceth Priests a degree aboue all other Christians . The end thereof you beleeue is Tooffer sacrifice for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead . Yet do you aequiuocatingly denie your Priesthood sealed vnto you by a Sacrament belonging to faith . And what matter can there be wherein such a Priest will not aequiuocate , who doth aequiuocate concerning his Priesthood ? But we haue not so learned Christ , but defend that it is essentiall to a Christian , whensoeuer or to whomsoeuer he sweareth , to vse simplicitie , and not to sophisticate : for there is a double faith in the Iurer to be tendred ; the first is faith to the man , to whom he sweareth , which we call fideline : the other is our faith in God , by whom he sweareth , to beleeue that he is omnipotently wise , to discerne whether my words be true according to their signification , and omnipotently iust to take vengeance vpon me , if I do dissemble . The first faith is violated by aequiuocating ; for it is therefore interpreted to be called d Fides , quia fit quod dicitur , that is , The thing is , as it is sayd to be . And the dissemble● in this kinde , Tullie ( as the golden mouth of all reasonable men ) calleth e Infidelem , An Infidell . So , likewise , your faith in God is impeached , for how shall I call God to acknowledge those words to be true in that sense which I ought to speake them in , wherein I know them to be false ? CHAP. XIX . This doctrine concerning Aequiuocating must in the last place be discussed both pro , and contra in the effects . The Aequiuocator obiecteth . a VVHen a Protestant Magistrate shall sweare me to bring in a Papist Recusant to the Assises , when there is no way for the Recusant to escape , I will sweare by aequiuccation . The Answer . Thinkest thou it vnlawfull to bring a Recusant to the Assises ? then is it also vnlawfull to sweare that thou wilt bring him ; for this is one essentiall property which God challengeth by his Prophet , that where there is Iusiurandum , Ius should go before iurandum : and therfore the Prophet saith , b Iurabis in iustitia ; Thou shalt sweare in iustice : c That is ( to admit your owne Aquinas for expositour ) not to sweare any thing that is vniust . But notwithstanding this direct command [ Thou shalt sweare ] wilt thou sweare ? Then mayst thou not sweare by aequiuocation , for that doth wound the very soule of an oath , which is simple Truth : but verball aequiuocation taketh away the necessary simplicity of an oath , because therein is dissimulation . If therefore the thing be vnlawfull thou must not sweare , no not truth , though thou be vrged ; if thou wilt sweare , yet know thou art not vrged to sweare an vntruth . The second Obiection is popular , ( supposing Aequiuocation to be a lie ) thus : d There are three kinds of lies ( that one Iesuite may speake for all his fellowes ) one is a pernicious and hurtfull lie , which turneth to the hurt of another ; the second is an officious and charitable lie , which is for the good of another ; the third is but a iesting 〈◊〉 , whereby no man is either helped or hurt . Of these we define thus , that euery one of these vsed in an oath is a mortall sin ; considered without an oath , the pernicious is only a mortall sinne ; the officious and ●esting are but veniall . The Answer . I am not ignorant that the vse of this distinction of mortall and veniall , in the comparison of sinnes , is frequent in the Fathers , but as different from you in sense , as they be consonant in termes : for they neuer valued any sinne so veniall in his owne nature , as not to deserue of it selfe an infinite eternall torment : for they alwaies taught that euery sinne being a transgression of an eternall law of the infinitely iust God , doth challenge an infinit punishment , & so to be accounted mortall : and yet not therefore equall , except you will say that theft and murder and blasphemy against God be therefore equall , because they be equally mortall : which I thinke you will not . But when they consider man in the state of Grace , they taught that the sinnes of humane infirmity in a man regenerate are not rigorously exacted : and in this sense are called veniall . Notwithstanding I dare affirm , that of these kinds of sinnes which you call veniall , there is not one but being done vpon presumption , it is damnable & equall with your mortall : As thus ; suppose your officious lie be vnto the examined veniall , because he was instantly surprised ( as it were ) with a sudden passion , and not able to know how to resolue , which I call infirmity : yet if he had ●●ed presumptuously , that is , beene of this resolution , that whensoeuer such a case should happen , his purpose was to lie , this vnto that man had beene a sinne grieuously mortall : yet this manner of resolution in like case is your generall doctrine , and practise . Therefore we must shew that Euery Officious lie , for what good intent soeuer it be , resolutely done , whether in , or without an oath , is damnable in it selfe , and ought to be auoided of all Christians . Your practise in the popular opinion is iustified in these respects ; We doe it for a good end , as to secure our selues , or a Priest ; and for the Catholike cause , lest holy Priesthood might be defamed , and our Catholike faith blasphemed . Haue you sayd ? Then see , I pray you , how much Christian simplicitie doth abhorre this infatuation ? For holy Fathers will not allow any lie ( the adultery of the soule ) no not for e the defence of Chastity ; nay not for f preseruation of a mans bodilie life ; nay not for the g winning of a mans soule ; nay , no euill may be done , ( as your Acosta saith well ) h not for the gaining of many thousand Infidels to the faith . So pretious a thing is Truth , vnto truely Christian soules . Now because by experience in reading your best authors I haue obserued that the Romish Church hath beene bold often to publish to the world lying Reuelations , lying Miracles , lying Priuiledges , lying Legends , and Stories , Slanders , and other lying Reports : All which I am as able particularly to shew as to name , and would also if it were not impertinent in this Treatise ; and it may be some moderate answerer , will by someidle Reioinder heereafter extort them : Seeing also that your Superiors both secular and Iesuitical haue autorised this art of lying , and that all such conceits are esteemed with them but as piae fraudes , godly deceits : as though the euill of them [ Deceit ] were veniall , and not so only , but because it is mixed with [ Godly ] that is , [ with a good intent ] it becommeth also meritorious : I must entreat patience of the gentle Reader , to peruse a Christian reason , able to ouerthrow a thousand such Antichristian and heathenish profanations . For it is written Rom. 13. 7. If the verity of God haue more abounded through my lie vnto his glory , why do we not euill that good may come thereof ? as some affirme we do say , whose damnation is iust . The argument of the Apostle is this : though it be most true in the verity of God , that mans vnrighteousnesse , ( as for example a lie ) doth redound to the glory of Gods grace in pardoning of the same vnrighteousnesse of man by Iesus Christ , according to that verity of the Gospell of remission of sin : yet God forbid that any man should therfore multiply vnrighteousnesse in sinning ( as for example lying ) that Gods glorie may be magnified in forgiuing ! Shewing that it were blasphemie to teach that it is lawfull for any to lie , although it would establish and aduance the glorie of God in that wherein * God is most glorified , euen the glory of his grace in pardoning of sinne by Christ Iesus . And therefore the Romish godlesse deceits , must be bundled vp with those condemned i Wilworshippes , k Gedeons Ephod , l Sauls sacrifice , m Vza his supporting of the arke , n Ieroboams altars , o Pauls persecuting of Gods Saints , yea the crucifying of p Christ the sonne of God ( all which notwithstanding their pretended good intents ) are subiect to the same iust condemnation . And why ? holy Iob hath debated this matter long ago , q Will ye talke deceitfully ( saith he ) for Gods cause , or will you accept his person ? Will you make a lie for him , as one lieth for a man ? he will surely reproue you . Doubtlesse ; because God is truth : but no man will defend any thing , no not a lie , but he wil defend it in the name of truth : for who will say I lie ; therfore it is true ? Can then any without blasphemy defend the cause of the God of all iustice and truth with a lie ? CHAP. XX. The Protestants last Argument against A●quiuocation , from the effects . The Confirmation of both our former Conclusions . The effects be of foure kinds : It 1. Dissolueth the naturall policie of all kingdomes . 2. Challengeth all Romish Priests and their adherents in this kingdome to the racke . 3. Gaineth the infamie of deceit and lying vpon the professed Aequiuocators . 4. Begetteth scandall to soules , blasphemies against Christ in the profession of the holy faith . The first . THe last anchor that man can cast for any security in this tumultuous and tempestuous world , in any Common-wealth , is an oath : for mans name , goods , lands , and life , whensoeuer they be formally called in question , doe all in the end depend vpon the presumption of the testimony of witnesses in the trueth of their oath ; and in one word , for the a end of all contentions , the last linke of confirmation , is ordeined an oath . For preseruation therefore of the integritie of an oath , all Nations haue prouided punishments for all such as wilfully transgresse therein ; some countries adiudging the periured to be whipped ; others to be hanged ; others to be slit in the nose ; others to be branded in the forhead : and the iudiciall law of God doth command b legem talionis ; that euery false witnesse should suffer that euill or losse , which by his false swearing he would haue brought vpon another ; eye for eye , hand for hand , life for life . And in all the kingdomes of the world , from all generations , the offence in an oath is called Periurie ; * which is a lie in an oath . But if the secret intention might excuse from lying , then could neuer any haue beene iustly condemned for periury or false witnesse . Thus the false witnesses suborned against c Naboth , the false witnesses against chaste d Susanna , the witnesses against e Christ the iust one , euen the only iust , might each one haue iustified themselues , saying , We spoke trueth , for we did aequiuocate . And thus all humane lawes against periury must haue beene abolished . The second effect which must moue the Aequiuocators to giue ouer this art , is extremity against their owne bodies . Because they , who by their aequiuocating do professe to conceale most desperate treasons , till they come to be tortured , do necessarily challenge the racke : but all Romish Priests and their disciples are instructed not to reueale any of their sect to be guilty of such practises , till they be inforced by the torture : for thus your Cardinall in his instructions of Priests , hath determined , f When any ( sayth he ) is put vpon the racke , and doth truly reueale the crime of another , although he be not examined iuridicè , iustly , and according to the order of law ; yet therein he doth not sinne , because none is bound , vpon so great bodily harme to himselfe , to preserue the good name of another , by concealing his offence . Therefore when you make all Protestant-magistrates incompetent , with whom you may vse aequiuocation till you come to be tortured , what do you els but teach them , that your only competent Iudge and Examiner must be a Racke ? The third is infamie against the Aequiuocators good name and faith among men . Your doctrine is , that g answering your incompetent magistrate by aequiuocation ; if he shall further aske whether you doe not aequiuocate , to answer , No ; but with another aequiuocation : If againe , in his ielousie , he vrge whether this third time you doe not aequiuocate ; then the third time also to say , No , but with another secret aequiuocation ; and so as often as he shall aske the like : likewise by aequiuocating to say you doe not aequiuocate . This is that monster which I called Hydra , which , as Poets faine , Hercules did impugne ; in the which as often as one head was strucke off , immediatly there sprung vp another ; signifying an endlesse businesse . It will now be requisite that we heare what our Moderate Answerer would say in the behalfe of his dissolute Treatise : h We haue ( most mercifull Soueraigne ) in the sincerity of our soules , without ali aequiuocation or doubtfull sense , purged our selues of those opinions or practises of rebellion obiected vnto vs. Say you so ? without all aequiuocation ? How shall his Maiesty be perswaded that these words without all aequiuocation are not spoken in some doubtfull sense and aequiuocation ? How can you free your selfe from this ielousie , seeing your doctrine is in protestation of not aequiuocating to aequiuocate ? You may now ges●e what will be the effect of this your Art ; euen that , which is the due reward of a liar : namely , that seeing in his protestations and oathes , when he should say trueth , he will dis●emble , he may not be beleeued , when sometime he sayth trueth . The last effect is scandall against mens soules , and blasphemy against God. Seeing that all Christians be exhorted , i To walke warily towards them that are without , ( meaning Infidels ) to the end k That they which speake euill of you , 〈…〉 of euill doers , may by their good workes which they shall see , glorisie God in the day ( that is , when God shall haue mercy to call Infidels to the faith ) of visitation . Shewing that a wicked life in the professor of faith doth hinder vnbeleeuers from the faith . Secondly , euery Christian is admonished l To abstaine from all [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] shew or apparance of euill : the reason is expressed in the Apostles exhortation to Christian seruants , challenging of them subiection to their Heathen-masters , m That the doctrine of God be not blasphemed , or euill spoken of : and to the same end he chargeth all Christian wiues to be chast and obedient to their Infidell husbands : n That the word of God be not blasphemed : shewing that the wickednesse of a wicked professor ( by mans blindnesse ) edoundeth vnto the blasphemy of the godly profe●…on . But in your Aequiuocating by a clause reserued and concealed in your thought , ( which God onely , o The only searcher of the heart seeth ) no man can discerne in your speech any thing but apparance of damnable lying . Therefore not only Pagans by this scandall shall continue in infidelity , but the glorious name of Christ and his true religion , shall suffer blasphemie : and if this do follow vpon the examples of wicked seruants , wicked wiues , wicked children ; how much more by the principal professors , wicked Priests ? Neither this onely , but by this doctrine the Gospell of Christ , in the opinion of all Pagans , will be more iustly condemned , when the Pagan shall not onely examine the most godly Christian religion by a wicked Professour , as it were a right rule by a crooked example , or Christ by Iudas ( which is wicked ) but as the rule in it selfe , that is , the Religion in his moral truth , & find that this your doctrine of aequiuocation is non solum doctrina mendax , verum-etiam mendacij ; not only a lying doctrine , but a doctrine of lying . What can this worke in the Turks & all Pagans at this day , but obstinacy in their infidelity , and blasphemy of that faith , which is the only life of soules ? Especially seeing I may as iustly say concerning the Aequiuocation of your contagious Romists , as the blessed Apostle writ of the incestuous among the Corinthians : p I heare that there is such fornication among you , as is not once named among the Heathen . This our Apostolicall Defence of Protestants I will conclude from Protestations of the Apostle . The blessed Apostle of the Genules , and elect vessell of grace , S. Paul , when he would auouch his inward zeale for the saluation of soules , he protesteth thus ; q I say the truth and lie not , my conscience bearing me witnesse that I haue continuall sorrow of hart for you . And againe , r God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ knoweth that I lie not . Secondly , to perswade to others the authority of his Apostleship , he protesteth thus ; s Whereunto I am ordained an Apostle ; I speake the truth in Christ , and lie not , euen a Teacher of the Gentiles . And againe , t This that I write vnto you , behold I witnesse before God and lie not . He would then confirme vnto the minds of the Romans , Corinthians , Galathians the sincerity both of his affection and function by the force of an oath ; calling God to witnesse to his words , as directly proceeding from his conscience ; otherwise these Conuerts might haue replied vpon the Apostle thus ; We heare of a doctrine of Aequiuocating , which teacheth that you , by a secret clause in your mind , may alter the sense of words in your vnderstanding ; differing from the sense which outwardly they signifie , and which only we can possibly vnderstand . How can you then perswade vs in this sense , that , you are an Apostle , seeing you professe a reseruation of a contrary sense , which may signifie you are no Apostle ? Would you perswade vs to beleeue that by that your protestation , which you teach we need not beleeue by your reseruation ? therefore it will be to no end to perswade vs to beleeue you in that wherein we may be deceiued . Otherwise , if by the outward sense you may confirme vs that you doe not lie , the contrary aequiuocating sense , doubtlesse , must be accounted a plaine lie . And yet our Aequiuocators haue made as strong protestations to deny their Priesthood , as euer S. Paul did to confirme his Apostleship ; these being as certainly no true Priests , as he was truely an Apostle . To seale this truth by a memorable example of antiquity , reported by S. Hierome as a mirror of Christian simplicitie , u Of a wife accused of her husband , an● tortured to draw out a confession of guilt : but she lifting vp her eyes to heauen , sayd , Thou Lord Iesu , who searchest the heart and reines , art witnesse that I do not denie truth for feare of death , but therefore refuse to lie for feare of sinne . Me thinke I see Tollet with other Iesuits standing by beholding this spectacle , and saying ( * for he did instruct their Catholike adulterous wife to aequi●ocate ) Alas good woman ! it pitieth me to see you abide such torment only for want of wit ; and then whispering her in the ●are , giueth her this ghostly counsell : Thou mayest vse a secret abstracted reseruation in thy minde , and so both escape torture and auoid a lie . These be Iesuits , the new Theologicall Alchymists of our time , able to abstract Aurum ex carbone , Truth out of a lie : who must be admired of the world as the Monopolists of all Arts , whereas no Art is singular in them but this Aequiuocation . In respect whereof I may say of them , as Tully spoke of the Soothsayers of his time : Miror si non riserit Haruspex , cùm Haruspicem viderit ; I maruell how our Aequiuocatours doe not laugh , when they beholde one another . But heere is the difference of the spirit of wit , and the spirit of grace : this with that woman may looke vp to heauen and call Iesus to witnesse , when he that is in heauen , shall looke vpon them and haue them in derision . Thus haue I discussed of these Antichristian doctrines of lying and treason ; the last triall of both which we referre to the iudgement of God , not as wood or straw , subiect to their fancied Purgatory fire of triall ; but as pitch and tarre , sulphure , and powder reserued for the vnquenchable fire of hell ; From whence our Lord Iesus preserue vs and them , to the glory of his sauing grace . Gloria Deo. ERRATVM : In the third part , Pag. 40. lin . 25. for 100. reade 1000. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A07807-e220 Gen. 2. 25. Answer cap. 1. in initio . Apoc. 17. 9. Ribera & Viega in their commētaries vpon this place . Gen. 11. 7 & 9 Exod. 32. 5. August . cont . mendac . ur Ephes . 4. 11. Psal . 116. 10. Notes for div A07807-e1080 1. Tim. 1. 7. In the 1 and 2. part . In the third part 2. Thess . 2. 11 Jud● v. 13. Psal . 5. 6. Prou. 6. 17. Esa . 59. 3. 2 Tim. 3. 4. 2 Tim. 3. 5. 2. Tim. 2. 25. Notes for div A07807-e1630 a Answer cap. 2. § Wherefore . b Answer chap. 2. § VVherfore . * Part. 3. * 1. Reg. 12. 29. a Answer chap. 2. § Fourthly . b Ibid. § For first . & § Secondly . c § Thirdly . d § For first . e § Fiftly . f Malitia huius peccati in intellectu , non voluntate consummatur . Vasques Iesuita dist . 126. cap 3. num . 6. g Ecclesia non potest aliquid praecipere circa actus interiores aut punire : vt docent Scholastici . Tolet. Jes . Instruct Sacer. lib. 1. cap. 19. h Cuncrus lib. de Offic. Princ ▪ paulò ante finem . i Possit esse aliquis occultè Haereticus , & tamen exterius ob metum , aut aliquod lucrum fidem profiteri . Bellar. Ies . & Cardinal . lib. 3. de not . Eccl. cap. 10. a Haec est Religionis sola ratio , vt omnes intelligant sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum , quemadmodū Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet ac praedicat . Cunerus lib. de O●… , Princ. cap. 13. b Qui intelligens aliquam sententiam expressè ab Ecclesia damnatam , eam retinueri● , Haereticus pertinax est censen dus . Alphons . de Castro lib. 1. de iusta punit . Hare . cap. 10. & Tolet. Ies . Instruct . Saccrd . lib. 1. cap. 19 c Qui voluntariè de side dubitat , censeiur verè & propriè Haereticus . Azor. Ies Inst . Moral . lib. 8. ca. 9. § Sexto . Eodem modo Tol●t . Instruct . Sacerd. Alphons . & alij . d Ignorantia cras●a non excusat aliquem à pertinacia . Tol. Ies . lib. 1. instruc . Saccrd . cap. 19. § Haeretici & Azor. Ies●nstit . Moral . pag 949. e In prima Excommunicatione Bull ●…coenae , ex communicatio ●ulminatur in omnes Haereticos & eorum credentes ; nec tantùm in istos , sed etiam defensores & fautores . Tolet. instr . Sacerd lib 1. cap. 19. Alphons . lib. 1. cap. 7. Turrecrem . part . 2. lib 4. cap. 21. Azar . I●s . instit . lib. 8. cap. 15. f Credentes , qui optant in eorum fide mori . Tolet. quo supra . g Defensores , qui scientes opem illis praestant . ●zor . les quo suprà . h Fautores , qui verbis , scriptis , aut factis ●os laud●nt vt bonos viros , & eorum causae patrocinantur . Tol●t . Ies . quo suprà . i Illi sunt intelligendi Haeretici manifesti , qui contra sidem Catholicam publicè praedicant aut profitentur , seu defendunt errorem . Alphons . de Castro . k Contumax Haereticus est tam praesumptus quàm manifestus . Sayr . Casib . Consc . lib. 1. cap 9 § 3● . * Iam supra lit . k. * Apolog. a Cap. 2. § Sixtly . b I●sia Rat. 4. * Conc. Lateran . cap. 3. Haereticorum . Cunerus de Offic. Princ. cap. 7. 8. Nauar. de Concil . c Ibid. § Seuenthly . * Iam supra lit . a d Crimen haerefis , &c. Greg. Valent. Vide R●● . 4. e In hoc Articulo , &c. Infra Rat 4. f Hoc vniuersa Theologorum , &c. Infra Rat 4. g Arma in Regem sumere , etiam ante latā Iudicis sententiam , vbi crimen est notorium , Bannes 2. 2. q. 12. docet . idque patet ex Conc. Lateranensi , [ Si Princeps incidit in sententiam Canonis , incidit in poenam designatam citra nouū iudiciū . ] Autor de Jast . Abdicat . pag. 352 & 357. h Manifestum est ex Concilio Lateranensi cōtra Haereticos decretum esse in haec verba : [ Sub Anathemate prohibemus , ne quis eos in domo vel in terra fouere praesumat ] Cunerus lib de Offic. Princ. c. 9. * I●fra in the 3. Pa●● . i Iuris Excommunicatio semper est generalis , non enim ponitur contra determinatam personam , sed determinatè contra facientes vel non facientes hoc vel illud . Tolet. Jes . instruct . lib. 1. cap. 5. * Infra cap. 5. k Excommunicatio sine monitione ferè semper est inualida : Suffici● tamen in Excommunicatione generali generalis monitio ; & quidem ipsum praeceptum generale promulgatum monitio est , & quaeuis prohibitio peccati futuri . Eman. Sd Aphor. Tit. Excommunicatio . l Poenam haeresis contrahunt filij Haereticorum , si filij sunt eorum , quos Haereticos esse constiterit , ●ue per euidentiam facti , fiue per sententiam iudicis . Azor. Ies . instit . Moral . lib. 8. cap. 13. m Allan● in his booke against the executi●● of English iustice , intituled , A modest Defence of English Catholikes , pag. 87. a Answer cap. 2. § Seuenthly , & § For first . * The Proclamation against Garnet . b Maior Excōmunicatio multis priuat bonis , eâque de causa absolutè dicitu● Excommunicatio , & sole● let Graeco verbo exprimi , sc . Anathema : quasi seorsim positus , & separatus a c●m●…unione fidelium . Aduerte igitur quòd Anathema non differt ab Excommunicatione maiori , quoad vinculum , sed tantùm quoad solennitatem . Tole . Ies . instruct . Sace . lib. 1. cap. 5. c Fuit Vega vir eruditus , & in Primarijs Gonc . Tridentini Theologis , Doctorum iudicijs , numeratus , & in eius Conc. expositione studiosèversatus . Canis . Ies . Praef. in libro Veg● de Justificat . d Non paucis vos omnes ( Protestantes intelligi● ) Synodus ferijt Anathematis . Vega lib. 15 , de Iustif . cap. 23. e Statuimus itaque sancientes vt Haeretici omnes quocunque nomine censeantur , vbicunque per imperium damnati fuerint , animaduersione debita puniantur . Volentes vt de Imperi , finibus haereticae labis germina modis omnibus deleantur . Constit . Vrban . 4. Cap. 2. § Statuimus , & § Siverò . f Praeterea sub Excommunicationis poenamandamus , ne vllus Princeps Christianus dicto Henrico Regi Angliae , eius nominis octauo , aut eius fautoribus , directe vel indirectè sub praetextu confederationum & obligationum quarumcunque etiam iuramento aut quauis alia firmitate roboratarum : quas omnes confoederationes atque obligationes factas absoluimus , & sanciendas sub eadem poena prohibemus . Insuper Principibus praedictis , alijsue quibuscunque personis in virtute sanctae obedientiae mandantes , vt aduersus Regem Henricum eiusue fautores , dum in erroribus praedictis permanserint , armis insurgant , eosue & eorum singulos persequantur , & ad obedientiam Sedis Apostolicae redire cogant , & nostris mandatis non obtemperantes , ex regnis & dominijs suis expellant ; & vbicunque eos inuenerint , bona eorum mobilia immobiliáque quaecunque possint , capiant . Bulla Pauli tertij lib. Constit . Papal . de Pauli 3. Bulla cap. 2. g Quia pestilentem Lutheranorum haeresin amplectitur , & omni crudelitatis genere in Catholicos bacchatur , induratissimus Pharao . Petrus Math. Com. in eam Bullam . h Nos excommunicamus & anathematizamus quoscunque Vssitas , Lutheranos , Zwinglianos , Hugonottos , & alios Haereticos quocunque nomine nuncupentur , ipsorumue receptatores , & generaliter quoslibet defensores , & libros eorum ●ine authoritate nostra scienter quomodolibet legentes a●t tenentes , imprimentes seuquomodolibet defendentes , ex quauis causa publicè vel occultè quouis ingenio vel colore . Constit . Sixti quinti cap. 13. i Excommunicatio a iure huiusmodi est quae perpetuo statuto lata est , quaeue semper valet , etiamsi admonitio nulla praecedat . Felicianus Epis● . E●chir . de Censuris . cap. 9. Talem dicimus Bullam Coenae Domini , quae ( vt patet ex forma ipsius Bullae ) duratura ●rat donec à Pontisice alio reuocaretur . Ibid. cap. 16. Forma eius huiusmodi fuit , Nos excommunicamus omnes & singulos Lutheranos & Calninistas , &c. Ibid. cap. 14. * Tolet. Ies . Instruct . lib. 1. cap. 19. Alphons . de Castro de punit . Haeret. lib ▪ 1. cap. 7. Tu●recrem . lib. 4. part . 2. cap 21. Azor. Ies . Instit . Moral . lib. 8. cap. 15. Sayr de Casib . Consc . lib. 1. cap. 9. § 13. Cunerus de O●●ic . Princ. cap. 9. k Qui terminârunt quòd non solùm Insideles ad regnum sunt inhabiles , sed etiam Haeretico , e●si improptiè Haeretico sint : vt Greg 2. Clem. 5. Bomfacius 8. Isidor ▪ Mosco●… . de maiest . milit . Eccles . lib. 2. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 657. a Vna Haereticorum poena est ●…a , vt Haeretici appellentur . Az●● . Ies . Inst●t lib. 8. cap. 13. § Septima . b Rhemists vpon Ephes . 4. 29. c Rhemists vpon Joh. 2. 19. d Haeretici , Ranae Aegyptiacae , incircumcisi Philistaei . Canis . I●s . Epist. ante lib. Vegae de Ius●ificat . e Gygantes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . F●uardent . lib. qui si● inscrib●…r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Audaces , astuti , factiosi Haeretici . Staplet . Com. in Act. g Nullus profectò Haereticus vnquam fuit , aut es●e possit , si illi non sunt Haeretici . Maldon . I●s . Com. in Mat. 13. h Quos Haereticos Catholici nunc maiori odio , quàm Gentes , prosequuntur , quia periculosius est cum his quam cum Mahometanis agere . Maldon Ies . Com. in Ioh. 4. * Bellarm●l olet . B●zius , Valentia , Allane , Creswell , &c. i Poena Haereticorum est dici Anathema , quae est separatio a communione fidelium . Toletus Iesuita instruct . lib. 1. cap. 5. Quae vox ( ●t Hie●onymus exponi● ) est maled●ctus . Vega lib. 15. de Iustificat . k Ab Haereticis non solùm quia excommunicati , sed quia Haeretici , Sacramēta recipere prohibemus : quia Haeretici omni iurisdictione ca●ent , vt docet Thomas . Azor. Ies . Inst . Mor. lib. 8. cap. 10. § Septimò . l Haeretici a Sacramentis arcentur . Al●hons . de punit . Haeret. lib. 1. & Azor. Instit . cap. 10. m Ob Haeresin quilibet in rebus diuinis euitandus est . Azor. idid . § Primò . n Et publicis Ecclesiae precibus priuatur . T●let . lib. 1 Instruct . Saccrd . o Poena Haereticorum est capitis suppliciū . Azor. quosupra cap. 13. p Poena Haereticorum est pri●atio sepulturae , specialiter in Haereticos constitut● , posteà irrogata in omnes excommunicatos Azor. Ies . ibid. q in●ra . r Infra part . 2. s Nostri Inquisitores haereticae prauitatis iurisdictionem suam , in Pontificum Decretis fundatam , crudelissimè exercent ; non aliud quaerendo expostulantes , quàm si credat in Romanam Ecclesiam : quòdsi quis opinionem suam ex sacris Scripturis defendere conetur , cùm Haereticis ( inquiunt ) non Scripturis sed igne & fasciculis decertandum esse . Maior erat Ecclesiae veteris mansuetudo , Haereticos per Scripturas conuincendi . Cornelius Agrippa lib. d● vanit . Scient . cap. 96. t Cap. 2. § Thus I haue . u A mente mala vera verba prophetiae protulit , ore eiu● vsa est gratia , cor contaminatum non tetigit . August . * Act. 24. 14. * Luc. 23. * vers . 4. x Answere ibid. a Answere Cap. 2. initio . b Concil . Trid. ●ess . 15. Saluus conductus datus Protestantibus . &c. * Infra Cap. 13. * Infra . * Vide suprae cap. 5. & Infra . a Cap. 2. § Now will. b Protestantes articulum omninò nullum tenent symboli Apostolici Audraeas Iurgi●ici●… lib. III. Euang. quinti Proses●ores . * VVright in his late booke of Articles . c En Caluini Turcismum , & plane Mahometismum . Reinald . in lib qui inscribitur , Caluinoturci●mus . d Calui●… pseudo euangelium Alcorano esle in nullo melius , in multis te●●iu● & flagitiosius . D Gifford Decā . D. Petri , pr●f . in lib. D. Keinaldi . e Institu● Protestantium Atheismos explicate &c. Possiuin . Ies . lib●llo de Atheismis Protest . * Answere Cap. 2. § Therefore . f Heresin Arianorum Caluinus docet , vbi dicit Patrem esse per excellentiam Deus . Bellar . lib. de notis Eccles . Cap. 6. § Ariani & pref . contro . de Christo . § Sed iam . Greg. Valent. lib. 1. de Vnitate & Trin. Cap. 9. Armand●…s Ies . epist . ad Cami●… . Possiuinus Ies . de notis diuini verbi . lib. 3. pag. 78. g Apud Ioh. 14. [ Pater maior est me . ] Quidam ratione diuinitatis Pat●… dici censent , non ratione substantiae , sed ratione originis : & hanc expositionem sequuntur illustres Doctores , inter quos Athanas . Nazianz Hilar Orig. Tollet ▪ Ies . Com. in Ioh. 14. Etiam Epiphanius , Leont . Cyrill . Theoph. Euthym. Maldonat . Ies . in eundem locum . h Arianos Caluinus impugnauit Bellar. lib. de not Eccles . Cap. 9. § Primum erro●em . Vid● plenius sp●●su●… Apolog. Cathol . part . 1. Cap. 31. i Bellar. lib. de notis Eccles . Cap 9. Valent Ies . Tom. 4 ▪ Disp . 1. q 2. punct . 2. k Procul abigédus est Nestorij error , qui Christi naturam distrahere potius , q●…m distingue●e volebat , Script●râ clarâ voce reclamante &c. Caluin●● I●st●t . de ●oc articulo , [ Natus ex Virgine ] Vide de hoc plura Apolog . Cath part . 1. Cap. 43. l In the place aboue . § I will. m Vide Apolog. Cathol . part . 2. lib. 1. Cap 14. n Ibid. Cap. 10. & deinceps . o Ibid. Cap 8. & deinceps . p Cap. 2. § The Admonition . q Cap. 2. § Therfore first . r Campian . Ies . s Portentum . Rat. 8. § Mox . t Haeresis vt refert Bellar. lib. 2. d●… Christo . Cap. 19 u Nefaria haeresis . Staplet . Prompt f●r . 3. post Domin . Pass . x Caluini Atheismus . Possiuin . Ies . lib. 3. de notis verbi Dei. ca. 74. y Blasphemie . Annot. in Joh. 1. vers . 1. z Dum rem ipsam excutio , non facilè audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse : quia non videntur velle negare filium esse à Pa●… sed essentiam genitam esse negant . Quae sententia non video cur Catholica dicenda non sit . Bellar. lib. 2. de Christo. Cap. 19. a Speculamini Angliam , non iam Catholicorum , sed Anthropophagorum , & immanium Cyclopum Insulam reperietis nulla n● minima quidem vestigia his terrarum partibus fidei Catholicae superesse . Lodouic . de Orleanc . pag. 48. b Quaerens cuiates essent negotiatores quidam Britanni , & audiens Anglos fuisse : Bene , inquit , Angli , quasi Angeli ; sed proh dolor quàm splendidas facies Princeps tenebrarū nunc possidet ! c Caluinistae furentes detestantur Christum Dominum nostrum . Pintus in cap. 3. Dan. d Caluiniana haeresis est Sarecenismo & Paganismo detestabilior . Reinaldus in Rosaus . a Haereticis licitum est auferri quae habent ; melius tamen est quòd authoritate Iudicis fiat . Decretum Papale apud Gratian. Caus . 15 q. Glossa . b Non est dubium quin populus Catholicus iure posset haereticos Pastores Decimis defraudare . Alanus Card. & Parsonus . c Is apud quem Haereticus aliquid deposuerit non tenebitur post manifestam haeresin rem depositam illi reddere . Simancha Instit . Cathol . Tit. 46. Sect. 73. d Non tenentur reddere rem verbis contractam . Tolet. Jes . instruct . Sacerd. de Excom . * Si iuraui me soluturum alicui pecuniam , qui excommunicatur , non teneor exsoluere : quia qualitercunque possumus debemus venare malos , vt cessent à malo . Apud Grat. Caus . 15. q. 6. Glossa . f Custodes arcium , & caeteri Vasalli eâdem constitutione liberati sunt à vinculo Sacramenti , quo Dominis sidelitaté promiserant . Simancha Episc . quo supra sect . 74. g Quinetiam vxor Catholica viro haeretico debitum reddere non tenetur . Simancha in instit Greg. 13. dicatis , & eius iussu Romae impressis . h Pater , qui filiū habet haereticū , qui conuerti nō velit , si pater liber & sui iuris esset ad disponendum de bonis suis vt vellet , tenetur exhaereditare filium talem . Huc adiunge . Parentes mortaliter peccant tradendo filias matrimonio Haereticis Card. Allanus . i Sacerdos in Angliam reuersus , & rogatus de parentibus , qui sunt Haeretici , respondere possit & veraciter negare eos sibi esse parentes , intelligendo quales habere debeat : quia Patres solent respuere filios propter Religionē & silij Parentes . Allanus & Parsonus . k Nam propter haeresin patris filij sunt sui iuris . Simancha quo supra . Tit. 46 Sect. 74. l Haeretici filij vel consanguinei non dicuntur , sed iuxta Legem , Sit manus tua super cos , vt sundas sanguinem ipsorum . Apud Grat. Glos . in Decret . lib. 5. ex Greg. 9. Ca●s . 23. q. 8. Cap. Legi . m Si Ciuitas tota , vel maior pars sit haeretica , potest ille negare hanc esse suam patriam●intelligendo , quòd haereticam non habeat loco patriae . Card , Alan . & Parsonus . n Iuxta Constitutiones Greg. 9 Haereticus priuatur omni dominio naturali , ciuili , politico . Simācha Jastit . Tit. 46 Sect. 74. o Si vnquam ad Haereticorum partes deflexero , ●i amicitiam , si foedus , si matrimonium cum ijs faxo , si opem fidemue do , si Aue , si Vale dixero , illa die fulmine ferito . Ledouicus de Orleance Part. 29. p Henricum 3. haereticum , homicidam , &c. Lib. de iusta Abd●cat . Henr. 3. q Henricum 4. Culinarē canē , pogonarum lulianum , bipedū nequissimum , foetidum Satanae stercus . Lod. de Orleance . r Si Caesarem intellexerim cùm omn● sua classe aduersus Turcam cursum dirigere , acsi iam Hellesponti fauces tenentem conspicerē , nunquam acquiescerem donec conuenitē , & in haec verba apud eum prorumperem : Caesar , quò par●… ? quid cogitas ? Si amor Reip. Christianae te mouet , vt Rego Turcarum , antiquum Christians nominis hostem aggrediare annon vnde maius periculum Reip. Christianae imminet , & vbi nou●s hostis viget , multò quàm Turea infestior , eò potiùs cursum conuertere oportet ? viz in Angliam , cu●us semen adulterinum vix à Turcaico internosci possit ? Card. Poole ad Henric. 8. pro vnit . Eccles . defens . lib. 3. pag. 384. s Cap. 2. § The rest . * 1. Pet. 2. * Iohn 19. 7. * Insra . * Supra . a His admonition to the Nobilitie and people of England . Anno 1588. pag. 41. u Pag. 53. x Licitum est Haereticos bello oppugnare , postquam de corum pertinacia constiterit , bona enim intentio est fidē Catholicam exaltare : quae fuit intentio Caroli Caesaris in bello suo aduersus , Protestantes , Germanos . Alphons . de Castro . y Answer cap. 2. pag. 12. § The rest . * AEsop . in Apol. * Rom. 13. 8. a Answer cap. 3. in initio . b Quae regna Regibus suis contenta , nullius dominio vnquā paruerunt . Francisc . de Victor . Relect c Epist . Dedic . to his Maiestie . § Therefore . d Romanum Imperium iam ferè deletū est . Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 2. e Imperium illud Romanum iamdiu euersum est . Salmeron Ies . Com. in 2. Thess . 2. Disp . 2. § Caeterùm . * Vide 2. Thess . 2 f Cui vix Germani ipsi obtemperant . Costerus . g Answer ibid. * Vide infra in the second part . g Parsons in his Dolman . h Maiestas regni est in populo potius , quam in persona Regis . Ies . lib. de i●s●a Abdicat . pag. 36. i Non populus in Principum gratiam factus ; sed Principes in populi gratiam creati . Didymus pag. 261. Stapl. k Rex humana creatura est , quia ab homimbus constituta . Reinald d●i● ▪ s●a authorit . pag. 8 * Answer cap. 3. § But let . * Gen. 4. 7. l Baldus lib. ex iure D. de just . Andr Hostensis , Pet. Ancoranus , Card. Florentinus , Panorm . Olradus , Albericus , Angelus , Felinus , Paulus Castrens . Barbatius , Fran. Curtius , Card. Alex Phil. Francus , Iason , Philippus decimus , Carolus Ruinus , Anton ▪ Corsetta , Ripa , Caldriue , Al●iat . As I finde them cited by M. Haywood in his answere against Dolman . Pag. 17. m Parsons in his Dolman . pag. 73. n Si quis Rex fieret Christianus , & Catholicus , & postea fiat haereticus , aut Apostata ; ratio exigit vt inter Catholicos populos a regni administratione re●ou●atur : & hoc iure , quia protestas prius in populo est quàm in rege ; & a populo in Regem deriuatur . Salm. les . in epist . Pauli , in Gen. Disp . 12. § ●a●… de . o In populo est potestas vitae & necis , Autor de iu●●a Abdicat . pag. 33. p Nemo potest ●e Regem facere . sed populus Regem eligit ; sed Rex iam factus & constitutus , non potest populus iugum à cer●●ce sua repellere : populi voluntas in necessitatem conue●titur . Roiardus Dominic . 1. Adu nt . q Bellar. r Quidam putant Regum autoritatem , solùm explac●to & cōsensu pendere subditorū , qui Principes eligunt , vel re●ipiunt : caeterum B. Apostoli , qui spiritu scrutabatur profunda Dei , longè altiùs potestatis eorum originem ac fundametum er●●nt . &c. Cune●us lib. de Ossic . Princip . Cap. 5. * 1. Pet. 2. * Rom. 13. 1. * Ans●●r supra Cap. 4. * Act. 25. vers . 11. and 12. s Quāuis Principes subinde non admodum boni sunt , & humanis saepè medijs vel artibus principatum obtineant , nihil tamen horū Apostoli Christianos attendere voluerunt , sed ordinationem Dei , per quam potestatem habēt , non quod semper media , quibus facti sunt reges , à Deo fiant , sed quòd à Deo or dinentur : ita vtquicunque sublimiori potestate praefulget , huic ex voluntate & ordinatione Dei competit autoritas , qua subditis potest imperare , & cui subditi parere tenentur . vt licet medijs humanis , nempè , contractibus vel electione , vel postulatione , vel successione , vel quacunque regni consensione , vel iure belli , vel simili ratione Princeps fiat , Principi tamen nunc facto haec diuinitùs potestas adest , & competit autoritas , quasi ipso Deo regnum & potestatem illi dante , & populū illi subjiciente , vnde de Ieroboam 2. Reg. 12. Te assumam & regnabis . Et 3. Reg. 11. Dedi te ducem super popul●… . Et 3. Reg 14. Scidi regnum domus Dauid , & dedi tibi illud : Sicut apud Daniel . 4. Dominatur excelsus in regno hominum , & cuicunque voluerit dabit illud postquam constitutus est rex , tùm dicit Apostolus de populo , [ Necesse est subijci . ] Rursus . Qui velit concludere à Barbaris imperium esse eripiendum , quia sunt imperiti & compara●… ad parendum , eadem ratione consiciet , à foemina aut adolescente , vbi regnat , posse per vim extorqueri dominatum , itémque à Rege imperito regnum , à Praesule indocto Pontificatum : Aliud est enim quid faciendum est ex ratione & secundùm naturam ; aliud quid , si fiat , infectum sieri nequeat Iure igitur Sapientiorés regnant , sed reipsa imperitus & barbarus si regnet , iniuria est de regno hunc pellere : alioqui rapinae & caedi res mortalium omnes expositas esse opo●tebit . Haec Ioseph . Acosta Iesuita lib. 2. de Indorum salute . Cap. 5. * 1. Pet. 3. 1. a Pontisicem esse Caput totius Ecclesiae , & habere potestatem etiam circa omnia temporalia , probamus ex Theologis & Canonistis . Bezius de Eccles . Monarch . Tempor . Epist . Dedicat. ad Clement . 8. Pontif. b Answere Cap. 2. § But it . c Answer Cap. 2. § Secondly . d Ibid. § Sixtly . e Ibid. § Therefore . f De Temporali Ecclesiae Monarchia . Clementi 8. Pontifici Opt. Max. Franciscus Bozius . g Etiam Ethnici , quoad temporalia Ecclesiae , adeóque summo Pastori eius Romano Pontifici subijciuntur , vt docent Innocentius , Iohan. Andraeas , Hostiensis , Syluester , S. Antoninus , caeterique Doctores Canonistae , cosque puniri posse affirmant poenà etiam temporali . Bezius in codem libro . * Iam infra . h Affirmant hoc Aluarez , Syluester & multi alij . Bellar. i De potestate Romani Pontisicis aduersus impios Politicos , & huius temporis haereticos Libri istius inscriptio . k Hanc opinionem , [ Summum Pontisicem iure diuino habere plenissimam potestatem in vniuersum orbem terrarum tùm in rebus Ecclesiasticis tum in politicis , ] sequendam censeo , quam communis Theologorum schola secuta est : Thomas , S. Antoninus ; cui opinioni subscripserunt ( enumerat vigi●●i duos , inter alios verò ) Franciscus Mayronus , cognomento Doctor illuminatus , nuperrimè verè Celsus Mancinus , qui in Tractatu de luribus Principatuum . lib. 3. Cap. 1. & 2. ita scriptum reliquit : In summo Pontifice est vtrauis potestas , seu iurisdictio spiritualis , & temporalis : & vti omnium est eminentissimus in spirituali potestate , ita etiam in temporali ; ita vt liceat de Pontifice Romano illud similitudine quadam asseuerare , quod Plato in Timaeo , quidnam esset Deus respondit , Non est homo , non coelum , non bonum , sed quid ? praestantius . Roget quis an summus Pontifex sit Dux , an Rex , an non Imperator ; caute respondebit , si negando asserat , esse quid praestantius , quiduè eminentius . Haec ille . Et ex illo haec Carerius lib 1 de Potest . Rom. Pont. Cap 9. * 1. Tim. 6. 15. l Eadem opinion probatur ex Canonistarum , testimonio , qui sic adhaeserunt decreto desumpto ex C. per venerabilem : qui filij legitimi : vt infinitum sit illos enumerare . Carerius ibid. Cap. 9. & 10. m Secunda Canonistarum ostensio sumitur ex C. Solitae de maior . & obed . vbi Innocentius tertius ait : Deus creauit duo luminatia in coelo , solem & lunam ; id est , duas instituit dignitates , quae sunt , Pō●ficalis , & Regalis : harum quae praeest diebus , spiritualibus , scz . maior est , & dignior eà quae temporalibus praeficitur ; vt quanta est inter solem & lunam , tanta inter Papam & Imperatorem cognoscatur differentia . Optimè explicat summus Pontifex hac decretali Pontificiae dignitatis eminentiam . Carerius ibid. Cap. 12. n Vndè sic formo rationem ; Ea est proportio inter Pontificem & Imperatorem , quae est inter Solem & Lunam ; sed sol est praestantior lunâ , quae ab illo mutuat splendorem ac lucem : Igitur Imperatoris potestas à summo Pontifice pendet . Carcrius ibidem . o Vide Apolog. Catholicam . Part. 2. lib. 5. Cap. 17. * Infra part 3. a Habet tamen indirectè in ordine ad bonum spirituale . Bellar. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. Cap. 6. & 7. b Stapleton in his English Counterblast against Master Horne . c Answere qu● supra Cap. 2. § Secondly . d Answere in his Epist . § Therefore . e Altera sententia in altero extremo posita est , Pontisicem non habere potestatem aliquā temporalem iure diuino , nec pos●e vllo modo ( Ex ciuili autoritate ) imperare Principibus secularibus , nedum eos ●egno & principatu priuare , etiamsi alioqui priu●ri mereant●r : non habet ha●e potestate directe , sed indirecte in ordine ad b●… spi●… , habet potestatem eá●que sum●●m in tempo alibus . Hoc modo possit Reges deponere , regna transferre , vni auferre , alteri conferre , tan●…m sum●us Pontifex . Hanc sententiam Protestantes negant ; quam communis Catholico●ū scho●… defendit . Bellar. lib. 5. de Rom. Pent. Cap. 1. & 6. f Superest vt demōstremus Papa non habere directe vllam temporalem iurisdictione iure diuino . Bellar. ibid. Cap. 4. * Infra part . 3. g Answer cap. 2. § Fourthly . h Answer cap. 3. § Secondly . * Infra Part 3. * In the third part . i Bellar. Ies . lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. ca. 2. Greg. Valent. Ies . Analys . lib. 8. cap. 3. Salmeron Jes . Com. in Gal. 2. Disp . 24. Canus loc . T●●ol . lib. 6. cap. 8. Staplet . Doctr. Princ li. 6 Cos●erus Enchir. Tract . de Pontif. k Bellarm. in●ra . l Ibidem . m Ibidem . n Ibidem . a Nulla est Imperatonis aut Regis electio , si cum eligitur , excommunicatus sit . Tolet ▪ Ies . & Cardinal . lib. 1 instruct . cap. 13. § Aduett . autem . b Ius ad regna Christianorum maius est in Religione , quàm in Successione : maius in vltione haeresis ( loquitur de Protestantibus ) quàm in cognatione sanguinis . Debent igitur Christiani omnem tali spem praescindere , ne ad eam celfitatem aspiret ▪ Reinald Anglus in suo Ros●us pag ▪ 649 & pag. 670. c Qui contra facit , Deum homini postponere , carnem spiritui anteponere dicendus est . Staplet ▪ in suo Did●m . pag. 122. d Regnum Haeretici defuncti ad filium Catholicum pertinet : quòd si filius & consanguinei eius haeretici fuerint , Regnum Catholicum possit Regem orthodoxum eligere : si verò Regnum haereticum fuerit , Electio Regis Catholici ad summum Pontificem pertinet : sed & r●gnum illud possit a Catholicis occupari . e Parsons in his Dolman . pag. 216. f Vultis in Regno Galliae Christianissimo Regem proclamare Nauarraeū Caluinistam ? eadem opera hominibus imperare iubetis canem ; templū Dei viuentis prostituitis Satanae , & in vineam Domini immittitis truculentum aprū , qui illam vastet & depascatur . Reinald in suo Rosaeus . pag. 466. g Illi nè clament Viue Rex , quē ne salutare possint , nec in domum suam recipere ? Ibid pag. 476. h Dicit fortassis Nauarraeus , Ego saniorem Religionē induco , sed hoc ad rem nullo modo pertinet ; tenetur enim Religionem Romanam defendere . Creswellus in suo Philopater . * Parsons in his bocke called , A Conserence cōcerning the next succession of the crowne of England . a Answer cap. 4. § I Answer . b Answer quo supra . c Quamprimùm contigerit miseram illa foeminam ex hac vita discedere , &c. Garnet bis Comfession at the Barre . d Lam supra . e Grat. dist . 4. col . 2. § Statuimus . f Arnold . in Orat. ●●uers . Jes . g Vide supra . chap. 2. & 3. &c. a Answer cap. 6. § But first . * Infra part 〈…〉 b Notissimum est Reges Galliae , Angliae , Scotiae , Daniae , Suethiae , nisi vngerentur ab Episcopis , non fuisle pro Regibus habitos : vt aperuit Thomas Bozius , &c. Carerius lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 17. c Parsons in his Dolman pag ▪ 132 d Qui non sinit ●e à Sacerdotibus vt Regem vngi in eum finem vt Religionem Christianam defendat , nullo iure possit Christianos in Baptismo vnctos regere . Reinald . in Rosaeus pag ▪ 535. e Allane in his Admonition . pag. 31. f In Francia Reges , qui iure haereditario succedunt , ante solennem inaugurationem & coronationem , vt ex amplissimi ordinis decreto constitutum est , pro consecrato & inaugurato habentur Barclaius lib. 3. contra Monarchomach . cap 2. g Si Imperator saltem honore & dignitate cunctis Regibus in Ecclesia excellentior reputatur , à Papa demum reprobari possit , multò magis caeteri Principes à Papa punientur : nam , vt aiunt , qui eminentem Aquilam domat , facilè Accipitres comprimet . Carerius quo supra . lib. 1. cap. 3. h Garnet publikly at his Arraignment . a Quamprimum Reges Christiani facti sunt heretici , protenùs eorū Subiecti ab illorū Dominio liberantur . Simancha Episc . Instit . lit . 23. sect . 11. b Durante excommunicatione qui obnoxij erant vinculo fidelitatis vel iuramenti tali vinculo liberabuntur . Tollet . Ies & Card. Instruct . Saccrd . lib. 1. Cap. 13. c Non videtur negandū , posse Rom. Pontificem se & alios soluere à iurisiurandi religione & lege , modò iusta causa subsit . Azor. Ies . Instit . Mor. Cap. 15. § Sextò quaeritur . d Postquam per Pontificem ( nominati●… ) excommunicantur , extunc Vasalli ab eius fidelitate denunciantur absoluti : Et terra eius exponitur Catholicis occupanda , qui eam , exterminatis hereticis , absque vlla contradictione possideant Massonius Iuriscons de Maiest . milit . Eccl. par . 2. lib. 4. de Imperijs pag. 676. e Cùm est crimen notorium , nullâ est opus declaratione sentētiae excommunicationis Panormitan . Cap. Cum in homine extra de iudicijs . f Crimen heresis , si fit notorium , vt nullâ possit tergiuersatione caelari , etiam ante Iudicis sententiam , incurritur ( ex parte ) poena praedicta : nimirùm , eatenùs , vt subditi licitè possint tali Domino negare obsequium . Valent. 〈…〉 . 3. in Thom. Disp . 1. q. 12. punct . 2. pag. 463. § Nunc. g In hoc articulo ●u●t ●chnus & C●jetanus , & communior sente 〈◊〉 ap●d ●…ulos D. Thomae , & probant , quia ia hac causa adest ●emper volu●tas interpretat●… Pontisi●●s , qui obtinet vim s●ntentiae , atque euidentia ●acti habet vim sententiae . Bannes in 2. 2. q. 12 Act. 2. Con●lus . 2. h Hoc vniuersa Theologorum & lurisconsultorum Schola tenēt , & est certum , & deside . Cresa ●llus I●s . in suo Philopater . pag. 194. * In the coppie of a letter sent by Card. Allen to Sir VVilli●m Stanley . pag. 10. i The Answer cap. 5. in initio . i Nos eos , qui Excommunicatis fidelitate & sacramēto censtricti sunt , Apostolicà autoritate ●…ramento absoluimus . Greg. 7. Pont. ap●d Grat. Caus . ●5 . q. 6. k Nos excommunicamus vniuersos haereticos , vt absolutos se nouerint omni fidelitatis debito , qui ijs iuramento tenebantur astricti . Greg. 9. Pont. lib. 5. D●cr●t . tit . 7. Cap. 5. Glossa . l Volumus & iubemus &c. & absoluimus subditos vinculo iuramenti , quo Reginae Elizabethae cōstricti tenebantur . Pius 5. Pontifex in Bulla . a Answer Cap. 5. § And first . b Answer Cap. 5. § But he . * Supra . c Ibid. § Lastly . d De Apostolicae autoritatis plenitudine declaramus &c. T●nor Bullarum Papalium . e Canus locis Theolog. & Bellar . lib de Cultu Sanctorum . f Summa Constitutionum summotum Pontificum à Greg. 9. vsque ad Sixtū Quintum : Per Petrum Mathaeum collecta & commentarijs illastrata . g Pius &c. Cùm impij multi alios pessimis doctrinis corrumpentes ad Angliae Reginam , veluti ad Asylum , omniū infestissimi persuger●t : vbi illa supremi Ecclesiae Capitis locum in omni Anglia , ●i●… que praecipuam autoritatem atque iurisdictionem monstrosè vsurpans , amplexis haereticotum erroribus , Regnum illud obscuris hominibus haereticis comple●it , Catholicae fide● cultores oppresset , Mi●…ae sacrificium , ieiunia , delectum ciborum , coelibatum , ritú que Catholicos aboleuit , impia mysteria & instituta ad Caluini praescriptum à se suscepta & obseruata , etiam à subditis seruari mandauit ▪ Catholicos Episcopos & Ecclesiarum Rectores suis Ecclesijs dejicere , in homines haereticos disponere , déque Ecclesiae causis disponere ausa ; Clero & populo ne Romanam Ecclesiam agnoscerent , neuè eius sanctionibus Canonicis obtemperarent , interdixit , seque solam in temporalibus & spiritualibus Dominam agnoscere , iureiurando co●git ; poenas in ●os , qui non essent audientes , imposuit ; Catholicos Antistites in vincula co●…t : quae omnia cum apud omnes nationes perspicua & notoria sunt , grauissimóque quam plunmorum testimonio ita comprobata , vt nullus omnino locus excusationis relinquatur ; quo●…am animum eius ita obfirmatum intelligimus , vt ne huius quidem sedis nuncios in Angliam trajicere permiserit : De Apostolicae sedis plenitudine declaramus praedictam Elizabetham Reginam haereticam , & haereticorum ●autricem , eique adhaerentes in praedictam Anathematis sententiam incurrisse , esseque à Christi corpore praecisos : quinetiam ipsam quocunque dominio ac dignitate priuatam , & item Proceres , & subditos dicti regni , & caeteros omnes , qui illi quomodocunque iurauerit , à iuramento huiusmodi , & omni prorsus dominij , fidelitatis , & obsequij debito perpetuo absolutos . Eulla Pij Quinti . h Propter huius Apostolici scripti publicationem vnus aut alter maiori zelo praediti mox Londini , vbi ipsius pseudoepiscopi valuis affixum fuit , extremum supplicium laesae maiestatis condemnati constanter subierunt . Hoc scriptum , Pio Quinto mortuo , à Successore suo renouatum ac confirmatum fuit : quòd haeretici palam , vt puerorum terriculamenta , ita se prorsus contemnere simulabant , licet reuer à de rei euentu vehementer dubitantes , dicerentur secretò Romae , per quosdam magnos vi●os de sententiae reuocationè plurimum , sed frustra , laborasle . Petrus Matthaeus infra Bullam . Et Elizabetha Regina haeretica etiam fuit & est . Ibid. in margine Bullae . * Answer supra Cap. 1. * Supra . * The Answere supra . i Matthaeus supra . * Prou. 17. 15. k Regina , postquam Bulla publicata est , maioti molestia Catholicos affecit Mat. quo sup . a Answer quo supra in fine . b Supra cap. 1 6. lit . 〈◊〉 . c Vide infr● Rat. 8. d Vide infra Rat. 〈◊〉 . in prect . e Vide supr● cap. 6. f Non licet tolerate Regem haereticum conantem pertrahere subditos ad suam opinionē . At iudicare an Rex pertrahat suos subditos ad haeresin nec ne , pertinet ad Pontificem . Bellar. lib. 5 de Rom Pont. cap. 7. § Tertia . g Debent Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas , qui omnes , dum Symbolum tenent Apostolicum , vera sunt membra Ecclesiae , licèt a nobis in particularibus dissentiant . Cassander lib. de Officio 〈◊〉 viri . h Falsa est haec sententia Cassandri , non possunt●n Catholici reconciliari cum Haereticis . Bellar. lib. 3. de ●aicis cap. 19. a Penes Romanos Pontifices semper fuit potestas ad tollenda incommoda Ecclesiae , & damna animatum , Reges regnis , & Imperatores imperijs priuandi . Costerus I. s . Apol. pro part . 1. Enchirid. pag. 64. b Non enim minus authoritatis á Christo collatum est Vicario suo ad ouium tutelam & commodū , quam à Villico datur Mercenario , qui pecora pascit . Ih. pag. 64 c Depositio Imperatoris ex iusta causa pertinet ad summum Pontificem : quia Imperator est tanq●am Minister summi Pontificem , gladium Iurisdictionis temporalis ad nutum summi Pontificis exercens . Molina Ies . Tract . 2. de iustitia disp . ●9 . ●d 〈◊〉 . pag. 149. d Non licet Christianis tolerare Regem haereticum , si co●…t●r pertrahere subditos ad suam haeresin . Bellar. ●es . & Cardinal . lib. 5. de Pont. cap. 6. 7. & 4. e Sed debent Subditi operam dare , vt in eius locum alius quamprimùm surrogetur . Sanderus Theolog. Pro●essor . devis●… . Monarch lib. 2. cap. 4. § ●us autem pag. 70. f Debent illum , tanquam Christi h●…stem , ex hominum Christianorum dominatu ●i ▪ cere : quae est virorum doctis●imorum ind●…tata sententia , doctrinae Apostolicae conformis . Creswel . les . in suo Philopater pag. 194. g Etiam●i Pontifex toleraret Regem Apostatam , tamen Resp . Christiana possit illum pellere è regno quoniam Pontifex sine ratione permittit illum impunitum . Dom. Bannes 2. 2. quest . 12. A●● . 2. h Nec 〈◊〉 hoc recuperabunt , quamuis poste● reconcilientur Ecclesiae . Simancha Instit . Cathol . ●it . 33. Sect. 11. i Answer in his Chap 6. k Ibidem . l Insra . m Vt Ichu lezabelem . Lib. de iusta Abdicat . pag. 57. So Lodouic . de Orleance . n Parsons in his Dolman . pag 33. o Allane in his Admonition . pag. 33. & 53. in the place forceited p Reinalds in his Rosaeus in the plowfurniture . q Vt Villicus pecora Costerus locis citatis . r Non licet subditis tolerare Regem haereticum , sed expellere eum debit , vt Pastor ●upū . Bellar. lib 5 de Rom. Pont. cap. 7. s Creswell in Philopater . t Vide infra . u Tenentur Anglivi Reginam suam deijcere . Infra . * Vide supra . a Henricam dig●… regia excid●sse , Gallosue securâ conscient●â in cum , vt publicae sidei violatore bella●le . Lib. de iasta Abdicat . Henr. 3. pag. 370 b Eos omnes Catholicos peccare mortaliter , qui Anglorum castra contra Augonem Oneale sequuntur , nec posse ●os aeternam salutem consequi , nec ab vllo Sacerdote àpeccatis absolui , nisi priusquam resipiscant , & Castra Anglorum deserant . Determinatio Vniuersitatis Salamancae . Anno 1602. c Theologi illi ●ecerunt quod Consultorum , Conse●●ariorū , Doctorum ●uit . X●stus Quintus Papa , vt habetur lib. de iust . Abdi● . Henr. 3. pag. 370. d Volumus & iubemus , vt aduersus Elizabetham Angliae subditi arma capessant . Bulla Pij Quinti Pen. Max. e Answer cap. 6. § Now let . f Answer cap. 2. § Lastly , let . g Bellar. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 8. h Paulus tertius Papa Principibus ac Ducibus Angliae caeterisque Nobilibus praecepit , vt vi & armis se Hērico opponant , illumue è Regni sinibus eijceren tantur , vt pate● in hac Bu la Pauli 3. qui sic incipit : Paulus Episcopus Seruus seruotum , ad futuram rei memoriam , &c. Petrus Matthaeus Comment●n illa Bullam . i Quo supra . § I answer . k Excommunicatio iniusta est inuallida . Tolet. I●s . in instruct . & Azor ▪ Je● . Justit . Moral . * Faux did auouch the Maundie Excommunication for bi● warrant . * Cicero pro Ligario . a Tyrannū occidere honestū est , quod cuiuis impunè facere pe●… , q●… consensu di●o . ●…a Abd●cat . H●n . 3. pag. 262. 〈◊〉 270. b Facilè constat eum , qui quamcumque tuetur haeresin , apud Chustianos non minùs propri● perfecteque Tyrannum effici ; quim qui apud Philosophos , spretâ ciuitatum conseruatione , omnia in republica stupris , rapinis , & hominum caedibus implet . Reinald . in suo Rosaeus . pag. 157. d Imo grauiori paena digni sunt Principes haeretici , quàm priuati homines : lure igitur et meritó Scythae Regem suum Scylen occiderunt propter externos ritus , quia in Bacchanalibus sacris initiatus erat . Simancha Inst . Cath. tit . 23. Sect. 12. & 13. c Vita priuari possint ; tum multó magis ommbus alijs bonis , atque adeó etiam praelatione in alios . Greg. Valent : som . 3. disp . 1 qu. 11. punct . 2. e Ansvver , cap. 7. §. But against . f Si seditionem intelligis ( nobiliss . D. Thesaurarium alloquitur ) de qua Christus , [ Non veni pacem in terram mittere , sed gladium ] sanè intelligis ; fateor , Sacerdotes nostros tibi inobedientes esse & sore semper . 〈…〉 in Philop●●er pag. 298. & 300. g ●…pra . § 〈…〉 . h Contra Reges sumendum esse scutum , non gladium . Iucius . i Answere quo supra . § Seeing . a Arnoldas in Synodo Parisiensi omné Tyannidem Hispanorum apud Indos solis Iesuitis ascribit . Gal●… belgic . tom . 2. lib 10. b Rodolphus Comes contra Henricū 4. ( fulmine Greg. Pōt●sicis percussā ) bellū gessir , &c. Abbas Vrspurg . Cranzius , & alij in suis Cronicis . c Iubemus vt aduersus Reginā Angliae Subditi arma capessant . Bulla Pij Quinti . * G. Faux . d A●… . §. For prac●… . e Answer qu● supra . f Answer cap. 〈◊〉 . § First . g De Episcopis verò vel quibuslibet Clericis , quod nec suâ nec authoritate Rom. Pontificis arma suscipere valeant , facilè probatur . Deer . 2. caus . 23 q. 8. de Episcopis . h Sacc●dotes primi ab oppressore religione discedant , & animos in●ictos induant , Eliā imitantes , qui quadraginta Psendoprophetas interfecit . De iusta Abdicat . 57. i Postunt viri sanctissimi Monachi quoque haeretico Regi vim pro side inferente , viribus quoque resistere , vbi probabilis est defensionis oportunitas : & qui hoc sanctissimo certamine cum Catholicis Episcopis contra Haeren●um Regē moriuntur , ij sunt Marty●…s , & a Deo , non vt perduelles patriae vel Regis , poenam , sed vt . Martyres Christi praemia coelo aeterna reportabunt . In his Rosaeus pag. 638. 639 & Rursu● . k Graeci Sacerdotes optimi Imperatoribus suis armata manu resistere nunquam putârunt esse peccatum ; aut laesae Maiestatis crimen : sed contra potiùs scelus piaculare sese non opponere . Pag. 560. l Allen in his booke intituled , A true and modest Defence of English Catholikes , pag. 107. m Allen in his Admonition to the nobilitie . pag. 31. n Allen in his true Defence . pag. 143. o Ad Episcopos spectat tum vt Regem ipsum pronuntient haereticum , tum vt Subditos eius declarent ab omni deinceps obedientia illi praestanda liberos esle , ipsosque operam dare debete , vt alius in eius locum quam primum surrogetur . Quod si nec subditi hac in re officio suo consulat , Pastorum est quacunque ratione possint , prou●dere , vt non regnet in Ecclesia . Dei. Sander . lib. 2. de visib . Monarch . Cap. 4. § Hac igitur . p Ioh. Castile . vide Orat. Arnold . q Monachus quidam Iohannem Regem Angliae veneno interfecerat . Barck'a●us co●tra Monarchom . lib. 6. cap●… . De hoc fa●●o Clementis . r Aeglonem Moabitam alter Ahod , imo etiam sortior , in abdomine trai●cit , vociferatur laesum se Tyrannus : nihil iam est quod Iudithae Holophernem , aut Dauidis Goliam obtruncan●…s , aut Samsonem maxillâ Asini mille ●iros interficientis , historias ●…remur ; quia maiora his vidimus , qui clamaremerito debemus , Dextra Domini fecit virtutem : dextra Domini exaltauit nos . Author de ius●a Abdicat . * AEso'us in Ap●l . qui s●c incipit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s Vniuersa eo pertinent , vt milites , praefecti , daces , & ecclesiastici omnes , qui haec castra sequuntur , persuasissimum habeant haec esle bella Domini . Reinaldus in Rosaeus . pag. 155. t Dilecte vir salutem , &c. Tibi caeterisque qui sunt hodiè vnanimes & pro fidei Catholicae propagatione adhaerent , nostram & Apostolicam benedictionem impertimur . Literae Clementis . 8. ad Tyronem . Anno. 1601. u Age. &c. Nam ei bello fauentes sanctis●imis Pontifex multis gratijs prosequitur . Colleg. Salaman . in Determ . Anno. 1602. x Allane in his Admonition to the Nobilitie of England . Anno 1588. pag. 53. y Parsons in his booke called A Manifestation of folly against the Important Considerations . pag. 24. r Si hant Seditionem vocas , gladium iu terram mittere , & nou pac●m ; fateor Sacerdotes nostros tibi inobedientes esse , & fore semper , &c. Cresw●l in Philopater . pag. 300. z Answer Chap●… § Lastly & § For practise . * Greg. Magn●s . a Answer ibid. * Nihil interest faueá●ne s●ele●i , a●●llud facias . Seneca . a Multi Pontifices Principes multos authoritate suà regiâ meritò priuârunt : vt Leonem 3. Fredericum 1. O●honem 5. Childe●icum Regē Francie . Card. B●llar . lib. 5. de Rom ▪ Pont. cap. 6. & 7. b In the Copie of his letter to Sir VVilliam Stanley . c ●eina●…n Rosaeus cap. 〈◊〉 . d In his Dolman part . 1. pag. 62. e Gratias agimus Deo immortali , qui operis huius fructum ( nimir●m parricidium Monachi ) tam benè anteuerterit . Lib. de iusta Abdic . He●r . 3. f In his letter to Sir VVilliam Stanley Anno. 1587. g A Booke intituled , An admonition to the Nobiliue and people of England . The i●scriptio● : G●lielmus miserati one d●…i●… . S. R. E. Tit. S. Martini in montibus Cardinalis , cunctis regni Angliae & Hiberniae proceribus . * See aboue Rat. 6. lit . i. h Answer cap. 8. i Answer ib. § But he . * Infra part . 3. k Christiani Imperatores iudicarunt & deposuerunt summos Pontifices ▪ haec quidem facta ●unt , sed quo iure ipsi vide●int . Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. ●9 . § Argumentum quintum . l In veris antiquitatis historijs exemplum nullum legimus cuiusquam Imperato● is , qui , propter haeres●… , per populum exactus abie●tusque fuit . Bar●klaiu● contra M●narchom . lib. 6. cap. 12. m Answere Cap. 8. § He accuseth * ●uc . 12. 14. n In dubijs Subditus parere debet praefecti sui mandato ; possit miles suo Regi , Duci , vel Reip. in bello , obedire , vbi dubitat sitnè Principis bellum , quod aduersus alterum gerit , iustū : in tali dubietate non est quod dubitet , Principis mandato esse parendum , et hoc modo dubium remouendum . Azorius Ies . Iust lib. 2. cap. 19. § Nono quaeritur . o Quidam specie forte pietatis grauit●r errant , ●us regium vocantes in dubium , quaerente●interdam quoiure & titulo Hispani dominentur Indis ; num haereditario iure ad nos deuoluti fiunt , an bello iusto nobis subiecti● ego existimo nullam aliam subtiliorem petendam esse causae euictionem , quàm quod vt demus maximum peccat●m esse in vsurpatione dominatus Indici : tamen neque restitui iam potest ; cui enim , & quibus modis ? neque si maxime posset , fidei susceptae euidens ini●…ia & periculum id vell● modo pateretur . Ioseph . Acosta Iesuit . Lib. 2. de Indorum salute . Cap. 11. * For they are due to the posteritie of the Nation . h Xisti Quinti Pont. Max. de Henrici tertij morte Oratio habita in Consistorio Patrum . 2. Septembris Anno Domini 1589. i Mortuus est Rex Francorum per manus monachi . pag. 3. k Rarum & memorabile facinus . l Occidit Monachus regem non pictum aut fictum in Chartâ aut pariete , sed Regem Francorum in medio exercitus . m Hadrianus Pontifex excōmunicationem Henrico 2 denuntians , ipse à Deo maledictus , à musca suffocatus est . Nauclerus general . 137. n Facinus non sine Dei Opt. Max. particulari prouidentia & dispositione , ( pag. 5 ) non sine expressa eius voluntate , ( pag. 4. ) & succursu perpetratum . o Nota quam insignis est historia illa sanctae mulieris Iudith , quae vt obsessam ciuitatem suam , & populum Dei liberatet , caepit consilium ; Deoque sine controuersia suggerente , de interimendo Holopherne hostilis exercitus principe , quod & perfecit . &c. pag. 8. p Hic verò Religiosus aggressus est & rem confecit longè maiorem non sine Dei concursu . pag. 10. q Rex infelix , & in peccato mortuus . pag. 3 & pag 9. r Vir Religiosus pag. 9. & 10. a Principum Catholicorum faedera in excidium haereticae prauitatis prohauit : & Rodulpho Impera tori per literas significauit Regem Nauarraeum , & Principem Condaeum ●…ede Apostolicâ excommunicatos & proscriptos esse , vt p●…m B●…llis huius Pont. Petrus Matth. cu● Sum. Constit . Rom. Pont in Arg. ante const . Sixti . Quinti . b Nos excommunicamus at anathematizamus omnes Lutheranos & Caluinistas . Const . Sixti Quinti . Cap. 13. c Iubilaeum omnibus Christi fidelibus , qui in Ecclesijs regni Galliae pro selici contra haereticosvictoria &c. Orauerint cum facultate eligendi confessores , qui á delictis & criminibus etiam in bulla Caenae Domini contentis absoluant . Ibid cap. 16. * Sixtus Quintus supra . * Bucherus li. de Iusta Abdic . supra . vide cap. 21. d Scelerati Monachi Cl : atrox & perfidiolum , ce● monstri teterrmi , facinus haereticis occasionem dedit calumniandi non hominem , sed ordinem vniuersum Monachorum . Barclaius lib. 6. conta Monarchom . cap. 28. & deinceps . e Fuit mihi cum Patre Mathaeo antiqua olim amicitia , & intima familiaritas qui Regem illum Henricum 3. siquis alius intus , vt aiunt , & in cute nouerat , qui de Regis moribus sic mihi satisfecit : vis ( inquit ) vt dicam tibi quis Rex fuit ? vir bonus fuit , sed non perinde Rex , quia nimium religiosus esse studuit , qui deuotioni ac precibus deditus Regni curam nonnihil negligere videbatur , Barclaius ibidem . a Sit haec tertia Conclusio : vbi euidens adest notitia criminis , ante declaratoriam Pontificis sententiam licet ( si modo vires ●i suppetunt ) Regem deponere . Domin . Bannes in Thom. 2 , 2. q. 12. Art. 2. b Sit haec cautio adhibenda , vt vires habeant ad hoc idoneas subditi : alioqui in Religionis Catholicae praeiudicium cederet . Cr●swel in suo Philopater . pag. 198. & 199. c Quasi verò eadem instituendae Ecclesiae ratio atque institutae esse , credenda sit ; adde quòd id tum non licuit , dum impiorum multitudo superior esset : sed neque illi Christum professi erant , vt cogi in verba eius mortis supplicio possent ; sed tum demum , silicet , id datum est , cum impletum fuit id Prophetae , ( Esa . 49. ●3 . ) Reges erunt nutri●… tui , & in quae tempora venimus . Lib. deiusta addicat . Regis Henric. 3. p g. ●78 . d Illud non moueat quemquam ; id laudabile est quum resistere nequeas . Lib. de iusta ●…ag . 371. e Quòdsi Christiani olim non deposuerunt Diocletianum , lulianum , Valentem ad s●…t , qu●a de●rant vires temporales Christianis . Bell. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 Ro. Pont. cap. 6. & 7. & 4. f Ex hac secunda conclusione sequitur , excusandos esse Anglos , quia non se eximunt ex superiorum potestate nec belium contra eos gerunt ▪ quia non suppetunt illis vires , ob sequentia pe●…la , D. B ●…s in 2. 2. Thom. quaest . 12. Art. 2. * The letter of Tresham to the L. Monte●gl● . g Populus Christianus obsistere tenetur conscientiae vinculo arctissimo , & extremo ani●…um periculo , si prastate rem possit . Creswell in suo Philopater . pag. 201. h Answer cap. 91 § Thus he . i Ibidem . * Supra . * Matth. 6. 23. a In his booke of Admonition . b Clemens Octauus . c Answer quo supra cap. 9. § But where . * Supra . d Quae quidem moderatio id exposuit , Subditos Anglicanos , non obstante primo Ecclesiae mandato , Subiectionem obedientiamque suam , sicut antea Reginae , exhibere in rebus omnibus ciuilibus , saluâ conscientiâ , [ pro praesenti terum statu : ] modó in rebus Ecclesiasticis summā obedientiam summo Pastori deferant . Cresvvell . ●n his Philopater . pag. 204. * Ier. 4. 4. * H●b . 6. 16. a Answere . cap. 10. * Matth. 26. a Allen in his booke intituled , A true Defence pag. 68. 70. b Examen iniustissimum , & postulata sanguinaria . Creswell . in s●o Philopater . pag. 350. & 351. c Nouae & captiosae , in quibus inest inauditum quoddam nequissimae impietatis , & barbarae calliditatis exemplum . Sapl●ton ▪ in suo Didymus . pag. 205. 206. * Jud. 16. * Nata lex , quam non didicimus , sed à natura exhausimus . Cicero pro Milone . * Vt iugulent homines surgunt de nocte Latrones : vt teipsum serues non expergisceris ? Horatius . d Si Pontificis iussu de Religione restituenda bello decertaretur , se conscientiâ saluá facere non posse , quin pa●tibus Catholicis adhaereant . Creswel in suo Philopater . pag. 352. e Answer quo supra . § Now , &c. in fine Sectioni● . f Answer quo supra . § As concerning . g Answer cap. 10. § Now. a Cùm Iude● non iutidicè peut iuramentum , vel contra iustitiam , li●et vti aequiuocatione secundùm mentem suam , contra mentem Iudicis ; vt puta , quaerenti , fecistiné illud ? Respondeat non feci ; intelligendo inter se , non hoc tempore , aut , vt narrem tibi ; aut aliquid simile . Tollet . Card lib. 4. Instit . Sacerd. cap. 21. & 22. b De hoc illustri Cardinali Gregorius 13. Pontifex fic scribit : Dilecte fili . &c. Tanta est tua doctrina , que longo & inumo vsu nobis cognita est , vt tua scripta , sicut caeterorum al●orum iudicio atque examini subijci aequum non sit V●sques I●s Epist . de dicat . ante Com. in L●ue. c Officiarij Reginae Angliae non iuridicè iuramenta exigunt ; quia Regina haeretica non est Regina . Martinus in lib. R●solut . Cas●●m . d Si Sacerdos interrogetur in portu , vel alibi , de antiquo suo nomine ab aliquibus , qui cum habent suspectam , possit respondere , illud non es●e suum nomen : atque eodem modo si interrogeturde pat●…a , parentibus , amicis . &c. Resolutio quorundam c●suum Nationis Arglican● . e Cùm Sacerdos sistitur ad tribunal , vbi adsunt magistratus regni , accepto iuramento , possit ille prestare iuramentum aequiuocando , quia , qui quaerunt non ●…ridice interrogant , cum sint Tyrāni , & velint punire bona opera . Ibidem . * Parsons in his briefe dpolog . fol. 193. * Sèe Aquinas . f Fraus non dissoluit , sed distringit periurium . Cicero . g Sanctus Franciscus rogatus quâ perrexisset quidam homicida , qui iuxta cum transierat ; manus per manicas immittens respondit , nō transi●sse illac : intelligens , non transi●sse per illius manicas . Nouar . Tom. 3. cap. 12. h Answer quo supra . § This. * Quidam dicunt eum , qui non tenetur respondere ad intentionem Rogantis , posse respondere aliquid subintelligendo , vt non e●●e sc●licet , ita vt ei dicere teneatur● vel se non habere , sc . vt ei det . licet alij id non admittunt , & for●… poti●ri ratione . Eman. Sà . in Apboris . 4. i Illustrissimum Cardinalem Baronium , inter Iesuitas recensere est , ac si inter infimae magnitudmis stellas Arcturum imperitus numeret Astrologus . Seraries Ies . in Minerual aduers . Scalig lib. 4. cap. 1. k Frequent'r quidem opinio probabilior non est eligenda . Azor. Ies . J●…t . Moral . lib. 2. cap. 16. § Tertiò quaeritut . 〈◊〉 modo Tolletus Jes . Inshuct . Sa●e●d . l Answer quo supra . § For our . * Infra in the 3. part . m Coram haereticis ( loquitur de Iudicibus Anglicanis ) potest Catholicus vel recusare ( quod est prudentius ) vel sophisticè iu ●ans & interrogatis , ni●i quantum interrogatur de fide , sophisticè respondere . Nauar. cap , 12. num . 8 ▪ n Episcopi tenentur fidei suae commissos instruere , vt á cōmercio Regis Haeretici abstineant ▪ & ei nec in bello , nec in pace opitulentur : vt omnes Idiotae ratio cinari discant , Talis vir Haereticus est : Ergo in nos , qui Catholici sumus , authoritatem nullam habet . Reia●ld . Rosaeus . pag. 335. o Parsons in his briefe Apologie . fol. 193. p Cùm Sacerdos sistitur ad tribunal , vbi suut magistratus ciuiles regni , & for●an aliqui pseudo-Episcopi , non tenetur quis respondere ad interrogata , sed possit vti aequiuocatione , quia non iuridice interrogatur , cum sint Tyranni . Rosolutio casuu● . Nationis Anglicanae , p●r Alanum & Parsonum . * Answer in the front of the book . * See before Reason 4. lit . c. a Debuit intelligi , nisi Papa remittat ei iuramentum : Nam in iuramento excipitur authoritas Maioris . Glossa ad Decret . lib. 2. tit . 24. cap. 10. b Answer cap. 10. § This is . c Canonicus qui dan● inuehitur in Greg. 12. Pontificem , quòd tempore magni schismatis , antequam Pontifex crearetur , iurauer at publicò & ●olenni ●itu , se se abdicaturum Pontificia dignitate : Postea verò Pontifex electus , noluit Pontificatum deponere . Azor. Ies . Ins●it . Moral . lib. 5. cap. 15. d Aliorum quoque iuramenta possunt Pontificis authoritate relaxa●i . Ibidem . lib. 11. cap. 9. e Answer Ibid. * Of the Answer for Protestants see the 2. part . g Coram Iudice & Magistratu ciuili nunquam Sacerdos ●urat , etiam Episcopi consensu : at Episcopus facit vt coram se Sacerdos iuret . Azo● . I●● . Ins●it . lib. 11. cap. 11. § Sexto quaeritur . * Videsupra . The Pope is indirectly suprem in temporall causes . Bellar●… . Aadagaine The Pope may dis●olue oathes . Vide supra Rat. 4. lib. 〈◊〉 . b Be●…o , Sanct●ssimoque Pat● X●…o Quinto P●●t . Maximo Rob. Bellarminus . In princ●…i●i ep●●t . ●…cat . d●… T●m . Roman . c Ad eos ●●uene ●…uendos qu●… à Tran●…●egio●●bu , Authorit●s tua reuoca●● . 〈◊〉 d. * Ebornensis . * Ingolstadiensis . * Salmaticens●s . * Legi & expendi diligenter iussa & imperio Senatus , F. Dom. Bannesij Cathedratij Sacrosanctae Theologiae in Salmaticensi Academia in 2. 2. Dom. Thomae Commentarios . & nihil reperi lima dignum , sed admiratione vt appareat fore opus Theologis vtilissimum , & fructuosissimum . Idque ego ratum mea fide iubeo . Frater Daques Regis Hispani● Consessarius in coment . Francisci Ban●●sij . e Ne tam glorioso open sanctae obedientiae meritum deesse contingat , hoc ipsum ei praecipimus in virtute Spiritus Sancti sub formali praecepto , In nomire Patris , Pilij , & Spiritus sancti . Amen . non obstantibus in contrarium quibuscunue . Fratrem Minorum de D. Bannesij Commentarijs Encomium . f Answer cap. 11. § The tenth & § And whatsoeuer . g Answer ibid. h Non sub modo praecepti , sed sub modo perfectionis . Tollet . Tract . de 7. Peccat . mort . cap. 15. i Answer Ibidem . in sia●sectionis . k Answer supra . l 〈…〉 . 1. ●…g . * ●…ll ●…s 〈…〉 . Notes for div A07807-e27450 a Answer cap. 1. § Lastly . b Ibid. § Fourthly . ●t cap. 15. in initio . & cap. 7. § We haue . c Horum duorū non ideo alter bonus , quia peior est vnus . August . lib contra mendac . cap. 8. in initio . d Answer cap. 2. § Therefore seeing . * Rom. 13. e Primum probant Pont. Romanum nullo iu●e posse imperare Principibus secularibus , nedum eos regnis priuare , etiamsi illi priuari alioqui mereantur . Hoc docet omnes ( intelligit Protestantes ) hoc tempore , vt Caluinus , Martyr , Brentius , Magdeburgenses . Bell 〈…〉 . lib. 5. de Ro●… Pont. cap. 1. in initio . a Answer cap. 7. § I haue . b Anglicani Protestantes Principem Christianū etiam in causa Ecclesiastica Superiorem agno●cunt . Salmeron Jesuita com . in Epistol . Pauli in gener . disp . 1● . § Verum . s●●●king of the latter dayes of K. Henry the eight . a Answer cap. 1. adfinem . § Fourthly . b Answer cap. 3. repeating it § Against , &c. c Answer cap ▪ 4. repeating it , in initio . d Answer , repeating this , cap. 9. § For England . e Answer cap. 10. § Secondly . f The Counc●l● letters to Lady Ma●ie . g Answer cap. 3. § Against . Repeated , cap. 4. § But. h H●…shed Chro i Answer cap. 4. k Answer cap. 2. § And whence ▪ * Exod. 1. 15. & 20. l In vi●…andis pueris , opus mi●ericordiae fuit ; mendacio vero illo pro se vtebantur ne noceret illis Pharao : non ad laudem , sed ad venia pertinebat . August . Quaest . super Exod. 1. * ●…m su●a . * Infra . * Vide Apolog. Cathol . Part 2. lib. 5. cap. 40 & d●… . cep● . m Answer in his Epistle to his Maiestie . § Which as . a Answer cap. 3. repeating it cap. 7. & cap. 9. * Anno. 1584. * Proued by the Popes Buls supr . a Answer cap. 9. § Let vs. b Answer Ibid. c Caluinus Instit . li. 4. c. 20. § 22. Verbum Dei docet , Principum omnium , qui quoquo modo rerum potiuntur , etiamsi nihil minus praestent , quàm quod ex Officio erat Principum , imperio es●e parendum . Paulò post Vt homines intelligant , in homine deterrimo honoreque omni indignissimo , penes quem modo sit publica potestas , praeclarā illam & diuinam potestatem residere , quam Dominus lustitiae & Iudicij sui Ministris verbo suo detulit : I●roi●dè a subditis eadem reuerentiâ ac dignatione habendū , quantum ad publicam obedientiam attinet , quâ Regem optimum , si daretur , habitur● estent . Nabuchadnezar strenuus erat aliorum inuasor , ac populator , & Dominus ta●…en per Prophetam d●cit , se illi terram illam dedisle . Ezech. 29. & Dan. 2. Vt ●os nequissimum Tyrannum eo loco habeamus , quo Deus eum posuit . C●… Samuel describit Regem iniquū . 1 , Samuel . 8. 11. Hoc ius ( inquit ) erit Regis , filios vest●os tollet , &c. Cert●… non quòd iure ita facturierant Reges , quos lex Domini ad omnem continentiam instituebat ▪ sed ●us ●n populum vocatur , cui patere ipsi necesle erat , nec obsistere liceret & ●er . 27. S8ruiet Regi Babel . Videmus quant●●…e ●ti● tetrum illū ferocèmque Tyrannum Deus coli voluerit , non al●â ratione ni●i quia regnum ▪ ●…bat , quod exemplum vobis assid●è ob animos obuetletur : ita nunquam in anim●…●dit●… cogitationes venient ; Tracta●dum esse pro me●itis Regem ; nec aequum esse vt subd●…s ●…s praestemus , qui v●cissim Regem nobis se non praestat . & de hoc extant general●a Sc●ip●… testimonia . Hunc reu●rentiae atque ade● p●●tatis affectum ▪ debemus ad extremum ●llis , qu lescunquetandem sint ; Quod saepiùs ideò repeto , vt satis hab●amus , quòd eam Domini voluntate personam s●stine●t , cui inuiolabilem maiestatem impressit ip●e & insculpsit . d Answer quo iam supra . e Quod attinet ad p●iuatos homines , à qui● us etiam aut ●ihil aut no●●…ltū absunt ●…o●es m●gistratus , t●ne●e ●llos opott●t ●l●●imū inter le de●●r●e , in●…am ●…erre , & ●…m pati : Iniuriam enim pati nostrum est , sic praecipiente Domino & exemplo suo nobis praeeu●te , cùm nobis illum vi arcere non licet à nostrae vocationis praescipto , ext●a quam ne●as ●…vel pedem ponere . Nequè aliud remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus ●…yranno sub●…ter vitae emendationem , preces , & lach●ymas , quas Dominus pro tempore non a●p●…r ▪ Impiē autē facere nec volentes nec ius●os fas erit ; quoties enim ho●inum imperijs patére n●n possumus , qui● Regis Regum authoritatem violemus , Deo parendum est potius quam hominibus ; ita tamen vt memine●im●s , aliud esse non parére , quam resistere & ad arma ●e co●patare , quae à Domino non acceperis . B●za confess . fid . cap. 5. § 45. f Quid de Subiectorum erga suos magistratus officio sentiamus , ex his cognosci potest certiùs ac veriùs , quàm ex corum calumnijs , quibus nullus est pudor nos inuoluere cum vertiginosis Anabaptistis , qui magistatuum authoritatem tollunt , iurisiurandi religionem euertunt , indicia & B●lla aduersus se illata illicita esse contendunt , à quibus sceleribus quantum absumus , nemo potest ignor are nisi qui lucem recusat intueri . Beza quo supra . g Auget etiam illud aduersariorum nostrorum impudentia , quòd cùm ipsi palam contra Dei Verbum Reges & Regna sibi subiecerint , nec vllum sit hominum genus aduersus magistratus magis rebelle , audent tamen illi nobis illud ipsum scelus impingere , quod sibi licere non obscutè iactant . Beza ibidem . a Answer qu● supra . b The Historicall collection of the memorable acts in France from Henrie the 2 , till Henrie the 4 Before his Treatise of the reigne of Henrie the 3. he hath inserted . A briefe Discourse ( for so ●e ●●th i●… title it ) of the grace and wonderfull effects that haue insued the Kings conuersion , collected . VVherein are these words folowing : His Maiestie by reuelation of the holy Ghost and for his owne saluation turned to the bosome of the Church , leauing the ●…ors of the new opinion , ab●uring his former impostures ▪ &c. c L'histoire de France , ●…es plus notables occurrances , &c. Au Roy. d L'histoire de Franc. &c. A la R●in● . e La multitude des absurdes Heresies , &c. Lib. 1. fol. 9. f The first Hist . pag. 5●… . A●●o D●… . 1559. and the second Historie lib. 15. A●●o 1559. § Or come . g The first Hist . pag. 86. h Pag. 62. & 67. i Pag. 83. k Pag. 85. 86. 87. g Answer cap. 9. § After the. h The first Historie . Pag. 114. & deinc●p● . i Pag. 111. k Pag. 152. l Pag. 184. m Pag. 194. n Answer ibidem o The first h●storia pag. 118. p Ibidem . q L histoire de France , depuis l'an 1550 iusques à ce temps Tom. 2. Lib. 26. anno 1581. r Ibid. lib. 19 anno 1563. § Nous pag. 360. s Answer quo supra . * L'histoire quo supra . lib. 29. fol. 70. t Quo supra fol. 65. a Answer cap. 9. § Let vs come . * Act. 4. 19. * 〈◊〉 supra c. 5. * Dan. 6. ●2 . b Respondet Daniel , se nullam prauitatem co●…sisle ad . ●e 〈◊〉 Regem : vt hoc pateat tenenda 〈◊〉 ●entet●a Petn ▪ De●m ●…ete , ●eg●m honorate , 〈◊〉 haec ●●ter ●e co●ex●… possit vnum ab ●…o ●…lli : pr●…dat oportet timor Dei ▪ vt Reges obtineant suam autoritatem , sic ●●men vt Deus emineat . ●ure ●rgo Daniel se defendit , quod ●…llam prauitatem commisit aduersus Reg●… q●a , sc●●icet , co-actus D●…perio Reg●s mandatum neglexerat Abd●●ant enam se potestate terreni Principes , dum insurgunt contra Deum , imò indigni sunt qui 〈◊〉 in hominum numero , po●…s ergo con●p●ere opo●tet in ip●o●um capita , quam 〈◊〉 parere , ●bi i● proteruiunt , vt vel●nt etiam Deum iurespohate , & quasi occupare sohum eius , acsi postent eum è coelo detra●ere . Caluin . com . in Dan. 6. 22. * Matth. 22 21. c The answer , quo 〈◊〉 . * Psa . 49. v● . 20. * Gen. 3. 22. * Luk. 13. 32. * M●rk . 8. 33. * Apoc. 3. 16. * Prou. 30. 33. * Math. 4. 6. d Answer ●…os● 〈◊〉 . Th● b●oke which you cite in your m●r●●nt , Be●al . de●… Magis 〈◊〉 no ●or● to ●e call●d B●za●s , th● th● Vindic●ae contra ty●annos ▪ 〈…〉 herof your 〈◊〉 ●uthor vvrit t● thus : Vindicia●um contra Tyrānos Autorem expiscari non possumu● . B●…claius ●ib . 3 contra Mo●… . 〈…〉 . 1. c lus gl●dij ▪ & alias ciuilis iurisdictionis partes , quas sua immu●…tatis specie personati ●lli ●piscopi & Sacerdotes fraudulentèr Magist●a●… e●eptas sibi vendic●●unt , annon Magis●●atui restit●… ? C●l●in in lib. Tract . Theolog ▪ R●sp . ●d Sad●let . pag. 142. a Ansvver cap. 9 § In Burgundie * Mark. 9. 44. 46. 48. b A●sw●r quo ●u●… I● Denmark . a Answer quo supra . § ●o● Sueueland . a Answer cap. 9. § First Martin . * Luk. 21. 12. * Matth. 10. 34. b An nos frangimusianuam , cum effractoribas suribus , quia , si non cā clauderemus , illi non frangerant ? August . lib. de m●ndacio . cap. 9 * 1. Pet. 2. 8. * 2. Cor. 2. 16. c Obijci solet vide● Impenū tyrannidem , cum sit Caesar alijs homimbus si●… , qu●d imperium in h●…nes vlurpet . Vetum nos , q●● verbū Dei habemus . debemus mandatum Dei op ponere , quia nostrum est diuinae ordin●uom patere . Luther . tom . 1. in Gen. cap. 9. Prohibitum est gladium accipere , dicente Christo , Qui accipit glad●um gladio peribit , quia iniussus & propria suâ libidine a●●ipit , sed mandatum est gerere gladium , & est ministerium Dei * Rom 13. Minister Dei est . ●…r . Tom. 3 A●…ot . in D●… . cap. 〈◊〉 . fol. 40. Anarchia Satanae consilium est . Ibid fol. 552. d I am vehementet piget p●detque imò miseret me , quoties cogito quae & quanta ludibtia sibi ab Imperatenb is , Principibus , vniuer●… Natione German●ae Papa fec●rit : Deus bone , quanta ●bi●ine & fiducia in eislusit , non secùs eos ducens , & tractans , quam irrationabilia bruta , q●ibus tantum ad●…des , dolos rapinas , & quicqaid Satan suggerete potuit Papisticatum artium abuteretur ●ut●er . Tom. 2. Resp . ad A●… Catherinum . fol. 15● . Sanctus Petrus Pap●tum gra ▪ hice depinxit . 2. Pet. 2. [ Dominationes spernant ] Quis hoc nisi Pa●… ecta fa●… Quid , Don in●t●●nes . Apostolus nisi Principes & magistratus vocat ? Nonne hoc est Do●…●●S spernete , serp●os propria authoritate 〈◊〉 a tubutis subiectiombus , & v●…etsis 〈◊〉 Reipublicae contra doctrinam Petri & Paul●… tantum abest vt dominationem agno●●at P●pa , vt luminos Principes aeque ad oscula pedum admittat ; dein Monachum & Sacrisiculum stipite rudiorem , & ●enone sceleratiorem super v●…os mundi Proceres ●…t propter characterem illum indelebilem ; i● 〈◊〉 coguntur Dominationes contemptae honotare idol● , a quibus hono●ari debuerant , igna●…um hoc Papalium hominum genus vix poreis alendis idoneum Luth quo 〈◊〉 . fol. 152. e Answer quo supra . § First , &c. f Miror quo consilio velis , Erasme , Wicelio respondere , cùm per hunc librum satis sit responsum . Summa doctrinae eius haec est , Lutheri doctrina est haeresis , quia a Papa & Caesare damnata est ; sua verò est Orthodoxa , quia Episcopi , Cardinales , Principes & Reges mittunt & donant ei aurea pocula . Si aliud est in suis libris , moriar . Agnosco Dei opus & eius mirabilia video , sidem esse donum suum , quia exci●auit Christam a mortuis . Luther . Tom. 2. Epist . ad Eras . fol. 487. g illust●●ssime Princeps Domine clemen●… 〈◊〉 constat , qu●d 〈…〉 me●… tribuit Deo , 〈…〉 principio 〈◊〉 & asper castigat homines , vt p●st leniter eos , am●nter & patern● comple●… . Reg. 2. Dominus n●…at & vinisicat , &c. ●●go itaque nec instituto plan● dissimuli , nec om●●ò diuerlâ ratione cùm plures altos , tum vestram celsitud nem tractaui alicubi asperius , & immituis calamo perstrinxi , sed à Deo precatus sum , vt aliquando me reconciliaret , & restitueret in gratiam celsitudinis vestrae : ac interim Conciones consolationis plenissimas edidi , in quibus non opinione , non oculis , sed , vt ita dicam , manibus deprehendi potest , me nullá maleuolentiá aduersus quenquam labora●e : vt intelligat Celsitudo vestra , obiurgationem acerbissimam animi beneuoli & candidi pectoris notam fuisse , quàm omnium qui nunc gratulatiombus & blanditijs inflant in aures Celsitudinis vestrae , laudes & fucata dicta , &c. Luther ▪ Tom. 2. Epist . ad D. Georg Duc. Sax. fol. 487. h Quanquam vereri meritò deberem ( sereni● . Rex illust●●s . Princeps ) 〈◊〉 Matestatem tuam tentare , & qui mihi conscius maximè sum , grauissime offensam esse Maiestatem tuam libello meo ▪ quem non ingenio meo , sed incitantibus his , qui Maiestati tuae parùm fancbant , stultus & praeceps edidi : tamen spem mihi fecit Regia tua clementia , vt cùm n●ortalem sese nouent , immortales inimicitias ser●aturam esse non credam . Tom. 2. Epist ad Regem A●…gh● . c. 493. i Audita est nostra causa Augustae coram Caesare & toto mundo , inuentaue est i●reprehensi●…s , & sacram doctrinam referens . Deinde nostra Apologia vulgata est , in qua respondemus infinitis Papisticis mendacij●… cal●…j●… quibus hanc facultatem m●…mè inuidemus , cùm nullis alijs virtunbus po●…ta●t v●…nt esle n●b●les . Luther . 〈◊〉 . fol. 187. k Answer quosupra . § Munster . l L'histoire de France , enrichie &c. lib. 1. Anno. 1521. pag. 13. See also the Historie of Turkie lately set forth by M●ster Know●●s in English , collecte ▪ ●out of the true stories , &c. and concerning Rhodes , ●e saith , m If Adrian the Pope had bene as carefull to send aide against the Turke , as he was to de●end the Emperor Charles against the King of France , the Isle of Rhodes had bene safe at this day : Belgrade also was lost by the want of experience of their King , and through the insatiable conciousnes of the Clergie , who in the minoritie of the King got possession of the wealth of the Kingdome , and performed no strengh to resist the Turke . So was Belgrade lost , and a gap made open into Hungarie . And you● Gaicciardine shevvs that The not rescuing of Rhodes was imputed to the Popes fault . lib. 15. Of the vvhich summe of mony he gaue that vv●ich 〈◊〉 gathered out of the most quarters of Germany to his ●…ler Magdalene ; and 50000. crovvnes to his n●phevv Laurence . Hist . quosupra . & Guicciardin . quosupra . a Ansvveribid . b P●t Frarer . supra . * Supra . c Potestatem politicam esse apud Christianos illicitam , est opinio Anabaptistarum : quam non solùm Catholici omnes execrantur , sed etiam Philippus Melancthon , Caluinus , Lutherus in visitatione Saxonica instiss●… & acertimè oppugnant . Bellar. lib. 3. de Laic●s . cap. 2 , ad●in●m . * Eccles . 10. 1. a Answer cap. 10 § But to . * Math. 26. 75 ▪ b Fox Act. Mon. * Actes & Monuments , anno 1596 pag. 1309. c Answ . quo supra . d Ansvver ca. 10 § But to . e Ansvver ibid , § Secondly . * Gen. 38. 24. f Si accusâ●●e sufficiet , qui● innocens 〈◊〉 Seneca . Notes for div A07807-e34000 a Directè , queadmodú super Episcopos , in quos ipse autoritatem exercet vel ordinandi vel remouendi ▪ Carerius Tract . de Potest . Rom. Pont. & 〈◊〉 Tract de M●…arch Eccles . b Habet Papa potestatem temporalem indirectè in ordine ad Deum in disponendis rebus temporalibus omnium Christianorum ; quemadmodu●… Spiritus dicitur praeesse carni , non quidem ipse exercendo corporales actiones , sed per intellectualem facultatem , viz. voluntatem , carni imperando vt se castiget , & alia exercitia & afflictiones , etiam martyria subeat , Bellar , lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 4. & 6 , & Sauderus Tract . de visib . Monarch . c Dico Pontificem in veteri Testamēto fuisse Regemaiorem . C●●eriu● lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 5. & 9. E●dom modo Sauderu● in visib . Monarch . d Dicunt , Protestantes , Reges in veteri Testamento praescripsisse Sacerdotibus quae in rebus sacris gerere debebant , & etiam negligentes Sacerdotes à ministerio abdicasse : respondotur , mirum esse hoc non debere , quia synagoga Iud●eorum , etiam si aliquos iustos contineret , tamen dicebatur terrenum potiùs quam coeleste regnum . Itaque cùm populus constet ex corpore & anima , carnalis pars in veteri populo primas tenebat . Salmeron Iesuita in Epist . Pauli in giner . disp . 12. §. Sed contra . e In veteri lege Regnum erat Substantiuum , & Sac●rdotium Adiectiuum , &c. Carerius quo supra lib. 2. cap. 1. a Et hoc regnum terrenu vmbra tamen fuit spiritualis regiminis in ecclesia Christiana . Salineron Ies . quo supra . Bellarm. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. quo supra . b Regnum in Lege veteri Substantiuum fuit , Sacerdotium vero Adiectiuum : In lege verò Euangelica sacerdotium Substantiuū , & regnum Adiectiuum . Car●rius quo supra . * Heb. 4. c Christus no fuit rex temporalis Iudaeae sed spiritualis Ecclesiae ; cuius regni eius figura fuit regnum temporale Dauidis & Salomonis hac enim ratione de dit Christo Pater sedem Dau●d Patris . Salmeron Ies . quo supra . a Deus 1 Saulem per Samuelis , 2 Rehoboam per Achiae , 3 Athaliam per Iehoidae Sacerdotis vocem regnis suis priuauit . Sander . de Claue Dauid . lib. 2. cap. 6. 4 Mattathias gladium politicum sibi sumpsit , & postea silijs reliquit , quo Regem Antiochum ( qui Iudaeis imperabat ) iure eius imperij priuabant . Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 42. Scriptura exemplum 5 Elias , & 7 Iudith , Aeglon ab 8 Ahod , Sisera a 9 Iabel occ●sus est , ita cum haereticis agendum est in vindictam populi . Ibidem 271. Quemadmodum 10 Dauid , Ahab by 11 Elizaeus ; de quorum altero dicitur [ Deiecisti Reges ad perniciem : ] de altero , [ In diebus suis non pertimuit Principem ] hoc est officium Christianum . Reinaldu● in R●saeus pag. 619. & 697. Vt Holophernes 〈◊〉 12 Amon by the people . Parsons in his Do●man . We must follow herein 13 Macchabaei , & ipsi de genere Sacerdotum exemplum praebent Sacerdotibus nostris contra Principes religioni Catholicae infestos pugnandi . Lib. de ●●sta Abdicat . pag. 57. In 2. Paralip . 26. 14 Ozias Rex cùm Sacerdotis officium exercere vellet , à Pontifice de templo eiectus est , & separ●tus extra regnum , & consequentèr regnandi autoritate priuatus . B●llar . lib. 5. de Pont. cap. 8. Mattathiae imitandum proponit : sic fecerunt Prophetae , nominatim , Elias quadraginta Prophetas , inuito Rege , occidit ; & 〈◊〉 Ahod Aeglon●m Mo●bitam ; ita aduersus Regem & populum haereticum animati esse debemus , Lib. de iusta A●dicat . Hen. 3. pag. 57. & 273. We must follow 〈◊〉 Eliah , & 〈◊〉 Elizaeus , who &c. Saul was deposed by Iehu , and 〈◊〉 Elias , and 〈◊〉 Elizaeus . A●●e● in his Admonit . pag. 30. & 31. b Legimus quidem filio● Israël tempore Iudicum frequentèr eorum , qui imperabant , iugum excussisse , & clarissimam viduam c Quemadmodum 8 Ahod , qui Aeglonem regem Moab , dolo & arte con●ecit : ac 9 Iabel , quae Siseram Principem Regis Canaan sustulit : Gedeon qui tyrannidem Madianitarum amolitus est , Iephthe Ammonitarum , Samson ●hilistaeorum , & heroi●a 7 Iudith , & 13 Macchabaeos Regibus fortitèr restitisse , & bellis ac armis repugnasse . Sed haec exempla non quid contra legitimum suum Principem ac naturalem Dominum populos facere debeat ostendunt ; sed quid aduersus eos , qui veri Regis autoritatem , sedes regi●s , bona & thaesauros per vim occupant : Neque enim illi , contra ▪ quos à sanctis bels● illa fortitèr gerenda suscepta sunt , legitimi filiorum Israël Principes fuerunt , sed tyrannice vi sibi populum Dei subiugarunt , vel subiugare volebant . C●nerus de ●s●ic . Princ. Christ . cap. 7. d Huiusmodi exempla non sunt ad rem , quia non agunt de rege legitimo , sed deinuaso●e , &c. Barcla●…s lib. 3. contra Monarch●… . cap. 24. 7 Iudith caput sustulit Holophernis , & 13 Macchabaei fortissimè Antiocho & Deme●…o Tyrannis restiterunt , & per vim ingressos , viribus suis auctis , simili vi expulerunt . Quod lex & Dei ordinatio exigit . Cunerus ibid. cap. 8. * 2. Sam. 1. ver . 8 & 15. * 2. Reg. 21. e Sed quae haec ( bone Deus ! ) consequentia est ? Propheta pronunciauit contra Ieroboam iudicium diuinum . Ergo Ecclesia habet ius in Reges . Nihil inscitius : nihil enim ad Prophetam , nam Prophetae multi nulla potestate Sacerdotali praediti fuerunt . Deinde Prophetarum munus in denunciatione iudiciorum Dei extraordinaria fuit : quae ad probandam ordinationem nullà consecutionis necessitate valeat . Barclaius ibid. * 2. Chron. 26. f Christus cùm ciecit Mercatores è templo , non quasi Regia aut Pontificia autoritate , sed , more Prophetarum , zelo quodam : quemadmodum Phinees occidit scortatores , & 5 Elias Prophetas Baal . Bellarus . lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 4. §. Respondeo Christum . g In 2. Paralip . 26. 14 Ozias Rex cum sacerdotis officium exercere vellet , à Pontifice de templo eiectus est , & separatus extra regnum , & consequenter regnandi autoritate priuatus . Et 2. Paralip . 23. vbi 3 Athalia tyrannicè occupasset regnum , & foueret cultum Baal , Iehoida , & Pontifex vocauit centuriones & milites , & iussit cos vt Athaliam interficerent . Bellar. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 8. h Hoc ( quod obijcit Bellar. supra chap. 3. ) ipsa imprimis Biblia , historici etiam atque interpretes falsitatis arguunt : nunquam enim de regno eiectus fuit Ozias , sed tamdiù regnauit , quamdiù virit , nempè , totos quinquaginta duos annos ex quo regnum anno aetatis decimo sexto inierat , vt patet 4. Reg. 15. & 2. Paralip . 26. Mortuus autem Ozias , inquit Iosephus lib. 9. Antiq. cap. 11. aetatis suae anno 68. regni vero anno sui 52. Si ergo annum 16. agebat cum regnare coepit , & annos quinquaginta duos ( scripturâ teste ) regnabat , obijtque annum agens 68. Ostende , si potes , quo & quanto tempore de regno deiectus fuerit . Magna sanè impudem a est ea scriptis mandare , quae manifestis Scripturae testimonijs redarguuntur . Aegrotante Patre , filius Rectorem & Curatorem dicitur domus Patris , non Regem egisse : testante ibidem Scripturâ , [ Dormiuit Ozias sepultus in agro sepulchrorum regalium , eò quod esset leprosus , regnauitque Ionathan pro eo . ] Falsissimum igitur est , quod scribis , Oziam ab Azaria Sacerdote de regno fuisse de●●ctum . Barclaius lib. 5. contra Monarchom . cap. 11. * Supra in the first Answer . i Expulsit Iehoida Athaliam quae immani tyran . ●●ide per caedem regiae Sobolis regnum occupabat . Barclaius quo supra . lib. 5. cap. 11. * 2. Chron. 10. & 11. forged to allow that that defection of the people frō their lawfull King , was malū poenae ; the euill of punishmēt , and iust : but for the people to deflect and re●●lt to idolatrie , that was malum culpae , their owne sinne . a Nam Saul primus rex populi Israel , pessimus , vt notum est , postea Tyrannus extitit , qui innocentissimum Dauidem , optimè de ipso ac regno meritum , crudelissimè ac obstinatissimè persecut ' est . Cuner . de off●… . Princ. cap. 7. 1. Sam. 28. * Dauid , cum in spelunca à militibus suis incitaretur ; ne quaquam manus suas extendere voluit , sed quod amplius est , cum silentèr partem chlamydis abscidisset , quasi alicuius peccati propter id conscius , percussit cor suum Dauid , & dixit ad viros suos : [ Propitius sit mihi Dominus , ne faciam hanc rem Domino meo Christo Domini , vt mittam manum meam in eum , quia Christus Domini est , viuit Dominus , quia nisi Dominus percusserit eum , aut dies eius venerit vt moriatur , aut descendens in praelium perierit , propitius sit mihi Dominus , vt non m●ttam manum meam in Christum Domini . Et iterum cum Saulum dormientem , & sopore sepultum repe●iret , dixit Dauid ad Abisay , ne interfi●…s eum , quis enim extendet manum suam in Christum Domini , & innocens erit ? Apertè ostendens se non propter amorem erga hominem , sed propter conscientiam erga Deum à caede abstinuisse . Cunerus quo supra . b Allen in his Admonition pag 30. & 31. c Sane * 1. Sam. 24. * 1. Sam. 26. d Cunerus supra in hoc cap. lit . 〈◊〉 . * 1. Sam. 28. * 1. Chro. 13. 3. * The moderate Answerer supra . * 1. Sam. 16. * Supra . * 1. Sam. 24. e So sayd Pope Sixtus Quintus of the like . * 2. Sam. 1. 11. * 2. King. 1. * Luc. 9. 52. * vers . 55. * vers . 51. * vers . 53. * Iesuits supra . * vers . 53. * The stratageme . * Luc. 9. 54. * Marc. 3. 17. * vers . 54. * vers . 54. * vers . 55. * vers . 54. * Supra . a Nullum extat in sacris literis exēplum pro potestate populi in Reges . Barclaius lib. 3. contra Monarchom cap. 6. b Magna patientia populus Israël plurima ab hu●●smodi Tyrannis mala sustinuit , qua tamen facilè poterat resistendo repellere , vsque ade● cordibus hominum lege naturae inscriptum est , potestati non resist●… , Scriptura vbique nobis attestante , Regibus , licet reccent , vim nullan esse inferendam , quoniam causa nostra est ●unc Deo committenda . Cuner . i. de●… . Princ. cap. 7. c Paralip . 24. De quo sic Cunerus . Qui fuit verus Rex Iudae , & cum ad Idola impunè relicto D●o declinaret , & Zachariam Prophetam , ●ilium Ieho●dae , interfecisset , serui quidam Zelo commoti , insidiat●…nt Regi , & occiderunt illum in lectulo suo : sed iustè ab Ama●ia regem sequente regulati sunt . Cunerus lib. de O●●i● Prin● . cap. 7. * Matth. 5. 17. a Carerius , & Bozius . Vide supra . * Matth 4. 9. b Francise . de Victoria Relect . 1. Sect. 6. c Bellarminus , vide supra . d Bellar. vide supra . Victor . Relect. 1. Sect. 6 Sander . de visib . Monarch . pertotum & alij supra . e Non iure politico sed diuino . Sanderus lib. 2. de Clauib . Dauid . cap. 10. f Petrus quo tempore accepit ●laues regni coelorum , accepit ius quoque destruendi & aedificandi regna in Ecclesia Christi , quandò id expediret . Itaq : gladium politicum habuit Petrus concessum sibi , non quidem ad finem politicum , sed ad spiritualem , viz. salutem animarum : in quem finem ●o gladio Pontifex vti debet . Sanderus lib. 2. de Clauibus . cap. 10. pag. 41. g In Ecclesia sunt claues regni coelo●um . Matth. 16. & 18. Sed haec potestas est alia à ciuili potestate , quae certe non habet huiusmodi claues : confirmatur , quia vsus ostenditur , Remittendi & r●…endi peccati , Ioh. 20. quae potestas non est in Rege ciuili . Victoria Relect. 1. Sect. 2. §. Teruò probatur . h Cùm dicitur Petro , [ Pasce oues ] Ioh. 20. intelligitur ea potestas , quae est ad gregem regendum necessa●…a , id●irco ad Lupos , id est , Principes haereticos arcendos , & pabulū ouibus ministrandum . Bell. lib. 5. de Pont. ca. 7. i Nam Princeps ours & silius est sacerdotis spiritualis , at Sacerdos Ouis aut silius Principis nullo modo dici possit : quoniam omnes Clerici suum habent Principem spiritualem , à quo non in spiritualibus solùm , sed etiam in temporalibus reguntur : neque sieri possit vt duas agnoscant Principes in rebus temporalibus , cùm , iuxta Euangelium , nemo possit duobus Dominis seruire . Bellar. disp . de Exempt . Cleric . cap. 3. in calce . Quod opus vnà cum libris de Indulgentijs compingitur . k Aliae Scripturae Principibus Pastorū & Patrum officia tribuunt , quemadmodum Dauid pro subditis suis interpellans ; Ego , inquit , peccaui , iste grex quid cōmetuit ? vbi 70 Interpretes habent , Ego sum Pastor , istae Oues &c. 1. Paralip . 21. Cunerus de Offic. Princ. cap. 1. Rex saepe Pastor dicitur . Mich. 5. Ribera Ies . Comm. in hunc locum . Num. 31. l Personae Clericorum non exemptae sunt omninò , & quo ad à potestate ciuili , nec iure humano nec diuino : qui praeter quod sunt Eclesiae , sunt etiam ciues Reip. & Rex est Rex non solùm Laicorum , sed etiam Clericorum ; Ergo aliquo modo Clerici subijciuntur ei , qui in quantum ad temporalia non administrantur potestate Ecclesiastica , sed in istis Principi obedire tenentur . Fr. Victoria Relect. 1. Sect. 7. m Paulus ●…piscopus , seruus seruorum Dei , &c. Nos in iustitiae sede constitu●i , iuxta Prophetae vaticinium dicentis , [ Ecce te constitui super Gentes , & regna , vt ●u●llas & de●●ruas , plantes & aedifices . Bulla Pauli 3. aduersus Henric. 8. Regem Angliae . n Pius , &c. Regnans in excelsis , cui data est omnis in coelo & in terra potestas , quem super omnes Gentes & super omnia regna Principem constituit , Qui euellat , destruat , dissipet , disperdat , plantet , aedificet , &c. Bulla Pij Quinti cap. 39. & aliae aliorum Pontificum Bullae . o Hoc Propheta in persona Christi ad Romanum Pontificem loquitor . Carerius de potest . Rom. Pont. lib. 1. cap. 3. Rursus . ●er . Prophetae autoritas haec temporalis con●irmatur , sc . per correctionem & punitionem , si Reges mali fierent . Carer . ibid. p Tantùm denūciando esse destruendas . Lyranus in cum locum . q Frustra Hieremias , nisi peruersa destrueret , praedicando recta edificaret . Greg. Mag. Past . cura Admonit . 35. r His verbis totum Hieremiae ministerium comprehend●tur , haec in Christo completa sunt , qui Idolatria & erroribus destructis , & Principe huius mundi foras eiecto , Ecclesiam suam aedificauit atque plantauit . ff . Andr. Capella Theol. Doctor in hunc locum . * Propheta , cùm art , [ Vt euellas , &c. ] Quid horum fastum sonat ? schemate quod á magis rust●cam ●udor●s labor spiritualis expressus est . Vt nos etiam sentiamus impositum esse nobis minist●…um , non dominium datum . Esto Propheta , sed nunquid plusquam Propheta ? si sapis , er is contentus mensurâ quam ubi mensus est Deus : nam quod amplius est , à malo est . Bernard . lib. 2. Consid . ad Eugen. a Allen in his Admonition pag. 34. b Regia autoritas non erat Christo necessaria , neque vtilis , sed planè inutilis & supers●ua : nam finis aduentus eius in mundum erat redemptio humani generis , ad quem potestas regia necessaria non fuit , sed solùm spiritualis . Bell. lib. 5. de Pont. cap. 4. c Carerius , Bellarmunus , Acosta , & alij . d Quo tēpore Principes erant Ethnici , Petius illorú Iudex non erat , sed è contra in omnibus causis ciuilibus , non minus quàm caeteri homines , illis subijciebatur : quia Pontifex non est Iudex nisi Christianorum . 1. Cor. 6. e Duplex fortitudinis potestas est , altera in faciendo res arduas animosè , altera in patiendo res aduersas constantèr : cùm igitur illa , quae in patiendo consistit , sit praestantior , hanc patiendi potestatem sibi ac suis Christus elegit , vt mundum in admirationem potentiae suae cohuerteret . Idcirco Apostoli & primi Apostolorum successores hoc mysterium non ignorantes , ab armis pro fide sumendis abstinuerunt . Sunderus quo supra . cap. 13. Quid ad me de his qui foras sunt iudicare ? Careriu , de potest . Pont. lib. 2. cap. 23. Idei● co Petrus in Neronem & Tyrannos Gentium nullam potestatem accepit . Sanderus de Clauib . Dauid . lib. 2. cap. 13. f Non Iohannes Baptista , inquiunt Aduersarij , non Christus , non Apostoli in Regem impium surgere , aut eum è medio tollere docuerunt : hoc leuissimum est , quali vero eadem mstituendae Ecclesiae ratio atque institutae credenda sit ; ac non potiùs prius plantari atque irrigari vineam , quàm incidi conuenit . Lib. de Abdicat . iusta Henric. Regis . pag. 278. * 2. Tim. 4. a Bellar. supra . b Allen in his true and modest Defence of English Catholiks . c A Christo passo per interuallum ducentorum annorum , nusquam legimus Chr●stianos contra Imperatores iam saeuientes in eos & plu●imos necantes , contra tempublicam quiequā esse molitos , etiā cum Christiani pares viribus & nu●…o fuerunt ; imò religionem suam anteferri alijs omnibus , seque ab eo Christianos dixerunt appellari , cuius sit hoc pijssimum dogma , vt Magistratibus pareant . Tolossanu● lib. 26. de Repub. cap. 7. § 10. d Cum Martyres no●… Testament● , propter multitudinem , facilè contra tyrannidem Persecutorum suorum conspirare potuissent , pro obedientia tamen & honore , quem iussi sunt Christiani regibus & sublimiori potestati deferre , maluerunt pati quám resistere , si quandò ●●gerevel euadere non poterant . De quibus perpulchre Augustinus lib. 2. contra Faustum , Vbi venit plenitudo tempo●is , iam demonstrandum erat esse aliam vitam pro qua debet hae● vita contemni ; promdè per quorum confessiones & mortes hoc Deo placuit attestari Martyres appellantur , quorum numerus tantus essloruit , vt si eos Christus vellet armare , atque adiuuare propugnantes , sicut Hebraeos Patres ad . unit , quae Gentes restiterent , quae regna non caederent ? C●nerus de O●●ic . Prin● . cap. 7. a Absit vt virtute humana vindicetur Christiana secta , aut doleat pati in quo probatur : si enim hostes extraneos , nō tantùm occultos , vindices agere vel . lemus , deesset vis numerorum aut copiarum ? externi sumus , & vestra omnia implemus vrbes , insulas , castella , municipia , conciliabula , castra ipsa , tribus , decurias , Senatum , forum ; sola vobis templa reliquimus : cui bello non idonei , non prompti suissemus , etiam impares copijs trucidamur , si non apud istam disciplinam magis occidi liceret quàm occidere ? Tertull. lib. Apolog. cap. 37. b Laedere seruos Dei & Christi persecutionibus tuis desine , quos laesos diuina vltio defendit : indè enim est quod nemo nostrū , quandò apprehenditur , reluctatur ; nec se aduersus iniustā violentiam , quamuis nimius & copiosus sit noster populus , vlciscitur , &c. Cyprian . ad Demetr . §. 14. vt refert Pammel . pag. 328. col . 2. c Deum teste muoco in animā meam , & testis est frater tuus , me nunquam tui mentionē in malam partem esse loquutū ; non adeò insanus fui , neque oblitus sum mādau Domini , Non maledices Regivel in corde ●…o : sed obsequutus sum mandatis tuis , quae praeceperent vt ab Alexandria discederem . Athanas . in Apolog ad Constantium . * Apoc. 6. 4. d In quos vestiûm populum , exaest●antem contra vos , insurgere sollicitauimus ? quibus vitae periculū attulimus ? &c. Nazianz. Orat. 2. in Iulianum . e Auxentius haeret . de Imperatore vult inuidiam cōmoucre , &c. quasi verò superiori anno , quādo ad palatium suum petitus , cùm praesentibus Primatibus , ante consistotium tractaretur , cùm Imperator Basilicam vellet atripere , ego tunc aulae regalis contemplatione fractus sim , nonne nouerunt , quod vbi me cognouit populus palatium petisse , ita irruit vt vim eius ferre non possent ? nonnè tunc rogatus sum vt populum muto sermone mulcerem ? reuocaui populum , & tamen inuidiam non euasi , quam quidem inuidiam ego temperandam arbitror , non timendam . Ambros . Tom. 3. lib. 5. post Epist . 32. Oratio ad Auxent . Et Lachrymae meae arma mea sunt , alitèr nec debeo , nec possum resistere . Ibid. * Psal . 51. 6. f Qui tenentur legibus audent suum negare peccatum , dedignantur rogare indulgentiam , quam petebat Dauid , qui nullis tenebatur legibus humanis , neque enim vllis ad poenam vocantur legibus tuti imperij potestate . Homini ergo non peccauit cui non tenebatur obnoxius . Ambros . Apolog Dauid . cap. 4. & cap. 10. g Potuit Ambrosius armis Ecclesiam suam tucri , & vim virepellere , nec ideò armis abstinuit , quod armis esset inferior , ab eo namque populus stabat , & ab eo pars maxima militum , ab eo ( quod caput est ) Christus Iesus omnesque coelites , vt Augustinus Epist . 166. Barelaius lib. 3. contra Monarchom . cap 〈◊〉 . h Basilius Magnus , vt est in eius vita , Iuliano Caesariā Cappadociae ven●enti obuiam processit , & pandi ●i Ciuitatis portas , om●…que subditorum officia exhibere suasit , & vt odium conceptū in Christianos mitiga●et , supplex deprecatus , quanquam poterat se vallo ac muris sinè vllo periculo cōtinere , &c. Barclaius qu● supra lib. 5. cap. 5. i Rom. 13 [ Necessitate subditi estote . ] Ad hoc valet vt intelligamus , quia necesse est propter hanc vitam subd●…os nos esse , non resistentes , Principilius , siquid auserre illi voluerint , in quo illis potestas data est in temporalibus rebus , tamen quoniam dixit , [ Necessitate subditi estote ] nè quis non integro animo & pura dilectione subditus non fieret , huiusmodi potestatibus addidit , dicens , [ Non solùm propter itam , sed etiam propter conscientiam : ] id est , non solùm ad iram eundendam , quod possit simultate fieri , sed vt tua conscientiâ certus sis , illius dilectione ●d facere , cui subditus ●…ussu Domini tui : Hoc est quod alio loco serus suadet , Obedite Dominis vestris etiam dyscolis , non ad oculum seruientes , tanquam homi●… placentes . August . lib. exposit . quorundam proposit . ad num . 74. * Ephes . 6. & ●…ss . 3. k Vos Eth●…ios ●…entes , nos ●…ro consci●…um . Ar●…b . contra Gentes . lib. 8. l Debes Imperator ●…èr aduertere Regiam potestatem tibi non sol●m ad mundi regimen , sed , maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . Epist. 75. ad I●on . August . m Ad hoc , potestas super omnes homines dominorū meorum pietati ●…elitùs data est , vt qui boni sunt , adiuuentur , & coelorum via largius pateat , vt terrestre regnum coelesti regno famuletur ad haec ecceper me seruum vltimum & vestrum . Lib. 2. Epist . cap. 100. Rursus . n In serenissimis iussionibus suis Dominorum pietas , dùm me in quibusdam redarguere studuit , parcendo mihi minimè pepercit : nam in eis vrbanae simplicitatis vocabulo me fatuum appellat ; Sacerdotibus autem non ex terrena potestate Dominus noster citiùs indignetur , sed excellenti consideratione propter cum cuius serui sunt , eis ita dominetur , vt debitam reuerentiam impendat . Idem . Epist . 75. * 1. Pet. 3. 4. Giuing honour to the woman , as to the weaker vessell . o Hoc Gregorius Magnus ingenuè agnoscebat , Imperatoribus ( inquit ) concessum est domiminari Sacerdotibus . Espencaeus Comm. in Tit. 3. Digress . 10. p Tunc Con●… genera●… fi●●ant n● sine Imperatorum sumptibus ; & ●o tempore Pōtifex subijci● bat se Imperatoribus in tēporalibus ; & ideò non poterant inuito Imperatore aliquid agere : id●ircò Pontifex supplicabat Imperatori , vt iuberet cōuocari Synodum . At post illa tempora omnes causae mutatae sunt , quia Pontifex , qui est caput in spiritualibus , non est subiectus in temporalibus . Bellarm. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 13. §. Habemus ergo . q Sed id grauissimo argumento esse debet , quòd nemo sanctorum Patrum , vel Scriptor alioqui Orthodoxus per totos mille annos & amplius , licet Ecclesia tunc omnibus flo●eret copijs , & impiorum Principum & Tyrannorum magnus esset numerus , tale quid vnquam vel verbo vel scripto doc●…sse legitur . Nec tamen ab autoritate negatiua tantùm argumentamur , sed proponimus Ambrosij , Hieronymi , Augustini , Gregorij , & aliorum eius aeui tempora , in quibus satis plantatam & rigatam Ecclesiam esse nouimus . Barel . lib. 6. aduers Monarch . cap. 26. a Bellar. supra . Carerius lib. 2. de potest . Rom. Pont. cap. 21. The Apology of the English Catholiks cap. 5 b Bellarm quo supra . c Lego & relego Regum & Imperatorū res gestas , & nusquam inuenio quēquam illorum antè hunc Henricū Imperatorem , quem Gregorius 7. aliás Hildebrandus deposuit , à Summo Pontifice priuatum . Otto Frisingens . lib. 6. Chron. cap. 35. vt refert Tolossanus lib. 26. de R●pub . cap. 5. d Hildebrandus ●uit , qui nouello schismate regnum & sacerdotium scindens , primus sacerdotalem lancem contra diadema eleuans ; se , s●o● ; exemplo Pontifices alios contra Principes & excommunicatos gladio accinxit . Claud. Espen● . Epise . C●mm . in Tim. lib. 2. digress . pag. 275. e Gregorius septimus , qu● ipsum omnes Italiae Episcopi iampridem excommunicassent , quia sedem Apostolicam per Simoniacam haeresin occupasset , & alijs capitalibus c●iminibus polluisset ; Regem autem secus ac decuit egisse , quòd homini haeretico & probris omnibus infamato maiestatem regiam submiserit . Scaffneburg . In Anno 1077. f Bonifacius Papa ad Philippum Franciae Regem ita scripsit : Noueris te in spiritualibus & temporalibus nobis subesse ; & oppositum sentientes haereticos esse reputamus , & declaramus . Carer . lib. 1. de Pont. potest . cap. 3. g Constantini donatio saus contra haereticos à nostris defēsa & probata est . Sanderus lib. 4. de Clauib . Dauid . cap. 4. h Quam Catholici veram esse fatentur : quae quidem potiùs redditio dici debet , quia Constantinus reddidit Christi Vicario , quod tyrannicā autoritate diu det●●uerat , vt dicamus cum Tu●… ceremata , De Eccle. lib. 2. cap. 41. Pontificem Romanum habere dominium temporale immediatè à Deo , declaratiuè à Concilijs , à Constantino promulgaticè . Carerius lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 21. i In ipsa Donationis pagina contulit in Pontisicem Regnum S. ciliae , Neopolitanum , Italiae , Galliae , Hispaniae , Germaniae , ●ritannae , totum deniquè occidentem . Valla Declam . de Donat. Constant . And this is expresly challenged in the forme of the pretended donation . k Ingens est hoc mendacium , quod tamen reperitur Dist . 96. &c. Luther . Tract . aduers . Pa●… . l Antiqui probatae fidei Autores , qui omnia gesta Constantini scripserunt diligentissimè , eius Donationis mentionem nullam faciunt . Canus loc . theol . lib. 1. cap. 5. m Quam Pius secundus Pontifex , vt adulterinam & subdititiam refellit ; inuehiture ; contra miseros ( vt eius verbo vtar ) Legistas , qui tantùm sudant disputando a●…d valuerit , quod nullo vnquam tempore fuit . Balbus de coronat . ad Carol. 5. Imperatorem . * Infra cap. 12. in Ballus test . & cap. 13. by Popish Lawyers . a Romanos Pontifices vrbis Romae non solùm possessionem , verùm etiam dominium iamdiù adeptos esse nemo est qui nesciat : stupenda quidem res , & supra quam dici possit admiranda ; vt cum potentissimi quique Imperatores per aliquot secula omnem suam vim in ex●erminandis ex v●be Roma Pontificibus Romanis srustrà explicàssent , nunc è contrario Pontifices Romani absque vlla vi Romano : Imperatores ex arce imperi● semouerunt , palatijs Caesarum atque adeò totâ vrbe in suam proprietatem conuersa . Digitus Dei est hic . Sander . lib. 4. de Clau●b . Daui● . cap. 4. b Id quod diuina prouidentia factū est . Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 13. §. Quarta . &c. * Proued . Vide infra . * Vide supra . cap. 11. c Ex Pontificibus primus Bonifacius nonus Anno Domini 1400 vrbis Romae sibi dominatum vindicare tentauit . Balbus Episc . detoronat . §. Post mortem . d Carolus Quintus ex Imperatoribus Christianis primus vrbem Romam vnà cum oppidis vndique circum sedi Apostolicae habendam sumendamque donauit . Ibid. §. Munificentia . a Imperator in electione sua à Papa approbatur & confirmatur , & tanquam minister summi Pontificis gladium ad Pontificis nutum exercens : Ergo est quod ex nutu Pontificis reprobatur & deponitur . Molina . Ies . Tract . 2. de Iust●… . disp . 29. ad 2. b Hoc in eoru●… coronatione & consecratione fidelitatisque praestito iuramento apparet . Carerius lib. 2. de Potest . Pont. cap. 17. c Propterea in D. Cap. Venerabilem , de elect . Papa loquens in persona sua , inquit ; Ius & autoritas examinādi personam electā in Regem , & promouere ad imperium ad nos spectat , qui eum vngimus & consecramus . Carerius ibid. cap. 18. d Et cum vacat potestas temporalis , in Administratione Papa succedit : sic enim va . cante imperio concludit Innoc. Abb. & Felin . & est casus Clem. Past . in sin . de re Ind. e Quinimò de causa vel dubio aliquo inter Imperatorem & Pontificem , Papa erit Iudex competens ; imò de causa vel dubio inter Papam & Imperatorē cognoscat Papa . Clement . Rom. §. Caeterùm de iur●iurand . Carer . lib. 2. de Potest Rom. cap. 16. f Electus in Regem aut Imperatorem post electionem Principum concordem , vel ex maiore parte ipsorum de se factā , à Papa vel ab Ecclesia Romana nominationē vel personae approbationem petere & recipere non tenetur . Lupoldus Epise . Bubenburg . lib. de Iure Regni & Imperij Rom. cap. 8. in initio . g Rationes , quibus euincitur ex sola electione aliquem verum & legitimum Imperatorem nec confirmatione Pontificis indigere , probatur ex constitutione Ludouici Baiuari Imperato : is de Imperij iuribus & excellentia : qui legem sanciuit , promulgauitque , in qua haec ad verbum habentur [ Quia nonnulli auaritiae & ambitionis coecitate ducti , diuertentes à tramite recti sensus in quaedam praua commenta , & assertiones detestabiles prorumpant , FALLACITER asserentes Imperialem potestatem esse à Papa , electumque in Imperatorem non esse verum Imperatorem , nec Regem , nisi priùs per Papam confirmetur , approbetur , coronetur : per huiusmodi praua dogmata Serpens antiquus SEDITIONES procurat . Ideò ad tantum malum eui . tandum de consilio & CONSENSV ELECTORVM & aliorum P●…ncipum Impe●… declaramus , IMPERIALE●… dignitatem & potestatem à SOLO DEO pendere ; nec postquam electio si● Pontificis consensu indigere qui●unque contra hoc decretum aliquod ASS●●ERE aut asserentibus consentire praesumpserint , eos omnibus fe●…dis & priuilegi●s , quae ab imperio detin●t , PRIVAMVS & ipso ●ure & facto decernimus esse p●…tos . Iusuper cos CRIMEN LA●SAE MAIESTATIS incurrisse , & poe●…s omnibus impositis cumen laesae maiestaus committentibus subracere . H●c omnia 〈◊〉 us Ep●sc . G●…ce●s lib. de Coronat . ad C●…r●…m 5. Imperat § Rationes &c. & Constitutio . &c. h Veruntamen qu●cunque ratione ad Pontificatum pateret ingress●s , nemo Apostoli●ae cymbae gubernacula capescebat nisi priùs Imperatoris autoritas intercessisser , vt cap. Adrianus in Syn. 30. Dist . Mos e●…m apud veteres inu●l●erat longo annorum decursu obseruatus , vt Cleritus populusque Romanus Pontificem eligeret ; quo designato in ▪ Imperatoris manu erat eius electionem ratam initamque habere . Cap. Agatho . Dist . 63. 〈◊〉 vt collubitum fuerat , aut eum admittere approbareque , aut 〈◊〉 reiecto atque exploso alium subrogare : Durauitque is mos vsque ad Adrianum , anno salutis 815 ; qui tanti a●…mi fuit , vt initio Pontificatus su● , ad senatum populumque Romanum retulerit , ne●… creando Pontifice Imperatoris autoritas expectaretur , vtque libera essent cleri populi● ; Romara suffragia . Sed huic edicto minimè fuit obtemperatum , permansitque VETVS illa consu●tudo Pontificis 〈…〉 Imperatore confirmand● , vse ne ad Gregor . 9. qu● praefuit Pontificatui anno Christi 1072. quem Gregor . ( vt a●… Pla●… ) in Pontificem Romanum confirmauit , vt tunc tempo is mos erat . NVNC AVTEM NOVA RERVM FACIES fortuna immurata est 〈◊〉 contra●… eflante : C●… legum interpretes hanc ( vt put●●t ) Imperij calamitatem deplora●e non desinunt , & causantur ASIV potius DOLOQVE , quam ex aequo bonoque tam certa diuturna●ue 〈◊〉 Caesares amisisle ex longa Impe●●j vacatione ; non enim potentià prudentia●u . Summorum Pontificum tantum decoris esle ademptum . Haec ille , qui mutationem non 〈◊〉 , ●…usa● tripl●… asserit . Vel Imperatores priuile ▪ ●…te à se abdi●…sse , vel ex abusu perdidisse , vel ad extremum cessante causà p●…g●… , è v●…o p●… euanuisle . Haec , inquam , Balbus Episc . lib. de Coronat . ad C●r●…nt 5. Imperatorem . §. Quomodò olim . i Aliquando saecularis Principis , vt Imperatores & alij , Pontificem eligebant , vt patet Cap. Adrianus . & cap. Agatho . Quae priuilegia durabant vsque ad tempora Adriani Secundi . Carerius lib. 1. de potest . Pont. cap. 17. a The Apologie and Defence of the English Catholicks . cap. 5. b Non videretur Dominus satis discretus fuisse , vt cùm reuerentia eius dicam , Extrauag . Com de Maior . & Obedient . §. Vnam sanctam . c An igitur , inquiunt , nunquam Principibus resistere liceat ? huic quaestioni non corrupto & temerario carnis nostrae iudicio , cui frequentèr recta sunt , quae coram Deo stultissima & impia reputantur ; sed ea diu nis literis , quae nemini blandiuntur , respondendum esse puto . Nam vtcunque verisimilitèr nobis humanitùs ratiocinari videmur , naturali iure nobis licitum esse nos nostraque defendere : Diuina tamen Lexid contra sublimiorem potestatem armis fierivetat : quemadmodum Christus Dominus Petro volenti Dominum defendere , dixit [ Conuerte gladium tuum in vaginam tuam , omnes enim qui gladium acceperint gladio peribunt ] Non enim subditi contra Potestatem , sed potestas contra subditos gladium diuinitùs accepit . Cunerus lib. de Offic. Princ. cap. 7. d Omnes gladio diuim iudicij pe●ituti sunt , qui contra Principis voluntatem glad●… assumunt : ideoque simplicitèr & generatim ab Apostolo dictu est , [ Qiu potestan resistit , Dei ordinatio●… resistit ; qui autē resistunt , ipsi sibi damnauonem acquirunt . ] ●t alibi . * Non defendētes vosmet , charissimi , sed date locum irae , scriptum est enim , Mihi vindicta & ego retribuā , dicit Dominus : Noli vinci à malo , sed vince bono malum . Aug. lib. 2. cont . Fausium . cap. 73. * Rom. 13. * Rom. 11. * Rom. 12. 19. * 1. Cor. 15. 32. * 2. Cor. 12. 9. * 2. Cor. 22. * 2. Cor. 12. * Dan. 3. 25. e Pontisex non potest vllo modo ●udicari in terris ab vllo Principe saeculari , siuè Ecclesiastico , neque ab omnibus simul in Concilio congregatis . Bellar lib. 2. de Rom. Pontif . cap. 26. f Etsi Papa contra vniuersalem Ecclesiae statum aliquid ageret , non possit tamen à Concilio depo●i . Carerius lib. 1. de potest . Pont cap. 23. num . 12. g Quaeres quid si●… se Pontifex Canones legesque ●…ura negligat , delicta im●… relinquat , innocentes opprimat , res Ecclesiae dissi e● ▪ Regu● . iura pe●…tat ? Respondeo Rom. Pontificem nulli Princi●um in terris ●…e , à nullo nisi à Deo iud●… : pro eo orandum &c. A●… . Ies . Instit . lib. 5. cap. 14. E●… Autores sibi Suffragantes plurimos adducit . h Dist . 40. Si Papa offecit tibi . & alus omnibus nihilo ●…us innumerabiles populos cat●…m secu●…n du●… man●…●o Gehennae , huius culpas redarguere praesumet nemo mortalium . ●…ritur in Calend. Martyrum . * Matth. 20. 28 * Matth. 5. 13. * Rom. 1● . * Supra cap. 1. & 3. & 5. * Supra cap. 4. * Supra cap. 5. * Rom. 13. 1. * vers . 4. * vers . 1. * vers . 1. a Obijciunt Protestantes ex hoc loco , concludunt etiam Pontifices Regibus subiectos esse debere . Respondeo negando consequ●… , quia alia est ratio Principum infidelium , alia Christianorum , &c. Costerus Ies . Euchirid . Tract . de summo Pont. Obiect . 11. b Omnes fatentur , & est persecertu , etiamsi Barbari conuertantur ad Christū , non tamen re●um suarum iure excide●e . Acosta les . lib. 3. de Inforum salate . cap. 7. * Rom. 13. 4. * Rom. 13. 2 * Rom. 13. 3. * vers . 8. c Apostolus hoc in loco non restring● personam ad Principem saeculare , sed d●omn . potestate loquitur tàm spirituali quàm seculari : ita vt ex hac sententia deduci Papam subditum esse Regi , aut Regem Papae &c. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 29. §. Argumentum tertium . d Apostolus docet omnes credentes mundi potestaubus esse subiectos : [ Omnis anima , ] Id est ( Chrysostomus ait ) siuè Propheta , fiuè Apostolus , fiuè Episcopus , subditus sit : sequitur Chrysostomum Euthymius , Theod. The●● hylact . Oecumen . & qui non Graeci ? Idem Gregorius Magnus agnoseebat . & Bernardus ad Episcopum Senonensem idem colligit , [ Omnis anima ] tum vestra , inquit , quis vos excipit ? si quis tentat excipere , tentat decipere . Espentans Epis . Comm. in 1. Tim. D●gress . lib. 2. a Bellarm. vide supra . cap. 7. b Carerius & Sanderus vide cap. 7. c Vide supra cap 9. & deinceps . d Vide supra cap. 9. e Ibidem . cap. 9. f Ibidem . cap. 9. g Ibidem . cap. 9. h Ibidem . cap. 9. i Vide supra cap. 10. k Ibidem . * Supra ca. 11. * Deut. 27. 17. a Reports . part . 1. fol. 12. 1 b Reports . fol. 15. 2 c Fol. 21. 3 * Supra . d Fol. 23. 4 * Supra . e Fol. 26. 5 a Supra cap. 7. b Supra cap. 8. c Ibidem . d Ibidem . * Supra cap. 6. Supr . cap. 10. f Bellarmine and all Iesuits . vide supra . g Quia sequeretur hinc , quòd nec Rex directè Dominus esset in tēporalibus , quia cuilibet Regi competit dominium in ordine ad spiritualia , vt ad iustitiam administrandam . Carerius lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 7. n. 13. h Alitèr seruiunt Reges , quia homines sunt , aliter quia Reges ; quia homines sunt , Deo seruiunt rectè viuendo ; vt Reges sunt in regno suo bona iubendo mal áque prohibendo , non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam societatem , verum-etiam quae ad Diuinam religionem conseruandam conducunt leges sanciendo . Augustinus supra . i Donatio Constantini vel vera ●uit vel falsa ; si vera , vt veri Catholici consitentur , ●…m constat quo iure ( quasi dixerit Papali ) Principes Ital●am caeterasque partes occidentales possideant : si verò est falsa , quânam autoritate Zacharias primus Pipino petenti Regnum Franciae confirmauit ? Cur Leo tertius Carolum Magnum Imperatorem constituit ? cur Alexand. 6. orbem terrarum partitus , insulasque noui orbis Arragonum Regi einsque haeredibus donauit , vt ex eius diplomate patet ? Carerius lib. 2. de Donat. Constant . cap. 21. num . 14. * Canus vide supra . k Balbus supra . cap. 12. l Anno 755. donauit Pipinus Romanis Pontificibus Exarchatum Rauennae , cum magna parte Italiae , vt Historici testantur . Bellar. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 3. m Apostolis interdicitur dominatus ; ergo aut tu vsurpare audi aut dominans Apostolatum , aut Apostolus dominatum ? Et paulò post : Non iure Apostolico haec tibi vendicares , neque enim ille , quod non habuit , tibi dare potuit . Bernard . lib. 2. de Consider . ad Eugen. n Erat ei negotium cum Ludouico Crasso Rege improbo multa in Deum & homines flagitia perpetrante . Barclaius lib. 5. contra Monarchom . cap. 5. & 6. o Si totus mundus aduersus me coniuraret , vt aliquid molirer aduersus Regū maiestatem , ego tamen timerem Deum , & ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temerè non auderē : Nec enim ignoro vbi legerim [ Si quis potestati resistit , Dei ordinationi resistit , & qui resistit &c. ] Bernard . Epist . 221. ad Lodo●icum regem . * Rom. 13. * 1. Pet. 2. 17. Notes for div A07807-e45010 a Tractatus iste valdè doctus , verè pius , & Catholicus , certè sanctarū Scripturarū , Patrum , Doctorum , Scholasticorum , & optimarū rationum praesidijs plenissimè ●irmat aequitatem Aequiuocationis : ideóque dignissimus est , qui typis propagetur ad consolationem afflictorum , & piorum instructionem . Ita censeo , Georgius Blackwellus Archi-Presbyter Angliae , & Protonotarius Apostolicus . b Paulus 4. Pont. Max. cum de me in consacerdotum suorum collegium cooptando se cogitare seriò dixerat ( nihil hic singo ) Immortali Deo gratias immortales egi , quòd mihi tantum mali non permis●t Christus : Quid fa●erem Romae , mentiri nescio ? Espenc●us Episc . epist . ante sex Tract . ad Cardinal . Castilion●um . c The Preface in the front of the booke of Aequiuocation , and the Argument of the booke . d The same popish Treatise , ●hap . 5. e Nemo mētiens iudicandus est , qui dicit fal●um qu●d ●utat ●sse verum ; quia , quantum in ipso est , non fallit ipse , sed fallitu● : lingu●m enim ream non fac● , nisi mens ●ea , Aug●st . ●n●hirid . cap. 18. f Ille falsum loquitur contra scientiam , iste contra conscientiam , & verè mentitur . August . contr . me●d . cap. 5. * Vide supra cap. 1. * Ezech. 13. 11 a Mentiri est cōtra id quod animo sentit quis dicere , fiuè verū sit , siuè falsura . Lombardus l●b . 3. dist . 38. b Veritau opponitur qu●d aliquis per verba ext●…ora aliud vult significate , quàm quod hab●t apud se , quod ad mendacium pertinet . Aquinas 2. 2. q. III. Art. I. Mentitur quis cum verbis aliquid significat quod non est , non autem quandò tac●t quod est . Ibid. ad 4. c Cùm Paulus ( 1. Cor. vlt. ) promi●it se venturum ad Corinthios , nec tamen veniebat , culpam mendacij non contraxit , qui● sic animo sentiebat , & quantum in ipso fuit , verum dixit : ita nemo mendax , nisi qui alite● sentit quam dicit . Hieron . Comm. in cap. 4 in princ . Tom. 5. de 1 Cor. vlt. d Omne mendacium falsum testimorium est dicendum , vnde est quòd Dominus monet , [ Sit in ore vestro , Est est , Non non . ] August . lib. de Men●ac . cap. 5. e Formale in per●…io est , putare falsum esse quod i●● as : interest igitur quemadmodàm verbum procedat ex animo , quia ream linguam non ●acit nisirea mens . August . serm . 28. de verl i● Apost . Tom. 10. & recensetur hoc testimon . ab Aquinate 2 ▪ 2. q. 98. art . 1. ad 3. f Treatise in initio & a●ibi . * Prooued in the beginning of this chapter by common consent . g Da mihi aliquem qui iurat verū esse , quòd scit esse falsum , videtis ista quàm detestanda sit bellua . Aug. lib. de verbis Apost . Serm. 28. paulo post medium . Tom. 10. a The Treatise of Aequiuocation , chap. 2. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist . E●ench . lib. 1. cap. 4. c The Aequiuocator chap. 3. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Omnis Enunciatio ad id quod enunciat est referenda . August . lib. de Menda● . cap. 5. At omnis Enunciatio est vel affirmatio vel negatio alicuius de aliquo . Arist . 1. de Interpret . e Dicitur Oratio vera quatenus est signum intellectus . Aquinas part . 1. q. 16. art . 1. Cùm voces natural tèr signa sunt intellectuum , innaturale est & indicium vt aliquis significet id quod mente non habet . Vndè Philosophus dicit Ethic. 4. quod mendacium est per se fugiendum . Aquinas ibidem . f Arist . Elench . lib. 1. cap. 2. g Ibidem . a Nemo dubitat mentiri eum , qui falsū dicit causâ fallendi . August . lib. de Menda● . cap. 4. & in ●ine ca. 5. Lombard . lib. 3. dist . 38. Canus loc , theol . Mendacium est verbū cùm intentione fallend● . Tract . de 7 peccatis . cap. 5. 4. b Creswell , Allen , Southwell , Tollet , and others . Vide supra . c Treatise of Aequiuoc . quo supra . d The Treatise of Aequiuocat . e Sic proferre sententiam vt diuersam opinionem in alterius animo generes : haec est intentio fallendi aliū . Tol. Ies . Instr . Sacerd. lib. vlt. de Septempercatas cap. 54. f Quidam putant eum , qui venit ex loco aliquo peste minime infecto , qui falsò habetur pro infecto , posse tuta conscientia & citra mendacuum dicere , se non venisse ex eo loco , dūmodò intelligat se non venisse ex loco pestilenti : quod si verum est , nihil tàm falsum esse possit , quod non queat ab omni mendacio libe●ar● ; quia mentitur qui verba aliter accipit , quàm ipsa significant . Azor. Ies . Inst . moral . lib. 1● . cap. 4. §. Primò quidem . * Gen. 3. 1. g Dicere [ non feci ] quod tamen seci , licet cùm hac mentis limitatione , [ vt tibi significem ] non est aequiuocatio , sed mendacium . S●●us lib. 5. de Iust . q. 6. art . 2. h Quisquis fingendo alium fallere conatur , etiamsi aliquid praetereà significare velit , haud dubiè mentitur ; alioqui nullum esset mendacium , quod non istà ratione possit defendi . Maldonat . Ies . Com. in Luc. vlt. vers . 28. i Quis te docuit tàm bellè nugari ? quis tibi periurium tam latam latebram indicauit ? quâ mendacij excusatione si vti vellera , quis me ferret grauium prudentiumque virorum ? siquid veri habet vulgaris isthaec interpretation , [ Mentiri quasi contra mentem i●e ] men●●i est aliud animo sentire , aliud fallendi gratia significare . Genesius Theol. Doct. in lib. qui in●eribitur Theophilus de causis occultis . cap. 6. Vbi ex professo in hoc Aequiuocationis dogma vehementér inue●itur . a Periurium est mendacium in iuramento factū . Tollet . Ies . Tract . de septem peccatis . cap. 54. b Iuramentum , cui deest veritas , est Periurium . Malden . Ies . Sum. q. 1. Art. 11. c Iu●are quod falsum esse putas , est formale periurium . Aquinas 2. 2. q. 98. A●t . 1. ad 3. * Iere. 4. * Exod. 20. d Illud Ierem. 4. Iurabis in veritate : ad est , ad veritatem confirmandam , & ex veritate , vt is qui iutat non leui sed probabili ratione , ita esse arbitretur . Azor . Ies . lib. 11. Moral . cap. 2. §. Quanti quaeritur . e Quidam putauit fas esse cuiquam , vt vitam suam conseruet , hosti iurare , tantummodò eo sensu , quem mente intùs concipit : possemus enim hac ratione quiduis negare , & nihil non , absque mendacio , dicere . Azor. ibid. cap. 4. §. Primò quidem . f Periurium grauius est homicidio ex parte peccati , e●si secus sit ex parte damni . Sa. Ies . Aphoris . tit . Iuramentū . ●…t . 26. g Mendacium est malū tam intrinsecè , vt bonū reddi nullā ratione possit . Vasques Ies . in Thom. disp . 53. num . 22. h Rom. 8. 16. i Rom. 3. 4. k Gen. 2. l Gen. 3. m Ioh. 8. 44. n Nemo tam i●…probus , qu●… malit honestis rationibus quàm nequitiâ peruenire ad ad quod cupit . Cuero in Offic. o The moderate Answerer in his Epistle to his Maiestie . * 1. Reg. 22. * Act. 5. 9. a Ecce graui morbo periclitatur aegrotus ; cuius vires ferre non possunt , si ei mors vnici & charissimi filij sui nunciaretur : quid respondebis ? quicquid dixeris , nisi vnum de tribus responderis , proindè erit ac si filium mortuum esse dixeris ; aut enim respondebis mortuus est , a●t viu●t , a●t nescio ; haec duo , [ Viuit , & , nescio ] falsa sunt , illud autem vnum verum , mortuum esse dicere . Ex quo dicetur , homicida veritas : nùm si stuprum petens impudica f●…mina , & , te non consentiente , saeua amore perturbata moriatur , homicida erit ca●titas ? August . lib. contr . Mendacium ad Consentium . cap. 18. b Erat quidā Episcopus , nomine Firmus , ●irmior voluntate , qui cùm esset interrogatus , vbi esset quidam , quem ab ipsis persecutoribus occultauerat , Apparatoribus Imperatorijs respondit , se neque mentiri posse , nec homine prodere : & nè alterum è duobus faceret , tormenta multa perpessus est : quid hoc dici possit fortius aut honestius ? August . lib. de Mendac . cap 1● . c Scriptū est , os quod mentitur , occidit animam . Eccles . 1. Peruersissimè igitur dicitur , vt alter corporalitèr viuat , alterum spiritualitèr mori , homo enim non potest ni●i corpus occidere , Deus autem corpus & animā in Gehennam detrudere possit . August . lib. de Mendac . cap. 6. d Dicit aliquis , ergonè Rahab melius fecisset , si nullam misericordiam hospitibus prestitisset nolēdo mentiri ? Nonnè potuit dicere , scio vbi sint , sed Deum timeo , eos prodere ? posset hoc quidem dicere , si vera esset Israëlita , in qua dolus non esset . Verùm illi hoc audito ( inquies ) illam perimerent , domum scrutarentur : Sed numquid consequens erat vt illos etiam , quos diligentèr occultauerat , inuenirent ? perspexerat enim cautissima foemina , & ibi eos posuerat , vbi inuen●ri minimè potuissent : Si tamen à suis ciuibus esset occisa , vitam istam finiendam pretiosa in conspectu Domini morte siniuisset , & erga illos eius beneficium inane non ●u●sset . Sed ( inquies ) quidsi eos occultatos perscrutando inuenissent ? isto●…odo dici possit , quidsi turpissi●…ae mulieri mentienti credere noluissent ? at vbi ponimus voluntatem & potestatem Dei ? A quo enim post mulieris mendacium custoditi sunt , ab eo potuerunt , etsi illa mentita non esset , vtique custodiri : nisi fortè obliti sumus quid Sodomitis contigit , qui Lothi hospites quaerentes , domum in quo erant inuenire non poterant . August . lib. contra Mendac . 17. e Hoc mendacij genus perfecti viri magnoperè fugiunt , vt nè vita quidem cuiussibet per ●orum fallaciam defendatur . Greg. lib. 18. Moral . in Iob. cap. 2. f Scriptura sacra prohibet etiam pro alterius vita menti●i . Innocentius . tit . de Vsuri● cap. 4. * Sap. 1. a The Treatise in the Preface . Ibid. cap. 3. §. Two others . * Vide supra . * Supra . b Vide supra . * Luc. 5. 36. a Aequiuoc . chap. 10. * Gen. 27. b Si dixisset Iaacob [ Ego sum primogenitus tuus ] & non addidisset [ Esau ] excusari potuit : nunc autem non possit , quia Pater repetens , dixit , [ Tues filius meus Esau ? ] de industria restringens interrogationem ad personam Esau ; respōdit Iaacob , [ Sum , ] inexcusabilis à mendacio . Caietan . Cardin. in Gen. 27. c Haec est opinio nec paucorum nec ignobilium Doctorum . Pererius Ies . Comm. in Gen. 27. d The moderate Answerer . cap. 10. e In hoc verū dixit Hieremias , alias non obediuisset mentiendo ; & hoc patet , quia hoc quod super dictū est , quòd Rex iurauit ei , quod non interficereteū , nec traderet eum in manus Principum , qui miserant eum in lacum ; nec est verisimile quòd Rex iurasset de aliquo , quod Hieremias nō petiuisset . Lyra●… in Ier. * 1. Cor. 10. 12. f Haec quidē in Scriptures sanctis legimus , non ideò tamen , quia facta credimus , facienda credamus , ne violemus praecepta , dùm passim sectamur exempla . An verò quia iurauit Dauid se occisur um esse Nabal , & clementi consideratione non fecit , proptereà illum imitandum esse dicemus : vt temerè iuremus nos esse facturos , quod non faciendum esse posteà videamus ? Imò sicut Lothum , cùm volu●… filias suas prostituere , ita Dauidem cum temerè turabat , ira turbabat . Aug lib. cont . Mendac . cap. 9. a The Treatise cap. 4. b Ibid. paulò post . c Agit suas partes infirmitas : sed vt esse sibi adulterandum nemo discat à castitate ; cuiquam nocendum esse nemo discat à benignitate ; & esse mentiendum discamus a veritate ? August . cont . Mend. cap. 1● . d Obseruandum est tales propositiones esse limitandas ad status , loci , temporis , conditionis circumstantias ; alioqui falsae essent : vt illa , Quodcunque petieritis Patrem in nomine meo , dabit vobis , id est , quaecunque pro cōditione vestra expediūt , &c. Iansen . Concord . in Ioh. 15. & 16 e Aequiuoc . Treatise . chap. 4. ●…Multi veteres Patres Athanas . Greg. Nazian . Theod . Cyrillus , Autor operis imperfect . in Matth. docuerunt Christum quatenus hominem diem iudicij ignorâsse . Maldon●● . Ies . Comm. g Qemadmodum dicitur de Deo Deut. 13. [ Tentat vos Deus vester vt sciat si diligatis eū . ] non vt ipse sc●●t , quem nihil latet , sed vt scire vos faciat quantū in eius dilectione profecerimus , tentari nos permittit . Secundam ipsam locutionem dicit Dominus noster nescire se diem & hor ā de sine seculi : quid enim potest esse , quod ipse nesciat ? sed quia hoc vtilitèr occultabat Discipulis , nescientē se esse dixit , quia illos nescientes occultando faciebat . Secūdum hanc figuram etiam Patrem solū dixit scire diem ipsum , quia eundem filium scire facer●t . Talibus locutionibus etiam abundat nostra consuetudo , cùm dicinuis laetum diem , quia nos laetos facit ; & pigrum frigus , qui pigros nos facit , &c. August . de Genes . 1. contra Manich. lib. 1. cap. 22. * Supra chap. 8. lit . 〈◊〉 . * Act. 1. 7. h Non sustineamus hâc interpretatione nitentes . quidquam nō modò contra veterum & grauissimorum Doctorū consensum , verum-euam contra communem sensum , quasilegem in vitam communem inducere . Genesius in lib. qui inscribitur Theophilus , Tract . de cansis occultis . i The moderate Answerer chap. 10. * Luc. 24. 28. k Graecè est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; quòd honestius conuerti possit , & conuenientius [ prae se ferebat : ] vt quidam exponit . Iansenius Concord , in hunc locum . l Priscillianistae haeretici ex hoc loco , ( vt docet August . lib. ad Consentium cap. 13. ) probare contendunt licere nobis aliquandò mentiri . Maldon . Ies . in hunc locum . m Mendacium non est , inquit Augustinus , verba ambigua proferre occultandi veritatem causà , modò non fiat animo fallendi alium : ita fictio illa in factis vitiosa non suit , sed salutaris , qualis fuit illa Pauli cum circum cidebat Timotheum , vbi non circumcisionem tanti fecit , sed vt Iudaeus Iudaeis factus Iudaeum lucrifaceret . haec Augustinus . Nec hic Christi gestus ad fall●ndos eos , sed vt hac ratione excitaret discipulorum animos ad hospitalitatis vi cut●… . Iansen . Concord . in hunc locum . Christus figuratè sinxit se longris ●re : qui● cum lo●…s esset recessurus ascendendo in coelum , per hospitalitatem quodammodo reti●ebatur in terra , inquit Augustinus . Aquinas 2. 2. q. 111. art . 1. n Christus , vt Greg. & Beda exponūt , noluit discipulos istos fallere , sed postùs docere cos falli , ●ocue cos errore liberare , qu●… utabant illum non resurrexisse , nec Christum esse posse : ergo fingebat se tanquam , eorum opinione , peregrinū longiùs ●…e . Quemadmodum Propheta Michaiah 1. Reg. 22. 15. respondet regi quaerenti an esset praeliandum in Ramoth [ Ascende , inquit , & vade properè , quia tradet cos Deus in man Regis ] cùm tamen ●atis intelligeret . Regi ibi esse moriendum , haec loquens non sua , sed Regis & falsorum propheta●… opinione , à quibus rex erat deceptus : non vt homine falleret , sed vt ●…si●… doceret . Solemus enim aegro dicere , qui aquam rubio color● tinct●m , quam ●●s , vinum este putat : Accipe vinum ; vbi 〈…〉 on sall●mus , sed aegrum 〈◊〉 signis●…s . Maldonat . 〈◊〉 . s . 〈◊〉 . in 〈…〉 * Gen. 19. o Treatise of Aequiuocat . chap. 4. * Ioh. 7. p Qui dicit se , nondum , ascendere , non dicit se non a scensurum , nec aliquid contrarium dictis postea fecerat , atque it omnis questio tolleretur . Maldon . Ies . Comm. in Ioh. 7. q Treatise quo supra . * Apoleg . Cathol . part . 2. r Innumeri penè codices Graeci sunt , in quibus legitur [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nondū ascendo ] maximè verò antiquissimus Vaticanus , toto terrarū orbe celeberrimus , deindè Autores graues , Nonnus , Chrysostomus , Euthymius . Maldon . Ies . quo supra . s [ Non ascēdam ] id est , Nondum ; quia [ Tempus meum ] quandò me i●e oportet , [ nondum est impletum : ] quo tamen impleto ascendam , nè scandalizentur , quod ipse nollet ire ad festum , nondàm enim legis obseruantia cessârat . Non absolutè nega●… , significans se posteà venturum ; nam vox [ Non ] est dictio limitata , quae est in Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae vox eadem in sequentibus , [ Nondum tempus meum impletum est . ] Tollet . I●s . & Cardin. t Verba quae sequuntur , [ Tempus au●em vestrum paratum est ] significant Christū non opera sua facere aliorum hominūmore , prout occurrit , sed certis temporibus praescribere sibi , & prout nouit ●a maximè facere ad Dei gloriam , idcircò tempus sibi nondum opportunum ascendendi , vobis autem , ou● ex praescripto Dei viuitis , tēpus paratum est adeundi festum . [ Non ascendam ] id est , non adhuc ascendam : qui sensus satis indicatur , cùm sequitur , [ Quia tempus meum , ] quo scz . mihi ascendendum est , nondum est impletum . Et Erasmus testatur antiqua quaedam Latinorum exemplaria habere [ Nondum : ] & hae est Germana expositio . Iansenius Concord . in hunc locum . a Treatise for Aequiuocat . chap. 8. * Humanae aures talia verba nostra iudicant , qualia foris sonant : diuina verò iudicia talia ●a audiunt , qualia ex intimis proferuntur ; certè noue●…t ille , qu● intentionem alterius varijs explicat verbis : quia non debet alioqui verba considerare sed voluntatem & intentionem , quia non debet intentio verbis deseruire , sed verba intentioni . b Gregorius eorū calumniam taxat , qui contra loquentis indubitatam mentē verba malitiôsè interpretantur . Sic enim hunc locū viri doctissimi interpretantur , qui docent cùm calliditas adhibetur ab alterutro dic ēte , vel accipiente , tùm demùm orationem accipere ad mentem eius , qui simplicitèr intelligi● ▪ Genesius in suo Theophilo . cap. 6. c Hanc sententiam aliqui tueri mo●…tur cōtra 〈…〉 & summorum Theologorum auto ▪ itatē . ●ullu●autem ante G●brielem hanc aequatiocationem cōmentus est . Genesius quo supra . * Galat. 1. 8. a Aequiuocat . supra . * Is . & Ier. * 2. Thess . 2. * Ier. 8. 8. b Falsare monetam est crimen laesae maiestaus . Sà Ies Aphoris . lit . Falsarius . * Cic. Offic. l. 3. * Apoc. 14. 4. * 1. Tim. 1. 10. a Socrates , Sozem . & alij . b Treatise chap. 4. c Treatise chap 7. d Treatise quo supra . And this is the opinion of thē all , to iudge Protestant-magistrates not fit Iudges . Vide supra . a Iuramentú est religiosa inuocatio di●… testimon● , in dict●a●…us confirmatione ●…iet , Ies Instruct . Sacerd. lib 4. cap. 20. 〈◊〉 addit , siuè explicitè siuè imp●…è . b Est religionis officium & opus quo credimus Deum totius ve●…atis autorē esle , quinee decipivnquā possit , nec alios 〈◊〉 e●e : sicut ad Heb. 4. Hac agitur religio●…n . ●…homines , Deum ve●●atis tes●e●ad habent . & ●j●●…an●… fide habere impium & nefarium sit . c Quacunque arte verboru quis iuret , Deus tamen , qui conscientiae testis est , ita accipit sicut is , cui iuratur , intelligit . Isidor . lib. 2. de su●… . 13. d In iuramēto sides seruahda est , nec cōside●a●dū est cui , sed per quem iu●●●eris . Hieror . ●n Ezeth 17. e Mu●i falluntur ( inquit Augussinus ) vt putēt , quia nihil est per quod iurant , ideo se non ●…ine periurij ener● : pro●●us per●● us es , quit per id , quod sinc um non putas , fal●um iuras as , si tu●●hum sanctum non putas , sanctum tamen illū putat cui iurat . Genesius in suo Theoph. cap. 6. * Exod. 3. f Qui calliditate vtitur in iuramento , duplicitèr est reus , ●u●a & nomē Dei in vanum sumit , & proximum dolo capit . Lombard . lib. 3. dist . 39. lit . 〈◊〉 . g Si Iudex hoc exquirat , quod non potest secūdùm ordinem i●ris , non tenetur accusatus respondere , sed potest vel per appellationem , vel aliter licet subterfugere ; mendacium autem dicere non licet . Et paulò post . Falsitatem autem proponere nullo casu alicui licet , neque etiam aliquem dolum vel fraudem adhibere , quia fraus & dolus vim mendacij habet , & hoc est se calumniosè defendere . Aquinas 2. 2. q. 69. art . 1. & arg . 2. h Potuitnè Thomas apertius damnare istorum sententiam , qui docent fas esse Reo crimen verum sibi intentum arte verborum inficiari ? Genesius in Theoph. cap. 18. a Treatise of Aequiuocas . chap. 10. * Math. 16. 23 b Azorius Iesuita qu● supra . * Supra . * Matth. 5. 20. * 1. Cor. 5. 1. a Iurans redire in carcerē tenetur ( nisi esset ini● ; detentus ) etiam cùm periculo vitae ; quidam etiam ad iniustum carcerē redeundum ●iunt , nisi iuramentum relaxetur per Episcopum . Eman. Sa. Ies . Aphor. T●t . Iuramentum . b Vnus ex decem illis captiuis , &c. Cicero Offic. lib. 3. §. Regulus . c Non re & è , fraus enim distringit , nō dissoluit periurium : Itaque decreuit Senatus vt ille veteranus & callidus vinctus ad Anni balem duceretur . Cicero quo supra . d Qui verò dcunt nullam esse sidem , quae Infideli data sit , videant ne quaeratur latebra periurio ; quiduis enim potiùs argutè excusari possit quam iusiurandu : quantum enim mali excidit ex ipsa fraude ? Cic. ibid. * These Poeni , or Carthaginians , whom Tully calleth Infidels , were of all men in the world most perfidious , so that they came into a prouerbe , [ Punica fides ] The Carthaginians faith , which was as if one should haue said Falshood : and if any , then this people was incompetent to challenge trueth in an oath . d Imperator Arium ad iu●iurandum adegit , ille id quoque simulatè & fallacitèr praest●tit : ●ucata verò ratio , quâ ad fraudem in subscribendo vsus est , sicut audiui , huiusmodi fuit ; Arius suam ipsius opinionem in charta habebat , eamque sub ala gestat , iurat se verè & ex animo sentire , quemadmodum scripserat . Socrates lib. 〈◊〉 . hist . cap. 38. * Euseb . Prapar . Euang. b Bellar. lib. 2. de effect . Sacram . in genere . c Ordo praestat caeteris omnib ' quoad hoc , quia constituit homines in gradu sublimiori , quàm sunt caeteri Christiani . Bellar. quo supra cap. 28. §. Ordo . d Cic. in Offic. lib. 1. & S. August . lib. de Mendacio . cap. 20. e Speaking of the Poeni , who vsed to falsifie their faith with men . a Treatise supra . b Iurabis viuit Dominus in veritate , in iudicio , & iustitia . ler. 4. c Iudicio caret ●…ramentum incautū , veritate mendax , iustitia iniquum & illicitum . Aquinas . d Est mendacium triplex ; perniciosum , officiosum , iocosum● per●…ciosum est in damnum alicuius ; officiosum quod est in al●… vulitatem ; iocosum quod nec in dettimentum nec vtilitatem al●cu●us est . Dicimus omne mendacium esse quidem peccatum , & cùm sit in turamento , omne mendacium esse peccatum mortale ; sine iuramento , officiôsum autem & iocosum esse veniale peccatum . Tollet . les . Instruct . Sacerd lib. de septem peccat . cap. 54. e Non ad tuendam pudicitiam , mult● enim mag●s custodienda est a●… castitas , quae m●o mendacio , quam ea , quae aliena libidine violatur . August . de M●…ac . cap 20. f Non ad seruandam alterius vitam corporalem . August . ibid cap. 17. & 18. & Greg. Pent. supra . g Non ad lucrandam salutem hominis aeternam . August . quo supra , cap. 20. h Non ad malum faciendum , vt omnes Barbari Christi fidem amplectantur . Acost . Ies . desalut . Ind. lib. 2. cap. 2. * God so loued the world that he gaue his only begotten sonne . Ioh. 3. 16. i Coloss . 2. 23. k Iud. 8. 27. l 1. Sam. 15. 21. m 2. Sam. 6. 6. n 1. Reg. 12. 32. o 1. Tim. 1. 13. & 2. Tim. 1. 3. p Act. 3. 17. q Iob. 13. vers . 7. 8. 9. 10. a Heb. 4. b Deut. 19. * Iesuits supra . c 1. King. 21. d Hist . of Susanna . e Matt. 26. 60. f Quandò aliquis in tortura positus reuelat alterius peccatum verè , quandò non interrogatur iuridicè , non peccat : ratio , quia nullus tenetur cum tanto suo detrimento conseruare famam alterius , occultando crimen commissum illius . Tol●et . les . & Cardin. lib. 5. Instruct . Sac. cap. 66. g The Treatise . Vide supra . h The Moderate Answerer in the conclusion of his booke . §. And if &c. i Coloss . 4. 5. k 1. Pet. 2. 12. l 1. Thess . 5. 22. m Tit. 2. 5. n 1. Tim. 1. 6. o Psal . 7. 10. p 1. Cor. 5. 1. q Rom. 9. 1. r 2. Cor. 11. 31. s 1. Tim. 2. 7. t Galat. 1. 20. u De muliere septies ●cta , Ad Innocentium : E●mulieri maritus crimen adulterij impegerat , & cum eculeus corpus extenderat , oculis in coelū erectis , Tu Domine Iesu testis es , qui serutator es renū , non ideo me negare velle nè peream , sed ideò men●… nolle nè peccem . Hieron . Tom. 1. * Tollet . Ies . Instruct . Sacerd . lib. 4 cap. 21. & 22. 
A09111	----	A treatise tending to mitigation tovvardes Catholike-subiectes in England VVherin is declared, that it is not impossible for subiects of different religion, (especially Catholikes and Protestantes) to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection, vnder the gouernment of his Maiesty of Great Britany. Against the seditions wrytings of Thomas Morton minister, & some others to the contrary. Whose two false and slaunderous groundes, pretended to be dravvne from Catholike doctrine & practice, concerning rebellion and equiuocation, are ouerthrowne, and cast vpon himselfe. Dedicated to the learned schoole-deuines, cyuill and canon lavvyers of the tvvo vniuersities of England. By P.R. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1607 Approx. 1216 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 301 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09111 STC 19417 ESTC S114220 99849446 99849446 14593 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09111) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14593) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 815:17, 1326:2) A treatise tending to mitigation tovvardes Catholike-subiectes in England VVherin is declared, that it is not impossible for subiects of different religion, (especially Catholikes and Protestantes) to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection, vnder the gouernment of his Maiesty of Great Britany. Against the seditions wrytings of Thomas Morton minister, & some others to the contrary. Whose two false and slaunderous groundes, pretended to be dravvne from Catholike doctrine & practice, concerning rebellion and equiuocation, are ouerthrowne, and cast vpon himselfe. Dedicated to the learned schoole-deuines, cyuill and canon lavvyers of the tvvo vniuersities of England. By P.R. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. [28], 556, [14] p. Printed by F. Bellet] Permissu superiorum, [Saint-Omer : 1607. P.R. = Robert Parsons. A reply to "An exact discoverie of Romish doctrine in the case of conspiracie and rebellion, by pregnant observations" and "A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquitie; hainous rebellion, and more then heathenish æquivocation" by Thomas Morton. Place of publication and printer's name from STC. Quires 3V-end have horizontal chain lines. 3Y4 is cancelled. Includes index. 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Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. -- Full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquitie; hainous rebellion, and more then heathenish æquivocation -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TREATISE TENDING TO MITIGATION tovvardes Catholicke-Subiectes in England . VVHERIN IS DECLARED , That it is not impossible for Subiects of different Religion , ( especially Catholickes and Protestantes ) to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection , vnder the gouernment of his Maiesty of Great Britany . AGAINST The seditious wrytings of THOMAS MORTON Minister , & some others to the contrary . Whose two false and slaunderous groundes , pretended to be dravvne from Catholicke doctrine & practice , concerning REBELLION and EQVIVOCATION , are ouerthrowne , and cast vpon himselfe . Dedicated to the learned Schoole-Deuines , Cyuill and Canon Lavvyers of the tvvo Vniuersities of England . By P. R. Prou. 26. Vers. 20. Susurrone subtracto , iurgia conquiescunt . The make-bate being remoued , brawles do cease . Permissu Superiorum . 1607. THE SVMME OF ALL THAT IS HANDLED IN THIS TREATISE . 1. IN the Preface and first six Chapters , is discussed all that belongeth to the first imputation about Disobedience or Rebellion , either out of the Catholicke or Protestant doctrine , vse , practice , or consequence therof : with what is obiected , or answered on both partes . 2. IN the other 7. Chapters , is treated the Question of Equiuocation , how it began , what origen , causes , vse , or necessity it hath , or may haue ; what circumstances for lawfulnes , what restraintes , or limites : and finally , what practice among all sortes of men in certaine cases , euen with those that most impugne the same . 3. Vpon all which is inferred the principall conclusion ; that these two pretended obstacles do not let , but that Catholicke and Protestant English Subiectes may liue togeather in vnion of dutifull obedience vnder his Maiesty , to his , and their both safety and comfortes , if seditious make-bates be remoued . THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY . To the learned Schole-Deuines and Lawiers of both faculties in the Vniuersities of England . IT was no part of my purpose ( learned Countrey-men ) when I tooke this Treatise first in hand , either to wade so farre therin , as now I haue byn compelled ; or yet to prefix any other Epistle Dedicatory before the same , then the large common Preface it selfe that doth ensue , which may partly appeare by the argument therof , as namely also and principally , by that which we haue set downe in the third Chapter of this Treatise : for that taking in hand , but to point , as it were , at the exorbitant number of some monstrous , and malitious lyes , and slaunders cast abroad this last yeare in a certayne small contemptible , but wicked and hatefull libell , vnder the tytle of A discouery of Romish doctrine in the case of Conspiracy and Rebellion by T. M. I thought it sufficient to that purpose to shew not only the cankred vntruthes of those most false & virulent calumniations ; but the many inōueniences also , and publicke hurtes , which do , and must needes ensue to any Common wealth , that suffereth such venemous tongues to sow hatred , dissention , diffidence , and the seedes of perpetuall emnity and alienation among the Subiects therof . 2. Which point hauing to my iudgment sufficiently performed , I saw a farre greater booke published from the same Author stuffed with Marchandize of like marke , but yet imbracing more matter , to wit , n t only the former argument , or inuectiue of heynous Rebellion ; but ( to vse the writers wordes ) of heathenish , hellish , and execrable Equiuocation , chargin Catholicke people so deeply and desperatly in them both , as t●at in these two respects , they are not only in his censure insociable , & intractable , but also insufferable in any Protestant common wealth : whervpon I was enforced as well to reassume againe that which before I had done and layd aside , vpon certayn causes whi●h afterwards are vttered ; as also to dilate my selfe much further , for defence of equity and truth , and for the repressing somwhat this violent rayling 〈◊〉 and for rendering some euident reasons of Catholickes innocency and integrity in them both . Wherin what I haue performed for their iust and lawfull defence , I leaue it to the Iudgement of yow my learned Countrey-men , after yow shall haue read ouer this our Answere , presuming that your learning and vnderstanding is accōpanyed also with such ingenuity of good nature , and maturity of Iudgement , as yow will not be carryed away with the wynd , and sound of wordes only as others of lesser capacity ; nor yet be much moued with the false outcryes of perfidious Make-bates , who inraged with the imaginations of hate and auersion , do like 〈◊〉 houndes runne-counter vpon euery false sent they apprehend , or frame vnto themselues ; but rather will stand firme , and weigh the substance , and proofes of matters with their due circumstances . Which if yow performe , yow shall fynd all these odious and clamorous accusations , and exaggerations of this fyerie Minister to be nothing els , but euaporations of a hoate distempered brayne with aboundance of hatred and want of Christian charit . 3. And to say a word or two of the reasons that moued me to present this worke to yow the learned of our English Vniuersities in the foresayd sciences of Schoole - Deuinity and Lawe , both Canon & Ciuill , wherof the first is , that the question of Equiuocation ( wherof our chiefe contention is ) being a matter handled in these three facultyes , ( though vpon different occasions ) yow can far better 〈◊〉 therof then others , who apprehending only the name togeather with their owne conceipts therof without true knowledge of the groundes , reasons & circumstances wherby it is made lawfull , doe not so eagerly , as ignorantly , cry out against it , condemning & detesting that which they vnderstand not , as largly is declared in the 7. Chapter of the ensuing Treatise , which is the first concerning that argument . But such as are more conuersant and better studied in the said sciences , and know the true principles wheron the question standeth , are not so rash nor headlong , but goe more reseruedly therin , distinguishing betweene 〈◊〉 and vnlawfull , Amphybologie or Equiuocation , as signing to 〈◊〉 one their tymes , cases , causes , reseruations and limitations , according to the obseruation of Aristotle : Prudentis est distinguere ; It appertayneth to a wise and discreet man to distinguish ; wheras the ignorant and vnlearned doth commonly confound all without distinction . 4. My second reason was , for that forreine Vniuersities , and learned men therof , vnde standing such a booke to haue byn set forth by an English Vniuersity man , and not without direction ( as he saith ) from his Superiors , wherin all vse of Equiuocation or Amphybology in any case whatsoeuer is condemned as vnlawfull , impious execrable , hellish , heathenish , the black-art , and other such tearmes , without respect or regard , that in all other Vniuersityes in Catholicke Coūtreyes throughout the world , in all Courtes and Tribunalls , and in all learned Authors & professors of the foresaid three faculties , for many ages , some vse therof hath byn taught and allowed : diuers learned ( I say ) haue wondred therat and laughed also , especially being aduertised that this doctrine of Equiuocation is ascribed , as a new thing to the Iesuits , wheras many ages before their name was heard of in the world this doctrine was known , taught , and held . Wherfore these strangers are wont to demaund , whether there be any learned men indeed in these three facultyes now in our Vniuersities , and whether any be studyed in Schoole-Deuinity and the Lawes , either Ciuill or Canon ; for if there be , it seemes impossible to them that such a booke should be suffered to come forth so full of ignorance as this is . For ( say they ) if they had read or looked ouer but these heads in the said sciences , to wit , of the nature of truth and lyinge of the lawfullnes of dissimulation in certaine cases both in wordes & works , as namely , in stratagemes of war , of the lawfulnes of couering some truth vpon iust occasion in the Canon law out of S. Augustine , of 〈◊〉 malus and Dolus 〈◊〉 or vtilis in the same law out of S. Hierome , and other Fathers ; of the cases wherin a man may sweare , or not sweare lawfully , or not be bound to keep his oath ; of the question whether God can deceiue , or any man else by his spirit , of the limitations of an accuser and defendant ; of the obligation of a witnes to vtter , deny or dissemble the truth ; of the office of a Iudge , Aduocate , or Solicitour in accusation or defence of any body ; of the cases wherin secresy is necessarily to be obserued by all lawfull meanes , both in & out of confession , and diuers other such like heades of doctrine , as occurre daylie in all the foresaid three faculties , and in the common vse of mans life ; these learned men affirme , that it is impossible for our Vniuersity-Doctors to haue read and weighed them , but they must confesse the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in diuers cases , and that it may be without lying ( which is lawfull in no case , nor for any cause whatsoeuer . ) Wherof they inferre that either their sciences are not studyed in our Vniuersites , or that the students profit little in them , or that the worst learned of all are suffered to write bookes : which thing for that it appertayneth to the disgrace of your so famous Schooles ; I thought it one sufficiēt cause amongst the rest , to dedicate this Answere vnto yow . 5. My third reason was to moue yow by this occasion , to consider more attentiuely what manner of men they be for the most part , that write in England at this day ; how shallow in the matters they take vpō them to make bookes of ; but especially to wish yow , that when any booke commeth forth , yow would but examine the truth of the citations which are alleadged by them , for this only would be sufficient to informe and satisfie yow where the truth is . And so I desire no more but your attention in this one point , for the decision of the controuersie betweene me and Thomas Morton : for if yow find him to haue dealt sincerly in alleaging his Authors , I am content he haue the victory , though he haue behaued himself otherwise neuer so weakly . For triall of which point , I remit my self to that , which I haue handled afterward more plentifully and perticularly in the 2. 6. and 12. Chapters of purpose . 6. But yet for that since the writing of the ensuing Preface , I haue read and pervsed two Epistles of his last booke intituled , A full satisfaction , the one to the Kings Maiesty , the other to the seduced brethren , as scornfully he calleth the Catholickes , which Epistles haue as much gaule in them as the mans dispitefull stomake could vtter , I shall pray yow to haue patience with me , if I runne ouer briefly certaine notes out of the said Epistles , wherby yow may partly take notice of the mans talent in writing , but especially in raylinge , vntill yow come vnto a more full view therof in the sequele of this our Answere that doth ensue . 7. Thus then he beginneth with his Maiesty within some halfe dosen lines after the entrance of his Epistle . Innocency , ( saith he ) which though naked was neuer ashamed , hath charged me to manifest my self vnto your Highnes , and togeather with my Aduersarye to appeale vnto your incōparable wisdome , which I doe in so constant assurance of an vpright cōscience as that I shal willingly remit that iust aduantage , which the difference of comparison both betweene a legitimate or conformable subiect , and a person suspiciously degenerate , as also betweene a Minister of simple truth , and a professed Equiuocator doth offer vnto me . Heere yow see him vaunt of sundry points ; as first of his naked innocency , which we haue afterwards to his greater shame , so cloathed with the foule ragges of his lying and most deceiptfull dealing , as she may no more be called a naked , but rather a clouted innocency , if innocency at all , and not rather malicious nocencie , intending to wound and iniury the iust , and such as are faultles and innocent in deed . 8 Secondly he appealeth to his Maiestyes incōparable wisdome , as yow see , in the constant assurance of an vpright conscience ; but we haue shewed throughout this whole worke , that nothing is further of from this fellow , then any conscience at all : for that we haue taken him in so many wilfull falsifications and corruptions ( wherin he could not but know that he did lye and falsify ; ) as besides all other examples layd forth in sundry seuerall partes of this Answere , I haue byn forced to make a speciall Chapter therof , which is the sixt of this ensuring worke , where as also in the 4. Paragraph of the 2. Chapter and els where , the Reader shall fynd such store of testimonyes against the vprightnes of this mans conscience , as I dare assure my selfe , he will leese , with indifferent men , the constant assurance of honesty , howsoeuer in his owne opinion he may hold the same assurance for other matters . 9. Thirdly he saith to his Maiesty he doth willingly remit that iust aduantage which the difference of a legitimate and conformable subiect , and a person suspiciously degenerate doth offer vnto him : wherin what he would say I do rather ghesse by discourse , then vnderstand by the sense of his wordes . For I imagine that the Minister would say , that he is ready and prest to conforme himselfe to any thing , that the State or Prince shall appoint him , as well in Religion , as in other matters whatsoeuer , and that therin cōsisteth his vprightnes of conscience , to wit , to be conformable . And for that his aduersary shewing himselfe ( perhaps ) more scrupulous and timerous in certayne pointes concerning his soule or conscience , and not so conformable : therfore he calleth him suspiciously degenerate , and no legitimate , and conformable subiect , which whither it tendeth , and towardes what gate of Atheisme , or Herodianisme , euery man that hath Iudgement and conscience in deed will easily discerne . 10. But of all the rest , the fourth point is the most ridiculous , wherin he intituleth himselfe , A minister of simple truth , and his aduersary A professed Equiuocator , wheras I haue shewed in the 7. and 12. Chapters of this Answere , first , that such as grant the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in some limited cases , are farre more seuere & rigorous against al kynd of lying in the least things that may be ( as appeareth by their knowne , and confessed doctrine by vs set downe , ) then are their aduersaryes in the greatest ; yea highest kind or degree of that sinne , I meane of lying : and in the second , besides the multiplicy of conuictions , wherby I haue made demonstration of this mans falsity euery where , I haue shewed in the foresaid 12. Chapter , that he ( this Minister to wit of simple truth ) as also his fellowes which professe themselues such enemyes of lawfull Equiuocation that may be vsed without lying , do Equiuocate euery where in the worst & most sinfull sort of flat lying that may be imagined , without any reseruation or veile , or substance of truth at all . For proofe wherof I 〈◊〉 me to the said 12. Chapter , and shall returne to follow this fellow somwhat further in the said Epistle to his Maiesty . 11. For not many lynes after the former passage , by occasion of certayne wordes of him that first answered him about a march of apes ; he taketh vpon him to set forth a certayne march of Soldiers cōming against his Maiesty and other Protestant Princes from the 7. hills of Babilon , to wit Rome , saying thus : May it please your sacred Maiesty , to see how exactly they imitate Souldiers in their march ? Parsons , teaching persecution against all Kings and States Protestant , doth propound for his imitation the example of Dauid in his conflict against Goliah : Allen , the example of Eliah in calling , if it were possible , for fyre from heauen to consume the Messengers of Kings : Reynolds the example of Iabel to knock Generaels on the head : Bellarmine the example of Iehoida , and other Priestes for murthering of opposite Queenes : Sanders , the example of Mattathias , who fought against King Antiochus : Simancha the example of Heathenish Scythians , who murthered their naturall King Scyles : Boucher the example of Sampson , to kill , if they can , a thousand of his supposed Philisthians with the iaw bone of an Asse . 12. So he . And doth not the man deserue to haue a iawe-bone of an Asse for his dinner , that hath so laboured to lay togeather these impertinent examples , without head or foote , ground or proofe , purpose or coherence , truth or similitude with the matter in hand ? For where doth he fynd these marchinges against his Maiesty ? why had not he cyted some place or testimony wherby might appeare this to be true that he obiecteth heere to these mē against his Highnes ? Nay if his Maiesty will remember marchinges against him indeed , not imaginations in the ayre as these are , he will consider what manner of men they haue byn , either Protestants or Catholickes that haue marched and machinated against him and his , for more then 40. yeares togeather , while he was in Scotland ; what royall bloud was shed of his neerest and dearest in kynred ; what violence vsed and practised vpon his owne person , and parents ; who were the Authors , incensers , fyre-brands , & bellowes of these enraged flames ; Priests or Ministers ; those that came from the hills of Rome , or such as had their spirite from the valley of Geneua : and then if we would frame a squadron of all those turbulent & lawlesse Protestant people , that vexed and afflicted his Maiesty in Scotland , and marched against him , and his noble Mother , and grand Mother with banners displayed : and that we should place before these againe , a Vanguard of preaching-Scottish-Ministers , as Knox , and all his 〈◊〉 , exhorting , in cyting & sounding out the trumpets of these rebellions ; and a Rereward againe of English-Ministers standing behind them , and clapping their handes to their encouragemēt , writing bookes and sending them all ayde both in words and workes that possibly they could procure ; whilest in the meane space both Catholicke priests & people in England , Rome , and els where , prayed hartely for the good successe of his Maiesties said parents , and for his in theirs : this ( I say ) was a true and reall march in deed , & that other imaginary , which our Minister to make vs odious hath heere deuised . 13. And to speake one word more of this matter , for that it is of much importance , and the truth therof notorious to the world : When vpon the yeare of Christ 1586. fourteene principall and zealous yong gentle-men were most pittifully put to death in London , and diuers others condemned , and their goods confiscated for an imputation , that they would 〈◊〉 deliuered his Maiestyes mother 〈◊〉 of prison , and fauoured her succession to the Crowne ; did not 〈◊〉 raging Ministers then , no lesse fyerie 〈◊〉 MORTON now , raue out of euery pulpit , not so much against them , as againste the cause and obiectes of their calamity , which was the loue they bare both to mother and sonne in that behalfe ? Against 〈◊〉 also they neuer ceased to crye vntill they had gotten the life of the one to be taken away , and the Statute of Association to be made for endangering the other . 14. And when before that againe , vpon the yeare 1581. fourteene learned priests and Iesuites , were arraigned & condemned vpon pretence that their comming into England was for some designement against the State ; was not the greatest , and most odious part of their arraignment ( and most amplyfied by the Attorney Popham at that time ) for that they were deuout to the Queene of Scotland , and her tytle , and prayed for her in their Masses , Letanies , and other prayers ? Yea when some of them came to dye at Tyborne , and prayed at their death for the Queene of England , did not some principall men demaund them publikly from among the people , what Queene they meant , Elizabeth , or Mary ? And was not this an ordinary Equiuocation , which Ministers cryed out that Catholickes then vsed , and especially priests ? And how then doth this fond , and malicious Minister bring in such Marchinges of Catholicke Soldiers against his Maiesty , who euer 〈◊〉 for him ? How doth he talke of such kylling of supposed Philisthines by the iaw-bone of an asse ? The asse in deed we haue found , but the iaw-bone as yet we see not . 15. But let vs heare him go forward in vaunting to his Maiesty of his goodly workes . After the reply is finished ( saith he ) there is presented to your Princely , and most religious iudgement , A confutation of the reasons of two of their more then vnreasonable positiōs ; as namely of haynous Rebellions , and execrable Equiuocations : both which are refelled ( I hope ) sufficiently by the testimonyes of their owne most principall Doctors ; A course which I professe in all disputes ; knowing that by no better wisdome may this new Babylon be confounded , then wherwith God wrought the destruction of the old , euen * The diuision of their tongues . So he . 16. And yow must know , that this diuision of our tongues is nothing els but that he alleageth some tymes different opinions out of some of our Schoole-Doctors ( which our men do for him , he hauing nothing heerin of his owne industry ) in matters that be disputable , and not determined by the 〈◊〉 . And is not this a great point , for so great a Rabbyn to bragge of , as of a course which he 〈◊〉 in all his disputes ? How doth foolish vanity discouer it selfe in all these mens wordes & actions ? And yet let the Reader note attentiuely that notwithstanding this bragge , he hath no one Catholicke Author in all this controuersy about Equiuocation , that absolutly denyeth the thing , or holdeth it for vnlawfull in all pointes as he doth , albeit some do differ in opinion concerning the cases , causes , tymes , meanes , maners , limitations , and circumstances of the same , as after is largely by vs declared . So as heere he hath no diuision of our tongues , but which himselfe maketh , to wit , where somtymes to seeme to finde a difference where none is , he belyeth our Authors flatly , and forceth them to speake one against an other , as in many places we do demonstrate and leaue him with the shame . 17. Wherfore to say as he doth that our execrable Equiuocations are sufficiently refelled by him with the testimonyes of our most principall Doctors is as true , as that he is a Minister of simple truth , and naked innocency , and of constant assurance of an vpright conscience : all which are ridiculous antiphrases in deed , for he hath no one Doctor of ours , either most or least principall with him in his opinion , or that calleth Equiuocations , vsed with due circumstances or limitations , execrable , or vnlawfull , or not necassary in some cases ; nor hath he any one sentence , or testimony of theirs to the contrary , as after is made euident . And consequently this course of Tho. Morton in all his disputes , is a lying course , a vaunting course , a ridiculous course . And as for his disputes , I do shew him after to be so sylly a disputer , as that he knoweth not how to make a true syllogisme , and therfore am forced to send him backe againe to Cambridge to reforme his Logicke , or to learne more : about which point I remit the Reader to that which is handled in the 11. Chapter and els where of this Treatise . 18. Next after this he layeth before his Maiesty a certayne obseruatiō about Popes names , as ful fraught with malice , and deceiptfulnes , as the former with vanity ; and he layeth the obseruation vpon Polydor Virgil , though cyting no place for it . Polydore obserueth ( saith he ) that the Popes a long tyme in their election had their names changed by Antiphrasis , videl . the Elected , if 〈◊〉 were by naturall disposition fearefull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clemēt , if vnciuill , Vrbanus , if wicked , Pius ; if couetous , Bonifacius ; if in all 〈◊〉 intollerable , Innocentius : And with this he thinketh to haue layd downe an obseruation of importance . But why had he not adioyned also , that if he were careles of his flocke , then Gregory must be his name , which importeth a vigilant pastor ? 19. But now let the iudicious Reader obserue the malice , and falshood of this obseruation , and therby iudge , whether the Author therof be a Minister of simple truth or no. Polydore saith only that sometymes Popes , as other Princes in like manner , haue had names , that haue byn different , or rather contrary to their nature & manners , which is an ordinary case if we examine the signification of men and womens names ; but that Popes names were changed of purpose by Antiphrasis , or contrary speach to couer their defectes , as heere is set downe , this is a malicious lye of the Minister , and hath neither simplicyty , nor truth in it , for that all these names heere mentioned of Leo , Clemens , Vrbanus , Pius , Bonifacius , Innocentius , and Gregory , were chosen by the Popes that tooke them for the great reuerence , and estimation they had of certayne excellent men of that name that went before them ; as also for the good abodement of their future gouernment , and to be styrred vp the more by the memory of those names to the vertues signified by them ; but especially for the honor and imitation of the first Popes that bare those names . As for example of S. Leo the first , who how excellent a man he was , both for learning and sanctity , appeareth by the acknowledgment of the Protestants themselues . M. Iewell making this Apostrophe vnto him in his chalenge , O Leo , O 〈◊〉 , O Paul , O Christ ! 20. The like may be said of S. Clement the first and next Pope after S. Peter ; and the same of S. Vrbanus Pope and Martyr , in the second age after the Apostles : and the like of Pius the first Pope and Martyr , in the first age after the said Apostles ; and no lesse of S. Bonifacius the first that liued in the beginning of the fourth age , and a little before him againe in the same age S. Innocentius the first , so highly commended by S. Augustine for a great Saint : and after him againe S. Gregory the Great , and first Pope of that name most admirable both to those of his time and all posterity for many excellent vertues , who though lyuing some ages after all the former ; yet haue there byn 13. Popes after him , that for reuerence of his vertues haue taken his name , and ten of S. Leo , 7. of S. Clement , 6. of S. Vrbanus , 4. of S. Pius , 7. of S. Bonifacius , and 8. of S. Innocentius , wherof none had that name by 〈◊〉 , but all by choise after they were elected Popes , for the causes now touched . Which being so , it is euident what a wicked lost conscience this Minister hath , to auouch vnto a King , and by him to all others , so manifest , and malitious a calumniation . 21. But he goeth further yet in folly to magnify his owne learning and to compare the same with no lesse then Aristotle . 〈◊〉 haue so framed this dispute ( saith he ) that it may seeme , I hope , to be like Aristotles bookes of naturall Philosophy , so published , as not published , &c. And his reason is . For that as he saith , he alwayes putteth downe the clause of ment all reseruation in Latin : which yet is not true , as the Reader wil see by pervsing this booke , he hauing to my remembrance set downe the same in Latyn but once only throughout all his booke , and that in fower words in his second page , the said reseruation being mentioned in English , more perhaps then forty tymes , nor were it of any importance if it were alwayes put downe in Latyn . For that any man lightly whether he vnderstand Latyn , or no , if he see or heare the precedence both of question and answere , will easily ghesse what the reseruation is , if he suspect any to be at all , as if a man doe heare or reade the premisses of a syllogisme in English , he will easely ghesse at the conclusion , though it be in Latin ; yea if he be of any meane capacity , he will gather the inference himselfe by naturall discourse . Wherfore this of Aristotles books was brought in only by the vayne Minister to compare them with his bookes , or , as he calleth them , his disputes , so published ( forsooth ) as not published , for that he imagineth that the common capacity of men cannot reach vnto the depth therof , he wadeth so profoundly in his owne folly . But yow will see afterwardes that he is vnderstood , and so decyphered , as he may be vnderstood , and pitted also by others . And I know no sense wherin he may say , that his workes are so published , as not published , but that they are not worthy indeed the publishing and much lesse the readinge , wherin they doe differ much from those of Aristotle . 22. It followeth in his said Epistle to his Maiesty : For that this doctrine of Equiuocation ( saith he ) acknowledged by your admirable wisdome to be in religion most 〈◊〉 and detestable , in politike State most pernicious and intollerable , and in euery actor most banefull to the soule of man ; it may please your Excellent Maiesty to prouide in this behalse for your faithfull and religious Subiectes , that they neuer be so intoxicated with this Antichristian spirite , as either to deceyue , or be deceyued therby , &c. Would God it might please his Highnes in his admirable wisedome to pervse ouer but two , or three Chapters of this Treatise about Equiuocation , and the reasons of the lawfulnes and necessity therof in some cases , togeather with the grosse , monstrous , sacrilegious , and detestable licence of lying , taken vp , and vied by the impugners of lawfull Equiuocation , and especially Ministers , that most talke , and make profession of simple truth ; I do not doubt , but his Excellent Maiesty out of his Christian piety would prouide in this behalfe , for his faithfull and religious Subiectes that they should not be so much deceyued by 〈◊〉 , as they are , nor intoxicated with their Antichristiā lying spirite , to their eternal perditiō . And this is so much as I haue thought good to reply in this place cōcerning his Epistle to his Maiesty . 23. As for the other which scornfully he directeth to the deceyued brethren , it is so short , fond & ydle a thing , that it deserueth no answere at all , the principall point , whervpon he standeth therin , being this , that Catholicke people are seduced by their priestes , who will be Doctors ( saith he out of S. Paul to Timothy ) and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor vvherof they affirme . But whether this description of fond presumptuous Doctors touched by S. Paul do agree rather to Protestant-Ministers , or to Catholicke priestes , will appeare in great part by reading ouer this booke , especially the 5. 8. and 10. Chapters , if by Thomas Mortons errors and ignorances , a scantling may be taken of the rest . But now let vs 〈◊〉 how he doth go about to proue that our priests are such bad Doctors , as S. Paul speaketh of . 24. His chiefe proofe consisteth in a certayne comparing of them with those Iewish priestes of the old law in Christes tyme , who taught the souldiers that watched at the Sepulcher of our Sauiour , to say , that whilest they were sleeping , his disciples came & stole him away ; Common sense ( saith he ) might haue replyed , how could yow tell , what was done , when yow were all a sleepe ? But myndes enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring priesthood ( which confirmed that 〈◊〉 ) could not possibly but erre with their priestes ; such ( alas ) is the case of all them , &c. Do yow see how substantially he hath proued this matter ? Let vs examine the particulers : 〈◊〉 the story , then the inference . 25. About the story , S. Mathew recounteth in the 28. chapter of his Ghospell , how Christ our Sauiour being raysed miraculously from death to lyse , with a great and dreadfull earthquake , and discent of an Angels , so as the souldiers that kept the sepulcher were astonished , and almost dead for feare , some of them ranne and told the chiefe priests therof , who making a consultation with the Elders , deuised this shift to giue them store of money and to bid them say , that in the night when they were a sleepe his disciples came and stole him away , and so they did . And S. Mathew addeth , that this false brute ranne currant among the Iewes , euen vntill that tyme , wherin he wrote his Ghospell . This is the narration , what hath now Thom. Morton to say to this against vs , for therunto is all his dryfte . First he saith as yow haue heard that this deuise was improbable , and against common sense it selfe . Common sense ( saith he ) might haue replyed ( to the souldiers ) what could yow tell what was done when yow were all a sleepe ? Se heere the sharpenes of Tho. Mortons wit , aboue that of the Priests , Scribes , and Pharisies . But what if one of the souldiers had replyed to him thus : VVe saw it not , when we were a sleepe , but afterward when we were awakened , we perceyued that he was stolne away . What reioynder would our minister make ? As for example if Tho. Morton were walking with a cōmunion-booke vnder his arme through a feild , and wearyed should ly downe to sleepe with his booke by his syde , and at his awaking should see his booke gone , were it against cōmon sense for him to say , that his booke was stolne from him while he was a sleepe ? Or is not this an assertion fit for one of those Doctors wherof S. Paul talketh , that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme . But this will better yet appeare by the second point which is his inference . Wherfore we must a litle also examine that . 26. But 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 in the opinion of a neuer-erring priesthood ( which confirmed that answere ) could not possibly but erre with their priestes , such ( alas , is the case of all them , &c. The malitious man would deface Christian priesthood by the Iewish priesthood , and our Priests by theirs : but consider how farre he runneth from the marke in both : Myndes enthralled ( saith he ) in the opinion of a neuer-erring priesthood , which confirmed this answere : Did the Priest-hood of Iury confirme this Answere ? Who saith so ? We read that the Priests with the Elders did deuise this answer , and they knew they did euill , and lye therin , and so did the souldiers also that published the same . But this was a matter of fact , not a determination of faith . Neyther among the Iewes nor Christians was there euer opinion that Priests , or Priesthood could not erre in matters of fact , lyfe , or their maners . How then is this to the purpose ? Or doth not this also proue him to be one of those forenamed Doctors , that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme ? How much more modesty and piety had it byn in Thom. Morton to haue followed the example of Christ and his Apostles , who though persecuted by those Priests ; yet both thought and spake reuerently of the Priesthood . 27. S. Iohn the Euangelist setting downe the speach of wicked Cayphas the High-Priest about the death of Christ , to wit , that it was necessary sor one to dye for the people ; addeth presently : that Cayphas spake not this of himselfe , but prophesyed as being High-Priest of that yeare . S. Paul in like manner being apprehended , and brought into a Counsell of the Iewes , and vniustly stroken on the face by the commaundement of wicked Ananias the High-Priest , whome thervpon in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called Paynted-wall , as soone as euer he was 〈◊〉 that he was the High-Priest , he excused himselfe , that he knew it not . I did not know brethren ( saith he ) that he was Chiefe-Priest for it is writen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not speake 〈◊〉 of the Prince of thy 〈◊〉 And when the said Apostle doth afterwards handle in his Epistle to the Hebrewes this Iewish Priesthood , as a figure of that of Christ our Sauiour , and of the new 〈◊〉 he speaketh very honorably therof , saying : That 〈◊〉 Chief-Priest taken out from men , is appointed for men in those things that belong to to God , to offer giftes , and sacrifices for 〈◊〉 , &c. But Christ himselfe most honorably of all other gaue to his disciples , and to the people this aduertisement : Vpon the Chayre of Moyses haue sitten Scribes and Pharisies ; all things therfore whatsoeuer they shall say vnto yow , obserue , and do them , but do not according to their workes . 28. And if vnto the ancient Aaronicall Priest-hood of the old Testament , so much honour , so much credit , so much obedience was to be performed ( which yet was not so sanctifyed by the diuine person of Christ himselfe , nor yet so adorned with the promise of his infallible assistance , as ours of the new Testament is , according to the Order of Melchisedech ) what impiety is this in Thomas Morton to go about to discredit the one by the other ? yea to ascribe the lying of the Iewish souldyers and their talking against common sense ( as he will haue it ) vnto their enthralled opinion of a neuer-erring Priest-hood ? Is not this sensles ? Had these souldyers an opinion perhaps that their Priests could not sinne ? Or did they hold this for 〈◊〉 point of doctrine , determined vnto them out of Moyses chayre ? Or if te y did not , how is this their fact attributed by Thomas Morton vnto that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? 29. But he goeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 all our errors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for 〈◊〉 wherof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that God in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 lyes and 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examples the deliuery of 〈◊〉 soule out 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The donation of Constantine ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our Lady ; the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 by S. 〈◊〉 ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Christians amongst the Indians &c. But heere now Thomas 〈◊〉 , if he would shew 〈◊〉 a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and iudgment indeed , & to deale really and not by calumniatio , should proue three thinges . First that all these positions are held by vs as he setteth them downe : Secondly that they are all false indeed as we hold them : and thirdly , that therfore we erre in them , for that we belieue our Priest-hood cannot erre ; so as the causality of these errors must fall vpon the enthralled opinion of our neuer-erring Priest-hood . 30. Of which three pointes he proueth neuer a one , nor goeth about to proue it : and we deny them all in the sense that he obiecteth them : For as for Traians soule , no learned Catholicke man doth hold it , either for true or likly : and it is at large refuted by Baronius a Catholicke writer . Constantines donation is a matter of story disputed to and fro by learned men of our religion . The assumption of our B. Lady hath more groundes for it , then either Morton or a thousand Mortous will be able to impugne , for that he can not deny , but that for many ages togeather it hath byn receaued through out all Christendome for an ancient tradition , and from the time of the most learned S. Iohn Damascene , ( that liued in the East Church , almost mine hundred yeares gone , and expresly recordeth the said tradition to be held for ancient in his time ) T. M. must needes graunt the same ; and then how many thousandes of more learned , godly , vigilant , and prudent Christian men then Morton is , haue belieued the same in so many worldes throughout all Christendome , as namely S. Bernard and others , euery man may easily see , as also consider this one reason amongst the rest ; that if the sacred body of that Blessed Virgin , Mother of God , had byn left any where vpon earth , as other Saintes bodyes were , ther would haue remayned at least some memory , some testimony therof , or some deuotion to the place . 31. And for so much as by Gods holy prouidence so great concourse hath byn made euer vnto the bodyes of S. Peter , S. Paul , and other of the Apostles , Martyres and Saintes of God , in different places , though neuer so remote , it is more then probable , that some would haue byn made likewise vnto this sacred body of our Blessed Lady : but the malice of these people is such to the holy memory of this blessed virgin vpon earth , and their precipitation to 〈◊〉 so hasty and inconsiderate , as whatsoeuer they see not with their eyes , they deny as absolutly false . For what certainty can T. M. haue ( thinke yow ) against the bodily 〈◊〉 of our Blessed Lady , his assertion being a bare negatiue ? What certainty against the miracles wrought by God in the Indies ? Is the hand of God shortened ? Is not Christ as powerfull now , as he was in the Primitiue Church , when he extended his hand to miracles , as his Disciples with exultation 〈◊〉 ? Are not these Indians new Christians as the other in Iury were ? Did not Christ euen then when he gaue power to worke miracles , expressly say , that he would be with them ( not for this or that age ) but vnto the end of the world ? How then doth this arrogant-sylly-gras-hopper insult here in fauour of Infidels , and disgrace of Christians , calling them , lying miracles amongst the Indians ? Hath he perchance euer byn there ? Hath he aduentured his life to gaine those soules vnto Christ , that dyed for them , as others haue donne ? Hath he suffered hunger and thirst , could and heates , persecution and affliction with losse of his bloud for gayning of those poore Indian 〈◊〉 , as others haue suffered , and 〈◊〉 dayly ? Noe. He hath done nothing of this , but contrary wise stood a farre of in England , hath attended to good cheare and ease , procured benefices and fauour of the State , and now vpon the suddaine is become an aduocate for the Indian Pagans , to scorne at the Christian miracles wrought by Gods power among them , though testified by neuer so great and graue Authority vnto vs. And is not this a pious man thinke yow . 32. As for S. Francis louse , I neuer heard of that scorne before , and I meruaile in what part of our Theologicall assertions he 〈◊〉 place 〈◊〉 , or how he will deduce the 〈◊〉 of this louse from our enthraled opinion of our neuer-erring Priest-hood . For soe he must , if he talke to the purpose . And when he will or can doe this , euery man seeth . In the meane space , I leaue it to that glorious Saint now in heauen , where no lise be , to answere the contumely , if he thinke good , either vpon earth or else where . Sure I am that I haue reade of strange euentes in some vpon lesse pride and in solency vsed towardes the Seruautes of God then this . The examples most knowne are of Herods lise , that deuoured him ; and if we belieue Doctor Bolsacke the Phisitian of Geneua , Iohn Caluin dyed of the like disease . God defend all good men , and T. M. also from like chastisement , and cure 〈◊〉 rage of his cōtumelious & blasphemous tōgue , whilest he hath time of 〈◊〉 . 33. And now for that this Epistle groweth ouer longe , and we shall haue large occasions afterwàrdes to 〈◊〉 open this mans defects in these behalfes , we shall goe no further in examining of matters heere , but passe to the treatise it self designed to procure ( if it be possible ) some Mitigation of affliction & persecution towards Catholicke Subiects , drawne into publique hatred , exulceration and exceration by such diuellish Sycophancy and odious Calumniations , as this fellow and his like haue cast forth against them , without al groūd , but of malice & hatred , as by his accusations and our answeres , I doubt not , yow wil manifestly perceiue . I beseech Christ Iesus our Sauiour to turne all to his greater glory , & then happy are our suffrings : & so to his holy prouidence & protection I cōmit the whole . Your louing Countreyman , that wisheth your best good . P. R. A TABLE Of the particular Contentes , Chapters , and Paragraphes of the ensuing TREATISE . THE Preface to all true harted Englishmen , that loue the honour ; safety , and best good of their Nation , Prince and Countrey ; of the present diuision and disagreement about matters of religion in England , and of so many importune exasperations vsed by diuers sortes of men , to encrease the same : and namely by this Minister Th. Morton his iniurious libell . Pag. 1. That the maine Proposition insinuated and vrged by T. M. That Catholickes are not tolerable in a Protestant Common welth in respect of Rebellion and Conspiracies is vntrue , indiscreet , and pernicious ; and falleth rather vpon Protestant-subiects then Catholiks . Chap. I. pag. 31 Ten Reasons or rather Calumniations brought by T. M. for maintenance of 〈◊〉 former Proposition : That Catholike people are intolerable in a Protestant Gouernment , in respect of 〈◊〉 , conspiracies and rebellion , 〈◊〉 , and returned vpon himselfe and his , Chap. II. p. 52. How this Treatise was layed aside by 〈◊〉 of the Author and some other causes : And why it was taken in hand againe vpon the sight of a Cath. Answere , and a new Reply of T. M. 〈◊〉 to his Maiefly ; with the Authors iudgement of them both . Chap. III. pag. 89. VVhat the 〈◊〉 Thomas Morton doth in this Reply and full satisfaction answere , concerning the former point of Charge against Protestants for Rebellion , Conspiracies , and disobedience ; the effect wherof is drawne to three principall Questions . Chap. IIII. pag. 103. The first Question about Heretickes & heresy , § . 1. pag. 105. The second Question about seditious doctrine , para . 2. p. 112. The third Question cōcerning practice of 〈◊〉 . § . 3 p. 122. A briefe Censure is giuen of a new Treatise set forth by T. M. 〈◊〉 ; A Confutation of the Popes 〈◊〉 as supreme head of rebellion , &c. annexed to his former iustification of Protestant-Princes for matters of 〈◊〉 . Chap. V. pag. 139. The second Part of this Chapter conteyning three particular kindes of proofes , alleaged by T. M. against the Popes supremacy to witt : Out of the new and old Testament , & from Reason it selfe . pag. 159. A brief view of certaine notorious ; false and fraudulent dealings vsed by T. M. in this his short seuerall Treatise against the Popes Supremacy : As also sundry examples of the like proceeding in the former part of hisdeceytfull Reply . Chap. VI. pag. 189. The second part of this Chapter representing some of the falsifications which are 〈◊〉 in the former Part of M. Mortons reply ; which came to our hands after our Answere made before in our second Chapter against his ten Reasons . pag. 218. The third Part of this Chapter conteyning a Controuersy , VVhether Caluin fauoured Arianisme , or no ; with diuers 〈◊〉 of . T. Morton about the same . pag. 244. Of the second Generall Point of Calumniation set forth against Catholickes by T. Morton concerning Equiuocation , which is reduced to certaine particular Considerations for better discussion therof , Chap. VII . pag. 273. The substance of the Cause is entred into ; and it is discussed , What 〈◊〉 , what 〈◊〉 , what falsity , and lying is : and some other pointes 〈◊〉 this effect , Chap. VIII . pag. 307. The second Part of this Chapter , VVhether a mixt Proposition partly vttered ; and partly reserued in mynd , may be a true Logicall Proposition and Enunciation , § . 1. pag. 321. The third Part of this Chapter , VVhether the former mixt Proposition , partly vttered , and partly reserued , be 〈◊〉 or noe ? § . 2. pag. 335. The truth before set 〈◊〉 is further debated and proued by the assertions of Schoole-Doctors , Deuines , Lawyers , both Canon and Ciuill , Reasons , Practice of the Aduer saryes , and by the very instinct of nature it 〈◊〉 , Chap. IX . pag. 348. The first Point about Schoole-Deuines , Doctors and Lawyers , § . 1. pag. 349. The second Point touching Scriptures and Fathers ; for 〈◊〉 and reserued Propositions , § . 2. pag. 358. The third Point concerning other Scriptures alleaged , and pretended to be answered by T. Morton ; § . 3. pag. 369 , The fourth and last Point of this Chapter , about Scriptures and Fathers , that defended Equiuocation from the name and nature of deceipt and 〈◊〉 with some other 〈◊〉 out of common Reason . &c. § . 4. pag. 396. Of certaine particular cases , and occasions , wherin it may be lawfull to vse the manner of Equiuocation or Amphibology before set downe , either in speach or 〈◊〉 , with the 〈◊〉 therof , Chap. X. pag. 406. The first case about the Secret of Confession § . 1. pag. 407. The second case about Secretes of the Cōmōwelth § . 2. p. 〈◊〉 . The third case about any Party accused or 〈◊〉 in Question , § . 3. pag. 414. The argumentes and groundes of this Common 〈◊〉 , § . 4. pag. 420. The fourth case about VVitnesses , § . 5. 425. The 〈◊〉 case about 〈◊〉 in swearing , § . 6. pag. 427. Diuers other cases in particular , § . 7. pag. 430. The argumentes and Reasons of T. Mortons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examined and answered : and his notorious errors , follyes , and falsifications therin discouered , Chap. XI . pag. 439. His first argument 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 definition of aly , § . 1. pag. 442. His second Argument from the 〈◊〉 of Equiuocation , § . 2. pag. 444. His third Argument frō the description of lying , § . 3. p. 447. His fourth Argument is taken ● specie , or from a particular kind of lying , which is periury , § . 4. pag. 449. His fifth Argument , Truth God , lying the Diuell , parag . 5. pag. 453. His six Argument intituled , from examples of dissimulation condemned by Scriptures , Fathers , Pagans , &c. § . 6. pag. 457. His example of Pagan wryters out of Cicero . § . 7. pag. 462. His 〈◊〉 Argument taken from a signe , an Interpreter , a coyne , and Giges-ring , § . 8. pag. 466. Of his second Conclusion and proofes therof , para . 9. p. 468. Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Equiuocation , the one 〈◊〉 and lawfull ; the other 〈◊〉 aud sinfull : And that Catholickes only vse the first in 〈◊〉 cases , and with circumstances and limitations : But T. 〈◊〉 and his followes 〈◊〉 the first , do vse 〈◊〉 the second , which is false and lying 〈◊〉 . Chap. XII . pag. 483. The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in some Protestant 〈◊〉 Bishops , § . 1. pag. 490. Six argumentes of M. Iewell Superintendent of 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 in this case . § . 2. pag. 493. Six examples of M. 〈◊〉 particular Equiuocation , § . 3. pag. 504. The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestantes-Ministers , § . 4. pag. 517. The vse of Equiuocation in Laymen & Knightes , § . 5. p. 529. The Conclusion of the whole 〈◊〉 , with a briefe exhortation 〈◊〉 Catholickes not to vse the liberty of Equiuocation , 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 cases , but where some 〈◊〉 occasion induceth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Table of the particular matters 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . TO ALL TRVE-HARTED ENGLISH-MEN , That loue the honour , safety , and best good of their Nation , Prince , and Countrey . THE PREFACE . OF THE PRESENT DIVISION AND DISAGREEMENT About matters of Religion in England , and of many importune exasperations vsed by diuers sortes of men , to encrease the same : and namely by this Minister T. M. his iniurious Libell . I DOE not see ( deare Countreymen ) why I may not iustly ( our tymes & circumstances therof considered ) begin these my first lynes of Preface with those wordes of Complaint and Admiration of the Poet Lucan , wherby in few verses he comprehended and laid forth the rufull state of the rented Common-welth and Romane Empire by ciuill warres , saying : Bella per * Aemathios plusquam ciuilia campos Iusque datum sceleri * canimus : populumque potētem , In sua victrici conuersum viscera dextra . 2. For if heere we change but Thessalian fieldes into English land , and the Poets singing , into our weeping and wailing , all the rest agreeth most aptly , if our diuision be not more rufull and lamentable then that of the Romanes . For first our wars may truly be said to be plus quam ciuilia , more then ciuill , in that they are not only internall , but domesticall also , in such sorte , as no one Prouince , no one towne , no one village , no one howse or family is lightly to be found , where some parte or other of this warre and dissention vpon difference of Religion taketh not some holde : The Father somewhere accusing or suspecting his children : the children flying or fearing their Father : the Mother entring into 〈◊〉 with her daughter : the daughter not trusting or confiding in her Mother . the brother impugning his brother , and wife complaining of 〈◊〉 husband : the friend breaking with his friend : and the neerest of kyn with those whome lawe of nature , & bandof bloud did most straitly combine & knit togeather . 3. Neither is this warre ended only in wordes , or in bare debate of mindes , iudgements , willes and affections , but it breaketh forth also into workes , and hostile actions , to the sight and admiration of all the worlde , no aduersary Camps or armies standing more watchfull and distrustfull one of an other , or vsing more stratagems of discouery , spiery , preuention or impugnation , the one against the other , then we among our selues ; wherof our continuall searches , priuy intelligences , bloudy and desperate conspiracies , apprehensions , imprisonments , tortures , arraignementes , condemnations and executions are most loath some and lamentable witnesses . 4 And as for Ius datum sceleri , neuer could it be spoken so properly in the Romans misery as in ours , when in deed ( though in some different sense ) that which was ius before , is now scelus , to uvitt , that which was law , right , and equity under Catholicke Religion , is now offensiue and punishable by the lawes of Protestants , that which was then piety , is now iniquity , that which by them was vsed for deuotion , is now scorned for superstition , that which they reuerenced for highest Religion , is now held in contempt and greatest derision ; such as then should haue byn hated and punished for hereticks , are now esteemed for Christian and best reformed Catholicks , and they vvhich in those dayes vvere called Catholicks , as vvell by their enemyes as themselues , and sate in iudgement vpon the rest , are now brought into iudgement vnder them vvhose iudges at that tyme they vvere , in the self same cause , right and lawe being changed vvith the tyme , and equity vvith mens affections , articles of olde faith become crymes of new treason , and finally all so inuerted and turned vpside downe , and the differences so pursued vvith such hostile emnity of exulcerated mindes , as the Poets conclusion falleth vpon vs euidently in the eye of all Christendome , that vve being a potent people , and dreadfull otherwise to all our neighbours , haue turned our victorious hands into our owne bowels , by this disunion in Religion , and therby haue iust cause to feare the euent and inference threatned by our Sauiour ( except his holy hand protect vs ) that ; Euery Kingdome deuided in it selfe shall come to desolation . 5. And that vvhich most encreaseth the feeling of this misery is , that no man endeauoreth to mollify matters , but all to exasperate ; no man applieth lenitiues , but all corrosiues ; no man powreth in vvyne or oyle into the wound , but all salte and vinegar ; no man byndeth vp or fomenteth , but euery one seeketh to crush , bruze , and breake more ; all cry and clap their hands to exulceration , saying with the children of Edom , in the day of Hierusalems affliction : Exinanite , exinanite , vsque ad fundamentum in ea . Pull her downc , pull her downe euen vnto the foundation . 6. And to this effect haue vve heard and seene many speeches and sermons made , sundry Bookes and pamphlets cast abroad or set forth in print , some before the late cruell and hatefull conspiracy ( which might perhaps be some incitation to the designemēt or hastening therof , and some presently therupon , not only to exaggerate that fact ( whose atrocity by it self is such , as scarsely it leaueth any place to exaggeration ) but also to extend and draw out the hatred and participation therof to others of the same Religion most innocent therin , yea vnto the whole multitude , so far as in them lieth , a matter of exorbitant iniustice and intemperate malice . 7. Of the former sorte of bookes and pamphlets we haue seene one set forth the yeare past by Thomas Hamond , intituled : The late Commotion of certeine Papists in Hereford Shire , about the buriall of one Alice VVellington Recusant , after the Popish manner , in the tovvne of Alens-moore , tvvo miles frō Hereford &c. VVhich thing though it were but the fact of a few poore countrey people Catholickly affected ( as most are knowne to be in those partes ) to bury the said Alice , and that in a sorte they were forced therunto , least the dead corps should rot aboue ground ( the Minister of the place most obstinatly refusing to bury the same ) and that some other false companion in like manner is thought to haue byn set a worke to induce them into that trap , as since hath byn vnderstood : yet was the matter so exaggerated euery where , both by bookes , preachings , and publike speeches of Magistrates , as if it had byn a most heinous attempt in deed : and not only these , but by this occasion all Catholicks generally were most odiously traduced , especially in this one point ( that touched them neerest ) to wit , that they would seeme to conceaue any least hope of his Maiesties clemency and mercy towardes them by way of toleration or conniuency for their Religion , or mitigation of their continuall pressures for the same . 8. To which end were brought into this booke and published in print not only the Bishop of London his sermon at Paules Crosse vpon the fifth of August then past , wherein he auowed his Maiesties protestation against Catholickes to the contrary , but the speach also and charge of the L. Chancellour in the Star-chamber vnto the Lordes , Iudges , and communalty there present ready to departe into their countryes , was deliuered as from the Kings owne mouth , all tending to the same end of afflicting , and disgracing the said people , and depriuing them of all hope of any tolerance , yea * scoffing most bitterly and contemptuously at their folly , for conceauing any such vaine hopes , and inioyning the most seuere order for descrying , searching , apprehending , imprisoning , and punishing them , which euer lightly was heard of , as though they had 〈◊〉 the only or most grieuous male factors within the Realme , and this only for their Religion . 9. Soone after vpon the backe of this , came forth S. Edvvard Cooke his Maiestyes Attorneyes Booke , intituled by him : his Fifth Part of Reportes : which though in the entrance , and fore-front it promised more calme and mild proceeding ( and so it performeth in phrase and style of writing ) yet was the drift and ending therof no lesse stinging , then the Scorpions tayle it self , against all sortes of Catholicks and their Religion . And to say somewhat of it in this place , his argument or subiect was new and strange , taking vpon him to proue out of the old and ancient common lawes of England , that the spirituall iurisdiction giuen by Act of Parlament to the late Queene Elizabeth in the first yeare of her raigne , and exercised afterwardes by her in Ecclesiasticall matters , was dew vnto her , not only by vertue of that Statute , but by vigour also of the said ancient common lawes , and so acknowledged and practised by the olde ranke of our foregoing Kinges and Princes : a conclusion no lesse strange and paradoxicall in wise and learned mens eares , then that was of him who diuers ages after the warres of Troy ended , and the true successe therof published by all writers throughout the world , tooke vpon him to teach the contrary , to wit , that not the Grecians , but the Troianes had the victory in that warre , and so to reuerse and contradicte whatsoeuer had byn written , taught , or receaued before . 10. Let the histories of our Christian English Kings euen from the first conuerted Ethelbert , vnto King Henry the eight be examined whether this be so or not , and whether a thousand monuments of theirs ( in almost a thousand yeares ) doe not testify them all to haue byn of contrary iudgment , practice , sense , and beliefe ( in the controuersy proposed ) to that which M. Attorney by a few pieces of lawes distractedly alleadged , woulde haue men to thinke . Or if he delight ( as I take him to be learned ) to haue this argument more discussed ( for it is both ample and important ) let him but procure licence for his Antagonist , to write and print his booke , and I doubt not but that he will quickly be answered by some of his owne profession , among whome I doe imagine that many fingers must needes itch and tickle to be doing in so aduantagious a cause : or if not , yet doe I dare assure him , that some Deuine of our side shall ioine issue with him in that point , for the * confutation of his whole drifte , and narration in those his Reportes , but principally in the ouerthrowing of his iniurious conclusion , wherby he would inferre , that whosoeuer did not belieue and acknowledge the said late Queenes Ecclesiasticall feminine authority , power , and iurisdiction in spirituall matters , was and is a traitor by the iudgment of the ancient common lawes of England , receaued , helde , and practised euen vnder Catholicke Kinges and Princes of former times . 11. Vnto which vntrue and improbable paradox , he addeth another no lesse stinging , nor better founded then the former , which is that for the foremost eleuen yeares of Queene Elizabeths raigne , vntill she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus : No sorte of people of vvhat persvvasion soeuer in Religion , refused to goe to the Protestantes Church ( which is euidently false , both in many Puritanes and more Catholicks that refused openly in that time ) and then : That vpon that occasion Catholicks first began to refuse ( which in like manner is false , both for that they refused before , and this occasion was altogeather impertinent to their refusall ) and thirdly most iniuriously of all , he would further seeme to inferre , that such as refuse now , may in like manner be presumed to doe it vpon the same vndutifull minde towardes his Maiesty . All which points doe tend to the exasperation and exulceration which euery one seeth , and comming from a man of his place , roome , and neerenes in office about his Maiesty , could not but make deepe impression , and giue perhaps a great push to the lamentable precipitation of those vnfortunate Gentlemen that soone after ensued . 12. VVhich being hapned , came forth presently this other odious pamphlet of T. M. his deuised discouery ( wherunto now I am forced in particuler to answere ) it being in it self no lesse slaunderous and iniurious , then the fact of the conspirators was wicked and grieuous to all Catholickes . The booke beareth this title : An exact discouery of Romish doctrine in case of Conspiracy and Rebellion : But he that shall weigh it well , shall finde it a more exacte discouery of English Ministeriall malice , in case of sycophancy and calumniation ; the Authour endeauoring to ascribe that to publicke and generall doctrine , which proceeded from priuate and particuler passion , as also to drawe the temerity of a few , to the hatred and condemnation of the whole . Of which iniquity we shall haue occasion to speake more afterward in due place . 13. Soone after this pamphlet appeared many more , tending all for the most part to the same end of exulceration , or driuing rather to plaine desperation , euery one adding affliction to affliction , and heaping hatred and enuy vpon them that detested & bewailed the transgression happened , no lesse , but much more then these insolent insultors themselues . Of this kinde I might name sundry that my self haue seene ( though being out of England I may presume to haue seene the least part of such as haue byn published and set forth 〈◊〉 this fact fell out ) as namely one intituled : A Discourse of the late intended Treason ; wherin the discourser beginneth with this foundation : That all English , both at home and abroad , vvere so fully in possession of contented peace at the time vvhen this treason vvas plotted , as , to vse his owne wordes , no 〈◊〉 grudge , no invvard vvhispering of discōtentment did any vvay appeare . VVhich assertion if you consider it well , and compare it with our domesticall differences in Religion , and variety of punishments laied vpon diuers sortes of men at that time ( euen before this fact fell out ) for the same , will seeme a very great hyperbolicall exaggeration , and ouerlashing : for that the penalties of Recusancy and other like molestations were as rife then as at any other time before , & complaintes of Catholickes in diuers countreys no lesse pittifull . 14. Another like Treatise followed this , intituled : A true reporte of the imprisonment , arraignment , and execution of the late Traitors , imprinted by Geffery Chorlton : VVhich so raileth vpon Catholicks , and Catholicke Religion from the very beginning to the end therof , as if none of them had byn free from the fact attempted , or that their common doctrine had publickly allowed the same ; whereunto this seditious libell of the minister T. M. which now I am to confute endeauoreth to beare false witnes . I will pretermit two other most virulent and spitefull Treatises intituled : Pagano-Papismus , and The picture of a Papist ; in which the Religion wherin all our auncestors both liued and died from the beginning of their Christianity vnto our daies , and so many worthy nations , great Princes , and famous learned men doe professe round about vs at this day , and doe hope to be saued therby , is made worse then Paganisme , vea the horrible sinke of all damnable heresies , which notwithstanding were condemned by the same Religion and Church in former ages , and consequently this censure sauoureth more of fury then of reason . 15. But to leaue of the recitall of any more bookes or pamphlets to this effect , there hath appeared further a matter of far greater importance , which is a Catalogue of new lawes suggested in this Parlament against the said Catholickes , wherin besides the former heape of penall statutes made to this affliction in precedent times , diuers new are proposed for an addition and aggrauation of their Calamities , far more rigorous ( if they * passe ) then the former ; which being considered by forreine people doe make the state of English Catholickes vnder Protestant gouernement to seeme vnto them much more miserable and intolerable , then that of the Ievves vnder any sorte of Christian Princes , or that of the Grecians , or other Christians vnder the Turke , or Persian ; or that of bondsubiectes vnder the Polonians , Svvecians , Moscouians , and other such Nations : so as all this tendeth as yow see ( and as before we haue noted ) to more desperate disunion of mindes and exasperation of hartes . 16. Only I must confesse , that in two mens writings I finde more moderation , then in any of the rest ; who yet being more interessed in the late grieuous designed delict , then any of the other that write therof , had most cause to be prouoked against the delinquents The first is his Maiesties speach both in his Proclamation , and Court of Parlament . In the former he professeth to distinguish betvveene all others , calling themselues Catholicks , & the Authors of detestable treason , and that by good experience he vvas so vvell persuaded of the loyalty of diuers of that 〈◊〉 , as that he assured himselfe that they did as much abhorre that odious 〈◊〉 , as himselfe . And in the second , his Maiesty speaking in Parlament , distinguished betweene different sortes of Catholicks , allowing to the one sort both the opinion of loyalty and possibility of saluation , detesting in that point ( to vse his Highnes wordes ) the cruelty of the Puritanes , and thinking it vvorthy of fier , that vvill admit no saluation to any Papist : VVhich is an argument of his Princely moderate meaning , not to condemne the whole for a part : though in our sense the distinction vsed by his Maiesty in that place of some Catholicks that holde some pointes of our Religion , and of others that holde all , cannot stand . For that we accompt them not for Catholicks at all ( nor may wee ) that holde not all , but a part , for that Catholicum is secundum totum , and not secundum partem , as well S. Augustine noteth , and consequently he that belieueth a part only or any one iote lesse then the whole , cannot be in our sense , nor in that of S. Augustine , a true Catholicke . 17. And surely though his Maiesty in this place , out of the preiudicate persuasions of others , and 〈◊〉 suggested informations , seeme to be persuaded that no Catholicks of this condition that belieue and imbrace the whole , can euer proue either good Christians , or faithfull subiects : yet is our hope and constant praier to almighty God , that he will in time so illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of his Highnes , as the same will see and discerne betweene these absolute and perfect Catholicks that yeeld themselues wholy in obsequium & obedientiam fidei , in all that the vniuer sall Church prescribeth vnto them to be belieued , and others that chuse , take , and leaue what they like or list vpon their owne iudgement : which choice or election ( called otherwise heresy ) if wee belieue the Holy Scriptures and sense of all antiquity in this behalfe , is the most dangerous and pernicious disease ( in respect of both those effects heere mentioned by his Maiesty ) that is vpon earth . And when his Highnes shall further with deliberation and maturity haue pondered , how many ages his noble Auncestors , Catholicke Kings and Queenes of both Realmes haue raigned in peace , honour and safty ouer subiects of the first sorte , and how infinite troubles , turmoiles , violences , dangers , hurtes , and losses his Maiesties owne person , and all his neerest in bloud and kinred , haue suffered in a few yeares of those other new chusers ( to omit their doctrine ) I doubt not but that out of his great prudence and equanimity , he will mollify and mitigate the hard opinion conceaued of the former , notwithstanding this late odious accident fallen out by the temerity of a few , as the world knoweth . 18. The second example of some moderation before mentioned , ( or at least wise meant ) was my L. of Salisburies answere to Certeine scandalous papers , as he called them ; which though being written in the time and occasion they were , the answerer wanteth not his stinges that pearce euen to the quicke : yet supposing the pretended iniury offered by that fond menacing letter , and the condition of men in his place and dignity , not accustomed to beare or dissemble prouocations of that kind , all may be called moderate that is not extreme : though for the letter it self ( if any such were ) I presume so much of his Lordships wisedome and prudence , as he could hardly deeme or suspect any Catholicke to be so mad , as to write such a franticke commination , but rather that it came from the forge of some such other , as togeather with the blowe to be giuen therby to all Catholickes , had furthermore a desire to drawe forth from his L. the answere , therby to see and try his style , and to that end gaue him so vrging an occasion , as by his friendes is thought that in the conueniency of reason and honour , he coulde not well omit to accept therof as he did , and performed the enterprise in such manner , as might be expected at his L. handes ; to wit , as himself writeth of his Maiesties speach in the Parlament , Euery line declaring the vvorkeman . 19. Only I may not let passe to note by the way , that in two points of 〈◊〉 , touched by him of the Popes authority , concerning Princes and the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in certaine cases , as they are matters not apperteining properly to his faculty , and profession : so must I thinke that his Deuine did somewhat mistake , or misinforme him therin . For of the first , thus he writeth : that he hath byn a long time sory , that some cleere explication of the Papall authority hath not byn made by some publicke and definitiue sentence orthodoxall &c. He addeth further this reason of his desire : That not only those Princes vvhich acknovvledge this Superiority might be secured from feares and iealosies of continuall treasons and bloudy Assassinates against their persons , but those Kings also vvhich doe not approue the same , & yet vvould faine reserue a charitable opinion of their subiectes , might knovv hovv farre to repose themselues in their fidelity in ciuill obedience , hovvsoeuer they see them deuided from them in point of conscience &c. 20. To the former clause touching his L. desire to haue the matter defined and declared , his Deuine might easely haue informed him , that among Catholicke people the matter is cleare , and sufficiently defined , and declared in all pointes wherin there may be any doubt concerning this affaire . As for example in three thinges question may be made : first whether any authority were left by Christ in his Church and Christian common-wealth to restraine or represse , censure or iudge any exorbitant and pernicious excesse of Great men , States or Princes , or that he had left them remediles wholy by any ordinary authority ? In which case as in other common-wealthes that are not Christian , all Philosophers , law-makers , Senatours , Counsellours , Historiographers , and other sortes of soundest wisedome , prudence , and experience , either Iew or Gentile , haue from the beginning of the world concurred in this ; that God and nature hath left some sufficient authority in euery common wealth , for the lawfull , and orderly redressing of those euilles , euen in the highest persons . Nor did euer Philosopher of name , or law-maker hitherto deny this assertion , as founded in the very law of nature , nations , and reason it selfe . 21. So when Christ our Sauiour came to found his common-wealth of Christians in farre more perfection then other states had byn established before , subiecting temporall thinges to spirituall , according to the degree of their natures , endes , and eminencies , and appointing a supreme vniuersall Gouernour in the one , with a generall charge to looke to all his sheepe , without exception of great or small , people or potentates : vpon these suppositions ( I say ) all Catholicke learned men do ground , and 〈◊〉 euer grounded , that in Christian common-wealthes , not only the foresaid ordinary authority is left , which euery other state and Kingdome had by God and nature to preserue and protect themselues in the cases before laid downe ; but further also for more sure , and orderly proceeding therin , that the supreme care , iudgment , direction and censure of this matter was left principally by Christ our Sauiour vnto the said supreme Gouernour , and Pastour of his Church and common-wealth . And in this there is no difference in opinion or beliefe betweene any sorte of Catholickes whatsoeuer ( so they be Catholickes ) though in particular cases , diuersity of persons , time , place , cause , and other circumstances , may moue some diuersity of opinions . And thus much of the first question . 22. The second may be about the manner how this authority , or in what sorte it was giuen by Christ to his said supreme Pastour , whether directly or indirectly , immediatly or by a certaine consequence . As for example , whether Christ , as he gaue the generall charge of his sheepe to S. Peter and his Successours directly and immediatly in spirituall matters , by that commission three times repeated in S. Iohn . Pasce oues meas ; which wordes include , according to Catholicke exposition , not only authority to feed , but to gouerne also , direct , restraine , cure , represse , and correct , when need is , as we see it doth appertaine to a temporall sheepheardes office : so whether with this commission in spirituall affaires , our Sauiour gaue also immediatly and directly , the charge and ouersight of temporalities in like manner , or rather indirectly and by a certaine consequence : that is to say , that when the gouernment of spirituall affaires , to wit , of soules to their eternall blisse and saluation is so letted , or impugned by any temporall gouernours , as the said spirituall commission cannot be executed without redresse or remedy ; in such cases , and not otherwise , the said supreme pastour to haue authority to proceed also against the said temporall Gouernours , for defence and preseruation of his spirituall charge . Of which question the Canonistes doe commonly defend the first part , but Catholicke Deuines for the most part the second : but both partes fully agree , that there is such an Authority lefte by Christ in his Church , for remedy of vrgent cases , for that otherwise he should not haue sufficiently prouided for the necessity therof . So as this difference of the manner maketh no difference at all in the thing it selfe . 23. The third question may be about the causes , for which this authority may be vsed , as also the forme of proceeding to be obserued therin ; wherabout there are so many particularities to be considered , as are ouerlong for this place : only it is sufficient for Catholicke men to know , that this may not be done without iust cause , graue and vrgent motiues , and due forme also of proceeding , by admonition , preuention , intercession , and other like preambles , prescribed by Ecclesiasticall Canons to be obserued , wherby my Lordships doubtes of feares , and ielosies of continuall treasons , and bloudy assassinates may iustly be remoued . For that this authority doth not only not allow any such wicked , or vnlawfull attemptes of priuate men , but doth also expressely and publickly condemne the same and the doctrine therof , as may appeare not only by the condemnation of VVicklifs wicked article , in the Councell of Constance , wherin he affirmed : That it vvas lavvfull for euery priuate man to kill any Prince vvhome he held to be a Tyrant , but also by like condemnation of Caluin , Beza , Ottoman , Bucchanan , Knox , Goodman , and others of that sect , who hold and practice in effect the same doctrine of VVickliffe , concerning Princes , if not worse , as shall more largely and particularly be declared afterward in the first and fourth Chapters of this Treatise . And this I desire may satisfy his Lordship for the present , vntill we come to the foresaid places where better occasion in this kind will be offered . 24. As for the second point touched by his Lordship about the doctrine of Equiuocation , ambiguity of speach , amphibology , or mentall reseruation , in certaine cases lawfull ( which doctrine his Lordship termeth strange , and grosse , and that it teareth in sunder all the bandes of humane conuersation ) for that I am to handle this matter more largely and particularly in the ensuing Chapters of this booke , especially from the fourth forward ( the whole bulke of our aduersaries calumniations consisting in these two pointes of Rebellion and Equiuocation ) I will heere make answere to his Lordship , as to a man of science and experience , that I maruaile greatly , how he can thinke that doctrine to be strange , which is so ordinary and vsually to be seene in all the bookes of Catholicke Deuines for the space of these three or foure hundred yeares , by confession of his owne writers : how also he can tearme it grosse , that the greatest wittes of Christendome , for so long at least , haue held for learned , and founded not only vpon euident groundes of reason , nature , equity , and iustice in diuers cases ( and for such allowed throughout all tribunales of Christendome , both Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill ) but warranted also by authority of many expresse examples of Holy Scriptures and Fathers , and in some cases so necessary for auoiding the sinne of lying , periury , discouering of secrettes , iniuring our neighbours , and other such inconueniences , as if I should heere set downe the said particular cases , both concerning secrecy or safty of him that is forced to equiuocate ( as afterward I shall doe in conuenient place ) I presume his Lordship as so great a common-vvealthesman would allow therof with due circumstances , as iust and necessary , and recall that part of his censure wherin he saith : That it teareth in sunder all the bandes of humane conuersation , especially if he remember , that we doe except from the licence of Equiuocation , the common conuersation of men in contractes , bargaines , and other like affaires , wherby any dammage or preiudice may grow to another man , and much more in matters appertaining to the cleare and manifest profession of our faith . And thus much for this place , the refidue afterward . 25. And now hauing spoken all this by way of Preface , we shall returne to the particular Treatise of T. M. ( for more of his name we cannot yet find out ) entituled , An exact discouery of 〈◊〉 doctrine in case of conspiracy &c. which we haue taken in hand to answere in this place , and to shew that as his meaning is malicious , and meanes foolish : so is his proposition pernicious , and argumentes vaine , to proue the same , wherin I remit me to that , which afterwardes yow shall see set downe . THAT THE MAYNE PROPOSITION INSINVATED AND VRGED BY T. M. That Catholickes are not tolerable in a Protestant Common-vvealth in respect of Rebellion and Conspiracies , Is vntrue , indiscreet and pernicious , and falleth rather vpon the Protestant-Subiect , then the Catholicke . CHAP. I. THe whole drift of the Author throughout this malignant inuectiue to be nothing els , but to perswade , that Protestantes and Catholickes cannot liue togeather in one common-wealth , nor vnder one Prince or Gouernour , if he be a Protestant , is cleare and manifest by all his whole discourse , proofes and argumentes , which afterwardes we shall more particularly in due place discusse : yea to the end he may make this diuorce and separation betweene the Kinges Maiesty of Great Britany , and his Catholicke subiectes ( for thither he bendeth all his battery ) the more irreconciliable and remedilesse he placeth the ground of this incompossibility , not in the will , which may be changed , but in the iudgement , and beliefe of Catholickes ; to wit , in their publicke and receiued doctrine , which doctrine well he knoweth not to lye in the handes of particular men , nor of particuler Prouinces , to change or alter at their pleasure ( as Protestantes may , and doe , heere taking a part , and there leauing as they list , ) but they must stand firmely , and vniuersally to the whole , this being truely Catholicum as ancient Fathers define it . And hence it is , that T. M. inferreth thus : It is taken out ( saith he ) of the expresse dogmaticall principles of their Priests and Doctors , and collected from their owne publicke positions &c. which how true or false it is , shall appeare after . Now let vs examine some other circumstances of this proposition . 2. First then , I say and auerre , that this his maine and fundamentall axiome , of the incompossibility of Catholicke and Protestant people togeather , vnder the Gouernement of his Maiesty of Great Britany , is not only false and erroneous in it selfe ( as afterward shal be declared ) but pernicious also to the common-wealth , preiudiciall to his Maiesties both comfort & safety , hurtefull to the state , seditious against peace , scandalous to the hearers , offensiue to forreine nations that liue vnder Princes of different Religion , both Catholicke and Protestant , and hatefull finally to the eares of all moderate , peaceable , and prudent people : and is on the other side no waies profitable , needfull , expedient , or conuenient thus in publique to be proposed . For I would first demaund this famous mak-bate , what gaine or vtility may be expected , either to Prince or people by putting in print this so odious an assertion of extreeme diffidence , and distrust betweene his Maiesty , and so many thousande of his subiects , that admitted him with all ioy & comfort at his first entrance to the Crowne ? Is it ( perhaps ) to preuēt some dāger that may be doubted from such kind of people , and to make his Maiesty more carefull and vigilant for his safty ? If that be so , a priuate aduise had beene more important to himselfe , or his Counsell : for that the publishing and proclayming therof procureth not only diffidēce , but also restles solicitude on both sides , the one to preuēt the other . 3. Secondly I would aske , what he will doe , or haue to be done with so great a multitude of people , as in all his Maiesties Kingdomes doe loue and fauour the Religion , which this masked Minister impugneth , and would put them in despaire of any sufferance or tolerable condition vnder his Maiesties gouernment ? Will he haue them all made away from the face of the Earth ? This were hard , except Noe his floud should : come againe , or some other equiualent inundation , : either of water , fyer , or sword . And for the later , though some thinke he could wish it , yet who knoweth not , but that the bowels of England are so combyned and linked togeather at this day in this point , as hardly can the sword passe the one , but it must : wound also deeply the other . What then ? Will he haue them to liue in perpetuall torment , hatred , suspicions , iealosyes , auersions , detestations , & deadly hostilities , the one with the other ? This is a state more fit for hell , then for any peaceable and Christian common wealth , nor of it selfe is it durable , if we beleeue either reason , or experience of former times . For we know what Cicero , what other wise-men among the very Heathens haue obserued , what they haue written , what they haue counselled to be done , or to be preuented in like occasions : to wit , that multitudes are not to be put in despaire , no nor particuler men into extreame exasperation without hope of remedy : for that despaire is the mother of precipitation , & extreme exasperation is the next dore to fury . No counsaile , no reason , no regard of Religion , nor other respect humaine or deuine holdeth place , when men grow desperate , & all stringes of hope are cut of . We see by experience , that the least and weakest wormes of the earth , which cannot abide the looke of a man , yet when they are extremely pressed , and put in despaire of escape , they turne and leape in mans face it selfe , which otherwise they so 〈◊〉 feare and dread . 4. Wherfore seing this dangerous stickler would put this extreme despaire into so many thousandes of his Maiesties subiectes , yow 〈◊〉 imagine what good seruice he meaneth to do him therby , and what pay he deserueth for his labour . Surely if a great rich man , whose wealth lay in his flocke of sheepe , had neuer so faire and fawning a dog , following neuer so diligently his trencher , and playing neuer so many flattering trickes before him ; yet if togeather with : this , he had that other currish quality also , as to woory his maisters sheepe , disseuer his fold , disperse his flock , and driue them into flight and precipitation ; it is like that his Maister out of his wisedome ( though otherwise he were delighted with his officious fawning ) would rather hange such a dog , then aduenture to suffer so great and important losses by him . And no : Iesse is to be expected of the great equity & prudence of our great Monarch , when he shall well consider of the cause and consequence therof . 5. And thus much of the malice and pernicious sequele of this assertion : let vs see somewhat now also of the folly & falsity therof . To which effect I would first enquire , if it be so that subiectes of different Religions are not comportable togeather , vnder a Prince that is of one of those Religions for so must the question be proposed if we will handle it in generall ) then how doe the Iewes & Christians liue togeather vnder many Christian Princes in Germany and Italy ? vnder the state of Venice ? yea vnder the Pope himselfe ? how doe Christians and Turkes liue togeather vnder the Turkish Emperour of Constantinople , as also vnder the Persian without persecution for their Religion ? how did Catholickes and Arrians liue so many yeares togeather vnder Arrian Kinges and Emperours in old times , both in Spaine and els 〈◊〉 ? how doe Catholickes and Protestantes liue togeather at this day vnder the most Christian King of France ? vnder the great King of Polonia ? and vnder the German Emperour in diuers partes of his dominions ( all Catholicke Princes ) and in the free-cityes of the Empyre ? And in particuler is to be considered that the Hussites haue liued now some hundreds of yeares in Bohemia vnder the Cathòlicke Princes and Emperours Lordes of that Countrey , with such freedome of conuersation with Catholicke subiectes , and vnion of obedience to the said Princes , as at this day in the great Citty of Praga , where the Emperour commonly resideth , and where Catholicks 〈◊〉 wholy gouerne , there is not so much as one 〈◊〉 Church knowne to be in the handes of any Catholicke Pastor of that citty but all are Hussites that haue the ordinary charges of soules ; and Catholickes , for seruice , sermons and Sacraments doe repaire only to monasteries , according : to ancient agreementes and conuentions betweene them , though in number the said Catholickes be many times more then the other , and haue all the gouernment and Commaundry in their handes , as hath byn said . These are demonstratiue proofes ad hominem , and cannot be denied , and consequently doe conuince that this make-bate Ministers proposition is false in generall : That subiects of different religion , may not liue togeather in 〈◊〉 peace , if their gouernours will permit them . Now if he can alleadge any seuerall weighty causes why this generall assertion holdeth not , or may not holde in the particuler case of English Catholiks and Protestants vnder our present King , we shall discusse them also , and see how much they weigh . 6. He pretendeth ten seuerall reasons in his pamphlet , for causes of this incompossibility , and therof doth his whole inuectiue consist . Eight of them appertaine to doctrine and practice of rebellion in vs , as he auoucheth ; and the other two vnto doubtfull speech or Equiuocation . Of which later point , hauing touched somewhat in the precedent Preface & being to haue occasion to doe the same againe more largely afterward wee shall now consider principally of the former , concerning doctrine and practice of quiet or vnquiet , peaceable or dangerous humours & behauiours of subiects both Catholicke & Protestant . 7. And as for Catholickes , the Minister in all his eight reasons bringeth out nothing of nouelty against vs , but only such pointes of doctrine , as himselfe doth consesse , and expresly proue that they were held and recevued in our publique schooles , aboue foure hundred yeares gone : as namely in his first reason , For that we hold Protestants for hereticks so farre forth as they decline and differ obstinately from the receyued doctrine and sense of the Roman Catholicke Church , and consequently that being Hereticks they are not true Christians , nor can haue true faith in any one article of Christian beliefe , and that the punishment determined by the ancient Canon lawes , which are many and grieuous , both spirituall & temporall , do , or may therby light vpon them . And in his second , third and fourth reasons , that wee teach , That the Bishop of Rome , as spirituall head of the vniuersall Church , hath power aboue temporall Princes , and may procure to let the Election and succession of such as are opposite , or enemies to Catholicke Religion , and that in some cases he may dissolue oathes of obediēce , and the like . 8. And further yet in his fifth , sixt , seauenth , and eight reasons , that in certaine occasions , and vpon certaine necessities , for preuenting of greater euils , imminent to any Countrey , Kingdome , or common wealth , especially if they be spirituall and appertaine to the saluation of soules , the same high Pastour may restraine , resist , or punish the enormous excesses of temporall Princes ( if any such fall out ) by Censures , excommunication , depriuation or deposition , though this not but vpon true , iust , and vrgent causes , when other means cannot preuaile , for auoiding those euerlasting euils . 9. All which doctrines ( for this is the summe of all he saith or alleadgeth ) do cōteine , as yow see , no new matter of malice against Protestant Princes , inuented by vs , for that the Minister himselfe , as now we haue said , confesseth , that for these three or foure later hundred yeares , these positions haue byn generally receiued by all the vniuersall Church and face of Christendome ; so as being established so many hundred yeares before Protestants were borne or named in the world , they could not be made or inuented against them in particuler ; but only are drawne vnto them at this time by the malicious application of this Minister , to make the diuorce before mencioned betweene our Prince and vs to seeme remedilesse . For if the doctrine approued and receyued so many ages before this difference of Religion was heard of , shall be laid vnto vs now for matter of vndutifulnes ( with which doctrine notwithstanding our Auncestors liued most peaceably and duetifully for many hundred yeares , as good subiectes vnder his Maiesties 〈◊〉 both in England & Scotland ) what fault can this be in vs now , or what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it in the Minister to obiect it against vs ; yea to make a criminall accusation therof in this his calumnious libell against all Catholikes of our Countrey whatsoeuer ? 10. If we consider their doctrines and positions , togeather with their practice and exercise concerning this point of quiet obedience and subiection , euen from these later times of Luther , Zuinglius and 〈◊〉 beginninges of innouation , we shall find an other manner of nouelty to contemplate , and another sorte of dangers for Princes to tremble at . For if in steed of Rebellious doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Church ( which is the title of this aduersaries pamphlet ) wee should set downe the positions and practice of the Geneuian Church and Caluinian sect , planted and directed therby , we should easely see what were the difference , as the whole world both may and doth . For that concerning their positions and doctrine that touch this point , they are extant in their owne bookes , not wronge or drawne by strained inferences , as our Ministers Calumniations are against Catholicks in this place , but plainely , cleerely , and Categorically set downe by their owne pen , testified and put in print by their owne writers , and especially by one in England that is now in highest dignity vnder his Maiesty , and another in place of some dignity also by his office , who out of their owne bookes cited particulerly by them , relate these and other like positions : That Princes may be restrained by force ; pursued , iudged , and punished by the people ; excommunicated , depriued , deposed , and cast into hell by the Ministers ; arraigned , condemned and put to death by the inferiour Magistrates , whensoeuer in their opinion he becommeth a 〈◊〉 , or opposite to the ghospell ; which in effect falleth out to be so often as these head-strong new brethren shall mislike of his or her gouernement , & thinke them worthy to be remoued . 11. And if to the testimony of our English Protestant writers in this point any be desirous to haue ad ioined the suffrages in like manner of externe authors of the same Religion , concerning the same article , about the lawfulnes of violent vsage towardes Princes , in cases by them prescribed ; let them read Bezae himselfe in his Apology to the Bishop Claudius de Sainctes in defence and praise of Pultrot that murdered traiterously the famous great Duke of Guise his Maiesties great vncle , and supreme Generall of all the French forces ; as also the discourse of the French famous Minister Suriau otherwise calling himselfe Rosier in his Booke of Reasons why it was lawfull for any of his 〈◊〉 brethren to kill ( as he saith ) Charles the ninth King of France and his mother , if they would not obey the Caluinian Ghospell , as both Launay , Belsorest & other French writers in their Histories do relate . To which effect also was written that notorious and seditious booke intituled 〈◊〉 matin and others by the brethren of the ghospell ; yea aboue others , that most dangerous firebrand by Orsinus Hoto man and the rest of Geneua , allowed also by 〈◊〉 , intitu led Vindiciaecontra Tyrannos : The reuenge vpō Tyrantes conteyning a most shameles publique approbation of all desperate , of all villanous attemptes whatsoeuer made , or to be made by their brethren , against lawfull Princes , vnder the name of Tyrantes , whensoeuer it might seeme to be done in fauour of their ghospell . 12. So as now after all this manifest assertiue doctrine of theirs , knowne and confessed in the world , and practised by them in so many places , for so many yeares , in so notorious manner , as no man can deny it , for this Minister to come peeping forth with certaine poore illations & strained inferences against Catholiks , for that in certaine cases they acknowledge power to remaine in the head of the Church by way of Canonicall lawes and publique iudgment , to restraine exorbitant outragious excesses of Princes , when they shall fall out , is a ridiculous kind of byting at the heele , while the other do strike at the head : and so will it also appeare , if we obserue the euētes themselues , for that heere in this place our Minister ( for example ) 〈◊〉 only foure factes or processes of Popes , to wit , two of Gregories the seauenth and ninth , and other two of Pius and Sixtus the fifth , who in so many ages haue giuen sentence of depriuation against Princes : wheras if we consider but this one age only , which hath passed since Luther began ( and not yet one whole age ) we shall find many more Princes deposed , slaine , molested , or violated by Protestant people , then by all Popes put togeather since the beginning of Pope-dome haue byn troubled or Censured , which is a markeable point , and not lightly to be passed ouer by prudent Princes : for that the reason herof is , that the one side proceedeth by lawe , publique iudgement , and mature deliberation , the other by popular mutiny , rash and temerarious precipitation . And this of doctrine in this place vntill we come to the fourth Chapter , where much more is to be added to this effect . 13. But if we should come now from doctrine to action and examples of the exercise therof in this behalfe , there were no end of the narration , and there is no man or woman lightly of any yeares or vnderstanding in publique affaires , whose mind and memory is not full of them . For who remembreth not what passed in Germany presently almost vpon the beginning of Luthers doctrine ( at the least not aboue 7. or 8. yeares after ) to wit , from the yeare 〈◊〉 . testified aswell by Sleidan and other Protestant Authors , as by those that were Catholicke , how the new brethrē incited by this new doctrine again 〈◊〉 their Princes , both temporall and spirituall , tooke armes and entred into tumult and rebellion with such violence and headlong pertinacy , throughout al that countrey , as in one Prouince only , there were aboue two hundred Monasteries and Castels taken , razed , and spoiled , and aboue an hundred and thirty thousand people slaine , & this was for that beginning : which fire once enkindled , and the humour of sedition once setled in the heades o that Hereticall faction , neuer ceased afterward , but continued more or lesse still against 〈◊〉 Emperour Charles the 〈◊〉 , vnder diuers deuises and pretences of the 〈◊〉 association , and the like , vntill more then twenty yeares after , to wit , vntill the yeare 1546. wherin he was forced to take in hand that great and dangerous warre ( Luther himselfe 〈◊〉 yet aliue ) against the Duke of Saxonie , Marques of 〈◊〉 and other Protestant Princes , whome he subdued therin , but not without great effusion of Christian bloud . 14. And the like I might relate of many other particuler States and principalities of Germany , as namely that of the Princes and Archbishops Electors of Collen , Treuers and Mentz with all the State Palatine of Rhene , the Bishoppricke and Dukedome of Liege , and other partes adioining , where togeather with this new Ghospell ( especially now deuided into different sectes of Lutheranisme , Zuinglianisme , Caluinisme , Anabaptisme new Arrianisme and the like ) entred presently new sedition , Rebellion , and warres , and from thence dispersed it selfe longe and wide , both North and South , East and West . In the North , to Saxony , Denmarke , Norway , Sweueland , Polonia , 〈◊〉 , and other adioining countries ; and on the south to Zwitzerland first , Sauoy , Grisons , and other partes next adhering , where diuers battailes were fought , Zuinglius himselfe being present as the chief stirrer in those of the Cantons of Zwitzerland his countrey , and 〈◊〉 therin , and Caluin Beza , Farellus , and other such Ministers being the principall inciters in the Rebellions of Geneua , and neighbour countries , against the Duke of Sauoy , and other Lordes and Princes therof , as is apparant by their owne , and other mens bookes of the same part and faction . 15. Towardes the East , the same fire of sedition passed with the same new Protestant Ghospell , to Bemeland Austria , Hungary , Siletia , Moldauia and other bordering Prouinces , where more or lesse it hath continued till our time , wherin we see by lamētable experience , that they haue ioined euen with the Turke himselfe against their Soueraigne Lord and Emperour , and against the Christian name and cause , in despite of Catholicke Religion , as Boscaine , the famous Caluinian Rebell , and others of that Religion , or irreligion rather in these partes , for some yeares now haue done ; and finally haue forced the said Emperour for auoiding the fatall ruine of Christendome , to graunt him the Princedome of Transiluania during his life , which God for his so great wickednes hath soone cut of . 16. But to the West partes of the world , to wit , France , and all partes and parcels of that 〈◊〉 Kingdome , the same fire was transported with greatest fury of all , as doe testify their foure generall most bloudy warres , lasting for many yeares togeather , wherof if I should recount but the least particulers set downe by their owne histories , it would rue any Christian hart to heare or read the same . 17. From hence if we draw neere homeward to Flanders , England and Scotland , the effectes of this new Ghospell and Ghospellers are yet more present vnto our eyes . For who can recount the thousandes of people , that vpon this occasion haue lost their liues both temporall and eternall as may be feared , in these long , & bloudy warres of the low countries , begunne first , and continued euer since , vpon the entrance of Protestant Religion in those States ? Who can number the Citties beseiged , taken , rifled and ransacked ? The townes and villages burnt and ouerthrowne ? The countries spoiled ? The people slaine and murdered about this difference ? And if we looke into England , and the state but of one sole Catholicke Princes gouerning , there , but for foure or fiue yeares ouer Protestant subiectes misliking her gouernment for Religion , yow shall find more conspiracies , treasons , and Rebellions practised against her in proportion of so : few yeares , by the said sorte of people ( if we consider what Northumberland , Suffolke , VViat , Courtney , Stafford , Fetherstone , VVilliam Thomas , and others in different conspiracies practiced against her ) then in more then 40. yeares was done against her Protestant sister by her Catholicke subiectes , though neuer so much afflicted , iniured and persecuted by her . 18. But of all other countries , Scotland may be an example and president of Protestant spirites , what they are vnder a Catholike Prince or Princesse , though otherwise neuer so vertuous , or neuer so mild . For who can deny the exceeding great prudence , moderation , benignity , liberality , and other vertues of the Noble Queene Mary Regent of Scotland , Grandmother to our Soueraigne that now raigneth , when those furious and seditious Ministers Knox , Goodman , Mollocke , Douglasse , Meffan , and others began to raise vp her subiectes against her , from the yeare 1557. ( which was the fourth of Queene Maries raigne of England ) and continued the same in most spitefull and barbarous manner , with intolerable insolency , both of wordes and actes , for 3. or 4. yeares togeather , assisted principally by the helpes , aide and encouragement of Queene Elizabeth ( that had succeded in the Crowne of England ) vntill through griefe , sorrow , and affliction , the excellent Princesse gaue vp the Ghost , vpō the yeare 1560. hauing byn 〈◊〉 deposed , and the lye giuen her publickly , and most 〈◊〉 by them . And finally seing herselfe so extreemely 〈◊〉 and inuironed with these rebell forces , and with a puissant army sent from England in their succour , consumed and pyned away with 〈◊〉 of mind as hath byn said : And no Christian could but haue compassion of her case . The particulers are written by Knox and Buchanan themselues , in their histories of Scotland , who were two chiefe firebrandes in that combustion , and by Holinshed an English Protestant Author in his description of Scotland , allowing well , and liking the same , according to the sense of English Protestantes who concurred with them both in good will and cooperation . 19. And thus much of the Queene Regent : but now of her excellent daughter , the Queene regnant , Mother of our Soueraigne , had they any greater respect vnto her notwithstanding all her benignity and benefites towardes them at her new returne out of France , when she pardoned all that was past , and accepted of new oathes and promises of faithfull obedience at their 〈◊〉 ? did all this I say any thing auaile her or procure her safty or quietnes , in gouerning these new Ghospellers ? No truly , so long as she remained Catholicke , that is , to her death , and after her death , they pursued her with the greatest hatred , and most barbarous cruelty , that euer perhaps was read of against Prince or Princesse before , or after her . I shall breifly heere set downe some 〈◊〉 particularities of many , as I find them 〈◊〉 both in English and Scottish Histories themselues , and that by Protestant writers , as hath byn said . 20. This Noble Queene after long deliberation in France , what course to take in those troublesome times , when the spirit of the new Caluinian Ghospell had raised tumultes , conspiracies , warres , and Rebellions throughout the most part of all States , Kingdomes , and Prouinces round about her , determined finally to credit the faire promises of her said Protestant subiectes in Scotland , and to goe thither , which she did , and arriued at Lith the 20. of August , vpon the yeare 1561. But before she departed from France , there being sent to her from the Catholicke party Doctor Iohn Lesley Bishop of Rosse to counsaile her not to trust her bastard-brother Iames Steward Prior of S Andrewes , that had byn the cheife Author of all the former broi les in Scotland , and was now sent vnto her from the Protestant party to flatter and deceiue her with false oathes and 〈◊〉 , she promised that she would not : but he arriuing the next day after the Bishop vnto her at 〈◊〉 in France , made so great promises , oathes , and protestations vnto her , as by little and little gate credit with her ; and so returned into Scotland by England ( where he had his full instructions yow must thinke ) to dispose the mindes of all sortes , to receiue , and obey the said Queene after his and their fashion and agreement ; for which good office she gaue him soone 〈◊〉 her returne the Earledome of Murrey , and committed the cheife Gouernement of the Realme vnto him . But what effectes ensued , we shall now in few wordes declare . 21. When vpon the yeare 1563. which was two yeares after her returne to Scotland , she resolued by consent of her Parlament to marry her knisman the Lord Darley , newly made 〈◊〉 of Rosse and Duke of Albany , this Earle of Murrey made a leagne of his confederates against the same , pretending that it would be in 〈◊〉 of their Religion , and brake into open warres against them both , saith Holinshed , and when they were pressed by the Kinges and Queenes forces , they had alwaies their refuge into England , and their counsaile and direction both thence , and from their Ministers that neuer parted from them , how to prosecute their matters against their Princes : wherof the first point was , to abuse the yong Kinges credulity , and to set him against the Queene : and hence ensued that strange and horrible act of entring her priuy chamber , when she was at supper vpon the fourth of march 1566. in the company of the 〈◊〉 of Murton , the Lordes Ruthen and Lindsey , all Protestantes , and armed , who saluted her first with this greeting , she being great with child : That they would no longer suffer her to haue the gouerning of the Realme , nor to abuse them , as hitherto she had done : And then pulled violently from her , her Secretary Dauid , which stood there present seruing her at table , and for his refuge tooke hold of her gowne , which they cut of , and slew him with many stabbes , to such fright of the afflicted Queene , as it was no lesse then a miracle , that she had not perished therwith or miscaried of her child ( which was his Maiesty that now gouerneth England ) hauing six monethes gone with the same . This was done at a Parlament when all the Protestant confederates met togeather , and tooke ( as yow must thinke ) the ghostly counsaile of their good Ministers for so holy an enterprise . And vpon the 20. of Iune next , was the Prince borne , which thing not pleasing some , that there should remaine any yssue of that family , which they desired to extinguish , the said King his Maiesties Father was most cruelly murthered in Edenbrough on the tenth of February next ensuing . 22. Nor did the matter cease heere , but rather now ascended to the greatest height of malicious Treason 〈◊〉 euer perhaps hath byn vsed against any crowned Prince in the world , for that these Lordes of the Congregatiō , as they called themselues , that is to say , Religious Rebels , congregated against their sworne Prince , gathering forces togeather , laid violent handes on her Maiesties person first at Carbar-hill by Edenbrough when confidently she presumed , as to her subiectes , to goe vnto them , and treate of peace , and then casting her into prison , depriued her of her Crowne , set vp against her the name of her dearest iewell the yonge Prince , not yet a yeare old , made Regent her greatest enemy the Earle of Murrey her bastard traiterous brother , held Parlamentes , made lawes , debarred her the sight of her sonne for euer : and finally waging open warre against her , and ouerthrowing her forces in the feild , she being present , forced her into England , and there following her also , procured vnto her the greatest disgraces , dishonoured her with the foulest reportes , defamed her with the most spitefull sermons , bookes and printed libelles ; and finally oppressed her with the most notorious open iniuries , that euer were cast vpon a person of her Maiesties quality & dignity . And all this without any scruple , or remorse of conscience at all : nay all was auerred to be done according to the very rule of the Ghospell & for the Ghospell , and this by all the Ministers both of Scotland and England . 23. And thus much of the second Queene Mary of Scotland brought to her ruine by the Euangelicall obedience of these new Ghospellers : but as for the yong Prince her Noble sonne , whome she loued most dearely aboue all earthly creatures , and neuer was permitted so much as to embrace , or see him more afterward , what passed in this time by the same sorte of mē , both during his minority and afterward , what cōtentions , 〈◊〉 warres , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what murthers , what conspir cies , Rebellions and violences were vsed , were ouerlong to recount in this place : the Histories are full , and the 〈◊〉 made , and set forth in print by the foresaid 〈◊〉 Authour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his sixt Chapter and 〈◊〉 booke against the 〈◊〉 doth touch many 〈◊〉 pointes of diuers notorious 〈◊〉 , and violences offered by them and their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the Kinges person , state , and dignity , as their taking his authority vpon them , his surpriz and restraint at Rutheuen vpon the yeare 1582. the brethrens allowing and authorizing the same afterward expresly against the Kinges declaration to the contrary . 24. The 〈◊〉 also against his person at Striueling vpon the yeare 1584. and many railing speaches , sermons and bookes against him and his gouernment made in England to disgrace him , and namely the seditious preaching of Dauison and other Scottish Ministers against 〈◊〉 in London , in the Church of the Old-Iury and this being in the moneth of May , it followed in Nouember after that these Ministers with their complices returning into Scotland with aide from England ( though this circumstance the Author con ealeth as not making for his purpose ) they gat ten thousand Rebelles togeather , and 〈◊〉 their tentes before the towne of Striueling , whither the King was retired to fortify himselfe in the Castle , making proclamations in their owne names , and there draue at length his Maiesty to yeald his person into their handes , with the liues of his dearest friendes , and was depriued also by them of his old guard , and a 〈◊〉 put vpon him . All which actes were not only defended afterward by the chiefe Ministers of that Realme , but the King himselfe was called in like manner Ieroboam by them , and threatned to be rooted out , as Ieroboams race was , if he continued in the course he held : and many other like 〈◊〉 by them committed , which for breuityes sake I forbeare to recount in this place . 25. Now then to returne againe to our former ponderation set downe in the beginning of this Chapter , let euery sage and prudent Prince consider and weigh with himselfe , which of these two waies which of these two people , which of these two groundes of doctrine , which of these two methodes of practice , which of these two manners of spirit in Protestant & Catholicke subiectes doe best content him , and which of them he may thinke more sure or dangerous vnto him . For if we looke ouer the ancient recordes of our countries for a thousand yeares before , while English men were Catholicke , we shall not find so much violent and barbarous dealing with their 〈◊〉 , as I haue heere recounted in lesse then thirty , within the compasse of one only Kingdome vnder the Protestantes . 26. And if we compare the obiections made heere against vs by T. M. in this his calumnious pamphlet ( as in the sequēt Chapter more particulerly you shall see discussed ) with these , and the like actions of their people ; they are very trifles and streyninges in respect of these other . As for example Doleman is accused to write , that : The common-wealth hath authority to choose to themselues a King ( when they haue none ) and to limit him lawes wherby they would be gouerned . And that of Doctor Stapleton : That the people ( or multitude ) was not made for the Princes sake , but the Prince for the people : That Religion is is to be had in consideration , in choice or admittance 〈◊〉 a King , where choice and admittance is permitted : That the Pope being head of the Catholicke Church may in some cases , and for some causes dispense in oathes : That he may censure Princes vpon iust causes , though not in temporall matters but indirectly only , and vpon such necessity as no other remedy can be found for 〈◊〉 of the spirituall good of his subiectes : That euill 〈◊〉 declyning into Tyranny may be repressed , but not by priuate men , or popular mutiny . 27. All these pointes ( I say ) and diuers others , which this fellow doth so greatly exaggerate and odiously amplify against vs , are so ouerrunne by them both in doctrine and practice , if we compare them , as they scarse admit any comparison at all , especially if we cast our eyes vpon their present practice , which representeth the liuely fruite of their doctrine : as namely , the most dangerous Rebellions of Caluinian and Trinitarian Sectaries , euen now standing on foote in Hungary Austria , and Transiluania against the Emperour : and of like men in Polonia against that mild and most iust King : and of Lutherans in Suetia , of Puritanes , Brownists , Protestantes , and the like in the Low-countries , so many yeares now continued against their true and natural Prince as before hath byn declared ; which maketh another manner of impression and force of consequence , if it be well pondered , then doth the particuler temerarious fact of halfe a score of yong Centlemen put in despaire by apprehension of publique persecution , without demerit of the persecuted , or hope of remedy for the same , though this also be inexcusable ; but the difference of euils , is worthy of consideration , especially with the more graue and prudent sort of people , that are not carried away with passion , or otherwise misled by sinister information . 28. And thus hauing said sufficiently in generall about the first and chiefe ground of our Ministers calumniation , concerning Rebellion and Conspiracies , wherby he would make impossible the 〈◊〉 , and mutuall vnion of Catholicke subiectes with Protestantes , we shall passe on to his second pillar of impugnation , named by him The doctrine of Equiuocation : but yet first we thinke it expedient to examine in a seuerall Chapter the particuler reasons which he hath framed for some shew of proofe to this his seditious assertion . TEN REASONS OR RATHER CALVMNIATIONS BROVGHT BY T. M. For maintenance of his former Proposition : That Catholicke people are intolerable in a Protestant gouernment in respect of disloyalty , conspiracies and Rebellion , Confuted and returned vpon himself and his . CHAP. II. ALbeit that which we haue laid forth before in the precedent Chapter , for the ouerthrow of the slanderous & iniurious imputations of our aduersary , about Rebellion and conspiracies , be sufficient ( I doubt not ) for satisfaction of any indifferent and dispassionate minde , that is not ouerborne with preiudice ; yet haue I thought it expedient to passe somewhat further also , and to enter the list with him for improuing his particuler reasons , on which he would seene to found his calumniations , wherin as nothing is so absurd or false ( according to the Oratours opinion ) but that by speech and smooth discourse it may be made in some eares probable , at leastwise in the conceipt of him that speaketh and indeauoreth to deceaue another : so this Minister T. M. ( for of that trade he is held now to be ) hauing designed to himself an argumēt wherby to make Catholickes odious , and gathered togeather for that end diuers shewes or shadowes for the furniture of his forsaid found assertion , that Catholickes are not tolerable in a Protestant State , he intituleth them : Pregnant obseruations directly prouing Remish schooles to be Seminaries of Rebellion in all Protestantes gouernment : Wheras indeed they are not so much pregnant obseruations , as malignant collections and inforced inferences vpon false groundes . Neither do they at all either directly or indirectly proue that which he pretendeth , as by examination shall presently appeare , if it may please the Reader to hold an equall and indifferent eare in the meane space to the discussing of the controuersy . 2. And first of all to make vp a competent number in forme of a decalogue , he streineth himself much to bring out ten different reasons , and in deed euery man may see that it is a streine , for that all might haue byn vttered in two or three at the most , if not in fewer ; for that all doe concerne in effect the Catholike doctrine , about the Popes authority either in Princes or priuate mens affaires . And herehence is deduced his first reason concerning the censures and punishments determined by Ecclesiasticall Canons against them that by the Church are denounced for Heretickes . The second reason toucheth the said Popes authority spirituall 〈◊〉 secular Princes . The third , the hinderance of their succession by the same lawes . The fourth , the oath and obedience of their subiectes . The fifth , their excommunication and deposition . The sixth the practice of their death by the Popes licence . The 〈◊〉 , the allowance and approbation therof . The eight the Rebellion of Priestes whensoeuer they are able . The ninth the dissoluing and euacuation of oathes by the Popes authority . The last that Romish Priestes by the order of the Pope must professe seditious positions ex officio , that is to say , as he is a Romish Priest. By which enumeration yow may see in deed , that the poore man was more barren then pregnant , and after his streine had partum difficilem , a hard child-birth , as may appeare by that which he hath brought forth , to wit a mouse for a mountaine , and therupon we may iustly say : parturiunt montes &c. We shall giue a short view ouer all his reasons . The first Reason . §. 1. THey who by their slanderous doctrine ( saith he ) doe make all Protestants by their common censure Heretickes , so odious , as vnworthy of any ciuill or naturall society , must necessarily be iudged seditious & intolerable amongst the Protestants : But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe so , ergo . This is his reason and manner of reasoning , and in this sorte goe all the rest , ech thing with his ergo , that yow may know that the learned man hath studied Logicke , or rather sophistry to set downe all in forme of syllogisme . And to proue his propositions or premisses in this first argument he vseth two meanes , first to cite the hard speeches of certaine Catholicke writers against the Caluinian faith , as though it were none at all , but rather infidelity : ( wherin we shall see after what great store of Protestant writers they haue also with them in that point ) the other medium is a certeine odious enumeration of the penalties inflicted by Church-lawes , and Canons of old time vpon heresy and Hereticks in generall ; all which T. M. will needes apply to himself and to English Protestantes at this day , to breake therby all ciuill association with vs that are Catholickes : but both the one and the other are proofes of no validity . Let vs begin with the first . 4. He citeth the wordes of Andreas Iurgiuicius Canon of Cracouia in Polonia , affirming that Protestantes doe holde no one article of the Apostles Creed to wit rightly and entierly . Of M. VVright in his articles , teaching Protestantes to haue no faith , no Religion , no Christ. Of M. Reynoldes , entituling his booke Caluino-Turcismus . Of D. Gifford in the preface to the said booke , auouching the pretented now Ghospel of Caluin , in many things , to be worse and more wicked then the Turkes Alcaron . And finally of Antonius Posseuinus who wrote a booke De Atheismis Protestantium : Of the Atheismes , or pointes of doctrine leading to Atheisme , which are taught by diuers Protestants , especially by Caluin , and his followers . 5. Out of all which speeches T. M. inferreth the generall meaning of vs Catholicks to be : That all humane society with Protestantes must be vtterly dissolued , which is vtterly false and a meere mistaking . For these speeches proue only that there cà be no society 〈◊〉 Catholickes and Protestants in their doctrine & beliefe , but not in life , manners & conuersation , which is the point in question : so as T. M. inferreth here quid pro quo . And if he will heare one of his owne brethren hold this position also ; That there can be no vnion , society , or conformity betweene their & our doctrine pretended by some , let him read VVilliam Perkins epistle to S. VVilliam Bowes in the preface of his reformed or rather deformed Catholicke , where he reprehendeth the new brethren of France , and some also in England , for giuing hope of this vnion . So as in this point we agree , that no agreement can be in Religion , but in conuersatiō there may , as we haue shewed by many examples in the precedent Chapter of people of different Religion that liue togeather at this day in vnion of obedience , and quiet subiection vnder the 〈◊〉 , Turke , and Christian Emperour , as also vnder the great Kings of France , Polonia and other Princes . Fondly then doth T. M. inferre the incompossibility of cohabitation & conuersation out of the insociability of their doctrine and Religion . 6. Now as for the hard and harsh speeches of the Authors alleadged , though vnto many they may seeme somewhat sharpe exaggerations ; yet vnto him that shall consider well the matter in hand , and the accustomed phrases of ancient Fathers in like occasions , it will appeare far otherwise . For first 〈◊〉 his meaning is nothing else , as appeareth by his booke , but that in all and euery article of the Creed , Caluinistes haue innouated and altered somewhat in the true sense therof , and added particuler errours of their owne , as yow shall heare afterward proued , and declared more largely out of the 〈◊〉 and assertions of diuers great Lutheran Protestants , that hold Caluinists to haue peruerted all the articles of the said Creed . Of which point our learned countriman M. VVilliam Reinoldes , that had bvn diuers yeares a Protestant and Preacher of that doctrine , after long study to proue the same by many demonstrations , resolued to write a whole booke , That Caluinistes belieue no one article of the Apostles Creed ; but afterwardes turned the same into that other worke entituled Caluino-Turcismus , which is held by strangers to be one of the most learned , that hath byn written of this kinde of controuersy in our age , and M. Sutcliffe hath made himself ridiculous by attempting to answere the same . 7. Those wordes also of M. VVright ( if he vsed them ) that Hereticks haue no faith , no Religion , no Christ , but are meere infideles , doe conteine an ancient position of Catholicke doctrine , deliuered in schooles and Fathers writings against old Heretickes , many hundred yeares before the name of Protestantes was heard of in the world ; so that this cannot be of malice properly against them . The famous doctor S. Thomas aboue three hundred yeares gone , hath this Question in his Treatise of faith : Whether he that 〈◊〉 obstinatly in one point , or article of his beliefe , doth leese his whole faith in all the rest , and holdeth yea ; alleadging for the same inuincible reasons . And the same Doctor in like manner proposeth another question , to wit , which of three sinnes belonging to infidelity is most grieuous , Iudaisme , Paganisme or Heresy ? & resolueth the question thus : That albeit in some respects the former two may be thought more grieuous in that they deny more points of faith ; yet absolutely in regarde of the malice and obstinacy of an Hereticke , that knew once the Catholicke truth , and now wilfully impugneth the same , against the iudgement of the vniuersall visible Church , his sinne and damnation is much more grieuous ; and hereupon the ancient * Fathers doe euery where aggrauate the heynousnes of this sinne aboue all other sinnes , and in particuler , doe deny them to be Christians , but rather to be Infideles , and worse then Infideles , as now by S. Thomas hath byn said : which is most conforme to the writinges of the Apostles themselues and Apostolicke men , who detested this sinne in the highest degree , as might largely be shewed out of their workes , euen to the horror of the Reader , if this place did beare it . That seuere speach of S. Paul may be sufficient for all the rest , exhorting his disciple Titus to auoide an hereticall man after one or two reprehensions , knowing that such a one is subuerted , and sinneth as damned by his owne iudgment . Which is neuer found written of other sortes of Infideles . 8. No man then ought to be offended with these earnest and sharpe speeches , where heresy or the presumption therof is in question , for that nothing is more dreadfull to Catholicke people then the very name and apprehension of heresy ; howsoeuer in our vnfortunate daies , it be made a matter of dispute only , or table-talke by many now in England , and he that will see store of proofes and reasons laied togeather by the foresaid learned man M. Reynoldes to proue that the heresies of these our times , of such as call themselues Protestants , but especially the followers of Caluin , are farre more perillous and detestable then Paganisme , Iudaisme or Turcisme , let him read not only his foresaid fower bookes De Caluino-Turcismo , but two speciall large Chapters or Treatises of this very matter in his booke De iusta Reipublicae potestate &c. to wit the 4. and 5. and he will rest satisfied . 9. Nor doe Catholicke writers only make these Protestations against Caluin and his doctrine , but many of the most learnedest other Protestants of these daies , as hath byn touched . One most famous preacher and Protestant writer or rather Superintendent in Polonia called Francis Stancarus in an epistle to the King himself saith of him , and to him : Quis Diaboluste , ô Caluine , seduxit , vt contra filium Dei cum Arrio obloquaris ? &c. Cauete , o vos Ministri omnes , a libris Caluini , praesertim in articulis de Trinitate , incarnatione , mediatore , Sacramento Baptismi , & praedestinatione : continent enim doctrinam impiam & blasphemias Arrianas : What deuill hath seduced thee , o Caluin , that thou shouldest speake iniuriously against the sonne of God with Arrius the Hereticke ? &c. Beware , all yee Ministers , of Caluins bookes , especially in the articles of the Bl. Trinity , Incarnation , of the mediator , of the Sacrament of Baptisme , and of predestination : for they conteine impious doctrine , and blasphemies of Arrius . 10. Another brother and Protestant-Preacher no lesse zealous then he in Germany named Conradus Schlusselburge saith of him & his 〈◊〉 that himself hath declared & proued in three large books : Hòs de nullo ferè Christianae doctrinae articulo rectè sentire : That they scarcely belieue aright any one article of Christian beliefe , which is the self same that the forenamed Catholicke writer Iurgiuicius obiected before , which T. M. tooke so impatiently as yow haue heard . And the same brother in one of his said bookes affirmeth : Quod Caluinistae ipsum filium Dei mendacij arguunt , Deum sua omnipotentia spoliant , sunt abiurati hostes & profligatissimi falsatores Testamenti filij Dei : That Caluinists doe charge the Sonne of God with a ly , doe spoile God of his omnipotency , and are foresworne enemies , and most wicked falsifiers of the Testament of the Sonne of God. 11. And another famous Doctor of the same new Ghospell and spirit , saith that this sect of Caluinists & their doctrine , Sentina quaedam est &c. is a certeine sinke into which all other heresies doe flow : it is the last rage of the diuell , which he in his fury doth exercise against Christ and his Church &c. And then further : Qui partes eorum sequitur &c. he that followeth their sect , is a manifest and sworne enemy of God , and hath denied his faith which he promised to Christ in his baptisme : So he . And consider now whether this be not as great detestation of Caluins doctrine , by principal learned Protestants , as T. M. hath picked out of Catholicks wrested wordes before recited ? 12. But yow must not thinke that heere is an end for there would be no end , if I should prosecute all that might be said in this case : Tilmannus Heshusius a Superintendent of the Protestants in the same countrey calleth Caluins doctrine : Blasphemam & Sacrilegam sectam ; a blaspemous and Sacrilegious sect : and writeth a speciall booke of this title : A defence of the Holy Testament of Christ against the blasphemous confession of Caluinists . And AEgidius Hunnius writing a booke De Caluino Iudaizante , of Caluin playing the Iew , after a long confutation saith thus : D●●●●um satis superque iudico &c. we haue detected I suppose sufficiently , and more then sufficiently that Angell of darkenes Iohn Caluin , who comming forth of the pit of hell , hath partly by his detestable wickednes in wresting Scriptures , partly by his impious pen against the Holy Maiesty of Christ , partly by his horrible and monstrous paradoxes about predestination , drawne both himself into hell , & a great number of starres , as the Apocalips speaketh . 13. I pretermit many others , as that of Philippus Nicolaus a Protestant-Minister of Tubinga , who in the yeare 1586. set forth a booke in 4. with this title : A Discouery ( and this I write for our discouerer ) of the fundaments of the Caluinian Sect , and how they agree with old Arrians and Nestorians : Wherby also is demonstrated that no Christian man can take part with them , but that he must defend Arrianisme and Nestorianisme : So he . But the next yeare after there came another booke forth printed in the same Vniuersity with this title : A demonstration out of the Holy Scriptures , that Caluinists and Sacramentaries are not Christians , but rather baptized Iewes and Mahometanes : and a little after that againe came forth the booke of Ioannes Matthias the great Preacher in VVittenberge : De cauendo Caluinistarum fermento , how to auoid the leauen of the Caluinists ; and then another of Albertus Grauerus of like function vpon the yeare 1598. entituled : Bellū Ioannis Caluini & Iesu Christi : The warre betweene Iohn Caluin and Iesus Christ ; and al this written , set forth , and printed by chiefe Protestant brethren : which if the inference of T. M. be true against Catholickes , that in respect of the difference of their doctrine , and for that they holde Caluinists to haue no true faith , they may not liue togeather vnder one Prince : then must it follow also that neither these Lutherans and Caluinian Protestants can liue togeather : and the very same ensueth betweene English Protestants & Puritanes , vpon the difference of their doctrine and belief , which hath no lesse opposition in deed and detestation the one of the other in bitternes of speach , then haue the Lutherane Protestants against them both ; as may easily be demonstrated out of their owne bookes , if we would stand vpon it . And this shall be sufficient for the refutation of his first medium , brought forth to proue that Catholicks and Protestants cannot liue togeather in one common wealth , for that the one side accompteth the other for Hereticks . 14. But the second medium is yet more childish , which is , that for so much as we not only doe hold Protestants to be excommunicate Hereticks , but subiect also to all the punishments & penalties set downe in the Popes Ecclesiasticall Canons , Decrees , & Constitutions for the same , which are many and grieuous , ( as that Hereticks must leese their goods , cannot gather vp tythes , nor recouer debtes , nor institute heires , and other such like , and more sharpe penalties prescribed in old time by the Canon law against ancient Hereticks ) herof he inferreth that we detract all humane society from Protestants , and consequently we are not tolerable in a Protestant common-wealth . 15. But we answere first , that touching the former part to wit the imputation of heresy and excommunication to the Protestant party of England , that followeth the Sacramentary doctrine of Caluin and Zuinglius , yow haue heard now immediately before , how that imputation is laid vpon them , not only by Catholickes , but also by the most renowned Protestant writers that haue byn since that name and profession began . And if we would alleadge much more out of the very Father of Protestancy it self Martin Luther , we might haue store , especially where he pronoūceth this iudiciall sentence of them all : Haereticos seriò censemus & alienos ab Ecclesia Dei Zuinglianos & Sacramentarios omnes , qui negant Christi corpus & sanguinem ore carnali sumi in venerabili Sacramento . We doe vnfeynedly hold for Heretickes , and for aliens from the Church of God all Zuinglians and other Sacramentaries that doe deny Christes body and bloud to be receaued by our bodily mouth in the venerable Sacrament . 16. Behold heere both Heresy and excommunication or separation from the Church of God auerred against both Zuinglians and Caluinists , by him that was their chiefest parent and Patriarch : and in other places of his workes , the same Luther hath many more particulers to this purpose , as namely that men must fly the bookes and doctrine of Zuinglius and his followers , Non secus ac tartarei Daemonis venenum , no otherwise then the poison of the diuell of hell . And yet further that : They are not to be held in the number of Christians , for that they teach no one article of Christian doctrine without corruption , and are seauen times worse then Papists &c. Wherby is euident that this charge of Heresy and excommunication proceedeth not against Caluinists from vs only , but much more eagerly frō their owne brethren , & consequently it is with very little discretion brought in by the Minister T. M. against vs as a singuler fault of ours , wherof we are to treat more afterward in some occasions that will be offered . 17. But now as for the penalties conteyned in the Canon law , against excommunicate Heretickes , as depriuation of dignities , losse of goods , infamy , imprisonment , debarment from Sacraments , and from conuersation , with the like ; the answere is soone made , that those externall punishments are not incurred ordinarily , but after personall denunciation and condemnation by name . For albeit the inward punishmentes that follow Heresy which are sinne and depriuation of grace , excommunication and separation from Gods true Church , and other spirituall losses theron depending , be incurred by the obstinate holding or defending of any cōdemned Heresy whatsoeuer , if the defender know the same to be condemned by the Church , as both Holy Canons doe expressly denounce , and Bulla Caenae Domini euery yeare 〈◊〉 on Maundy-Thursday doth confirme : yet commonly are they not held for subiect to the other externall punishmentes ( and in particuler to be auoided and their company fled ) vntill by a lawfull Iudge he or they be denounced , conuicted , and condemned by name , which we ascribe not to the Protestantes of England , and therfore this charge was maliciously deuised by this Minister against vs , to make vs odious . 18. Nay we goe yet further for pacifying & milding matters betweene vs , that we doe not easily cōdemne or hold all and euery sorte of Protestantes , Puritanes , or the like sortes different at this day in our countrey from the Catholicks , for absolute Heretickes , but excusing them rather wherin we may by any charitable interpretation , doe willingly lay hands where probably we may on that wise , learned , and discreet moderation of the famous doctor S. Augustine , affirming to his friend Honoratus infected with the Manichean Heresy , that there is a great difference betweene an Hereticke , and one that belieueth Hereticks , and is deceaued by them ; yow shall heare his owne wordes to that purpose : Si mihi ( Honorate ) vnum atque idem videretur esse Haereticus & Haereticis credens homo , tam lingua , quàm stylo in haec causa conquiescendum esse arbitrarer : nunc verò cùm inter duo plurimùm in●ersit &c. 19. If it had seemed to me ( friend Honoratus ) that an Hereticke & a man belieuing Hereticks had byn al one thing , I should haue thought it better to hold my peace in this cause betweene vs , rather then to speake or write any thing therin : but now seeing there is such great difference betweene these two , I thought it not good to be silent with yow , for so much as an Hereticke in my opinion is he , that for some temporall respect or commodity , but especially for vaine glory and singularity , doth inuent , or follow false and new opinions : but he which belieueth such people is a man only deluded by a false imagination of truth & piety . So S. Augustine . And hereby openeth to vs a dore to thinke charitably of many Protestants , whome though we hold for deceaued ; yet not properly in S. Augustines meaning for Hereticks . 20. And this doctrine teacheth the same Doctor in other places against the Donatistes , saying , that if a man should beleeue the heresy of Photinus ( for example ) who denied the distinction of three persons in God , and the diuinity of Christ , and should thinke it were the true Catholicke faith : Istum nondum 〈◊〉 dico ( saith S. Augustine ) nisi manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit , & illud quod tenebat elegerit . I doe not thinke this man as yet to be an Hereticke , except when the doctrine of the Catholicke faith ( to wit that which is held generally by all or the most Churches ouer Christendome ) being made cleere and manifest vnto him , he shall resolue to resist the same , and shall make choice of that which before he held : so as now this choice or election with obstinate resolution to hold and defend the same against the publicke authority of the Church , maketh that to be properly heresy , which before was but error ; which error though it might be in it self damnable ; yet nothing so much as when it passeth into the nature of heresy ; both which pointes are seene by that which the said Holy Father hath in another place , to wit in his booke De haeresibus ad Quod-vult-Deum , where hauing recounted eighty and eight Heresies , that had passed before his time vnto the Pelagians , that were the last , he concludeth thus : There may be yet other Heresies besides these that I haue in this our worke recounted , or there may rise vp other herafter , whereof whosoeuer shall holde any one , he shall not be a Christian Catholicke . He doth not say he shall be an Hereticke properly , but no Christian Catholicke , which though it be sufficient to damnation , if ignorance excuse him not ; yet nothing so great as if he were an hereticke , for that as before we haue shewed out of S. Thomas , the damnation of Iewes and Gentiles is much more tolerable then that of Heretickes . 21. And all these limitations and charitable moderations we doe willingly vse to calme and mitigate matters , and to temper that intemperate breaking humour of this make-bate Minister T. M. and his companions that would put all in combustion and desperate conuulsion . And so much of this first reason , the rest we shall passe ouer with greater breuity . To his second and third Reasons . §. 2. HIs second reason why his Maiesties Catholicke and Protestant subiects may not liue togeather in England is , For that all Popish Priestes ( faith he ) doe attribute a double prerogatiue ouer Kings , that is to say , a Democraticall and Monarchicall Soueraigne ciuill power , the first to the people , the second to the Pope : And for proofe of the first , concerning the people , he alleadgeth fower seuerall authorities of Catholicke writers , but so corruptly and perfidiously , as if nothing else did shew his talent of cogging and treacherous dealing , this were sufficient to discouer the same , though afterwardes greater store will occurre : we shall runne ouer briefly all these fower . 23. First he saith that Doleman in his Conference about succession hath these wordes : The Common-wealth hath authority to chuse a King , and to limit him lawes at their pleasure : Which if it were truly alleadged as it lieth in the Author , yet heere is no mention of the people , or of Democraticall state , but only of the Common-wealth , which includeth both nobility and people , and all other states . Secondly Dolemans wordes are not of chusing a King , but of chusing a forme of gouernement be it Democraticall , Aristocraticall or Monarchicall . Let vs heare the Author himself speake : In like manner ( saith he ) it is euident , that as the Common-wealth hath this authority to chuse and change her gouernement ( as hath byn proued : ) so hath it also to limit the same with what lawes and conditions shee pleaseth , wherof ensueth great diuersity of authority and power , which ech one of the former gouernments hath in it self . So he . Where we see that Doleman speaketh of the power which a Common-wealth hath , that is deuoid of any certeine gouernement , to chuse vnto themselues that forme that best liketh them , with the limitations they thinke most expedient : and so we see in England , France , Polonia , Germany , Venice , Genua , and in the Empire it self different formes and manners of gouernement , with different lawes and limitations , according to the choice and liking of ech nation . This place then of Doleman is corrupted by T. M. both in wordes and sense , for he neither speaketh nor meaneth as the false Minister auoucheth him , of giuing Democraticall power to the people ouer Princes established . 24. There followeth the second place taken out of the French Iesuite , as he calleth him : De iusta abdicatione &c. though it be well knowne that D. Bouchier Author of that booke yet liuing in Flanders , and Canon of Tourney was neuer Iesuite in his life ; but all must be ascribed to Iesuits , that may seeme odious : This French Iesuite ( saith he ) sheweth a reason of Dolemans speach , saying : For Maiesty is rather seated in the Kingdome , then in the King. But I would aske the poore man , why he doth alleadge this place ? or of what weight it is , or may be for his purpose ? for so much as D. Bouchier in these wordes denieth not Maiesty to be in the King , but to be more in the Kingdome ; for that the Kingdome giueth Maiesty vnto the King when it chuseth him , and not the King properly vnto the Kingdome . And is not this a great obiection ? or doth this proue that we ascribe Democraticall soueraignity ouer Kings vnto the people ? One of his owne Ghospell-brethren speaketh more roundly and roughly to the matter when he writeth : Populo ius est vt imperium cui velit deferat : The people hath right to bestowe the crowne vpon whome they list : if we had said so , what aduantage would T. M. haue sought thereat ? 25. His third place is out of D. Stapleton , in his booke called Dydimus , where he saith : That the people are not ordeyned for the Prince , but the Prince for the people . His wordes in Latin are : Non populi in Principum gratiam facti , sed Principes in populi commodum creati sunt . Multitudes of people are not made ( by God ) for Princes sakes , but Princes are created for the commodity or good of the people : and what is there in this sentence iustly to be reprehended ? Is not this euident by diuine and humane lawe , and by the very light of nature it self , that Princes were first ordeined by God , for the good of multitudes , and not multitudes for the vtility of Princes ? Will T. M. deny this ? or is not this far more modest and temperate then that of his owne brethren before mentioned , whose wordes are : Populus Rege est praestantior & melior ; the people are better & more excellēt then the King ? what wilfull wrangling is this in a turbulent Minister ? 26. His fourth and last place is out of M. VVilliam Reinoldes in his booke De iusta Reip. auctoritate &c. whome he abuseth egregiously , both in ascribing to him that which is not his , and in deliuering the same corruptedly , and by a little yow may learne much , ex vngue leonem . His wordes he citeth thus : Rex humana creaturae est , quia ab hominibus constituta : and Englisheth in this manner : A King is but a creature of mans creation . where yow see first that in the translation he addeth but , and mans creation of himself , for that the Latin hath no such but , nor creation , but constitution . Secondly these wordes are not the wordes of M. Reinoldes , but only cited by him out of S. Peter ; and thirdly they are alleadged here by T. M. to a quite contrary sense from the whole discourse and meaning of the Author , which was to exalte and magnify the authority of Princes , as descending from God , and not to debase the same , as he is calumniated . For proofe herof whosoeuer will looke vpon the booke and place it self before mentioned , shal find that M. Reinolds purpose therin is to proue , that albeit earthly principality , power and authority be called by the Apostle humana creatura : yet that it is originally from God , & by his commandement to be obeyed . His wordes are these : Hinc enim est &c. hence is it , that albeit the Apostle doe call all earthly principality a humaine creature , for that it is placed in certaine men ( from the beginning ) by suffrages of the people ; yet election of Princes doth flow from the law of nature , which God created ; and from the vse of reason which God powred into man , and which is a little beame of diuine light drawne from that infinite brightnes of almighty God ; therefore doth the Apostle S. Paul pronounce that There is no power but from God , and that he which resisteth this power , resisteth God himselfe . So M. Reinoldes . 27. And now let the indifferent Reader iudge whether M. Reinoldes hath byn calumniated in this allegation or no , & whether this Minister is led by any rule of conscience , and whether these be such pregnant arguments and proofes against vs as he promised at the first entrance of his booke . And for the matter in hand , he promised to proue , as yow haue heard , that we ascribed popular and Democraticall power to the people ouer Kings , which how well he hath performed by these places alleadged yow haue seene . 28. Finally to stand no longer vpon this , whether we or they , Catholicks or Protestantes doe attribute more to popular licence , against Princes ( when they giue not contentment ) may aboundantly be seene in that we haue set downe before , and will ensue afterward , both of their doctrine and practises in like occasions . And so much of this first charge : now will we passe to the second . 29. The second is , that we ascribe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power and souer aignty ouer Kings vnto the Pope : wherin first what he saith of ciuill souer aignty is a meere fiction and calumniation of his owne , if it be out of the Popes owne temporall Dominions . For we ascribe no such vnto him ouer other Princes or their subiects , but that authority or soueraignty only which Catholicke doctrine ascribeth to the Bishop of Rome as Successor to S. Peter Prince of the Apostles , & spirituall head of the vniuersall visible Church of Christ , which is only spirituall , & for spirituall ends , to wit , for the direction and saluation of soules . And if at any time he be forced to passe further then this , and by a certeine consequence to deale in some temporall affaires also ; it must be only indirectly in defence or conseruation of the said spirituall , that is to say , when the said spirituall power apperteining to soules cannot other wise be defended or conserued , as more largely hath byn treated before . 30. This then is the summe and substance of Catholicke doctrine , about this point of the Popes authority , which from the beginning of Christianity hath byn acknowledged in Gods Church , and in no place more then in England , where it hath byn both held & practised from the very first Christened King of our nation Ethelbert vnto K. Henry the 8. for the space of almost a thousand yeares , without interruption , as largely and aboundantly hath byn shewed and laied forth to the view of all men in a late booke written in answere to S. Edward Cookes fifth part of Reportes ; and this with great honor & prosperity of the Princes therof , and vnion of their people vnder their gouernment , and without such odious or turbulent inferences , as now are made therevpon by vnquiet spirittes , that would set at warre euen mens imaginations in the ayer , therby to mainteine disunion , discorde , and diffidence betweene Princes , and namely betweene our present noble Soueraigne and his Catholicke subiects . 31. And first of all let vs heare this turbulent T. M. how vpon the enuy of this authority he frameth and foundeth all his ensuing reasons . VVe demaunde ( saith he ) how farre these pretended powers ( of people & Pope ) may extende , and heervpon we argue . To which I answere , that in imagination they may extend so farre as any fantasticall braine shall list to draw them ; but in the true meaning of Catholicke reall doctrine , they can extend no further then hath byn declared . And as for the popular power of people ouer Princes , we haue now refuted the calumniation , & shewed that it is a mere fiction of his owne , and no position of ours ; and that his Protestant doctrine doth ascribe much more licence to popular tumult , then the Catholicke without comparison : and for that of the Pope , I haue declared how it is to be vnderstood to be of his owne nature in spirituall affaires only , without preiudice of ciuill Princely gouernement at all , and so the practice of the worlde and experience of so many Princes , great States and Monarches liuing quietly & securely vnder the same authority , both in former times and ours most euidently doth proue and confirme . 32. But yet let vs see and consider how falsely and calumniously this Make-bate doth herevpon argue in his third reason , inferring for his assumption or minor proposition thus : But all Popish Priestes vpon this pretended Supremacy and prerogatiue of Pope and people , doe vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes : Ergo. Wherin to shew him a notable liar , it shall be sufficient to name all the Protestant Princes , that haue had title of successiō in our coūtrey ( for therof he speaketh principally ) since the name of Protestant hath byn heard of in the world , being three in number , to wit K. Edward the sixt , Q. Elizabeth , and K. Iames that now raigneth , all which were admitted peaceably to their Crownes , as well by Priestes as Catholicke people , who notwithstanding in some of their admissions wanted not meanes to haue wrought disturbances as the world knoweth : so as if one instance only doth truly ouerthrow any general proposition ; how much more doth this triple instance not able to be denied , ouerthrow and cast to the ground this vniuersal false assertion of T. M. which auerreth : That all Popish Priests 〈◊〉 vtterly abolish the Succession of all Protestant Princes . Will he not be ashamed to see himself cōuinced ofso great and shameles ouerlashing ? 33. And on the other side , one only Catholicke Princesse being to succeed in this time , to wit Q. Mary , we know what resistance the Protestants made both by bookes , sermons , Treatises and open armes ; and how many Rebellions , conspiracies , robberies , priuy slaughters , and other impediments were designed and practised afterward , during the few yeares she raigned : we know also what was executed against the gouernment and liues of the two noble Catholicke Queenes her neerest neighbours , & one of them most straitly conioyned in bloud that raigned at that time in Scotland , to omit others before mētioned , that were debarred from their lawfull succession , or excluded from their rightfull possession for their Religion in Sweueland , Flanders , & other places as cannot be denied . 34. Wherfore it is more then extraordinary impudency in T. M. to charge vs with that which is either peculier or more eminent in themselues , and false in vs : and what or how farre this fellow may be trusted in these his assertions , may be gathered by the last sentence of all his discourse in this matter , where he hath these wordes : F. Persons ( in his Doleman ) doth pronounce sentence , that whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince is a most grieuous and damnable 〈◊〉 . And is it so in deed Syr 〈◊〉 ? and will yow stand to it , and leese your credit if this be falsely or calumniously alleadged ? then if yow please let vs heare the Authors owne wordes . 35. And now ( saith he ) to apply all this to our purpose for England , and for the matter we haue in hand , I affirme and hold , that for any man to giue his helpe , consent , or assistance towardes the making of a King , whome he iudgeth or belieueth to be faulty in Religion , and consequently would aduance no Religion , or the wrong , if he were in authority , is a most grieuous & damnable sinne to him that doth it , of what side soeuer the truth be , or how good or bad soeuer the party be , that is preferred . So he . And his reason is , for that he should sinne against his owne conscience in furthering such aKing . And is there heere any word peculiar of a Protestant Prince , or of his succession ? nay doth not the text speake plainly of making a King where none is ? doth it not speake also indifferently of all sortes of Religion , of what side soeuer the truth be ? How then can this malicious cauilling Minister expect to be trusted hereafter , or how may any man thinke that he speaketh or writeth out of conscience , seing him to vse such grosse shiftes and falshoodes in so manifest and important a matter ? It is no marueyle that he set not his name at large to his booke , as not desirous to haue the dew praise of such desert . To the rest of his reasons . §. 3. BVt let vs passe a little further in these his deuises , for much I may not , both in regarde of the breuity which I haue designedvnto my self , & for the loathsomnes I take of such vncharitable railings , as in steed of reasons he casteth forth , with no greater authority , then of his owne assertion , or rather calumniation . 37. As for example in his fourth reason he subsumeth in his minor proposition thus : But all Popish Priests 〈◊〉 dissolue the oath of obedience to all Protestant Gouernours . And in the fifth : But all Popish Priestes defend violent deposing of Kinges and Emperours . And in the sixt : But all Popish Priestes are guylty of intending , designing , or practising murther of Princes . And in the seauenth : But all Popish Priestes doe iustify the actes of treason and 〈◊〉 parricides . And yet further in the eight : But all Popish Priestes professe Rebellion , as soone as they can presume of their strength In the ninth likewise : But all Popish Priestes are guylty of 〈◊〉 , for denying or violating with men of diuerse Religion . And lastly in histenth : But all Romish Priestes ex officio , that is to say , as they are Priestes , must and doe professe such seditious 〈◊〉 , as thereby they are desperate traitors . 〈◊〉 . 38. And is it possible for any tongue ( though borrowed from hell it self , and embrewed with neuer so virulent or serpentine prison ) to vtter more precipitate malice then this ? His propositions yow see are generall in all these assertions , to wit , that al Catholicke Priestes are guilty in all these accusations , and the nature as yow know of a generall proposition is such , as if any one instance may be giuen to the contrary , it ouerthroweth the whole . And is it probable ( thinke yow ) that no one Priest may be found in England or elswhere , deuoide of all these heynons accusations , or of any one of them ? Surely I am of opinion , that there will hardly be found any man so passionate on his owneside , which in this case will not condemne him of passion , precipitation , and conscienceles calumniation . And we on the other side may well vrge to the contrary that no one Priest hath truely hitherto byn conuinced to haue treated or conspired , or giuen consent to the Princes death in all the long raigne of the Queene past , no not Ballard himself who only can be named to haue byn condemned for this pretence , though in deed his crime was , as of all the 14. Gentlemen that died with him , rather to haue deliuered Queene Mary out of prison , then to depriue Q. Elizabeth of her life : and so they protested at their deathes . 39. But leauing this let vs come to examine some of the pointes themselues , that are obiected : they are all ( if yow consider them well ) but little buddes and branches deduced from one , and the selfe same roote of the Popes authority , and consequently but minced-meates made out in different seruices , by the cunning cookery of T. M. to feede the phantasies of such as hunger after variety of calumniations against the Catholicke doctrine . For what great difference is there ( for example sake ) betweene that which is treated in the fourth reason of sreeing subiectes from their obedience to Princes , & the other of the fifth about Deposing Princes , or that of the sixt and seauenth of designing their deathes , and of iustifying treasons against the same : And so in the ninth of oathes euacuated , which was handled before vnder other tearmes in the fourth reason , wherby appeareth , that this mans purpose was ( as before I haue noted ) to straine matters to the vttermost , and to set out as many shewes of inconueniences , dangers and damages to ensue by our doctrine of Papall authority , as either his wit could deuise , or his malice vtter . 40. And yet the seely fellow did not consider one instance vnanswerable , that might be giuen to all these his inuentions , which is the experience of so many ages , both in England , & other Kingdoms round about vs , wherin the Kings and Princes haue raigned prosperously ( and doe at this day ) notwithstanding this doctrine , and vse of the Popes power ; & this not only Catholicke Princes , but diuers Protestant Potentates in like manner , for any thing that Popes haue done , or attempted against them . For what hath any Pope done against the Protestant Kings of Denmarke in this our age ? what against those of Sweueland either Father or Sonne , though the later doth offer open iniury to a Catholicke King the true inheritor ? what against the Dukes of Saxony , the Count Palatines and Protestant Princes of the Empire , notwithstanding the said Electors whole authority in that action was giuen them by the Sea Apostolicke , and consequently doth depend therof ? what against diuers other particular Princes both of the Empire and otherwise , who haue in this our age departed from the obedience of that Sea ? how many hath it molested , censured , deposed , or troubled for the same ? 41. And that which is most of all to our purpose at this time , what manner of proceeding hath the same Sea Apostolicke vsed towardes the Kingdome of Scotland , and his Maiesty ( that now ruleth also the scepter of England ) for the space of 36. yeares , wherin he raigned from an infant , after the iniust deposition of his mother by her Protestant subiects ? did the Sea of Rome or any Bishop therof euer goe about to hurt or preiudice him ? Or is it not well knowne that diuers Popes did endeauour to doe good and friendly actions for the preseruation of his safty , when it was many times put in ieopardy by the Protestant party ? And among other I can well remember that about the yeare 1585. when his Maiesty was besieged by them in his towne and castle of Striueling , and driuen to yeeld vnto them both his owne royall person , and amongst other articles this , as the Protestant History it self doth recount it , was one ; That his Maiesties olde guarde was to be remoued and another placed by them : the Pope then liuing , hearing therof by his Maiesties Embassador in France the Archbishop of Glasco , and others , he was so moued with compassion , as he offered an honorable contribution towards the preseruation of his Maiesties person in that case , and especially for maintenance of a trusty guard about the same : the like good will in other lesse occasions haue other Popes shewed in like manner . So as all is not fire and sworde , excommunication , and anathematization , prodition , deposition , conspiracy , murther , absoluing of subiects , relaxation of oathes , and other such hostile actions , as our seditious aduersary heere laieth togeather to make the Popes office and authority more odious . 42. Only two publicke examples to my remembrance can be alleadged of any Protestant Princes excommunicated , censured , or molested by the Sea Apostolicke since Luther began his breach ( which are now almost an hundred yeares ) notwithstāding there haue byn so many of them , and so exorbitant things committed by them against Catholicke Religion , and the said Sea Apostolicke as is notorious to all men . And these two vpon speciall causes and inducements , to wit , Q. Elizabeth of England , and King Henry then of Nauarre , and now also of France ( for of King Henry of Enggland I make no mention , for that his cause was not Religion at that time : ) the first of the two , in regarde of the publicke violent change of Religion , which shee made in her Realme , with the deposition , depriuation , imprisonment or exile of all Catholicke Bishops , Prelates , Clergy , and others that would not yeeld their consent thereunto , and this ( as is alleadged ) contrary to her publicke promise and oath at her Coronation . 43. The second for feare least he comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition wherein then he was presumed to be , should attempt the like change in that great Kingdome : And to both these actes were the Popes of those times drawen and incited either secretly or openly by some of the chief Nobility of both Realmes , whome most it concerned . And albeit the former hath not had that successe which was hoped , and perhaps suggested ; yet the finall euent of the second hath byn more prosperous , then at that time could be expected , no King lightly in Christendome hauing made more reall demonstratiōs of loue , vnion , and reuerence to the Sea of Rome then his most Christian Maiesty , nor receaued greater enterchange of graces , and fauours from the same Sea , and this in matters of most importance for the setling and establishment of his Imperiall Crowne and royall race . 44. Wherfore al this bitter barking of this Minister T. M. about excommunicating , depriuing , deposing , and murthering Princes , as also about absoluing of subiectes from their oathes and the like , ceaseth ( as yow see ) by a little good correspondence betweene the said Princes and their generall Pastor . And when matters passe at the worst , and are in most exasperation betweene them : yet is it not the tenth part of perill which Protestant doctrine and practice draweth them into , vpon any generall disgust against their gouernments . For if in lue of these two Protestant Princes censured by the Sea Apostolicke , we should recount all the Catholicke Princes that haue byn vexed , molested , iniured , or depriued of their States , or violated in their persons , or brought to confusion in our Northerne parts of the world in this time , to wit , in Sauoy , France , Switzerland , Germany , Bemeland , Austria , Poland , Sweueland , Denmark , Flanders , England and Scotland , and some other places wherof we haue treated more largely in the precedent Chapter ; there would be no comparison at all . Of false dealing and sleights of T. M. §. 4. ANd yet further yow must vnderstand that this malicious calumniator proposing vnto himself for his end to make vs hatefull , doth not only encrease , multiply , and exaggerate matters against vs by all art of sycophancy , as making some things to seeme odious , that of themselues are true and laudable ; and exaggerating others to a farre higher degree , then wherin they were spoken , or are to be vnderstood , inferring also generall propositions vpon some shewes of particuler proofes : but besides all this , he passeth also further , & obiecteth often times against vs the very same things that his owne Authours doe hold ( wherof before we haue laid downe some examples , and shall doe more hereafter ) yea shameth not manifestly to falsify and ly also ; as when he auoucheth with great resolution , that the late K. Henry of France was censured by Pope Xixtus . v. for this only crime , for that himselfe being a Papist , yet fauoured the Protestantes , and especially the Prince of Nauarre : Wheras it is knowne that besides this , he had murthered most miserably two principall peeres & Princes of his Crowne , the Duke , and Cardinall of Guise , neerest in bloud to his Maiesty of England , and therby broken his solemne oath made but a little before in presence of many , when he receaued the Bl. Sacrament to the contrary . And how then was his only crime to haue fauoured the Protestants , as this Minister auerreth ? 46. And againe in the same place or precedent page he hath these wordes : Pope Adrian being guilty of like seditious practice against the Emperour Henry the second , was choked with a fly . And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it , Generatione 139. which should be 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many Generations in that Part , and in steed of Henry the second , he should haue said Frederick the first of that name , for that Henry the second was before the time of our Conquest , and almost two hundred yeares before Adrian the fourth our English Pope , of whome we now speake who liued in the time of King Stephen and King Henry the second of England , and was a Holy man , and accompted the Apostle of Noruegia for conuerting the same to our Christian faith , before he was Pope , and all Authors doe write honorably of him , & so doth Nauclerus affirme : and therefore though he make mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a Schismatical writer in those dayes ( who also doth not absolutely auouch it , but with this temperament vt fertur , as the reporte goeth ) yet doth the said Nauclerus reiect the same as false , and confuteth it by the testimonies of al other writers , especially of Italy , that liued with him , and therby knew best both his life and death . And yet all this notwithstanding will this false ladde T. M. needes set downe this History as true , affirming it for such , and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand , that any other denied the same , or that the only Author himself of this fiction doubted therof . And is not this perfidious dealing ? or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treachery ? 47. Another like tricke he plaieth some few pages before this againe , citing out of Doctor Bouchiers booke , De iusta abdicatione these wordes : 〈◊〉 occidere honestum est , quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur , quod ex communi consensu dico : And then he Englisheth the same thus : Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant , which I defend ( saith he ) by common consent . But he that shall read the place in the Author himself , shall find , that he holdeth the very contrary , to wit , that a priuate man may not kill a Tyrant , that is not first iudged and declared to be a publicke enemy by the common-wealth ; and he proueth the same at large , first out of Scriptures , & by the decree of the General Councell of Constance , his wordes be these : Neque verò eo iure quod ad Regnum habet , nisi per publicum iudicium , spoliari potest &c. Neither can a Tyrant be depriued of that right , which he hath to a Kingdome , but only by publicke iudgment ; yea further also so long as that right of Kingdome remaineth , his person must be held for sacred , wherof ensueth , that no right remaineth to any priuate man against his life : & albeit any priuate man should bring forth neuer so many priuate iniuries done by the said Tyrāt against him ; as that he had whipped him with yron rods , oppressed him , afflicted him , yet in this case must he haue patience , according to the admonition of S. Peter : That we must be obedient not only vnto good and modest Lordes , but also vnto those that be disorderly , and that this is grace , when a man for Godes cause doth sustaine and beare with patience iniuries vniustly done vnto him &c. 48. And in this sense ( saith he ) is the decree of the Councell of Constance to be vnderstood , when they say : Errorem in fide esse &c. It is errour in faith to hold ( as Iohn VVickcliffe did ) that euery Tyrant may be slaine meritoriously by any Vassall or subiect of his , by free or secret treasons &c. Thus writeth that author , holding as yow see , that no Tyrant whatsoeuer , though he be neuer so great a Tyrant , may be touched by any priuate man , for any priuate iniuries , though neuer so great , nor yet for publicke , though neuer so manifest , except he be first publickly cōdemned by the common-wealth ; which is another manner of moderation , and security for Princes , then the Protestant doctrine before rehearsed : and namely that of Knox , vttered in the name of the whole Protestant Congregation both of Scotland and Geneua : If Princes be Tyrantes against God and his truth , his subiectes are freed from their oathes of obedience . So he . And who shall be Iudge of this ? The people , for that the people ( saith he ) are bound by oath to God to reuenge the iniury done against his Maiesty . Let Princes thinke well of this , and let the Reader consider the malicious falshood of this Minister T. M. who in alleadging that little sentence before mentioned , about killing of a Tyrant , stroke out the wordes of most importance : quem hostem Reipublicae iudicauerit ; whome the common-wealth hath iudged for a publicke enemy ; and adding that other clause , which I say by common consent , which is not there to be found : And with such people we are forced to deale , that haue no conscience at all in cosenage , and yet they cry out of Equiuocation against vs , where it is lawfull to be vsed ; making no scruple at all themselues to ly , which in our doctrine is alwaies vnlawfull for any cause whatsoeuer . 49. But will yow heare a case or two more out of the Canon law , how dexterous Syr Thomas is in corrupting that which he loueth not , nor seemeth well to vnderstand ? yow may read in the fourth page of this his pamphlet an ancient decree ( for so he calleth it ) alledged by him out of Gratian in the glosse , determining that though a man haue sworne to pay money to one that is excommunicated , yet is he not bound to pay the same , and he alledgeth the Latin text thus : Si iuraui me soluturum alicui pecuniam qui excommunicatur , non teneor ei soluere : If I haue sworne to pay money to any man that is excommunicated , I am not bound to pay it , adding this reason : Quia 〈◊〉 possumus , debemus vexare malos vt cessent a malo ; We ought to vex euill men by what meanes foeuer we may , to the end they may cease from doing euill . In the allegation of which little text , a man would hardly belieue how many false trickes there be , to make Catholicke doctrine to seeme odious and absurd . For first these wordes not being found in any text of law or decision of any Pope or Councell , but only in the glosse or commentary , they make not any ancient or moderne decree , as the Minister falsly auoucheth , but rather shew the opinion of him , who writeth the commentary , if his wordes were as heere they are alledged . 50. But the truth is , that the wordes of the glosse conteine only a certain obiection vpon a clause of a Canon , concerning promise to be obserued to one that is excommunicated after the promise was made ; & the obiection or doubt is made in these wordes by the Authour of the glosse or Commentary : Sed quid dices , si iuraui &c. But what will you say , if I haue sworne to pay money to any person , or haue promised the same vnder some forfeiture , and in the meane space , he to whome I made the promise is excommunicated , am I bound to pay the same or not ? This is the question , and then he argueth on both sides : and first for the negatiue , videtur quod non , it seemeth I am not , for that the Canon law saith Causa . 23. q. 6. That we ought to afflicct wicked men by all meanes possible , to the end they ceasse from their wickednes . So he , alledging diuers other argumentes for the same opinion ; but yet afterwardes comming to giue his owne resolution , he saith thus : Verius credo , quòd licèt ille non habeat ius petendi , tamen debet ei solui . I doe belieue the truer opiniō to be , that albeit he that is so excommunicated doe leese his right to demaund his money , yet is the other bound to pay him . And for this he citeth diuers lawes and reasons therin mentioned , as namely , Extrau . de Iu. debitoris , & extr . de sent . excommunicationis , Si verè , & 11. q. 3. Cum excommunicato . 51. So as heere our Minister not of ignorance but of falshood taketh the obiection for the resolution , as Plessy Mornay did in his booke against the masse , where he would proue that Scotus , Durand and other schoole-deuines did doubt of the reall presence and transubstantiation , for that hauing proposed the question , they began to argue for the negatiue part , saying , videtur quod non , though afterwardes they resolued the contrary , & solued the argument . And the very like doth our Minister heere , calling this obiection of videtur quod non , not only a resolution but an ancient Decree . Secondly there is wilfull deceipt in leauing out the first wordes of the Author , Sed quid dices , si iuraui ? But what wil yow say , if I haue sworne ? which doe plainly shew that it is but an obiection . Thirdly that he alledgeth the reason of the obiection Quia qualitercumque possumus &c. for the reason of the resolutiō , which is false : for that the resolution is made against that reason . Fourthly the true resolution of the Commentor is vtterly concealed , and a contrary determination by him impugned set downe , and this not as a priuate opinion , but as an ancient decree of the law & Canon it self . Consider I pray yow how many fraudes and falshoodes there be in one little quotation , and what a volume I should be inforced to make , if I would examine exactly such a multitude of citations as he quoteth against vs , but yet one or two more shall I produce in the same kinde and matter . 52. In the sixt page of his discouery he hath this grieuous accusation out of the Canon law against vs : Haeretici filij vel consanguinei non dicuntur , sed 〈◊〉 legem sit manus tua super eos , vt fundas sanguinem ipsorum , and then he quoteth thus : Apud Grat. gloss . in Decret . li. 5. ex Decret . Gregor . 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . Which distracted kind of quotation , seperating the first and last wordes , that should haue gone togeather , seeme to import that he scarce read the bookes themselues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes ; but that fault were easily pardoned if he vsed no greater fraude in the thing it self . For first he Englisheth the wordes thus : Heretickes may not be termed either children or kindred , but according to the old law thy hand must be against them to spil their bloud : And then in the margent he setteth downe this speciall printed note : The professed bloudy massacre against the Protestantes , without distinction of sex or kinred . And what can be more odiously vrged thē this ? Now then let vs see how many false trickes and shiftes , fit for a Protestant-Minister , doely lurking in this short citation . 53. First of all is to be considered , that this glosse or Commentary of the Canon law , which heere is both vntruly cited and maliciously applied , is vpon a Canon beginning Si quis , which Canon is taken out of the third Councell of Carthage , wherin the famous Doctour and Holy Father S. Augustine was present , as a cheife Bishop , that had voice in that Councell , and the decree of the Canon is ; that if any Bishop should institute Heretickes or pagans for his heires , whether they were consanguinei or extranei , kinsmen or externes , ei Anathema dicatur , atque eius nomen inter Dei sacerdotes nullo modo recitetur : Let him be accursed , & let not his name be remembred any way among the Priestes of God. 54. This is the seuerity of that Canon , for ground wherof another precedent Canon setteth downe out of the same S. Augustine : Quod Haereticus perseuer ans aeternaliter damnatur &c. That an Heretick perseuering in his Heresy is damned eternally , neither can he recieue any profit by baptisme , almes , martyrdome , nor any other good workes . So hath the title of the Canon , but the wordes of S. Augustine are these : Firmissimè tene , & nullatenùs dubites &c. Hold for most certaine and no wayes doubt , but that euery Hereticke or Schismaticke shall be partaker of hel fier euerlastingly , togeather with the diuell and his angelles , except before the end of his life he be restored and incorporated againe into the Catholicke Church ; neither shall baptisme or almes neuer so aboundantly bestowed , no nor death it self suffred for the name of Christ , profit him any thing to saluation . So S. Augustine . 55. Vpon this ground then that Heretickes out of the Church , & so censured as heere yow haue heard , though they be neuer so neere of kin , may not be made heires , especially by Church-men ; the glosse yeelding a reason therof , hath these wordes : Quia isti Haeretici iam non dicuntur filij vel consanguinei , vnde dicitur in lege : si frater tuus , & amicus tuus , & vxor tua aeprauare voluerit veritatem , sit manus tua super illos : For that these Heretickes are not now called childrē or kinsfolke , therfore , as such , they cannot be made Inheritours by Ecclesiasticall men ; wherupon it is said in the law ( of Deuteronomie ) if thy brother and friend or wife will goe about to depraue the truth , let thy hand be vpon them . And presently he citeth to the same effect , the authority of S Hierome , out of another Canon , in another place of the law , as presently we shall see . 56. So as first heere we may behold that T. M. hath not put downe this his quoted glosse as it is found in the true glosse it self , but left out both the beginning : 〈◊〉 isti Haeretici &c. which imported somewhat to the vnderstanding of his meaning ; as also he left out the reason alledged by the glosse out of Gods owne wordes in Deuteronomy , to wit , the wilfull corrupting of his truth . And thirdly he added these wordes : Vt fundas sanguinem ipsorum , which heere ( as yow see ) the glosse hath not , but they are cited out of S. Hierome in another Canon and volume of the law , where 〈◊〉 Holy Father , excusing to his friend Riparius a Priest , his earnest zeale and desire to haue Vigilantius the Hereticke ( against whome he had written ) punished by his Bishop , alledgeth diuers examples of seuerity in like cases out of the Scripture , as of Phinees , Elias , Symon Cananeus , S. Peter , S. Paul , and lastly citeth also the foresaid wordes of Gods ordinance in Deuteronomy : If thy brother , thy wife , thy friend &c. shall goe about to peruert thee from Gods true worship &c. heare him not , nor conceale him , but bring him forth to iudgment , and let thy hand be vpon him first , and then after the hand of all the people &c. which is to be vnderstood according to the forme of law appointed afterward in the 17. Chapter : That he be orderly brought forth to iudgment , and then when sentence is 〈◊〉 against him , he which heard or saw him commit the sinne , and is a witnes against him , must cast the first stone at him , and the rest must follow . And this also doth the ordinary Commentary or glosse of Lyranus and others vpon those textes of Scripture declare . 57. And now let the iudicious Reader consider how many corruptions this crasty Minister hath vsed to bring forth to his purpose , this one little distracted text , for proof of professed bloudy massacres intended by vs against Protestantes . For first he corrupteth the wordes of the glosse apparantly , and that in diuers pointes , leauing out that which the glosse saith , and adding that which the glosse hath not : then he corrupteth the meaning both of glosse and Canon , deprauing that to a wicked sense of bloudy massacring without distinction of sex or kinred ; which the Canon and Councell of Carthage with S. Augustine meant only of ciuill punishment against Heretickes , to wit that they could not be made heires to Ecclesiasticall men . Thirdly he peruerteth in like manner S. Hieromes intent , which was that albeit he wished that Heretickes should be punished also bodily , yet by order and forme of law , and not that any one should kill another , & much lesse by bloudy massacres , as this fellow setteth it downe in his marginall note . And lastly he presumeth to peruert the very wordes of God himself in the law , by translating fundas sanguinem ipsorum , spill their bloud , insteed of shed their bloud , as though God were a bloud-spiller , or comaunded the same to be done vniustly by others : but all is strained by the Minister to make vs odious , wheras himself indeed is therby made ridiculous . And for that I haue byn somewhat longer in this example then I had purposed , as also for that by this one ( if it were but one ) yow may ghesse of al the rest of his proceeding , I wil heere cease , referring the rest of this kinde , to other more fit places and occasions afterwardes . 58. And yet truly I cannot wel pretermit , for ending this Chapter , one little note more of rare singularity in this man aboue others , which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes , and this is , that the very first wordes of Scripture alledged by him in the first page of his booke , for the poesy of his pamphlet are falsly alleadged , corrupted and mangled , though they conteine but one only verse of Isay the Prophet ; and then may yow imagine , what liberty he will take to himself afterward throughout his whole discourse . His sentence or poesy is this : Isay. 29. vers . 9. But stay your selues and wonder , they are blinde and make yow blinde , which he would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholickes : but let any man read the place of Isay it self , and he shall finde no such matter either in wordes or sense , but only the word wonder , to wit obstupescite & admiramini , fluctuate & vacillate , inebriamini , & non a vino , mouemini , & non ab ebrietate : And according to this are the Greek and Hebrew textes also . So as what should moue T. M. to set downe so corruptly the very first sentence of his booke , and cite the Chapter and verse wherin his fraude may be descried I know not , except he obserued not the last clause of the Prophetes precept , mouemini , & non ab ebrietate . And so much for this . HOVV THIS TREATISE VVAS LAIED ASIDE By sicknesse of the Author , and some other causes . And why it was taken in hand againe vpon the sight of a Catholicke Answere , and a new Reply of T. M. dedicated to his Maiesty : with the Authors iudgment of them both . CHAP. III. HAuing written hitherto and passed thus far-forth in examination of the Ministers opprobrious libel of Discouery , I was partly forced by grieuous sicknesse that continued for some moneths , & partly also induced ( for that I vnderstood that another Catholicke man had answered the said libell ) to lay that which I had written a side , as also for that the occasion of time , wherin this Treatise was begun , soone after the detection of the often forenamed powder-treason , seemed in great part to be past , and hauing once laied it out of my handes , had no great will afterward to goe forward theriwth , as an argument of loathsome contention , against most odious imputations and calumniations : but yet after diuers monethes againe , seing the said Catholicke answere to appeare ( which before I had not viewed ) togeather with a large Reply to the same by the Minister that first made and deuised the libell ; and that the said Minister had now resolued vpon instance of the said Answerer to manifest his name , to wit of Thomas Morton , which before went ciphered with the letters only of T. M. that might aswell haue signified Thomas Malmesbury or Montague or Monte-banke , or any such like sur-name : and further that he presumed to dedicate the same vnto the Kinges Maiesty , by a speciall glosing Epistle , full of fond Ministeriall malice against Catholickes , intituling his said Reply : A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquity , heynous Rebellion , and more then heathenish 〈◊〉 . And further that he had encreased his said worke with two or three new Treatises , partly for iustifying of Protestantes in the case of Rebellion , and partly for confuting of a Treatise written in defence of Equiuocation , I was moued aswell of my self , as by others exhortation , to resume the thing into my handes againe , & to adioine by the view of the whole that which was wanting to the full confutation of this Ministers iniquity , in laying such heinous Rebellion & heathenish Equiuocation vnto Catholickes charge , who of all men liuing are most free from iust reprehension in them both : and the Caluinian sect and sectaries conuinced to be most guilty in the one , and consciencelesse in the other , as the iudicious Reader ( I doubt not ) shall see euidently proued and confirmed in that which is to ensue . 2. It moued me also not a little to goe forward somewhat with this confutation ( though in as breiffe manner as might be ) to see that this deuise ( though neuer so fond and false ) of charging Catholicke doctrine with Rebellion & Equiuocation , was applauded not a little by some men of marke in our State ; as namely by his Maiesties late Attorney Generall , aswel in his writing , as pleadinges against Catholicks , borrowing from this Ministers first Treatise diuers large parcelles , and passages of his calumnious imputations , about the forenamed two heades of Rebelliō and Equiuocation , & lending him againe in lue therof for his second Reply sundry obseruations & collections of his owne , concerning diuers Kings of England , that seemed to him not so much to fauour or acknowledge the Bishop of Rome his authority ouer the English Church , which yet now vpon further search , is found to be contrary , and so set downe and demonstrated at large by a late Answere published to the said Attorney his booke of Reportes , as I thinke in hast will not be answered . Wherupon , forsomuch as this new deuised accusation , of Rebellious doctrine and Equiuocation , is taken vp by so many handes of those that be enemies to Catholicke Religion ; I thought it conuenient to cleere somewhat more this 〈◊〉 ; and as I had , before I laid aside this worke , treated sufficiently , as it seemed to me , of the former point , concerning Rebellious doctrine , vpon the sight only of T. M. his first pamphlet ( as in the precedent two Chapters yow haue seen ) yet now vpon the appearance of this Minister Thomas Morton in his proper name and person , & of his new Reply that promiseth full satisfaction in all ; it seemed necessary that I should goe forward to finish my first intent , and to examine the second point or head of his accusation in like manner , apperteining to the doctrine of Equiuocation , made no lesse odious now by continuall clamours of sycophancy , then the other of Rebellion it selfe . 3. One other circumstance also stirred me greatly to proceed in this short worke , which was , that togeather with these bookes sent out of England , aduertisement was giuen , that this Minister Thomas Morton was Chaplain to my Lord of Canterbury , who being head of the spirituall Court of Arches , which is , or ought to be the supreame for matters of cōscience in England , I was in hope to haue some remedy against this his Lordships Chaplaine , if I should demonstrate , that he dealeth against all conscience , obseruing no law , either of truth or modesty towardes Catholick men in this his Reply , nor any regard either to his owne or Maisters honour , he behauing himself so fraudulently against his owne knowledge and conscience , as in this writing he doth . And if I proue not this afterward , by multiplicity of manifest & manifold examples , as in part yow haue seene that I haue done before , let me be thought to haue done him iniury ( which willingly I would not doe vnto the worst man liuing ) in which place I hold not him , though by his pen I must needes iudge him to be bad inough . 4. Now then to the point it self of his Reply , which he calleth , as hath byn said , A full satisfaction ; it seemeth to me as full as pipes and hoggesheades are wont to be heere in these countreys at the time of vintage , when they are full only of winde and aire and nothing els ; and so yow shall see afterwardes , that this his Reply is full of wordes without substance , of florish without truth , of fraude without reall dealing : for that lightly he scarsely alledgeth any text of his Aduersaries wryting , without some fort of sophistication both of wordes and sense , or other like knackes . And further so distracteth and dismembreth his aduersaries threed of speach , citing one branch of it in one part of his Reply , another in another , one sentence first that should haue byn last , and another last that should haue byn first , therby to confound the Readers memory ; one period halfe deuided , the other quartered , the third left out , the fourth disguised : so as it is euident that he sought rather to fly , to couer , shaddow , and hide himself , then really and substantially to come to the combate , as examples ensuing shall make all manifest . 5. But heere perhaps some will say , that this seemeth a meruaile vnto them , for that this man pretendeth to deale more distinctly and exactly then others , for that he setteth downe seuerally , plainly , and cleerly , first the wordes of his former pamphlet of Discouery , then the text of his aduersary ( the moderate answerer ) and thirdly the full satisfaction of his faithfull Reply . And furthermore he draweth euery thing to diuisions and subdiuisions , distinctions & contra-positions , which make a iolly florish in the Readers eye , being set downe in logicall rancke . As for example , in his first reason , for setting Catholickes and Protestantes at debate , he saith he will proue it thus . By a threefold euidence from a Popish . 1. Definition of an Heretick . 2. Explication of a person excommunicate . 3. Application of Romish Censures to them both . And then the last member againe is proued : By Popish . 1. Councelles . 2. Bulles . 3. Doctours . 6. And is not this plaine and cleere saith one ? Yes , to entertaine Children by sound of wordes , or pleasing pictures . But when we come to the substance , & find that neither he alledgeth his Aduersaries speech sincerely , nor answeareth truly to the sense , but either dissembleth the same , or runneth a side , or confirmeth his said aduersaries argument , by his feeble answers , what importeth this ostentation of bare and ydle sillables ? 7. But you will say that he seemeth to haue seene and read much of our moderne Catholicke Authors , and to alledge them more abundantly in his text and margent then commonly other writers of his coat & calling haue hitherto done , for euery where almost he quoteth Vasquez , Suarez , Tolet , Bellarmine , Cunerus , Azor , Alsonsus de Castro , Sayer , Gregorius de Valentia , Bannes , and others , which I graunt , that he hath seene and taken a view of them and others , if they be notes of his owne gathering , but he hath considered of them , as Satan had considered of Iob , and his actions , when God said vnto him : Numquid considerasti seruum meum Iob ? and he signified , yea , but it was to bely and calumniate him ; and so hath this fellow considered of our Catholicke authors , not only to slaunder them what he may , but manifestly to falsify and corrupt them in many places both in wordes , meaning and whole drift of their discourses , as in part yow haue seene already , and shall more largely and particulerly vpon iust occasions afterwardes . 8. Nor hath this whole Reply of his , though bigge in bulke , any substantial point almost handled therin , either about the one or the other two partes of his subiect proposed , to wit , Rebellion , and equiuocation ; wherby he would dissolue all friendly combination , and association betweene Catholick and Protestant people ; for as concerning the first , he hath no more in effect , but that which before hath byn touched in his ten deuised and distended Reasons : That we hold Protestantes for Heretiques excommunicate , and subiect to all the penalties of Ecclesiasticall Canons made by the Church against ancient Heretiques : That we ascribe power to the Bishop of Rome in certaine cases , to censure , to excommunicate , to depriue Princes , wherof is inferred , that such and such daungers may ensue , which finally is nothing els , but may , so as the question being De futuris contingentibus , of thinges contingent to come ( wherof the Philosopher saith there is no science ) all remaineth in vncertainty , but only the suspition & hatred which he would raise against vs : but what the Protestantes doctrine hath done & doth at this day against lawfull Princes in their Realmes , the armies in the low countreys , Hungary , Poland , Suetia and other places , doe testify not only to our ears , as things absent , but as present also to our eyes , & then must I inferre , that where we haue so many examples of so manifest experience and present action , where we see and behold and feele with our senses what passeth , and what hath passed , and what is like to ensue daily by the notorious vnquiet spirits of new Ghospellers , vnder any Prince whatsoeuer that contenteth not their humours . What shall we stand wrangling with this Minister , or any his like , about possibilities or coniecturall probabilities ? What may fall out in time against his Maiesty , for example , of Great Britany , who hath byn a King , a Protestant King , almost forty yeares , and neuer receaued hurt or disquietnes from any Pope , though diuers haue byn in that Sea within the compasse of this time , and many other Kinges and Princes both in Denmark , Sueueland and Germany for more yeares without molestation receaued or offred frō the said Sea , which I dare auouch no Catholicke Prince , King or Emperour can say that he hath passed halfe so many years in quiet gouernmēt ouer Protestant people , vnto whome their doctrine giueth as great power ouer Princes in that case , as we ascribe to Popes and farre greater ; wherin I remit me , to that which hath byn said and demonstrated in the precedent two Chapters . 9. And now to end about this first point of our Ministers Reply , that wheras in his former libell of ten reasons , intituled , A discouery of popish doctrine &c. He set downe in his first reason , for proofe of our insociability with protestantes , that we hold them for excommunicate Hereticks , & subiect to all the penalties belonging to such men , wherof one among the rest is , that we must fly them , and auoid their conuersation ; the answerer of the pamphlet , for better milding and pacifying the distempered humour of this enraged Minister , told him that English Protestantes were not simply held in that accompt with vs , to wit for excommunicate Heretickes , in such degree as they were either to be auoided , or subiect to the penalties apointed by holy Canons for ancient Heretickes ; vnderstanding ( as himself doth sufficiently insinuate ) this to be in regard that they are not , nor any among them to his knowledge , expressely , and by name denounced and condemned for conuict in that behalf , which circumstance of particuler condemnation and denuntiation , by most lawiers and Deuines opinions is necessary , before the said punishmentes , especially externall , can be inflicted , albeit the internall , to wit , the losse of grace , separatiō from the Church , excommunicatiō , & the like be incurred ipso facto , by the holding and professing of any condemned Heresy whatsoeuer , as before in the precedent Chapter more largely we haue declared . 10. But for the externall punishments , as debarring from conuersation and communication with them , losse of goodes , honours , and dignities , depriuation of offices , inhability to inherit , note of infamy , incapacity of Christian buriall , and the like , there being two opinions betweene Catholicke writers , the one more large and mild , that none of these punishments are to be actually incurred , but after particuler denuntiation and sentence giuen by a Iudge against the party , the other more seuere , that in some cases , the notoriousnes of the thing may be so great , as in some part they may therby be incurred without sentence ; the iust & moderate answerer ( for so he intituleth his booke , and in this point sheweth it by effectes ) made choice rather of the more temperate , & mild opinion ; which in like manner is the more vniuersall among both Canonistes and Catholicke Deuines , he thinking it sufficiēt to cite only to that purpose , as in his answere he did , the Councell of Lateran , Cunerus , Nauar and others , but he might haue cited many more : for in truth it is the more common opinion by much , as may be seene by the wordes of these learned men ensuing : Antoninus p. 3. tit . 25. cap. 3. Angelus verbo Excomunicat . 8. n. 3. Sotus . 4. dist . 22. q. 1. art . 1. Victor in summa de Sacram. tract . de excom . Armilla verbo Excomunicat . nu . 50. Rosel . excommunicat . 6. nu . 44. Siluest . verb. Excommunicat . 5. q. 3. Caëtan . in summa . Ledes . 4. dist . q. 23. art . 1. and diuers others . 11. But now this Minister finding that some Catholicke Author did hold the other opinion in like manner , that in certaine cases some of the forenamed punishmentes might be incurred before particular denunciation by an Ecclesiasticall Iudge , triumpheth greatly , as though he had taken the said answerer at great aduantage , and found plausible matter to entertaine cauillation against him , and therupon spendeth diuers Chapters of his Reply in citing some of those Authors to his purpose , without telling his Reader , that it is a matter in dispute or question among Catholicke writers ; but as though all were cleere and resolued on his side , he citeth not only Panormitan , Bannes , and others , but the Iesuite also Gregorie de Valentia , in these wordes : If the guilt of Heresy be so notorious ( saith he ) as that by no euasion it can be concealed , the party doth incurre the penalty , thus far , that his subiectes may deny such a Lord all fealty , yea before the sentence of iudgment . In alledging of which authority , though but short , as you see , he vseth the same fraud which commonly yow shall find in all the rest , or most part of his allegations , to wit , that somewhat is mangled , added , or left out of purpose to make the thing sound against vs , as heere the Latin text hath , Haeresis siuè Apostasiae à fide , of Heresy or Apostasy from the faith , and then paena praedicta incurritur ex parte , the foresaid punishment is in part incurred : and lastly , Non tamen ita , vt teneantur ( subditi ) Domino Haeretico aut Apostatae obsequium negare ; but yet that subiectes are not bound to deny obedience to their Lord that is an Hereticke or Apostata ; all with moderations our Minister cutteth of , and leaueth out , to the effect that yow may imagine . But for that of these trickes we shall haue afterward occasiō to treat more particulerly , I will intermit the same now , & returne to speake a word or two more , of the foresaid moderate Answere made to the Ministers slaunderous discouery , soone after the publication therof in England ; though not come to my handes in many monethes after . 12. And wheras the Answerer both in regard of the exasperation of times then running , and to performe the title of his booke , which is , A iust and moderate Answer , indeauoreth euery where prudently to fly the occasion of more offence and exulceration , and to worke the moderation that he might , without iniury of the truth ( for this seemeth to haue byn his purpose ) especially in affirming , that no Protestantes are held by vs for excommunicate Heretickes ( meaning therby , denounced by name , as before hath byn decsared : ) this other stickler and stirrer of coles will needes take vpon him to proue at large , that Protestantes are esteemed to be truly Hereticks , excommunicate , and subiect to all the Censures of the Church , which any ancient Hereticke was in times past : and to this effect he bringeth in the definition of an Hereticke , set downe by Catholicke writers , the explicatiō of persons excommunicate , and the application of Ecclesiasticall Censures against them both , which he proueth by three meanes , to wit , of Generall Councelles , Popes Decrees , and Doctors iudgmentes ; by all which he proueth Protestantes to be esteemed Heretickes , & held for guilty of all the paines and penalties therof , both internall and externall , spirituall and temporall , in the sight , sense and opinion of all the vniuersall Catholicke Church , for many ages togeather ; And is not he worthy of a good fee thinke yow for pleading for Protestantes in this manner ? 13. But whatsoeuer he may deserue in this ( which I leaue to other mens iudgmentes ) I must needes say , that in two or three other pointes , he hath deserued little of the Protestant cause , and so I thinke will his Lord and Maister say , when he shall make true reflexion vpō the case ; for first he hath brought in a needlesse cōparison betweene the stirring humours of Protestant & Catholicke people , in matter of obedience to their Princes , which must needs fal out to the great disgrace of the Protestant party , as by the afore alledged examples and other proofes may appeare and be seene by the eye . 14. Secondly he taketh vpon him yet more fondly in the second part of this his Reply , to make a publique iustification of all Protestantes for rebelling against their Princes , in any countrey whatsoeuer , but more particulerly and especially in England , & therin doth so iustify Cranmer , Ridley , Syr Tho. VVyat , & others that conspired against Q. Mary in England , Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , and like Ministers in Scotland , turning vpside downe that State against their Soueraignes , the Rebellions raised in Suetia , Polonia , Germany , Switzerland , France , and other countreys , as his iustification is a more plaine condemnation of them , and their spirits and doctrine in that behalfe , then if he had said nothing at all , as partly shall afterwardes appeare , by some instances that we shall alledge therof . 15. Thirdly he doth with as little discretion bring in that accusation before mentioned of hard wordes vsed by some of our Authors against his party that followeth Caluins doctrine : as namely ; That they belieue no one article truly of the Christian Creed ; That they are Heretickes , & therin far worse and in more damnable state thē Turkes , Iewes or Infidelles ; That their doctrine leadeth by consequence to Turcisme and Infidelity &c. for by this occasion both the Author of the moderate Answere hath alledged many cleere authorities of principall Protestantes themselues , that are of the same opinion , and we haue added many more therunto , in the precedēt Chapter of this booke , wherby is made manifest , that the profession of Caluins doctrine is no lesse held for Heresy , Apostasy , and infidelity by all other sortes of Protestantes of our daies , then by Catholicke men themselues ; and much more may be added for iustification of that point which needed not to haue byn brought in , but vpon this occasion , to shew that English Protestantes are held for Hereticks , not only by the Catholick Church whose iudgment most importeth , but by the cheiffe pillars also of the Protestantes profession in other countreys . And when I doe name Heresy and Heretickes , the prudent Reader will remember that I doe name the most heinous and damnable thing that any Christian cogitation can comprehend , no matter of iest or dispute , but of terrour and teares . 16. Fourthly I can as little commend the Ministers wit for drawing into the field againe a new disputation , and speciall Treatise of his , adioined in the end of this his Reply , about Equiuocation or doubtfull speeches , sometimes lawfull to be vsed for good and pious endes , and for auoiding sinne and other hurtes both spirituall & temporall , wherin though the lawfulnes and necessity therof both by law of nature , diuine and humane , haue byn made euident , vpon diuers occasions in England these later yeares , since this calumniation was raised against vertuous and learned mē about the same ; yet one proofe wee shall adde more heere in this place , which before I haue not seen set downe at any length , which is that not only Protestantes themselues doe both vse and abuse the same , as the Answerer declareth ; but that this very Author our Minister that inueigheth so sharpely & ignorantly against the manner of speech , which he calleth Equiuocation , is forced in almost infinite places of his Reply , either to graunt that he doth Equiuocate , or els that he lyeth flatly . And for this also I remit my self to the proofes that after shall ensue . 17. And so to conclude this Chapter , concerning my iudgment about the Answere and Reply to the foresaid Discouery of Rebellion and Equiuocation , I must needes say , that the Answerer hath endeauored to effectuate so much as he promised in the title of his booke , which was , of a iust and moderate Answere , and in performance therof , hath not only borne on matters temperately , as before hath byn shewed , but spared also his Aduersary in many pointes , and namely in passing ouer his allegations without note or check , hauing not perhaps either time or commodity of bookes to examine the same , or perswading himself , that in so small a pamphlet , and palpable matter , a Minister would not aduenture to vse so many falsifications ; but he was deceaued , not knowing so well this generation of men , who finding their cause deuoid of truth , are forced to hold vp the credit therof by sleightes of falshood . In the rest , the Answerer quitteth himself learnedly , and sheweth much reading in particuler , as by the multiplicity of Authors by him alledged doth well appeare . But the Replier is so far of from performing his promise , of a full satufaction concerning double Romish Iniquity , as he hath scarce satisfied fully or meanly any one argument or authority alledged by his aduersary , who though I may presume he will best declare himself by his Reioinder to this Reply , if he thinke him worthy of so much labour ( as in truth I doe not , especially at this time , when so grieuous punishmentes are procured in England by him & his like for such as doe presume to answer their bookes : ) yet meane I also briefly in this Treatise , by some examples to make it manifest , leauing the rest to himself to be treated , and refuted by him more largely & abundantly , when he shall thinke it best conuenient ; my purpose being only to lay forth in general the iniuries which this Minister doth offer vnto all Catholick people , by slaundering them in the foresaid two odious accusations of Rebelliō & Equiuocation , wherof hauing treated sufficiently about the first in the two foregoing Chapters ( and shall doe more in two other that ensue ) we meane by Godes help to passe thence to the other generall head of Equiuocation , & to handle the same with no lesse euidency of truth , equity and piety of Catholicke doctrine therin , then hath byn declared in the other before cōcerning our innocency , wherin I remit me willingly to the indifferent Readers iudgmēt & censure . VVHAT THE MINISTER THOMAS MORTON DOTH IN THIS REPLY and full satisfaction ansvvere CONCERNING The former point of charge against Protestantes , for Rebellion , Conspiracies , and Disobedience ; the effect wherof is drawne to three principall Questions . CHAP. IIII. ANd now after iudgment giuen of this Ministers Reply in generall , it shall be needfull that we descend somewhat to particulars for proofe therof . And wheras he , by so many sleightes and turninges of diuisions and subdiuisions , numbers & members of thinges to be handled , or rather hudled , as also by transmutation from due places , alteration of order , clipping and culling of wordes and sentences , endeauoreth so to entangle the sight and vnderstanding of his Reader ( especially the more vnlearned ) as he may not easily finde where he walketh , nor when he answereth to purpose and when not , when he leaueth out and when he putteth in all , when he dealeth plainly and when fraudulently , and by consequence after much reading , can scarce be able to make any firme conclusion at all about the matter in controuersy : Our course shall be quyte contrary , endeauoring to bring all to breuity , perspicuity , and certainty , so much as in vs lyeth , for so we thinke it necessary for the Readers true satisfaction , after the small satisfaction he can receiue by the full satisfaction promised by this Minister . 2. Wherfore to reduce all that before hath byn said by him , or his Answerer , or my self , concerning the charge of sedition and Rebellion , vnto some perspicuous order and method , three pointes seeme vnto me most important to be considered in this matter , as cōprehending the summe & substance of all that hath byn said , answered , or replied vpon . The first concerning Heresy ; the second , seditious doctrine tending to Rebellion , and the third , the practice and exercise therof : wherin as in all other pointes of argument , & discourse , when the obiection and solution is once heard , and well considered , no great difficulty remaineth for a discreet man to make the conclusion , and to settle his minde therin . The first Question about Heretickes and Heresy . §. 1. FIrst then there hath byn a great contention and is betweene vs , as in the second Chapter of this Treatise you haue heard , about the name , nature , and application of Heresy and Heretickes ; this Minister maketh it a principall ground in the very beginning of his first discouery , why Catholickes and English Protestantes may not liue togeather in one Common-wealth , without continuall feares of treason to be practized from the said Catholicks , for that they held Protestantes to be Heretickes : and hereupon doth he bring in that long list and rablement of losses and penalties , both temporall and spirituall adiudged by ancient Councelles , and Canons Ecclesiasticall , to be incident , and due to all sortes of Heretickes , rising vp against the Church from the beginning : whervnto his moderate Answerer giueth that moderate satisfaction , which in the precedent Chapter we haue signified , to wit , that concerning the execution of those penalties ( especially the externall ) it is not due against any vntill lawfull and iudiciall denuntiation haue passed ; and that forsomuch as apperteined to the imputation of Heresy vnto them that are of Caluins Religion professed in England , not only Catholickes , but diuers sortes also of the most renowned Protestantes did stand therin most resolutly holding them to be true and properly Heretickes . And for this he cited many instances , authorities and examples ; and we haue added more in the said second Chapter that goeth before . 4. Now then it is to be considered maturely without passion or heat of contention , whether this be so or not , and how T. M. doth answere these instances of his first aduersary ( for mine hitherto he hath not seene : ) for if this be true , that indeed they are held for Heretickes by learned and graue men of their owne profession , who are no lesse opposite to vs then they ; then falleth first the ground of his bitter exclamation against vs for reputing them so , & secondly followeth it also , that as great probabilities of treasons and conspiracies may be suspected from those of the other sectes , that hold them for such , ( if that opinion be the cause of treasons ) as Lutherans , Zuinglians , Puritans , and the like . And lastly ensueth a weighty consideration , that if by all sides they be held for Heretickes , how deeply the graue or rather grieuous assertion of S. Augustine before alledged is to be held in memory , & pondered with terrour . Firmissimè tene & nullatenus dubites , omnem Haereticum vel Schismaticum cum Diabolo & Angelis 〈◊〉 aeterni ignis incendio participandum : Hold for most certaine and no way make any doubt , but that euery Heticke or Schismaticke , of what sort soeuer , shall be partaker of the flames of eternall fier , togeather with the diuell and his Angelles ; which is a dreadfull sentence , especially if we remember both his and all other Holy Fathers vniforme definition of an Hereticke , to consist principally in this , that he hold with obstinacy any one article contrary to the beliefe of the vniuersall visible and knowne Church , for that out of these two maior and minor propositions , the conclusion is easily made who is an Hereticke , and therby also in the danger denounced by S. Augustine . 5. The first proofe then which the Answerer alledgeth against the discouery of T. M. in this behalfe , is the authority , censure and iudgment of the Deane & Colledge of the famous Lutheran Vniuersity in Germany , named Tubinga , set downe by the said deane and Comon Reader of that Vniuersity named Philippus Nicolaus in a large booke with this title : Fundamentorum Caluinianae sectae cum veteribus Arrianis & Nestorianis communium detectio : A discouery of the fundamentes of the Caluinian sect , which are common to them with the ancient Arrians & Nestorians : & he proueth through many Chapters togeather , that Caluinists are no lesse Heretickes then the other , and they agree with him at least in seauenteene or eighteene principall articles , alledging also 〈◊〉 authority to the same effect . 6. This is the charge . What doth the Minister now Reply vpon large and mature deliberation in this his full satisfaction ? Yow shall heare it in his owne wordes : That which they did ( saith he ) in the spirit of opposition and contention is not much to be regarded : and this is all he saith to the purpose , for that presently he runneth a side to proue by other meanes , that Caluin did not hold with the Arrians and Nestorians ; but this is to take a new contention in hand with the Vniuersity of Tubinga , whether they censured well or no , and not to answere vs , whether Caluinists be truly Heretickes by the iudgment of that Protestant Vniuersity , which in effect he granteth , when he saith : That it is not much to be regarded what they did in the spirit of opposition & contention ; so as they censure him , and he censured them : wherby is cleer that in their iudgment , both he and his are condemned , which is the point in question . 7. And by this and many other like authorities alledged by me to this purpose in the precedent second Chapter , is euident , that in the iudgment and conscience of all Lutheran Protestantes whatsoeuer , not only in the spirit of opposition and contention , as this man saith , but in their calmest spirit ( if euer they be in calme ) all Caluinistes are held by them for damnable Heretickes , yea , deploratissimi Haeretici , most desperate Heretickes saith Franciscus Stancarus a chief Superintendent in Polonia : Alieni ab Ecclesia Dei , & satanae membra , saith Luther himself : cut of from the Church of God and therby made true members of Satan ; which censure being laied vpon them by men of their owne profession is a very considerable point to be marked by him that feareth the eternall fire before mentioned by S. Augustine . For as if so many learned Phisitians should tell vs that we were in a dangerous consumption , or so many skilfull Lawyers should admonish vs that we were by law in a case of extreme temporall danger of death , we would looke about vs : so much more ought we in this case . 8. I passe ouer the testimony of Conradus before mentioned , who affirmeth Caluinistes to belieue and teach rightly no one article of the Creed : that also of Heshusius , that saith , their association is a most blasphemous & sacrilegious sect : that of Hunnius , it is most damnable and the right way to hell : that of Schutzius , calling it the sinke of all wicked Heresies : that of Modestus , that maketh Caluinists as badd as Iewes and Mahometanes : that of Matthias , Grauerus , and others , that affirme all Protestantes that follow Caluins doctrine prosessed enemies of Iesus Christ : al which being Ministers , and zealous professors of Luthers new Ghospell , cannot be imagined by Protestantes to haue byn so much abandoned by the Holy Ghost , as to giue this deliberate Censure of their brethren in profession , if it were false , or else must we thinke , that they had neuer the true spirit of God in them , wherof which soeuer our Minister granteth , he is in the brakes : And thus much of Lutherane Protestantes . 9. Next to this where the danger without cōparison is farre greater , the Answerer obiecteth to our Minister , the opinion of the Puritanes , to wit , the more zealous part of the Caluinian profession it self , who affirme in the name of all their brethren ( whome they say to be thousands ) that the ordinary Protestantes of England are not only in errour and Heresy , but are plaine Infidelles ; and that it is infidelity to goe to their Churches ; and that it was a damnable sinne in the Parliament , yea more heinous then that of Sodom and Gomorrha to cōfirme such an erroneous Religion . And the same and other like censures of theirs are related in my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions : and the occasion and foundation of this censure and iudgment is set downe of late very cleerly in the preface to the answere to Syr Edward Cookes Reports , where is shewed why ( supposing the groūdes of both Religions and differences , especially in the origen of Ecclesiasticall power which giueth essence to the true Church ) they cannot be but as heathens , publicans and Infidelles the one to the other . 9. Now then how doe yow thinke that T. M. shifteth of this charge ? No otherwise then the former , by granting the matter ; but inueigheth against the men : This writer and you ( saith he ) may ioine fellowship : yow dedicate your booke to the King , he to the Parliament ; he pretendeth the consent of a thousand ; yow of a thousand thousandes ; he for all his consent is not many , and yow ( for ought you will pretend ) but one &c. So he . But what is all this to the purpose ? He granteth the point in question , that English Protestantes are held for Heretickes , in the science & conscience of Puritanes : so as , both by enemies and friendes , they are thought to be in an euill case . And truly this is much plainer dealing in cōfessing a truth ( that they be in deed at such debate amōg themselues in the very substance and essence of their Religion ) then that of Deane Sutcliffe , who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to returne A full and round answere ( for so he intituleth his booke ) to the VVarn-word of N. D. ( euen as now T. M. doth his A full satisfaction ) when he came to the purpose , he was so far from being full & round , as to foure whole Chapters which the other had made of this matter , to shew the dissentiō of Protestants among themselues , & the condemnation of Caluinistes by all other Protestant sectes of our time , he answered not twice foure lines to all the said discourses , testimonies , examples , and demonstrations , but dissembling al , as though no such thing had byn written by his aduersary , at last in the end of a Chapter , brake forth into the deniall of any such different names or sectes at all , saying : Neither doe we acknowledge the names of Lutheranes , Caluinistes , Zuinglians or Puritanes , but only doe call our selues Christians &c. VVe say further , that the Churches of Germany , France and England agree , albeit priuate men hold priuate opinions . 10. Thus Deane Sutcliffe : and by this audacity yow may know the Deane , for that no man els I thinke could without blushing haue denied the notice of so notorious names and differences , or so boldly haue affirmed that all the Protestant Churches of Geneua , France and England did agree , notwithstanding that priuate men held priuate opinions ; so as belike Churches may agree without men , to wit , in their walles and windowes : but these are escapes fit for M. Sutcliffe , and so to him I leaue them . 11. But yet the moderate Answerer goeth one step neerer vnto T. M. and telleth him that a great learned man of his owne side , a rare linguist , a long traueller , trained much in Geneua and other Citties of Germany , highly commended by M. VVillet in his printed workes , and admired by others ; to wit , M. Hugh Broughton hauing considered well of our ordinary Protestantes Religion , condemned the same of infinite errours & Heresies , in a certaine aduertisement published in print , vpon the yeare of Christ 1604. giuing grieuous curses of Anathema Maranatha to the same , & to diuers Bishops in particuler , as namely to M. VVhitgift , late Archbishop of Canterbury , and to M. Bilson yet Bishop of VVinchester , affirming further that their Bible , after their translation , and by their corrupt notes thervnto , is made worse and more dangerous then the Turkes Alcaron , and causeth many millions to run to eternall flames : that he hath found the text of the old Testament only , peruerted in eight hundred and eight and forty seuerall places , and other like pointes ; whervnto I finde T. M. to answere nothing in effect touching the matter it self in question , either by deniall of the thing , or otherwise , but only ascribing it to passion and lack of iudgment in him , which the other perhaps will retourne to him againe . But let vs hear our Ministers wordes to his aduersary . 12. VVhat modesty ( saith he ) can this be in you to obiect vnto vs a man whome you know to be sequestred from vs , rather by impotency of passion , then by any difference of Religion : And is not this a very substantiall answere ? Is not this a full satisfaction , according to the title of his booke ? and was not the censure of the Puritanes cast of a little before in regard of like passion ? And all the Lutheran Protestantes of Tubinga before that againe vpon pretence of like passion , as writing in the spirit of contradiction and contention ? What triall , what witnes can haue place if this kind of answering may be admitted ? But it is sufficient to me that by confession of our Minister himselfe their Religion is held for error , Heresy , and infidelity , not only by Catholickes or Papistes , as they call them , but also by Protestantes themselues , both Lutheranes and Puritanes , and some learned also of their owne proper sect , which is a pittifull confession if we consider of it well , and no lesse dishonorable & preiudiciall vnto them , to haue the name of Heretike ascribed & laid vpon them , aswell by friendes as enemies , as it is honourable and comfortable vnto vs to be called Catholickes , according to S. Augustines obseruation , not only by freindes but also by our enemies . And thus much of the first Question . The second Question about seditious Doctrine . §. 2. 13. ALl our contention hitherto in this point hauing byn , whether truly & really the doctrine of Catholickes or Protestantes be more peaceable , or seditious in it self , or more dāgerous or secure to Princes , concerning the obedience or Rebellion of their subiectes , whatsoeuer hath byn obiected by the accusation or calumniation of our Minister , in his former discouery against Catholickes , hath not byn any direct doctrine , teaching or insinuating , much lesse inciting subiectes to disobedience or Rebellion , as before hath byn declared , but only by a certaine consequence or inferēce , that for so much as in certaine vrgent and exorbitant cases , we ascribe to the Christian Common-wealth and supreme Pastour therof , authority to restraine & punish supreme Magistrates in such cases ; that therfore our doctrine is seditious , and tending , indirectly at least & à longè , to Rebellion ; though the visible experience of so many great Kingdomes round about vs , lyuing for so many yeares , and sometimes ages also , in quiet security , notwithstāding this doctrine , doth conuince this to be a calumniation . 14. But our Aduersaries doe not onely teach this , That euery Christian Common-wealth vpon mature deliberation and with generall consent hath such anthority , but further also , that particular men and Common people haue the same , and are not only taught , but vrged in like manner , & exhorted to vse it , when soeuer they suppose their Prince to offer them iniury or hard measure , especially in matters of Religion ; wherof the moderate Answerer obiecteth many examples and proofes against T. M. taken out of their owne bookes , wordes and wrytinges , as also by the testimonies of other principall Protestant-writers , wherevnto though T. M. would make a shew to answere somewhat now in this his Reply , and therupon hath framed a second seuerall part of his booke for iustificatiō of Protestantes in that behalfe : yet is it so far of from A full satisfaction ( the title of his whole worke ) as in effect he confesseth all that his Aduersary opposeth , no lesse then yow haue heard in the former question , though somewhat he will seeme sometimes to wrangle , and to wype of the hatred of their assertion by Commentes of his owne deuise . 15. And indeed what other answere can be framed to most plaine assertions out of their owne wordes and writinges , as of Caluin , Beza , Hottoman , and so many other French Caluinistes , as I haue mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise ? Goodman also , Gilby , VVhittingham , Knox , Buchanan , and others neerer home vnto vs ? All the forenamed Collections in like manner of him that is now Archbishop of Canterbury , of Doctour Sutcliffe and others , in the books intituled , Dangerous positions , Suruey of the pretended Disciplinary Doctrine , and the like , wherin their positions are most cleerly set downe , concerning this matter . And albeit this Minister T. M. in his Reply , doth vse all the art possible to dissemble the same , by telling a peece of his Aduersaries allegations in one place , and another peece in another , altering all order both of Chapters matter and method , set downe by the Answerer , so as neuer hare when she would sit , did vse more turninges and windinges for couering her selfe ( which the Reader may obserue euen by the places themselues quoted by him out of his aduersaries booke : ) yet are his answerers such , where he doth answere ( for to sundry chiefe points he saith nothing at all ) as doe easely shew that in substance he confesseth all and cannot deny what is obiected . And where he seeketh to deny any thing , there he intangleth himself more then if flatly he confessed the same . Some few examples I shall alledge wherby coniecture may be made of the rest . 16. The Answerer alledgeth , first the wordes of Goodman , in his booke against Queen Mary , wherin he writeth expressely , that it is lawfull by Godes law and mans to kill both Kinges and Queenes , when iust cause is offered , and herself in particuler , for that she was an enemy to God , and that all Magistrates and Princes transgressing Gods lawes , might by the people be punished , condemned , depriued & put to death , aswel as priuate transgressours ; and much other such doctrine to this effect , cited out of the said Goodman . All which the Bishop of Canterbury his second booke of Dangerous positions hath much more largely , both of this Goodman and many other English Protestantes , cheife Doctours of their Primitiue Church , residing at that time in Geneua . And what doth T. M. reply now to this ? Yow shall heare it in his owne wordes . If I should iustify this Goodman saith he ( though your examples might excuse him ) yet my hart shall condemne my self : But what doe yow professe to proue , all Protestantes teach positions Rebellious ? Proue it . Heere is one Goodman , who in his publicke book doth maintaine him : I haue no other meanes to auoid these straites which yow obiect , by the example of one , to conclude all Protestants in England Rebellious ; then by the example of all the rest to answere , there is but one . So he . 17. And this is his full satisfaction and faithfull Reply , as he calleth his booke ; but how poore satisfaction this giueth , and how many pointes there be heere of no faith or credit at all , is quickly seene by him that will examine them . For first how doe the 〈◊〉 alledged agaist this Goodman by the Moderate Answerer excuse him , as heere is said , seeing the wordes he alledgeth against him out of his owne booke are intollerable , and my Lord of Canterbury alledgeth farre worse ? As for example , that it is most lawfull to kill wicked Kinges when they fall to Tyranny , but namely Queenes , and thervpon that Queene Mary ought to haue byn put to death as a Tyrant , Monster , and cruèll beast ; alledging for confirmation therof diuers examples out of Holy Scripture , as that the Subiectes did lawfully kill the Queenes Highnes Athalia , and that the worthy Captaine Iehu killed the Queenes Maiesty Iesabell , and that Elias , though no Magistrate , killed the Queenes Highnes Chaplaines , the Priestes of Baal ; and that these examples are left for our instruction &c. And now , tell me , how may these examples excuse M. Goodman , as our Minister Morton auoucheth ? 18. Secondly it is both false and fond to affirme that the moderate Answerer tooke vpon him to proue either that all Protestantes in these our dayes , doe teach such Rebellious positions , or that all Protestantes in England are Rebellious , as heere is affirmed ; for that this were to deale as iniuriously with them , as they and he doe with vs , by imputing this last Rebellious fact of a few in England , to the whole sort of Catholickes and to their doctrine . It was sufficient for the Answerers purpose to shew that both Goodman and many others , principall pillars of the English new Ghospell in those daies , did hold , belieue , and practice those positions out of the true spirit of the said Ghospell . And herevpon thirdly it followeth , that it is a notorious impudency to auouch with such resolutiō , as this man doth , that there is but this one of that opinion , and that one dram of drosse ( as he saith ) proueth not the whole masse to be no gold . For who knoweth not first , that VVhittingam , afterward Deane of Durham , approued and made a preface to Goodmans booke , commending highly the said doctrine ? Gilby also another of that primitiue Geneuian Church , who is thought by some to haue byn the Author of the famous seditious booke , intituled , Of Obedience ( he should haue said Of Rebellion saith my Lord of Canterbury ) which booke approueth and commendeth the same doctrine most highly , as the said Lord testifieth at large , by setting downe their positions , and then addeth as followeth about the consent of others . 19. Goodman ( saith he ) for his conclusion is most earnest with all English subiectes , that they would put his doctrine in practice , assuring them that in so doing , if they be cast into prison with Ioseph , to wilde beastes with Daniel , into the sea with 〈◊〉 , into the dungeon with Ieremy , into the fiery fornace with Sydrach , Mysaach , and Abdenago : yet they shal be comforted . Wheras if they will not , in seeking to saue their liues , they shall loose them ; they shall be cast out of the fauour of God ; their consciences shal be wounded with hell-like tormentes ; they shall despaire and seeke to hang themselues with Iudas ; to murder themselues with Franciscus Spira ; drowne themselues with Iudge Hales ; or els fall madde with Iustice Morgan &c. At Geneua &c. 20. This doctrine , saith VVhittingham , was approued by the best learned in these partes , meaning Caluin & the rest of the Geneuians . The English men of name there at that time besides Goodman and VVhittingham , were ( as I take it ) Antony Gilby , Miles Couerdale , Dauid VVhitehead , and sundry others , who liking the said doctrine also exceedingly , were very earnest to haue the same printed for the benefit , as they said , of their Brethren in England . VVhittingham made a preface to Goodmans booke , wherin he greatly commendeth this doctrine , and writeth thus in the name as it seemeth of all his fellowes there : VVe desire that yow ( meaning all in England and elswhere ) that loue to know the truth and follow it , should be perswaded in this truth ( to wit of deposing Princes that follow not their Ghospell . ) And yet further : Heere thou dost heare the eternall speaking of his Minister &c. quickly giue eare and obey &c. And againe : If thou wish for Christian liberty come and see how it may easely be had &c. From Geneua &c. So he . 21. Wherby may be seene that there was more then one dram of drosse in that golden masse , if euery one of these first Geneuian Ghospellers weighed a dram ; and by this may be seene also , what credit may be giuen to these Ministers asseuerations , that so guilefully doe affirme or deny what maketh for their purposes , without scruple of lying , euen then whē they speake against Equiuocation . For it was impossible , but that T. M. knew this to be so , when he auouched the contrary , that Goodman was alone in this case ; and how then could he write and print it , except either by secret Equiuocation , or manifest lying ? 22. Nor is it much to the purpose , to say , that English Protestants doe not now professe those positions of Goodman and the rest of those ancient daies for that the times and state of thinges be changed and bettered with them ; for they are not vnder Princes that presse them to matters against their willes . But yet we must imagine , that those who had Primitias Spiritus , the very first fruites and greatest feruour of that new Ghospelling-spirit , did speake and write more properly out of the force and instinct of that spirit , according to the nature and essence therof , then these later , who accommodate themselues to the condition of states and times ; and that these now would fall to that also , if they were in their case . 23. For proofe wherof the moderate answerer citeth diuers like Rebellious assertions , set downe by such as esteeme themselues the purer sort of Protestantes , against Queene Elizabeth also , though a Protestant Princesse , when shee pressed them in matters cōcerning their Religion ; in which positions they affirme : That she was worse and lesse tolerable then her sister Queene Mary , and not to be obeied in her procedinges against them ; yea openly they moued diuers Magistrates to take armes against her , and namely in the marches of VVales , as appeareth yet by their supplications to the Gouernour of that countrey . He obiecteth in like manner the publicke positions , and printed doctrine of Buchanan , Knox , and other chiefe Ministers and preachers of Scotland , about the very same times , who publickly and resolutely giue authority to the people , to pull downe , punish , & depriue Princes , aswell of their Crownes , as also of their liues when they think them worthy ; yea , do allow publicke rewardes to be proposed to such as kill euil Princes , no lesse then to them that destroy noisome beastes , as rauenous wolues , beares , and the like . He addeth moreouer out of the very notes of our moderne Protestantes vpon the Bible , euen by the iudgment and interpretation of his Maiesty himself , in the late conference with the Puritanes , that deposing and killing of Princes is allowed , out of their exposition of Scriptures , for lawfull in such cases , as they goe against Religion ; which censure to be conforme to the iudgment and writinges both of Luther , Zuinglius and Caluin , he sheweth by quoting their wordes and works in sundry places , which for breuity I pretermit . 24. And what doth T.M. answere to all this thinke yow ? Yow shall heare part by part according as before the obiections haue byn set downe . To the first about Puritans , I finde no answere at al , so as in this , I see not how his satisfaction may be called full , for somuch as it is quite nothing : To Knox & Bucchanan their assertions , he answereth thus : You might haue added , that there was in Scotland an act of Parliament to call in that Cronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such contemptes and innouations , and then citeth in the margent anno 1584. which was almost thirty yeares after the said doctrine had byn taught , preached , and practised in that Kingdome , by those first Ghospellers . And is not this A full satisfaction trow yow ? What if the Cronicle of Buchanan were called in , that recounted with approbation and insolent triumph the attemptes made vpō their lawfull Princes , by incitation of this doctrine ? Doth this take away the doctrine it self ? Or doth it proue that those first Ghospellers held it not ? What became of the other bookes of Knox , and namely his Cronicle ( for he wrote also a Cronicle of the same matters , and of his owne actes therin , as Caesar did his Commentaries ) were they abolished hereby ? Or doe not the same thinges remaine in Holinshed , Hooker , Harison , Thyn , and other writers aswell English as Scottish ? Or doth all this proue that this was not their doctrine ? See then how full or rather fond this satisfaction is . 25. As for the iudgment and testimony of his Maiesty , about the notes of English Ministers vpon the Bible , allowing it for lawfull in certaine cases to depose and kill Princes , he answereth thus : It will be requisite without preiudice to the most learned and Religious iudgment of his Maiesty to satisfy for two places related from that conference &c. And then he passeth on to discourse at large of the meaning of those places , and vnder the colour of the foresaid honorable preface , he taketh licence to dissent from his Maiesty , signifying in effect that either the conference was not well related , or his Maiesty mistooke their meaning in those notes ; and yet is the matter cleere by his owne confession , that their said notes vpon the second booke of Cronicles , and 15. Chapter vers . 16. doe not only allow the depofing of the Queene Maacha by her sonne King Asa , for Idolatry , but further doe reprehēd him also sharply for that he had not put her to death by fier , saying thus in their note : That whether she were Mother or Grandmother , yet herin the King shewed that he lacked zeale ; for she ought to haue byn burnt by the couenant , as vers . 13. appeareth , & by the law of God Deuteronomy 13. but he gaue place to foolish pitty , and would also seeme after a sort to satisfy the law . So they in their note . 26. But who will looke vpon the two textes of Scripture by them heere cited , shall finde no mention of burning , but only of putting to death , and in Deut. of stoning only . But how doth he now defend this note of our English Ministers , allowing the deposition and putting to death of Princes ? Yow shall heare his shift ( for he is much troubled with his Maiesties obseruation : ) VVhat shall we say then ? ( saith he ) is the Soueraignty of Kinges disabled ? God forbid ; but it is rather established therby , for the King is made the deposer , yea euen of whosoeuer . Doe yow see his poore flattering shift ? If the Queene Maacha might be deposed according to their note , and that ex Augusto Imperio , from her Imperiall gouernment , as the text of Scripture hath , yea and that she ought according to the law of God to haue byn put to death , as now hath byn said , for her Idolatry , then is it a poore shift to say that Kinges cannot be deposed , for that they must be the deposers , seing that in Deut. where the Commission is giuen , there is no mention of Kinges at all , but Gods speach & commission there is vnto the people : Sitibi voluerit persuadere frater 〈◊〉 &c. If thy brother , or wife , or friend will perswade thee to leaue God let thy hand be vpon him , and after thee the hand of all the people ; which notwithstanding is to be vnderstood as before in the second Chapter we haue noted , both out of the 13. & 17. Chapters of Deut. and the glosse therevpon , according to the order there set downe , to wit , after the cause examined & sentenced by lawfull Iudges . And at this time when this law was ordained , there were no Kinges in Israel , nor in many yeares after , and consequently this commission could not be giuen to Kinges only . 27. So then for so much as English Protestant-Ministers that made these notes , doe authorize by this place of Deut. the deposing and killing of that Imperiall Queene ; his Maiesties censure was iudicious , & true , that therby they allowed that lawfull Princes might be in certaines cases deposed and put to death . And the first shift of T. M. in this place is ridiculous , wherby he would seeme to make secure al Kinges from danger of deposition , for that themselues by Godes word ( which yet he proueth not ) must be the deposers , and then he presumeth they will not depose themselues ; but for Queenes he leaueth them to shift as they may : Which doctrine I suppose he would not haue set forth in print in the late Queenes daies . But their assertions are according to times and places : and so this shall be sufficient for the second Question . The third Question concerning practice of Rebellion . §. 3. 28. ANd now hauing byn lōger in the former two Questions , then in the beginning was purposed , I shall endeauour to be shorter , if it may be , in this last , though the multitude of examples , partly set downe by vs before in the first Chapter of this Treatise , and partly to be read in Histories and obserued by experience of Protestantes continuall tumultuation against Catholicke Princes , would require a larger discussion , then both the other two Questions put togeather : albeit on the other side againe the matters are so cleere as they need no discussion at all , but only narration . For what can our Minister answere in reason or truth , to all that multitude of instances of Protestantes Rebellions , in the foresaid first Chapter set downe , and for the most part obiected before ( as now I perceiue ) by his aduersary , the moderate Answerer ? We shall briefly runne ouer some few examples . 29. To the instances in England of continuall conspiracies and insurrections against Queene Mary , he setteth downe first this bold and shameles prouocation . After the proclamation of her title ( saith he ) shew vs what Protestant euer resisted ? what Minister of the Ghospell in all that fiery triall did kindle the least spark of sedition among her people ? In which wordes is to be obserued , first that he saith , after the Proclamation of her title , to excuse therby the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke , the Marques of Northampton , and others that tooke armes against her , before shee was proclaimed in Londen , though in Norfolke she had proclaimed her self presently vpon the death of her brother King Edward : as also to excuse Cranmer , Ridley , Sandes , Latimer , Rogers , Iewell , and other Ministers that had preached most bitterly against her title . But what , is the residue true , that heere so boldly he auoucheth , that neuer any Protestant resisted , nor Minister kindled the least spark of sedition among her people after her title proclaimed ? Is this true I say ? Is this iustifiable ( for he calleth this Treatise a iustification of Protestantes ? ) Is this any way to be mainteined by any shew or shift whatsoeuer ? What then wil he say to the new conspiracy and iterated Rebellion of the Duke of Suffolke , & of his brother the Lord Iohn Grey , not only after the said Queenes title proclaimed , but after she was in possession , and had pardoned them both of their former Rebellion ? What will he say to the Rebellion of Syr Peter Carew , Syr Gawyn Carew , Syr Thomas Denny , & other Protestant Gentlemen , that tooke armes in Deuonshire within six daies ( saith Stow ) after the arraignemēt of the Duke of Northumberland ? What wil he say to the conspiracy of Syr Iames a Croftes & others in VVales , discouered ( saith the same Authour ) about the fiue and twentith day of Ianuary next ensuing ? What will he say to the Rebellion of Syr Thomas VVyat and his confederates in Kent ensuing about the same time ? Were they not Protestantes that were authors therof ? Or was not Queene Maries title yet proclaimed ? Will our Minister face out this ? What will he say to the cōspiracies ensuing after this againe , from Syr Edward Courtney Earle of Deuonshire , Syr Nicolas Throckmorton , & others ? what to the conspiracy of VVilliam Thomas , who hauing determined and plotted the murder of the said Queene , and conuicted therof , professed ( saith Stow ) at his death at Tyburne , that he died for his countrey ? 30. I passe ouer other conspiracies and Rebellions , as that of Vdall Throckmorton , Iohn Daniel , Stanton , Cleber , the three Lincolnes , and after them Thomas Stafford , and others , that comming out of France with instructions of the brethren of Geneua , surprised Scarborough Castle , made proclamations against the Queene , that she was iustly deposed , and other such like attemptes by that sort of people , who all professed themselues to be Protestantes , and to haue entred into those affaires principally for their Religion : And with what face or forhead then doth T. M. say in this place ? Shew vs what Protestant euer resisted ? &c. 31. But much more impudent is the second part of his assertion about Ministers , saying : That no Minister of the Ghospell did euer kindle the least spark of sedition against Queene Mary : Wheras his aduersary obiecteth many by name , as Cranmer , Ridley , Rogers , and Iewel before mentioned , who as is euident by Fox his story in his Actes and Monumentes , both dealt , preached & stirred people against her , all that lay in their power . And as for Cranmer , it is euident he was condemned for the same treason in Parlament : Ridley preached openly at Paules Crosse against her title : Rogers at Clocester : and Iewel was appointed to preach in Oxford , had he not byn preuented by the sudden and vnexpected proclayming of the said Queene there by Syr Iohn VVilliams & others . 32. The instances also that we haue alledged of Goodman , VVhittingham , Gilby , Couerdale , VVitehead , & sundry others testified by my Lord of Canterbury , to haue taught and practized sedition against the said Queene in those daies , doe they not conuince this Minister Thomas Morton of rare & singular impudency ? will any man euer belieue him hereafter what he saith or affirmeth , denieth or shifteth of , seing him to auouch so manifest vntruthes , as these are , with so shameles asseueration ? 33. But yet to conuince him somewhat more , I think good to set downe some of the particuler wordes and phrases of two or three of the principall forenamed pillars of the Protestant primitiue Church in our Iland ( omitted for breuities sake by the moderate Answerer ) to the end yow may see their spirit , & iudge of this mans forehead in standing so resolutely in the deniall taken in hand . For first Iohn Knox , in a booke written & printed at Geneua 1558. which was the last of her raigne ; wherin after he had said , That is is not birth only or propinquity of bloud that 〈◊〉 a King lawfull to raigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ &c. He goeth forward , saying thus : I feare not to affirme that it had byn the duty of the Nobility , Iudges , Rulers and people of England , not only to haue resisted and withstood Mary that Iezabel , whome they called their Queene ; but also to haue punished her to death , with all the sort of her Idolatrous Priestes , togeather with all such as should haue assisted her &c. Doe yow see here his Euangelicall spirit ? Doe yow see the essence of his doctrine ? Doe yow heare this new Prophet declare himself cleerly ? But let vs giue audience to another of like vocation and spirit . 34. The second is his deere brother Christophor Goodman , who in a booke of his printed also at Geneua the same yeare 1558. the title wherof was , How Superiours ought to be obeyed , writeth thus : I know yow of England will say that the Crowne is not entailed to heire-males , but appertaineth aswell to the daughters , & therfore by the lawes of the Realme ye could doe no otherwise then admit her , but if this be true , yet miserable is the answere of such as had so long time professed the Ghospell , and the liuely word of God. For if it had byn done by Pagans and heathens , which knew not God by his word , it might better haue byn borne with all , but among them that beare the name of Godes people , with whome his lawes should haue chief authority , this answere is not tolerable . If she had byn no bastard but the Kinges daughter , as lawfully begotten , as was her sister , that Godly Lady and meeke lambe ; yet at the death of our lawfull Prince King Edward , that should not haue byn your first coūsaile or question , who should be your Queene , but first and principally who had byn most meet among your Brethren to haue had the gouernment ouer yow . For a woman to raigne Godes law forbiddeth , whose raigne was neuer accompted lawfull by the word of God &c. So he . And behold heere now whether these mens worde of God did not serue them to all turnes , euen to barre lawfull succession , to depose the possessor , and whatsoeuer themselues listed . 35. The third Doctor of this learning was M. VVhittingham , Deane afterwardes ( for his good merittes ) of Durham , who made a preface to the foresaid booke of Goodman , allowing and commending the same highly , as a thing consulted , examined & approued by Caluin , and the rest of the most learned Ghospellers of Geneua , for thus he writeth : M. Christophor Goodman conferred his articles and cheif propositions of his booke with the best learned in these partes , who approuing the same , he consented to enlarge the said worke , and so to print it as a token of his duety and good affection towardes the Church of God : and then if it were thought good in the iudgment of the Godly to translate the same into other languages , that the profit therof might be more vniuersall . So VVhittingham ; with whom concurred in iudgment VVhithead , Couerdale , Gilby , and others then liuing in Geneua , which Gilby wrote also of the like argument a speciall admonition to the Realmes of England and Scotland , to call them to repentāce by all likelyhood , for that they had admitted , tolerated , and not put to death Q. Mary of England , and not yet deposed , as after they did , Q. Mary of Scotland both Mother and daughter ; and the booke was printed the same yeare by the same Crispin in Geneua : wherin besides that which he vttereth against this Queene Mary as a Catholicke Princesse , or rather no Princesse in his opinion , he hath these wordes also of King Henry her Father , euen after his fall from Catholicke Religion : The boare was busy wrooting & digging in the earth with all his pigges that followed him , but they sought only for the pleasant fruites that they winded with their long snowtes , and for their owne bellies sake &c. This monstrous boare for all this , must needes be called head of the Church vnder paine of treason , displacing Christ our only head , who alone ought to haue this title . So Gilby . And for that all this was spoken , written , and printed diuers yeares after Q. Mary was proclaimed , and installed Queene , and all tending euidently to sedition as yow see ; ( besides the flat deniall both of King , and Queenes supremacy ) it conuinceth plainly that which our Minister T. M. before denied . And so with this conuiction in the sight of all his Brethren we leaue him . But yet let vs heare what he saith to some other particulers before by vs obiected . 36. To that then of Syr Thomas VVyat , the Duke of 〈◊〉 , and others he answereth diuersly . First the History relateth ( saith he ) the pretence of VVyat thus : A proclamation against the Queenes marriage desiring all Englishmen to ioine for defence of the Realme &c. then that in Queene Maries oration against VVyat , there is not to be fond ( saith he , ) any scruple concerning the cause of Religion : thirdly that no Minister of the Ghospell was brought in question as a Commotioner in that cause : Lastly , if intent might answere for Protestantes accused in that name ; then is it plaine , that it was not Religion : If for VVyat and his fellowes ; it is plaine it was not against the Queene or State , but for both . So he . In all which different clauses of his answer , consider if any one be in it self true , for as for the first and second , though VVyat pretendeth in his proclamation the said marriage with Spaine to be the chiefe cause ; yet not alone , but that the Queene and Counsell ( saith Fox ) would also by this marriage as he affirmed bring vpon the Realme miserable seruitude , and establishe Popish Religion . 37. And the same Fox relateth Queene Maries wordes in her oration thus : That the matter of the marriage is but a Spanish cloake ( saith shee ) to couer their protensed purpose against our Religion . So as in these two pointes the Minister lieth openly , but more in the last , that VVyats attempt was not against Queene Mary or the state , but for both , for that Queene Mary in the same oration , as both Fox and Holinshead doe iointly relate , affirmed VVyats answere to haue byn to Syr Edward Hastinges , and Syr Thomas Corn-wallis sent from her vnto them , which he also at his arraignment confessed , that he and his would haue the gouernance of her person , the keeping of the Tower , and the placing of her Counsellours . And as for the other point , whether any Ministers were called in question as Commotioners in that attempt , importeth little , for so much as no man can doubt but that the Commotion being so generall and for Religion , as Fox affirmeth , all Ministers hartes and tongues were therin in secret , and their handes in like manner so far forth as they durst ; which being well knowne to Queene Mary & her Counsell , caused them to proceed against the principall soone after in matter of Religion , preferring therin the iniury done to God before the iniuries offered to her self : though Doctor Sanders doe affirme that diuers chiefe of the new Clergy , & amōg them Doctor Cranmer , were conuinced to haue conspired in that Rebellion . And by this we see how well the Minister hath iustified his Protestantes in this point : It is euen as good as their iustification by only faith , which maketh them lesse iustifiable then before . Let vs passe to some other examples and se what he saith to the Rebellion of Protestantes in other countreys . 38. To that which hath byn proposed of Scotland , both by the moderate Answerer and by my self also in my first Chapter of this Treatise , of so great and intolerable insolencies vsed in Scotland by Protestant-Ministers and their Disciples against Grand-mother , Mother , Father and sonne , all lawfull Princes violated by them , he yeeldeth no other answer or satisfaction , but that which before hath byn recited , that in a Parlament vpon the yeare 1584. the Chronicle of Buchanan was called in by the said Parlament ( the Kinges highnes then being about eighteene yeares old . ) But what is this to the purpose ? Did this alter their doctrine or manner of Rebellious proceeding therevpon , which they had vsed both against his Maiesty in the time of his minority and against his Mother and Grand-mother before him , and against him after this Statute published ? No truly , but they were more earnest in their sedition afterward then before , for that the very next yeare after , they caused that notorious surprise to be made vpon his Royall person at Striueling before mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise . 39. Iames Gibson also one of the chief Ministers being called before his Maiesty and priuy Counsell vpon the one and twentith of December 1585. vsed intollerable speech vnto his highnes , calling him Persecutour , and comparing him to Ieroboam , threating his rooting out and the like , which his Maiesty can best remember : So as such doctrine , and such practice being held by them & their new Ghospelling Brethren of Scotland in those dayes , it is a simple satisfaction for our Minister to come forth now with a reuocation of Buchanans Chronicle , as though that did remedy the matter , or as though that reuocation had byn made by them ( I meane the Ministers repentant for their former doctrine ) and not rather by the Ciuill Magistrate , impugned and resisted by the other . And this for the present of Scotland . 40. To the examples of France alledged by the Answerer of infinite rebellions made by the Protestants , for many yeares togeather against sundry Crowned Princes of that Realm , of which attempts many were so barbarous , as without horrour they cannot be vttered : And one French writer affirmeth that within the compasse of one yeare , which was 1562. two and fourty thousand Priestes , Religious , and Ecclesiasticall persons were most desperately murdered , aboue twenty thousand Churches cast on the grounde , and within the compasse of ten yeares by the witnes of a Protestant writer Colignius , two millions of men were slaine , two thousand Monasteries ouerthrowne , nine hundred hospitalles destroyed , & aboue two hundred Citties & Castelles ruined vnder one only K. Henry the third . To all this ( I say ) he answereth that according to the Historicall Collections , which he hath seene of French affaires , the fault of all this , is to be laid vpon the house of Guise , who being strangers , sought to suppresse the natural Princes of the bloud Royal in France , as also to oppresse the Ghospellers : But suppose this were true , which I hold to be most false & slaūderous yet could not this particuler passion of the house of Guise make lawfull the Protestants Rebellion against their naturall & lawfull Kinges , no more then if now in England the Catholikes or Puritanes should rebell against his Maiesty , for that some noble man or men of the Counsell were knowne to be their enemies . 41. To the examples of Caluin and Beza in Geneua , both for doctrine and practize , he answereth first for doctrine , granting Caluins sentence to be : That when a King vsurpeth Gods throne he looseth hu Royalty . And againe : If the King exalt himself to Godes throne and commaundeth any thing contra Deum against God , then to pull him downe . Moreouer he granteth that Caluin vseth this phrase ; That when a King doth so behaue himself , we must spit in his face , which is spoken , saith our Minister , comparatiuely , and not Rebelliously : He expoundeth also those wordes of Caluin ; Abdicant se potestate , that such Kinges are bereaued of authority ; meaning only ( saith he ) in that case of contradiction against God. But let the Minister tell vs , who shall be Iudge of this , who shall determine the case ? To whome shall it belong to giue sentēce , when a King doth contradict God , when he vsurpeth Gods throne , when he commaundeth any thing against God , and consequently , when his face must be spitten on , when he must be pulled downe , & when he must be depriued of all regall authority ? Did Thomas Morton euer finde in any Catholicke writer such wordes , or sense in preiudice of Princes ? And yet the fond Minister , as though he had plaied worthily his Master-prize vaunteth in these wordes : Thus is Caluin iustified concerning his doctrine , and in him also Beza : bycause Beza ( say yow ) his Successour in place succeeded him also both in opinion and practice . True Sir : they are both iustified in your manner of iustification , & they are fit iustified Saints for your Calendar . 42. And hauing said thus , he passeth yet further , adding a second prouocation about practice in these wordes : VVe haue heard of their opinion ( to wit of Caluin and Beza ) haue yow any thing to except against their practice : And this demaund he made , when he knew and had seene his Aduersaries many and most grieuous accusations against them in that kinde , not only for mouing that people of Geneua to open Rebellion against their Lord and Prince the Bishop ; but also the people of France , against their King and Soueraigne , citing good authorities for the same , saying : Caluin and Bezae armed the subiectes against their Prince of Geneua , and ( as Caluin himself , Doctour Sutcliffe , & the Bishop of Canterbury be witnesses ) deposed their Soueraigne from his temporall right , and euer after continued in that state of Rebellion ; They celebrated also a Councell , wherin was concluded that King Francis the second , then King of France , his wife the Queene , his Children , Queene Mother &c. should be destroyed : And his quotations for these thinges are : Beza l. de iure Magistrat ; Sutcliffe answ . to suppl . and Suruey , Caluin in epist. Pet. Far. orat . cont . Sectar . defens . Reg. & Relig. &c. All which being seene by our Minister , he demandeth notwithstanding as yow haue heard with this hypocrisy , haue yow any thing to except against their practice ? As though there were nothing at all , not only not to be accused or reprehended in them , but not so much as to be excepted against : And is not this notable dissimulation in a matter so cleere and euident ? Who can belieue this Minister at his word herafter ? But let vs now see how he will answere the matter it self obiected , and then will yow admire his impudency much more . 43. For better vnderstanding wherof yow must know , that besides al that which is alledged for proofe of this accusation out of Caluin & Farellus their owne Lordes , and my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions , Doctour Sutcliffe doth of purpose , and at large proue the same in two whole Chapters , to wit the second and third of his Suruey against the pretended discipline ; shewing out of diuers authors , and namely Franciscus Boninardus , that wrote the History of Geneua ( as he saith ) by Caluins direction , Symlerus and Bodinus ; that for aboue fiue hundred yeares gone the Bishop of Geneua was not only spirituall , but temporall Lord also of that Citty , and the same confirmed vnto him by the Emperour Frederick the first , vpon the yeare of Christ 1124. and , as Caluin himself confesseth in his writinges to Cardinall Sadoletus , had Ius gladij & alias ciuilis iurisdictionis partes , the power of life and death and other partes of ciuill iurisdiction ; and that this Prince and Bishop was cast out by the people vpon the preachinges and practises of Farellus , Caluin , and other Protestant Ministers : Quo eiecto ( saith Bodinus , ) Geneuates Monarchiam in popularem statum commutârunt : who being cast out , the Geneuians did change their Monarchy into a popular State. 44. And finally after many proofes Doctour Sutcliffe setteth downe his opinion in these wordes : I doubt not but that I may presume , without any mans iust offence , to speake my opinion as touching the deuinity which was pretended by the said Ministers of Geneua against their Bishop ; for indeed I doe dislike it . If such dealinges were simply to be vrged by the word of God , they might reach further then would be conueniēt . I neuer thought it agreable to deuinity , for Ministers to cast of their Rulers at their owne pleasures ; one of them writeth thus : That the light of the Ghospell had restored to the Citty that principality which the Bishop had before ; But all the learned deuines in Germany at their conferences with the Emperour , were of a contrary opinion &c. I am not the man that will either iustify mine owne discretiō , or impugne any thing which may be brought for the ciuil proceeding of that State , or any other , so as they carry no false groundes of deuinity with them , which may proue dāgerous to our owne , such as haue byn since published for the authorizing of subiectes in many cases to depose their Princes . So he . 45. And now by this large discourse , yow see fully his minde , first that the Bishop of Geneua was Lord , and Prince of that Citty for diuers ages , confirmed also by the Emperour : secondly that he was vniustly depriued by the people , vpon the preaching and false groundes of deuinity of Farellus , Caluin , Beza , and other Protestant preachers : thirdly we see the reason why he thinketh thus ; least their doctrine might reach further then would be conuenient , and be dangerous in England : So as he also ( as yow see ) doth accommodate his doctrine and groundes of deuinity , to the commodity of his cause . 46. But now let vs see how this Minister Sutcliffe , and our Minister Morton haue agreed togeather , vpon a farre different manner of answering this matter at this time , and yow will perceiue therby what people they are who change their answeres as time and wether walketh . For after that Morton had read all this in Sutcliffe , & yet made the matter so strāge , as by his former demaund you haue heard , when he said : & haue yow any thing to except against their practice ? Now heere he answereth after another fashion thus : The booke ( saith he ) of Doctour Sutcliffe , I could not finde , and I needed not seeke it , for I haue conferred with the Master , who answered me , that the booke De iure Magistratus he neuer thought to be Beza his worke , and concerning the State of Geneua , and Bishop therof , he was neuer their Prince , but the State of the towne was a free State of it self : and now to make a question whether I should belieue him , or yow , is to doubt whether he that hath byn at Geneua , or he that neuer saw it can better report the state therof , the conclusion will be that yow may rather proue those Bishops to haue byn iniuriously ambitious , then the Citty Rebellious . So he . 47. This is his faithfull reply and full satisfaction , according to the title of his booke . And now consider good Reader what honest men these two Ministers are , that so contradict the one the other , and that vpon conference togeather for thy deceipt and cosenage : for euen now yow heard Doctour Sutcliffe to affirme that the Bishop of Geneua had byn temporall Prince for many hundred yeares , and that vpon the preaching of Farellus , Caluin and others , they chaunged their Monarchy into a popular State , and that himself misliked the same , according to the groundes of deuinity ; and how then doth he say heere to his fellow Minister Morton , that the Bishop of Geneua was neuer there Prince , and that the state of the towne was a free State of it self ? Can these thinges stād togeather ? Morton saith moreouer he could not finde Sutcliffes booke , which truly is a thing very strāge , there being so many thousandes printed of them in England ; but more strange it is , that Deane Sutcliffe should so soone forget his owne booke , and what he wrote therin , & so egregiously cosin his Brother-Minister in their priuate conference , as to make him belieue , and vtter now in print quid pro quo , and chalke for cheese as he doth . But it cannot seeme probable that Morton belieued it himself , but rather would make the simple Reader belieue the same , and so dazell his eyes for his deceipt : & this is their manner of dealing in most matters , where fraude may be vsed . 48. It were ouer long to looke into all other examples obiected by the moderate answerer , how they ar replied vnto by T. M. As for example the known reuoltes and Rebellions of Flanders , and of those States against their lawfull Princes , and so many outrages committed therin for almost now forty yeares , if not more ; the bloudy tumultes in Germany and Switzerland vpon Luther and Zuinglius their doctrine , wherin Zuinglius himself the head stirrer was slaine ; the like in Denmark for expelling Catholicke Religion , and bringing in of Lutheranisme ; the manifest Rebellion , intrusion , and oppression of Duke Charles in Sweueland against his Nephew the King of Polonia , lawfull Inheritour of those States , enduring vnto these daies ; as also the open warres of Boscaine , and his fellowes in Hungary against the Emperour , in fauour of Protestant Religion , and of the Turke himself , whose Confederates they confesse themselues to be . 49. Into these & other examples as I said , time will not permit vs to enter with any length , nor will it be to any purpose ; for that we shall finde them as sleightely answered or shifted of , as the rest before . For vnto the first and last , of Flanders and Hungary , the Minister answereth in effect nothing at all ; and I meruaile not , if he answered this with silence , seing he answered all the tumultes of Scotland for so many yeares continued , by saying only as yow haue heard : That Buchanans Chronicle was recalled by an act of Parlament . 50. To the other of Germany and Luthers seditious proceedinges both in wordes , writinges and deedes , wherin it is obiected among many other thinges that he censured both K. Henry of England , and many other Princes with intolerable , insolent , and vile speaches , affirming them vnworthy of all gouerment ; that Protestantes handes must be imbrued with bloud , & that thervpon ensued most bloudy warres throughout Germany and almost all Christendome besides , Munsters Rebellions also in the same countries , who preached , that Rebellion against Catholicke Princes for Religion was to be called The warre of God , and that he had 〈◊〉 commandement from God to that effect ; whervpon ensued the slaughter of a hundred & thirty thousand men in three monethes &c. To the first of Luther , he answereth very sagely in these wordes : Luthers literall censure of wordes will be partly confessed , but the other of swordes , which drew bloud can neuer be proued . Yow see vpon what pointes of desperate deniall he standeth , and yow may remember how cleerly the matter hath byn proued before , and what is extant in most writers of our time about the same . 51. The other of Munster he reiecteth , as not being of his Religion , & yet no man can deny , but that he was of Luthers schoole , and spronge out of the first seed and spirit of that new Ghospell ; but hard it is to discerne who be brethren , and who be not , when it standeth for their commodity to acknowledge or deny one the other . Heere yow see he denieth Munster , & acknowledgeth Luther to be of their Ghospell and fraternity ; and yet no man doth reiect them more contemptuosly , or condemneth them more seriously for Heretikes then Luther himselfe , as before out of his owne wordes yow haue heard . To the stirres in Switzerland raised by Zuinglius , who was slaine also in the feild , he saith in like manner nothing ; and little more to Denmarke , but that now all is quiet there , and Lutherane Religion in full possession , but he telleth vs not by what styrres and tumultes the same was brought in . 52. To that of Sueueland , and the open Rebellion of those Kingdomes , he findeth only this shift to put of the matter . It was ( saith he ) the demaund of the whole state , for defence of their countrey priuiledges , liberties , and fruition of Religion ; can any Papist call this Rebellion ? No truely Syr in your sense , who doe call the state whatsoeuer multitude of people doth rebell against their Princes , for the liberty of your Ghospel , for so yow called the party Protestant of Scotland ( if yow remember ) the Lordes of the Congregation , and the state of the Realme : and the other party that stood with the Queene , was called a faction , and so likewise in France and Flanders , Germany and Sueueland , those that tooke exceptions first , and then armes against their Princes , are called the State , or States , vnited Prouinces , those of the Religion , and by other like titles of honour : and the other part or rather body it selfe , hath the name of Enemies , Persecutors , Tyrantes , Papistes , and other odious appellations . But I would make this demaund , how came 〈◊〉 particuler men to be States , & to be called the Common-wealth ? were they not first subiectes ? And did they not first withdraw themselues from the obedience of their lawfull Princes , by sleightes , dissimulations , pretence of greiuances , liberty of Ghospell , and the like deuises , vntill at last they fell to open armes ? May not any number of rebells make themselues a state in this sense ? But I will vrge yow no further , for that I well see yow cannot answere , & to driue yow beyond the wall is to small purpose , I haue compassion of yow . A BRIEF CENSVRE IS GIVEN OF A NEVV TREATISE set forth by T.M. INTITVLED , A Confutation of the Popes Supremacy , as supreme head of Rebellion &c. Annexed to his former iustification of Protestant-Princes , for matters of Rebellion . CHAP. V. THis Minister Thomas Morton not content , after the pretended confirmation of his first discouery and reasons therof , to haue added a second Treatise , conteyning ( as he saith ) A Iustification of Protestantes against imputations of disobedience and Rebellion against temporall Princes , either in doctrine or practice ( both which you haue heard now how substātially he hath performed ) he thought good also to ad a third Treatise ( though nothing needfull to the argument in hand ) which he intituleth , A confutation of the principles of Romish doctrine in two pointes , first , concerning the Pope supreame head of Rebellion , and secondly , the impious conceipt of Equiuocation . And forasmuch as of the second point , which is Equiuocation , we are to treat more largly in the ensuing Chapters , and that the first seemed to me impertinent to be treated againe seuerally in this place , the substance therof hauing byn touched sufficiently , forasmuch as belongeth to this affaire , in the former Chapters , especially the second ; I had purposed once to passe it ouer without any answere at all , as indeed not deseruing any , it being only a certaine disorderly hudling togeather of peeces and parcelles of other mens collections about that matter , better handled by themselues : But yet considering afterward the speciall manner of this mans treating the same matters , both in regard of fraude and simplicity , though contrary the one to the other ; I iudged it not amisse to giue the Reader some tast therof in this one Chapter , wherby he may be able to frame a iudgment of the rest , and of the exorbitant veine of this mans writing . 2. First then he beginneth the very first lines of his first Chapter with these wordes : This pretended predominance ( saith he ) of the Pope in temporall causes , whether directly or indirectly considered ( in which diuision of gouerning the Romish schoole is at this day extreamly deuided ) if it be from God , it will sure plead Scriptum est &c. By which sole entrance yow may take a scantling of the mās discretion ; for it cannot be denied I thinke ( except we deny the Ghospell ) but that Scriptum est was pleaded also by the diuell , and not only by God , as in like manner it hath byn by all Hereticks , the diuels cheif Chaplains , since that time ; and consequently it was no good exordium to build all vpon this foundation . 3. Secondly it is not true , that the Romish schole is so extreamly deuided in this diuision of gouerning directly or indirectly , as the Minister would make it : for the question is not at all of gouerning , but how the right to gouerne in temporall causes , was deliuered by Christ to S. Peter and his Successours , whether directly , togeather with the spiritual gouernment ouer soules , or els indirectly and by a certaine consequence , when the said spirituall gouernment is letted and impugned , as before hath byn declared . In which difference of opinions there is no such extremity of diuision among Catholickes , as this man would haue men thinke : for that all doe agree in the substance of the thing it self , that the Pope hath this authority from God Iure diuino , in certaine cases , whether directly or indirectly that little importeth to this our controuersy with the Protestantes , who deny both the one and the other . And so much for that . 4. The next sentence or obiection after the former preface ( which is the very first of his discourse ) is framed by him , but yet in our name , vnder the title of the Romane pretence in these wordes : The high Priestes in the old Testament ( saith he ) were supreame in ciuill causes , ergo they ought to be so also in the new : for which he citeth , one Carerius , a Lawier , that wrote of late in Padua De potestate Romani Pontificis , defending the former opinion of Canonistes for direct dominion , & citeth his wordes in Latin thus : Dico Pontificem in veteri Testamento fuisse Rege maiorem : And Englisheth the same as before yow haue heard , that the high Priest was supreame , in ciuill causes ; which wordes , of ciuill causes , he putteth in of his owne , and if yow marke them , doe marre the whole market : for that Carerius hath them not either in wordes or sense , but teacheth the plaine cōtrary in all his discourse , to wit , that he meaneth in matters appertaining to Religion and Preisthood , and not of temporall principality , which this Author granteth to haue byn greater in the old Testament in dealing with Ecclesiasticall men & matters , then in the new ; & to that effect is he cited presently after by the Minister himself , contrary to that which heere he feigneth him to say . But let vs heare the wordes of Carerius . Tertiò dico ( saith he ) etiam in Testamento veteri fuisse Pontificem Rege maiorem : quod quidem probatur &c. Thirdly I say that the high Priest was greater also in the old Testament then the King , which is proued first out of the 27. Chapter of Numbers , where it is appointed by God , that Iosue and all the people should be directed by the word of the high Priest Eleazar , saying , whē any thing is to be done , let Eleazar the high Priest consult with God , and at his word aswell Iosue , as all the children of Israell , and whole multitude shall goe forth and come in &c. And secondly the same is proued out of the fourth of Leuiticus , where foure kind of Sacrifices being ordained , according to the dignity of the persons , the first two are of a calfe for the high Priest & commonwealth , the third and fourth of a hee and shee-goat for the Prince and priuate persons : Wherby Carerius inferreth a most certaine dignity and preheminence of the Priestes state , aboue the temporall Prince , though he say not in ciuill causes , as this Minister doth bely him . 5. And wheras Carerius had said in two former Answeres , first that in the old Testament , Ecclesiasticall and secular iurisdiction were not so distinct , but that both might be in some cases in the King , and secondly that in the new law , the spirituall power was more eminent then in the old ; he commeth thirdly to say that in the old law the High Priest in some respectes was greater also then the King , which cannot be vnderstood of ciuill power , except the Author will be contrary to himself . And therfore that clause was very falsly and perfidiously thrust in by the Minister , and this with so much the lesse shame , for that in the end of the same Chapter he citeth the same Author to the plaine contrary sense , saying : In veteri lege Regnum erat substantiuum & sacerdotium adiectiuum &c. That in the old law the Kingdome was the substantiue , that stood of it self , and Preisthood was the adiectiue , that leaned theron , but contrary-wise in the new law , Preisthood and spirituall iurisdiction is the substantiue or principall in gouernment , and temporall principality is the adiectiue depending therof , for direction , and assistance , the one both by nature and Godes law being subordinate to the other , to wit the temporall to the spirituall . And thus much concerning this guile by flat falshood . Now to a tricke or two of other sortes of shifting by him vsed for deluding the Reader . 6. It followeth in the same place , as a second Romish pretence : That the old Testament was a figure of the new in Christ , and therfore that in the new , the spirituall power ( as the Popedome , saith he ) must be the chiefe or substantiue &c. Which short sentence he patcheth out of two different Authors , Salmeron and Carerius , part of one , & part of another , and then frameth this graue answere thervnto : In this obiection ( saith he ) there is more childhood then manhood , babish grammer , then sound deuinity . So he . And will you heare his manhood in sound deuinity ? It followeth imediatly . The old Testament indeed ( saith he ) in his earthly elementes was a figure of this spirituall and heauenly ; but of the truly heauenly , the day of that eternall sabboth , and the Celestiall Hierusalem , the Mother-Citty of the Sainctes of God. Behold his manhood in sound deuinity . Let it be so , that the old Testament was in many thinges a figure of the heauenly sabboth and Celestial Hierusalem , but what ( Syr ) will yow conclude of this by your sound deuinity ? Was it not a figure also of many thinges vpon earth , which should be fulfilled in the new Testament ? Were not their Cerimonies and Sacrifices a figure of our Sacramentes & Sacrifice ? their Manna of our Eucharist ? their circumcisions and washinges , figures of our Baptisme ? doth not S. Paul in the ninth and tenth of his first Epistle to the Corinthians set down many examples to this effect ? As that of Deuteronomy : Nō 〈◊〉 os boui trituranti , thou shalt not binde vp the month of the oxe that laboureth , vnto our preachers of the new Testament ? as also the passing of the Red-sea by the Israelites ? their being baptized in the cloude ? their food of the Manna ? their drinking out of the rock , which 〈◊〉 Christ ? and diuers other thinges , wherof he saith : 〈◊〉 autem in figura facta sunt nostri ; these thinges were done in figure of our present State. And againe : Haec autem omnia in figura contingebant illis ; all these thinges did happen to the Iewes in figure , but were to be fulfilled truly and really according to the spirituall meaning in the new Testament ? Is not all this so ? were not these thinges to be fulfilled aswell vpon earth as in heauen ? how thē doth our Minister put that aduersitiue clause : but of the truly heauenly ; as though the old Testament in her earthly Elementes had 〈◊〉 nothing to be fulfilled but only in heauen . Is this sound deuinity ? Is this manhood ? Nay is it not rather babish childhood , that seemeth not to know the very first Elementes of true deuinity ? 7. I let passe the shamelesse corruption which he vseth in translating the very wordes cited by him out of Salmeron , for proofe of his obiection , made in our behalfe , and I call it shamelesse for that euery child which vnderstandeth Latin , may see the Ministers shift therin . The Authors words are these as this man heere recounteth them : Et hoc Regnum terrenum 〈◊〉 tamen suit spiritualis regiminis in Ecclesia Christiana : and yet this earthly Kingdome ( of the Iewes ) was a shaddow of the spirituall gouernment , that was to be in the Christian Church : meaning therby that the most excellent spirituall power and gouernment ouer soules , which Christ was to institute in his Church , at his comming in flesh , to wit , the power of absoluing from sinnes vpon earth , the assistance giuen by the Sacramentes , and the like , were shaddowed in a certaine manner by the earthly Kingdome among the Iewes : And how doth T. M. now translate these wordes , & frame our obiection out of them : The old Testament ( saith he ) was a figure of the new in Christ , therfore in the new the Popedome is the substātiue &c. Heere are two short propositions you see , the antecedent and consequent , & both framed with falshood ; for that the antecedent set downe out of Salmeron , is not that which he affirmeth in his Latin words , as already we haue shewed , though otherwise in it self the propositiō be true ; nor ( will I thinke ) T. M. can deny , but that the old Testament was a figure of the new in Christ. There followeth then the consequent which is no lesse corruptly inferred in our name , then was the antecedent affirmed , for that we doe not inferre , nor yet the Author Carerius in the said second proposition or consequence by him 〈◊〉 , that for somuch as the old Testament is a figure of the new , therfore in the new the Popes spirituall authority is the substantiue &c. for that this were a weake inference , as euery man seeth ; nay Carerius maketh no inference at all in the place by him alledged , but only vseth that similitude , which before yow haue heard of the substantiue and adiectiue : so as this inference is only a fiction of the Minister to make himself and other men merry , and to giue occasion to play vpon his Aduersary , with the reproach of childhood and babish grammer , as now he hath done . But indeed the true consequence that may be made vpon the Catholicke Authors wordes , which hitherto he hath alledged , is only this ; that forasmuch as the Kingdome and gouernment among the Iewes euen in Ecclesiasticall thinges was but earthly , and a figure or shaddow in respect of that which was to be ouer soules in the Christian Church , it followeth that this in respect of spirituality , was to be much more eminent then the other , as the thing figured , then the figure or shaddow it self . And what inconuenience hath this doctrine that it should be called childhood and babish grammer . 8. But now shall yow heare a new strange deuise of his , neuer heard of ( I thinke ) in the world before , & such a manhood in sound deuinity , that sheweth him scarce to be arriued to childhood in true Theology ; for that to exalt temporall principality of a Kingdome and depresse Priesthood , he seeketh to abase the High Priesthood of Christ himself ; for so he vaunteth that he will returne the foresaid argument vpon the Romish . Christ ( saith he ) being King and Priest , was shaddowed by the types of the old Testament ; but in Christ his Kingdome had the preheminence of Priesthood , bycause he is a Priest only for vs , but he is King ouer vs. Secondly as Priest he is suppliant to the Father ; as King he is predominant ouer all powers and principalities equally with the Father , Ergo , this order inherent in Christ ought to hold as conuenient among Christians . An argument demonstratiue . So he . 9. Wherby yow may see , first how good a Logitian he is , who auoucheth this for an argument demonstratiue , which is indeed a very Elench & Sophisme , and manifest fallacy , for that he changeth his subiect from sense to sense , making one proposition of his argument in the one , and the other in another sense . For when he talketh of Christes Priesthood comparing it with his being a King , he meant ( and so he ought to doe ) as he was man , and inferiour to his Father ; and when he speaketh of the other , of his being a King , he vnderstandeth it , as he was God and equall to his Father ; and so taking the one in one meaning , and the other in the other , his principall meaning is to deceaue his Reader with a sophisticall argument instead of a demonstratiue ; & yet doth the good man so confide in his logicall science , as in one place he triumpheth ouer his Aduersary , that did but once name Logicke in these wordes : Dare yow ( saith he ) appeale to Logicke ? this is the art of all artes , and the high tribunall of reason and truth it self ; which no man in any matter , whether it be case of humanity or deuinity , can iustly refuse : which is so ridiculous a simplicity , as no man can read without laughter . For what high tribunall ( I pray yow ) hath logicke in deuinity ? Or who gaue her this tribunall ? was there no deuinity before Logicke was inuented by the Philosophers ? Logicke is not a science , according to Aristotle , but only modus sciendi , a manner or meane how to come to science , and it ministreth not matter , but forme of argument , as armour to the Logitian , wherby to impugne falshood and ignorance in euery science , euen as the Cutlers shop doth yeeld weapons to souldiers that goe to warre , and yet cannot the Cutlers shop be iustly called the high tribunal of all matters belonging to Chieualry and feates of warfare , and consequently this was a vaine florish & ostentation . 10. But now to returne to the principall point , we haue seene that this argument is so far from being demonstratiue , as it is no argument at all , in regard of the Equiuocation and fallacy therin conteyned . Let vs then consider the same in respect of the matter & substance it self . First I say that it conteyneth a manifest , fond and impious paradox , that Christes Kingdome ( as he was both King and Priest ) had the preheminence of his Priesthood ; and I call it a paradox , for that I thinke no Christian man of learning euer held it before , and much lesse any sound deuine . Secondly I call it fond , in respect of his ridiculous reasons alledged for the same , which presently we shall examine : And thirdly I call it impious , for that it is both against the Scriptures , and preiudiciall to Christes highest dignity of Priesthood vpon earth : Wherby also followeth that this Ministers inference or conclusion ( Ergo this order inherent in Christ ought to be held as conuenient among Christians ) must be censured by the same censures , for that it concludeth a generall preheminence and excellency of Kingly State , before Priesthood , which is the quite opposite assertion to that which all ancient Fathers , and namely S. Chrysostome out of all their common sense , doth maintaine in his bookes De Sacerdotio , affirming , that the office and dignity of a Priest , doth so far exceed that of a King , as gold doth siluer , heauen earth , and the soule the body : Regno Sacerdotium ( saith he ) tanto est excellentius , quantum carnis & Spiritus interuallum esse potest ; Priesthood is somuch more excellent then Kingly authority , as there can be difference imagined betweene flesh and spirit . And in another place the same Father : Sacerdotium est principatus ipso etiam Regno venerabilior & maior : Priesthood is a Princedome more venerable & great then is Kingly authority . And then againe : Ne mihi narras purpuram &c. doe not tell me of purple or diademe , of scepter or golden apparell of Kinges , for these are but shaddowes , and more vaine then May-flowers : Si vis videre discrimen quantum absit Rex a Sacerdote , expende modum potestatis vtrique traditae &c. If yow will see indeed the true difference betweene them , and how much the King is inferiour to a 〈◊〉 , consider the measure of power geuen to them both , & yow shall see the Priestes tribunall much higher then that of the King. So he . Wherunto agreeth that of S. Gregory Nazienzen spoken to the Emperour himself : The law of Christ ( saith he ) hath made yow subiect to my power , and to my tribunall , for wee ( Bishops ) haue an Empire also , and that more excellent and perfect then yours , except yow will say the spirit is inferiour to the flesh , and heauenly thinges to earthly . 11. So he . And much more to this effect , which yow may read cited out of diuers Fathers , in a booke set forth this last yeare , in answere to Syr Edward Cookes Reportes by a Catholicke deuine , who handleth this point more largely and particularly in the second and fourth Chapters of the said answere . And this is sufficient to shew the inference or conclusion of T. M. to be false , touching the power and dignity of Priesthood , and of Kingly principallity among men . Now let vs returne to the consideration therof in Christ himself , which is the principall question , though in effect it be decided by that which now wee haue shewed , for that the dignity and preheminence aboue Kingly dignity , of Priesthood in man , which the foresaid Fathers doe so resolutly affirme , inferreth also the preheminence of Priesthood in Christ , for somuch as from that descendeth this other ; but yet I thinke it not amisse to handle the same somewhat more distinctly , the Ministers paradox therin being so prophane and irreligious as hath byn said . 12. First then as Christ is acknowledged both by them and vs to haue byn both Priest and King , according as he was prefigured in Melchisedech , who had both these dignities in himself , so the one and the other excellency of Priestly and Kingly preheminence , were in him according as he was man , and vnder his Father , which for so much as appertained to his Priesthood is graunted heere by T. M. and the matter is euident in itself ; for that Christ as God could not offer Sacrifice , nor make intercession to his Father for vs ( which are the chief offices of Priesthood ) for that this belōgeth to an inferiour , according to that saying of S. Ambrose : Sacerdos idem & hostia Sacerdotium , tamen humanae conditionis officium est : Christ was both Priest and Sacrifice , yet was his Priesthood the office of humane condition . S. Augustine also talking of both dignities saith : Secundum hominem Christus , & Rex & Sacerdos effectus est : Christ was made both King and Priest according as he was man. And the same is plaine by Scripture , in which euery where is acknowledged that Christes Kingdome was giuen him by his Father : Ego autem constitutus Rex ab eo super Sion montem Sanctum eius , saith Christ in the Psalmes : I am apointed King by him vpon his holy hill of Sion , ergo he was King by gift and appointement of his Father . And in the same Psalme God the Father saith vnto him : Postula à me & dabo tibi gentes haereditatem tuam & possessionem tuam terminos terrae : Aske of me , and I will giue vnto thee the Gentiles for thy inheritance , and the confines of all the earth for thy possession : so as in this Kingdome , God the Father required an acknowledgment . And yet further the Prophet speaking to the said Father of this Kingdome of Christ in flesh said : Constituisti eum super 〈◊〉 manunm tuarum , & omnia subiecisti sub pedibus eius : thou hast appointed him for Lord and King ouer the workes of thy handes , that is to say , ouer all thy creatures , and thou hast subiected all thinges vnder his feet : which point S. Paul doth prosecute most excellently in the first two Chapters of his Epistle to the Hebrewes ; and there can be no doubt in this matter , for Christ himself speaketh most plainly : Data est mihi omnis 〈◊〉 in caelo & in terra : All power is giuen vnto me both in heauen and earth , so as he acknowledgeth it to be giuen , which cannot stand with his diuinity , in that he is God , and equall with his Father : in which regard all was his owne without gift , according to those wordes of S. Paul to the Philippians : Non rapinam arbitratus est esse se aequalem Deo ; He did not thinke it Vsurpation to be equall to God his Father according to his diuinity . Wherfore it must needs appeare great ignorance in our Minister , to assigne him this his temporall Kingdome as he was God and equall to his Father . 13. But now to the principall proposition VVhether Christ his Kingdome had the preheminence of his Priesthood , or his Priesthood of his Kingdome ; though in part the matter be made cleere by that which is already spokē ; yet shal we adde two or three wordes more . And first the matter is manifest by the narration it self in Scripture , when the figure of his Priesthood and Kingdome is declared in Genesis , in the person of Melchisedech : for thus saith the text : Melchisedech King of Salem bringing forth bread and wine ( for he was the Priest of God most high ) gaue his benediction to Abraham , and tooke tithes of him for all that he had . In which example is greatly to be noted the reflection it self and emphasis which the Scripture maketh vpon his Priestoood : Erat enim sacerdos Dei altissimi : For he was the Priest of the most high God , as who should say , that otherwise he could neuer haue offred vp in sacrifice that bread and wine ( the highest action of all other vpon earth ) as King , except he had byn Priest : nor yet haue blessed Abraham , and much lesse haue taken tithes of him : Which point S. Paul doth ponder very deeply and seriously in his Epistle to the Hebrewes , repeating often times for the greater glory of Christ and his powerfull Priesthood this example of Melchisedech : Assimilatus 〈◊〉 Dei ( saith he ) manet sacerdos in perpetuum ; intuemini autem quantus sit hic , cui & decimas dedit de praecipuis Abraham Patriarcha : This Melchisedech bearing a likenes of the Sonne of God , remained a Priest perpetually : Neque initium dierum neque finem vitae habens : hauing neither beginning of his dayes , nor end of his life : consider then how great a man this was , to whome the Patriarch gaue tithes of all the principall thinges he had . 14. This is S. Paules contemplation of the matter , who in his said Epistle to the Hebrewes , laying this foundation of the figure of Melchisedech for the Priesthood and Kingdome of Christ ( though more specially as yow see for his Priesthood ) doth presently after the consideration of those wordes , Filius meus es tu , ego hodie genui 〈◊〉 ; thou art my Sonne , I haue this day begotten thee ( wherby he proueth Christ to haue byn not the adopted but natural Sonne of God ) after this , I say , he doth insist , for demonstration of his highest 〈◊〉 and dignity , vpon those wordes of God the Father for his Priesthood : Tu es facerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech : Thou art a Priest foreuer according to the order of Melchisedech ; out of which wordes of highest dignity and commission , S. Paul doth make many inferences , as that in the second Chapter : Nusquam Angelos apprehendit , sed 〈◊〉 Abrahae &c. vt misericors fieret & fidelis Pontifex ad Deum . God tooke not Angelles but the seed of Abraham to frame Christ , to the 〈◊〉 he might be both a mercifull and faithfull High Priest for vs with God , for propitiation of our sinnes . And againe in the third Chapter : Behold yow Holy brethren who are partakers of this our heauenly vocation , Consider our Apostle and High Priest of this our confession Iesus . And in the fourth Chapter hauing spoken much of the Sabboth day , that he is to giue vs in the next life , he adioineth this exhortation : Habentes ergo Pontificem magnum &c. we hauing therfore a great high Priest that hath pearced the heauens , Iesus the Sonne of God , let vs hold fast our confession , for we haue not a Priest that cannot take compassion of our infirmities &c. And againe in the fifth Chapter hauing said first : 〈◊〉 Pontifex &c. Euery High Priest chosen out of men , is appointed for men in those thinges that appertaine vnto God , that he offer giftes and Sacrifices for sin &c. after this ( I say ) S. Paul doth immediatly inferre this conclusion about the supreame honor & dignity of Christ his Priesthood : Nec quisquam sumit sibi honorem &c. Neither may any man take the honour of Priesthood vnto him , but he that is called by God , as Aaron was , and so Christ ( though he were the true Sonne of God ) did not aduance himself to this honour of being high Priest , but that he who said vnto him filius meus es tu , thou art my Sonne , said vnto him also tu es sacerdos in aeternum , thou art a Priest for euer , appellatus à Deo Pontifex , being called by God to be high Priest , according to the order of Melchisedech , of whome there remaineth to vs a great speech to vtter , and such a one as needeth exposition , wherof yow as yet for your weaknes ar not capable . So S. Paul. 15. And then in the other two sequent Chapters to wit the seauenth and eight , he doth prosecute the same argument of the high dignity of Christes Priesthood much more largely . Among the Iewes ( saith he ) there were many Priestes made , for that they were letted by death to remaine , but this our high Priest remaineth for euer : his Priesthood is eternall , wherof it ensueth that he can for euer saue vs , interposing himself with God for vs by himself , and euer lyuing to make intercession for vs , for such a high Priest was it conuenient that we should haue , holy , innocent , vnspotted , seperated from sinners , and more excellent then the heauens themselues . And againe in the next Chapter : Such a high Priest we haue , as sitteth on the right hand of the seat of maiesty in heauen , and there he is Minister of the Saintes and true Tabernacle . 16. All this & much more hath S. Paul in that Epistle of the eminency of Christes Priesthood , therby to set forth the most admirable excellency of his power and glory therby giuen him from his Father for our saluation ; but of the glory of his temporal Kingdome in this life , he saith little or nothing . And had not then the foresaid Fathers and holy Bishops S. Chrysostome , S. Gregory Nazienzen , S. Ambrose and others , great cause by contemplation of this supereminent worthines of Christes Priesthood , to inferre the great preheminēce in generall of the Christian Priesthood , before Kingly dignity of earthly principality ? But let vs yet consider one reason more . 17. The office of high Priesthood , as partly hath appeared by that we haue said , and is euident by the discourse of S. Paul , appointing him for a meanes or mediator betweene God and man , consisteth principally in two thinges or partes : first in respect of that which he is to performe towardes God , as to his Superiour : secondly in the functions that he is to vse towardes the people , as inferiours and subiectes . The first consisteth in offering sacrifice , oblations , prayers and intercession for the sinnes of the people , as already touching Christ our Sauiour out of the Apostle we haue declared . The second consisteth in the spirituall power , dignity , authority and functions therof , which our said high Priest Christ Iesus , as head & high Priest of his Church , purchased with the sacrifice of his owne bloud , hath , and may exercise vpon the said Church for euer , for vnto him as our high Priest it appertaineth not only to make intercession for his said Church , but to gouerne the same also , and to direct it by conuenient meanes vnto the end of their saluation , which he hath designed , and for this to make lawes , prescribe orders , appoint Sacramentes , ordaine spirituall tribunals of iudgment , giue sentence of separation of the good from the bad , forgiue and retaine sinnes , which spirituall gouernment of soules belonging to the office of high Priesthood , is a different thing from the ciuill gouernment of temporall principality , and yet is a Kingdome also in it self , but a spirituall Kingdome ouer soules and not ouer bodies . And this had Christ our Sauiour togeather with his high Priesthood , according to the prediction and vision of Daniel : Aspiciebam & ecce quasi filius hominis &c. I did looke and behold there appeared as it were the Sonne of man , and God gaue vnto him power and honour , and a Kingdome , his power is an eternall power , and his Kingdome shall neuer be corrupted . And so in the second Psalme , after he had said , I am made King by him vpon his holy Hill of Sion , he addeth presently to shew that it was a spirituall Kingdome : Praedicans praeceptum eius , my office is to preach his commandement , and many other authorities may be alledged to proue that Christ in that he was high Priest had supreame spirituall Kingly authority in like manner for gouerning of soules . 18. But now for the temporall Kingdome of Christ in this life , to wit , whether besides this spirituall and Royall gouernment of our soules , he had Kingly Dominion also vpon our bodies and goodes , and vpon all the Kingdomes of the earth , so as he might iustly haue excercised all actions of that temporall iurisdiction , as casting into prison , appointing new officers , Kings and Monarches ; yea whether their power , and authority , and interest to their States did cease when he came , as the right of Priestly authority did : in this ( I say ) and other pointes depending herof , there are two disputable opinions betweene Catholicke Deuines ; the one holding the affirmatiue , that Christ was Lord & King temporall , as heere is set downe , which * diuers learned men both of old and our time doe de fend ; the other affirming that albeit Christ togeather with his high Kingly dignity of spirituall power , was Lord also cōsequently ouer our bodies , & shall raigne ouer the same most gloriously for all eternity in the life to come ; yet that he renounced the vse of all that Dominion in this life , and that in this sense , he fled when they would haue made him King , and refused to deuide the inheritance betweene the two Brethrē when he was demaunded ; and finally said to Pilate , My Kingdome is not of this world , confessing himself to be a true temporal King also , according to Pilates meaning ; but yet that the vse and exercise therof was not for this world , but only for the next , wherof also the good thiefe vnderstood when he said on the Crosse : Be mindfull of me when thou shalt come into thy Kingdome . And finally they alledge for proofe of this the wordes of Zachary the Prophet : Ecce Rex 〈◊〉 venit tibi iustus & Saluator & ipse pauper : Behold ( Sion ) thy King commeth vnto thee as a iust and sauing King , but he is poore ; as though he had said , he is thy true King , but hath renounced the vse and priuiledge of the same , and chosen pouerty in this world . And with this second opinion which is the more * generall , doe concurre also the Protestantes of our age , that Christ tooke vpon him no temporall Kingly power in this life , least if they held the contrary , it should be inferred therof , that he left the same authority both of temporall and spirituall vnto S. Peter his Successour ; which yet the Catholickes that hold this opinion , explicate otherwise , saying : that albeit Christ had no direct Dominion in this life vpon temporall thinges , yet indirectly for preseruation of his spirituall Dominion he had , and might haue vsed the same , and in that sense he left it to his said Successor . 19. Of all which is inferred first the preheminence of high Priesthood in Christ before his temporall Kingly principality , for that as we haue said , the actions and functions of Christes Priesthood , haue not only more high & eminent dignity , both in that they treat with men for gouerning their soules , then Christes temporall Kingdome for gouerning of bodies ; but moreouer that the dignity of Priesthood in Christ , conteineth in it self a much more high spirituall Kingly power , then is the temporall . 20. Secondly is inferred , that the reasons heere alledged by T. M. for his paradox , in preferring Christs being a King , before his Priesthood , are vaine & foolish . The first wherof is this . Christes Kingdome ( saith he ) had the preheminence of Priesthood , because he is Priest only for vs , but he is King ouer vs. But I would aske him , Is not Christ Priest ouer vs aswel as for vs ? hath he not a spirituall and Priestly iurisdiction ouer our soules ? doth not he binde and loose our sinnes ? doth not he prescribe vs Sacramentes ? appoint vs lawes of liuing , and the like ? or doe not these actions appertaine vnto him as high Priest ouer his Church ? And againe I would aske him , about the second member , as Christ in flesh was King , was he not made King aswell for vs , that is for our good , as ouer vs ? doth not this man know that the difference betweene a good and bad gouernment , a true King and a Tyrant , consisteth in this , that the one raigneth for his owne good , the other for the good of his subiects ? What impiety were it to affirme this defect to be in Christes Kingly gouernment , and consequētly what folly is it to bring in such reasons ? But let vs see what he saith further . 21. Christ ( saith he ) as Priest is suppliant to his Father , & as King he is predominant ouer all powers and principalities , equally with his Father : But now wee haue shewed before that there be two partes or functions of Priesthood , the one towardes God , to be suppliant by sacrifice and intercession , the other to be predominant ouer men by spirituall gouernment vpon their soules , and that both these doe agree to Christ , in respect of his high Priesthood , and as he is man , and much more the other of his temporall Kingdome : so as to make him equall to his Father in this , as T. M. doth , is an impious absurdity ; for that vnder his Fathers vniuersall Kingdome Christ himself is also conteined as a subiect , according to those wordes of graduation in S. Paul : Omnia vestra sunt &c. vos autem Christi , Christus autem Dei. All thinges are yours , life , death , the world , thinges past , thinges to come , and yow are of Christ & Christ of God ; that is to say , all thinges for Christ are subiect to yow , so you are and ought to be subiect to Christ , and Christ to God his Father . Now then see how wisely this man frameth his foresaid maine Conclusion , that as in Christ , his Kingdome had the preheminence of his Priesthood ( which is false as we haue shewed ) so must it hold also among men that Kingly power be preferred before Priestly , temporall before spirituall . Of which opinion S. Chrysostome doth thinke that no man , but mad or furious , can be . Equidem ( saith he ) neminem existere talem dixerim , nisi si quis furiarum aestu percitus sit : I cannot thinke any man to be of this opinion ( to preferre temporall authority before spirituall ) except a man should become mad with the rage of furies . And so to S. Chrysostome I leaue our Minister to be charmed from these kinde of Hereticall furies . THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER , CONTEYNING Three particular kindes of proofes , alledged by T. M. against the Popes Supremacy , to vvit : Of the new , and old Testament , and from reason it self . ALl this that hitherto hath byn treated by our Aduersary , hath byn by way , as it were , of preamble or preface , for abasing Priesthood , as you haue seene , euen in Christ himself , therby to subiect the same in Christians to temporall authority ; but about this point , I wish the Reader to looke ouer the forenamed two Chapters of the late Answere to Syr Edward Cooke ( I meane the second and fourth ) and I suppose he will remaine satisfied in the preheminency of the one aboue the other . Now notwithstanding for the second part of this Chapter we shall bring into a short view the principall pointes hādled by T. M. in this his confutation of the Popes Supremacy . And albeit you may easily make a coniecture of what substance it is like to be , by that which already you haue seéne discussed ; yet shall we descend to some principall particulars , for that he reduceth in effect all his proofes to three chief heades : the first concerning the state of the Sinagogue vnder the Iewes , the second of the Christian Church vnder the new Testament , the third by reason common to them both . From the State of the old Testament . §. 1. 23. FOr the first he setteth downe as argumentes of ours , for licencing Popes to kill Princes , a large list of Kinges and Princes deposed , murthered , or molested vnder the old Testament , as though we did found our doctrine theron ; for which cause he giueth the title of Romish pretence to the said list , alledging therin fourteene seuerall examples ; as Saul deposed by the Prophet Samuel : Roboam by the Prophet Achia ; the Queene Athalia by the chief Priest Iehoida ; King Antiochus resisted and driuen out of his Dominion ouer Iury by the Priest Mathathias and the Machabees his children : the Priestes of Baal , and other Ministers of the King slaine by the Prophets Elias & Elizeus : the great Captaine Holofernes by Iudith : King Eglon by Ahod : Sisera by Iabel : Queene Iezabel by Iehu at the appointmēt of the Prophet Elizeus , with seauenty children of King Achab : the death of King Achab who was slaine also miserably himself by Godes appointment , & the Prophetes prediction : King Amon slaine by his owne seruantes for his wickednes ; to whome we may ad the death of King Agag by the commaundement of Samuel the Prophet ; the slaughter of King Ioas by his owne seruantes : And lastly King Ozias for exercising the Priestes office and function , was by the high Priest depriued of his Kingdome . 24. And when he had set downe all this ranke of these vnfortunate Princes their deathes and depositions , as though we had delighted therin or proposed all that heere is said to be imitated , he saith : Heere we heare nothing but fighting , dispossessing , and killing of Kinges , & those cheifly by Priestes and Prophetes of God in the old Testament propounded to the Prelates of the new , to teach them to erect their Miters aboue Crownes . Doe yow see the malice of the man ? If himself hath gathered together this Catalogue of Princes that came to ill endes , & were slaine or deposed , is it maruaile though he heare nothing but that himself liketh to lay forth ? 25. The difference and comparison of Miters and Crownes is fond and ridiculous , and brought in only to make the matter it self odious ; for the true comparison is only betweene spirituall and temporal authority , the one apperteyning to soules , the other to bodies , the one called heauenly , the other earthly , the one proper to Priestes , the other to ciuill Princes as before yow haue heard declared out of ancient Fathers , who notwithstanding were neuer reprehended nor called into enuy for erecting Miters aboue Crownes in that sense , as this prophane Calumniator doth heere vrge : and exaggerate . 26. And as for this whole matter of the examples out of the old Testamēt , our principall question being only as before we haue declared : VVhether God hath left any lawfull meanes for restrayning euill Princes , in certaine cases of extreame danger , and whether Priestes also and Prelates in Christian Religion , but especially the highest Priest , may deale therin : These examples are fraudulently heaped and hudled togeather by T. M. as though all were equally stood vpon by Catholicke writers , and this to the end that he may giue himself matter to answere afterward , as he doth by distinguishing that all doe not proue the self same thing , nor were equally lawfull , nor done by equall authority or approbation , nor appertaine equally to the matter we haue in hād , which Catholicke writers also doe say , and haue taught him to say , though he dissemble it , wherof we may read both Cunerus , Carerius , Salmeron , Barkleius , Reginaldus and Boucherus , here by him cited out of whome he hath taken the most part of that he writeth in this affaire . 27. Wheras then we must confesse with the Philosopher and with reason it self , that Quidlibet ex quolibet non est consequens , euery thing followeth not of whatsoeuer , it seemeth that two pointes only of any moment , concerning the controuersy in hand , may truly and sincerly be deduced out of this number of examples now alledged : the first that as temporall authority of Princes is from God , and he will haue it respected and obeyed as from himself ; so one way or other he faileth not to punish them grieuously , and to bring them oftentimes to great affliction and desolation , when they gouerne not well , and this either by ordinary or extraordinary meanes , as himself liketh best . To which end is that seuere admonitiō in the second Psalme : Et nūc Reges intelligite , & erudimini qui iudicatis terram : seruite Domino in timore , & exultate ei cum tremore . Apprehendite disciplinam , nequando irascatur Dominus , & pereatis &c. And now yow Kinges vnderstand , and yow that gouerne the earth be instructed : serue almighty God in feare , and reioice vnto him with trembling . Admit discipline , lest he fal into wrath against yow , & yow perish &c. And this is the best & most pious meditatiō which a Christian man can draw or lay before Princes , out of those disasterous euentes as fell to diuers by Godes owne apointment or permission vnder the old Testament , and not the comparison of Myters and Crownes which this Minister ridiculously bringeth in . 28. Secondly may be noted , that in the execution of Godes iustice & designement in this behalfe , he vsed also oftentimes the help & concurrence of both Priestes and Prophetes , & other holy men , who notwithstanding may be presumed out of their said holy disposition to haue abhorred such effusion of bloud , war , and other calamities , which by fulfilling Godes ordinance made vnto them , either by secret inspiration or open commandment , were to ensue and follow , and consequently that all Priestes were not debarred from dealing in such affairs , when God required their cooperation therin . 29. All the question then is how , and when , and where , and by whome , and for what causes , and in what cases , & with what circumstances , this restraint of Princes may be vsed , wherin I haue shewed aboundantly before , that the moderation prescribed by Catholickes is far greater , without comparison , then is that of the Protestantes , whether we respect either their doctrine or practice , of which both kindes we haue before produced sufficient examples : and in this place the Authors most alledged by T. M. about this controuersy , against violence towardes Princes , are Catholicke , as namely Cunerus , a learned Bishop of the low Countreys , in his booke , De Officio Principis Christiani ; and Barkleius a Reader of Law in Loraine , in six bookes written by him , De Regno & Regali potestate aduersus Monarchomacos , Of Kingdome and Kingly power against impugners of Princes , the first writing against the Rebellions and violent attemptes of the subiectes of Holland and Zeland , and other Prouinces therunto annexed , and by that occasion treating in generall , how vnlawfull a thing it is for subiectes to take that course , vpon any discontentment whatsoeuer , handleth the matter very learnedly though briefly . 30. But the other Doctour Barkley , taking vpon him to treat the same matter much more largely , directeth his pen principally against the bookes of certaine Protestantes of our time , as Hottoman , Brute , Buchanan , and others before mentioned , for so he saith in his preface : Non contentus Satanas tis , qui parens ille malorum & mendaciorum Lutherus &c. Satan being not contēted with those wicked doctrines which Luther the Father of all wickednes and lies , and other slanderous Railers , that came out of his kytchin , had with infamous mouthes and intolerable audacity vomited out against Princes , he sent forth also into the world , to fly before mens eyes other most seditious bookes , Hottomani FrancoGalliam , Bruti vindicias Tyrannorum , Bucchanani Dialogum de iure Regni ; the booke of Hottoman ( dwelling in Geneua ) intituled , Free-France , or the Freedome of France ( to wit , of the Protestantes against their Kinges and Princes , ) that other also of Brutus ( a man of the same place and crew ) intituled , The reuenge that subiectes ought to take of their Princes if they become Tyrantes ; the third of Buchanan , ( schoole-maister in times past to our Kinges Maiesty ) intituled , A Dialogue of the right of Kingly power , subiecting the same to the people , yea and to euery priuate person therof , when it shall seeme vnto him necessary for the common-wealth , or expedient for Godes glory , as before yow haue heard . Against all which this Doctour Barkley , a Catholicke man writeth his six bookes ; so as in this point for Princes security we are far more forward then Protestantes . 31. And albeit this said Doctour doth include in like manner Doctour Boucher a French Catholicke writer , reprehending diuers thinges vttered by the said Boucher in his booke De iusta abdicatione , against the late King Henry the third of France ; yet in the principall point ; whether priuate men , either for priuate or publicke causes , may vse violence against their lawful Prince , not lawfully denounced for a publique enemy by the whole state and common-wealth ; in this point ( I say ) the said Boucher is absolutly against the same , & so protesteth and proueth it by diuers argumentes , shewing himself therin to be quite contrary , and to abhorre not only the doctrine of VVickcliffe and Husse condemned in the Councell of Constance about that matter , but also of the forsaid Protestant writers Hottoman , Brute , Bucchanan , Knox , Goodman , Gilby , VVhittingham and the like : among whome also I may include Iohn Fox , who in his history of Iohn Husse , alloweth that proposition of his ; Prelates and Princes leese their authority when they fall into mortall sinne ; as the Author of the VVarn-word proueth more largely out of Fox himself . 32. And thus much for the first point , about examples drawne from the times of the old Testament , out of which , little cā be vrged to the proofe or disproofe of this question , besides the two generall pointes by vs noted before . For to bring into disputation , whether Priesthood or Kingly principality had the vpper hand in that law , is to small purpose , the matter being cleere , that as the Kinges ( and so likewise their Captaines , Iudges , and Gouernours before they had Kinges ) had the preheminence in all temporall affaires , so in spirituall : and such as concerned God imediatly , the were referred principally to Priestes , and the temporall Magistrate commaunded to heare them , to take the law of them , & consequently also the interpretation therof , to repaire vnto them in consultation of doubtes , and to stand to their iudgment and definition ; that Priestes and Prophetes should consult immediatly with God , and the Prince follow their word and direction . 33. And albeit God did some-times vse for externall guiding and direction of Priestes and Priestly affaires , the authority of good Kinges in those daies , especially when they were Prophetes also , as Dauid & Salomon , in the correcting and remouing of some Priestes ; yet this was extraordinary , and proueth not , that simply and absolutly Kingly dignity and authority was aboue Priesthood in that law , albeit also it be most true , which the Authors by this man heere alledged Salmeron , Cunerus , Carerius and the rest doe note , that the Priesthood of the old Testament was nothing comparable to that of the new , this descending directly from the person and office of Christ himself , and indued with farre higher and more powerfull spirituall authority for guiding of soules , then had the Priestes of the old law , which was but a figure of the new ; & therfore to argue from that to this , is a plaine fallacy , and abusing of the Reader . 34. Wherfore leauing this of the comparison betweene Kinges and Priestes , of the old and new Testament , I will end this first point , with the very same conclusion ( concerning the safty of Princes from violence of their subiectes ) which our Aduersary himself alledgeth out of our Catholicke Author Cunerus in these wordes : VVe are taught ( saith he ) from the example of the people of God , as your Cunerus teacheth , with great patience to endure the tyranny of mortall Kinges , yea when wee haue power to resist , and because they be next vnder God in earth , in all their iniuries , to commend their reuenge vnto God ; nay he teacheth Kinges another excellent rule of pollicy , fitting for the preseruation of all States , which is ; that he who succeedeth a King violently murdered of any , though of Godly zeale ; yet ought he to reueng his Predecessours death by the death of the malefactours . So T.M. And now followeth that of the Ghospell Ex ore tuo te indico serue 〈◊〉 : for first I would aske him , is not this Catholicke doctrine ? Is it not ours ? doth he not heere call the Author therof Cunerus , ours ? how then doth he affirme euery where , that our doctrine teacheth killing of Princes ? Let him shew vs any of his Authors , that euer of this argument hath written so moderatly . 35. And yet further I must aske him whether he will stand to the iudgment of this our Cunerus , when he commeth to the point indeed , How incorrigible Princes in some cases may lawfully be restrained , as also depriued by the Common-wealth , and consent of the supreame Pastour ? will he stand to this ( I say ) or rather fleet back againe to the doctrine of the Scottish , Geneuian , French , & Flemish Ministers , when the King should mislike him , and especially for his Religion ? wherof I make little doubt , what euer he saith heere , finding himself and his at good ease . And finally I would aske him seriously , whether he would haue his Maiesty of England to practice that excellent rule of pollicy which he so highly comendeth out of our 〈◊〉 ( who notwithstanding saith not a word therof by way of rule or obseruation , but only affirmeth that Amasias did iustly put to death those seruantes of King Ioas , that vpon zeale had slaine him in his bed : ) I would aske him ( I say ) whether indeed he would wish his Maiesty of England to put the same rule , and so highly commended pollicy in vse , against such as violently murdered , abetted or procured the same , against not only his Predecessours , but parentes and immediate Progenitours , Father , Mother , and Grand-mother ? And then we know how many Ministers , and their friendes would enter into that daunce ; but these men frame their tongues according to times & fit occasiōs . And with this he endeth his proofes out of the old Testament . Out of the new Testament . §. 2. 36. ANd then comming to the second part , he beginneth his discourse with this title : The former question disputed according to the state of the new Testament , and presently in our manner he giueth the onset with this proposition : The Pope hath all absolute and direct power and dominion temporall ouer all Kinges and Kingdomes of the world &c. And for proofe therof citeth Carerius and Bozius in the margent , and beginneth to lay forth their proofes ; and then against these two that hold the opinion of Canonistes ( wherof before we haue treated , to wit , that Christ was the immediate Lord of all temporalties , and consequently also is his substitute ) he opposeth Franciscus de Victoria , Bellarmine , Sanders , and others that hold the other opinion , to wit that the Pope hath not directly , but indirectly only such authority to deale with Princes in temporall affaires : and so not informing his Reader that these are different opinions of the manner how the Pope hath this authority , but yet that both do agree in the thing it self that he hath it ; he playeth pleasantly vpon the matter , and would make men thinke that he taketh vs at great aduantage , as contrary or rather contradictory among our selues : which indeed is no more cōtradiction , then if two Lawiers agreeing that such a noble man , had such an office or authority ouer such a Lordship , by succession from the Crowne , should differ only in this , whether the said office were giuen by the Prince , seuerally and expressely by particuler gift and writinges , or were giuen by a certaine consequence included in the gift of the said Lordship : The differēce were nothing in the thing or certainty of authority , but in the manner of hauing it , and so is it heere ; and yet out of this difference of these two opiniōs , doth our Minister furnish himself with good probability of argmentes on the one side , as though they were his owne , who otherwise would appeare very poore & pittiful therin . And this tricke he plaied before with the moderate Answerer , when he serued himself of the two differēt opinions of some Deuines and Canonistes about the question : VVhether Hereticks before personall denuntiation , and sentence giuen , be subiect to externall penalties appointed by the Canons : And generally he runneth to this shift , more then any other commonly of his fellow-writers which I haue seene in these our dayes , to wit , that whersoeuer he findeth any difference of opinions in disputable matters betweene our Catholicke writers ( which S. Augustine saith may stand with integrity of faith ) there he setteth downe any one of these opinions for ours , and argueth against it with the argumentes of the other , or bringeth in the others authority & wordes against the same , which maketh some shew or muster of matter on his side , wheras in deed and substance he hath nothing at all . 37. It were ouer long to examine in this place all the obiections which he putteth downe on our behalfe , vnder the second head of our proofes , concerning the time of the new Testament , calling them Romish pretences , and the fond resolutions he giueth vnto them ; as first that we doe found the Popes temporall sword vpon the keyes giuen by Christ to S. Peter and that it is a strange art to make a sword of a paire of keyes , which seemeth to him a fine iest , & then commeth he out with this vanut : Neither can any shew me one Doctour , but of reasonable antiquity ( peto vel ex millibus vnum ) who by keyes vnderstand ciuill power : But Syr what needeth antiquity of Doctors in this behalf ? will not your owne moderne Protestant Doctors graunt , that when the keyes of any Citty , Towne , or Fort are giuē to a Prince , ciuill power ouer that Fort is meant therby ? who will deny this ? 38. And secondly whereas he alleadgeth Franciscus à Victoria to say that the keyes giuen to S Peter imported spiritual authority of remitting and reteyning sinnes , ergo no way temporall , is a fond illation : for that albeit Victoria saith that those keyes did principally importe spirituall authority ; yet they include also supreme temporall indirectly , when the defence of the spirituall doth require it . Whereupon he frameth this conclusion in the same place : Our eight proposition is ( saith he ) that the Pope ( by authority of the foresaid keyes ) hath most ample temporall power ouer all Princes and Kinges , and the Emperour himself , in order to a spirituall end , which he proueth there by many arguments . And this of the first iest about swordes to be made of keyes . 39. The second iest also is as wise and witty as this former , that when we found the same temporall sword or authority of S. Peter , and his successours vpon the words of Christ : Feed my sheep , he doth inferre that Princes also must be fed , and dietted corporally at the Popes discretion , and other such toyes , he not vnderstanding , as it seemeth , or rather dissembling the force of Catholicke argumentes drawne from those and other like Scriptures , both by later Doctors , and ancient Fathers , which this fellow turneth into scofs and contempt , or wicked railing , for that presently he falleth into these rages : O arrogant Glossers ! O impudent Glosers , and peruerters of the sacred Oracles of God! And why is all this heat of exclamations ? Forsooth for that in some Popes Bulles ( though corruptly & fraudulently alledged ) some mention is made of the great authority that was giuen to Elias , Elizeus , Ieremy , and other Prophetes , and especially to Christ himself , vpon earth to plant , destroy , pull vp , or punish where need should be ; and that this authority by allusion vnto the same wordes of Scripture , is applied to Christes Successour vpon earth , & affirmed to be left in the Christian Church , to be vsed when need shall require : and is this so great an impiety thinke yow ? 40. But he goeth on and saith : That next to this he will examine the antiquity of pretended Papall power from the Apostles time downward , and then produceth this assertion of ours : The Priestes ( saith the Romish pretence ) of the new Testament in the Priesthood of Christ haue more authority then that of the old law ouer Kinges to depose them , whervnto he adioyneth presently his owne spruse Ministeriall answere in these wordes : This is not probable except yow can shew some footinges either of Christ or his blessed Apostles , or their Holy Successours in the purer periods of times . And is not this answered as from a man of his coat ? Marke the phrase Of footings in purer periods , I will for footinges in this matter referre him to the large demonstrations which out of Scriptures , Doctours , Fathers , Councelles , and Ecclesiasticall Histories , the Authors by him heere often alledged Carerius , Bozius , Bellarmine , Sanders , Salmeron , and others doe aboundantly and substancially alledge ; & when he shall haue ouerthrowne or supplanted those footinges of theirs , which they 〈◊〉 fix throughout all periods of times from the beginning of Christian Religion vnto our dayes , and generall practice therof , then may the poore man get to haue some little footing for himself and his cause , which hitherto he hath none at all , as to any man whosoeuer , with any indifferency of iudgment , shall read ouer and examine his booke , will euidently appear ; yea though he compare but only that which himself alledgeth heere both in the text and margent , which seldome agree in true sense if you marke it well . But if yow would examine the Latin authorities cited in the said margent , with the originalles of the Authors themselues , you shall scarce euer finde them sincerly to agree , but that one fraud or other is vsed in their allegation , by chopping , changing , infarcing , leauing out , and other such sleightes and deceiptes , which though the breuity of this Treatise permit me not to examin , and lay forth at large in this place ; yet some we haue touched before , and some others shall we haue occasion to note afterwardes , and the Reader himself may vpon this warning make some little triall . 41. And as for the succession of times , which this Author T. M. pretendeth to bring downe from the Apostles dayes , ( not to ours ) but for a thousand yeares only after Christ , wherin he saith ; that no Pope can be shewed euer to haue had any temporall iurisdiction ouer any Emperour , King , or temporall Prince ; though Catholickes doe hold the later six hundred yeares also , to be of no lesse force for president of examples in the Church of God then the former thousand , yet are the instances so many and euident , which may be alledged against his former prescription of the said thousand yeares , as doe manifestly cōuince him of folly in that assertion , wherin I referre me to the collections and demonstrations therof by the foresaid Authors Carerius , Bozius , Bellarmine , Sanders , and others in the places heere quoted in the margent , but especially to the three that are not Iesuites , & to the first for all , to wit Carerius , that in diuers thinges wrote against the Iesuits , whoe in his second booke alleadgeth 10. or 12. examples out of antiquity for prouing his purpose . I remit me also to the many learned writinges , set forth of late about the cause of the Venetians , by Penia , Baronius , Bouius , Eugenius , Nardus & others , shewing the most euident right , which the Pope had , and hath to commaund them , as high Pastor of the Church , to recall certaine ciuill lawes made by them in preiudice of the said Church , and Ecclesiasticall State ; which Commandement we doubt not but God will moue that most excellent Cōmon-wealth finally to * obey , they being knowne to be so good and sound Catholickes , as they are , though for some time in regard of some temporall respectes they haue deferred to doe the same . 42. Many more pointes might be examined in this descēt of his throughout periodes of times ; but it would be ouerlong , and my intention is to giue a tast only or short view : for to examine the places cited out of Fathers of diuers ages , for proofe of his pretence , were time wholy lost . For that in effect they say nothing else , but that we graunt , which is that temporall Princes are to be respected and obeyed by Ecclesiasticall men also , but in temporall affaires . And as for his examples of some English Kings that seemed not to respect much the Popes authority in some occasions , which he hath borrowed out of Syr Edward Cookes Reportes , he may see the answere to that booke , and so I thinke remaine satisfied . Wherefore this shall suffice for the second head of argumentes throughout the new Testament , though after also in the examination of some falsifications we shall haue occasion to say more . Argumentes from Reason . §. 3. 43. VVHerfore to passe no further in the second point of argumentes vnder the new Testament , we shall say a word or two only of the third , to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason , for so he intituleth them ; to wit , Popish Argumentes from reason . And to the end you may see his talent therin , wee shal examine only the third reason in this place which he declareth in these wordes : Except , saith the Romish pretence , there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes , God had not prouided sufficiētly for his Church ; & for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Bonifacius , and saith ; This obiection is in your Extrauagantes , and so it may be called , because it rangeth extra , that is without the bondes of Godes ordinance &c. But as in all his other citations generally , he is neuer lightly true and sincere in all points , no not thrice ( I thinke veryly ) throughout all this lying booke of his ; so neither heere : and it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shiftes and corruptions ; they are so many , and thicke and craftily hudled vp togeather . As for example heere , first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all , but only in a certaine addition to the ordinary glosse or Commentary of Iohn Picard , which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer . Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes , but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonistes to be true ; that Christ was Lord absolutly in this life ouer all , not only in spirituall authority , but in temporall also ; he inferreth therby Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church , & Kingdome vpon earth , Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset qui haec omnia posset , except he had left some such one substitute or Vicar after him , as should be able to performe all these thinges , to wit , as belong both to spirituall and temporall power , according as necessity shall require : which later clause yow see , that T. M. cut of , as he added the other about Apostata Princes And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this little sentence , now to the thing it selfe . 44. The reason if we consider it without passion , is strong and weighty , and founded vpon the prouidence , wisedome , and goodnes of almighty God , who hauing prouided diligently , and admirably for the preseruation of all other thinges , and Communities by him created or ordained , should leaue the Christian Common-wealth vnfurnished of all remedy for the greatest euill of all others , that possibly can fall out , which is the corruption of the head , that may destroy the whole body wherof he is head , if it be not redressed . As if ( for examples sake ) the Prince would extirpate Christian Religion , bring in Mahometisme , or other such abhomination , ouerthrow all good lawes , plant and establish vice , dissolution , Atheisme , or commit some other such exorbitant wickednes , as were not tolerable , wherunto notwithstanding mans frailty , without the helpe of Godes grace , is , or may be subiect : In this case ( saith the obiection ) some remedy must haue byn left by Christ , or els his diuine wisdome and prouidence had not prouided sufficiently for the preseruation of his Kingdome , as by light of nature he left remedy to the body of euery Common-wealth vnder the Gentiles before his cōming , which is euident both by Plato , Aristotle , Cicero , & others that wrote of Common-wealthes in those dayes , and did alwayes presume , that the said Common-wealthes had sufficient authority by law of nature to restraine exorbitant Princes , when they were perilous to the publicke : and the same haue held al other learned men that euer wrote of that argument afterward . 45. But as for our Catholicke learned men , both Deuines and Lawiers , though they affirme ( as out of T. M. his frequent allegations of them in this his Treatise is euident ) that all obedience both externall and internall , in conscience and workes , is by Godes ordinance due vnto them ; yet that in such publicke perilles of the Church & Common-wealth as before are mentioned , when they fal out , Christ our Sauiour hath not left his Church wholy remedilesse , but rather , that besides the naturall right which ech Kingdome hath to defend themselues , in certaine cases , he left also supreame power in his high Priest and immediate substitute , to direct and moderate that power , and to adde also of his owne , whē extraordinary need requireth , though with great deliberation , consultation , weighty motiues , lawfull meanes , and other like circumstances . 46. This , I say , is Catholicke doctrine , but what Protestants doctrine is , were hard to set downe : for that they speake therin as time and occasion serueth them , hauing no rule or Canon at all wherto they are bound . For what was both their doctrine and practice , when , and where they were discontented with their Princes , both in England , Scotland , Flanders , Geneua and France , is euident by that which before we haue alledged in the first & fourth Chapters of this booke : now this man telleth vs another tale for the time present , but what he would say or doe , if he were in the discontented occasion of those his fellow-Authors , that wrote so sharpely and violently , no man can tell : but let vs see now at length , how substantially he doth satisfy this obiectiō , for he giueth three or foure seuerall solutions therunto ; you shall heare what ones they are . 47. The first is from Godes ordinance ( saith he ) for by the word of God , as your Cunerus Deuinely reasoneth , which is not partiall , nor by the self pleasing fancy of sensuall affection , must this question be determined ; though therfore it may seeme to vs a decree of nature , for euery one to defend himself and the thinges he doth enioy ; yet the Law of God doth forbid to doe this by taking armes against the higher powers &c. So T. M. out of our Cunerus . And it is well that he alloweth this Catholicke writer to reason deuinely , so far forth as he may seeme to make for him , though in truth in the cōclusion of his discourse , he is wholy against him . For as first his whole speech in this seauenth Chapter by him cited , is expresly against the Hollanders , that vnder diuers pretences , both of Religion , and Scriptures for the same liberty of their countrey , and the like , tooke armes against their true naturall King ; which he reproueth , and condemneth very piously , and learnedly throughout this whole Chapter , and in the next ensuing , whose title is , Quid in Tyrannide subdit is agendum sit , What subiectes ought to doe in case of tyranny , he sheweth two sortes of Tyranny and Tyrantes , the one that inuadeth vniustly another mans dominions against the will & authority of his King and Prince , the other that leauing the office of a King and good Prince in protecting his people , and Religion & iustice among them , turneth himselfe wholy to their affliction and oppression : and that in the former case , the people are taught by many examples of Scriptures , to resist by armes where they can ; but in the second much more moderation is to be vsed , all meanes of humble suite , intreaty , intercession , prayer to God , amendment of life and pacification to be vsed ; Quod si haec non iuuent ( saith he ) & Superiorem in tempor alibus , vti Reges , Princeps non agnoscit , tunc supremus Ecclesiae Pastor interpellandus occurrit , qui bonis & aequis subditorum querelis audit is , plura Deo cooperante ratione & auctoritate praestare poterit quàm vnquam 〈◊〉 armis impetrabit ; but if these meanes doe not help , saith Cunerus , and that the Prince doe acknowledge no Superiour in temporall causes , as Kinges doe not , then is the Supreme Pastor of the Church to be called vpon , who hauing heard the iust & good complaintes of the Subiects , God assisting him , shall be able to effectuate more by reason and authority with their Prince , then euer the people themselues should haue obteyned by force of armes . Thus he . 48. And now , will T. M. allow this also for deuinely spoken ? If he doe , then we differ not in opinion : If he doe not , why doth he so often , and continually cull out , and cut of sentences of Authors , that write directly against him , as this Bishop Cunerus , the Lawier Carerius , the Deuine Bozius , the Iesuites Bellarmine , Salmeron , Azor , and others ? And yet I must admonish the Reader heere againe , that if he compare the text it selfe of Cunerus with that which heere T. M. setteth downe in Latin , and then the Latin with that he Englisheth , he shall find such mangling vpon mangling , by cutting of , leauing out , & altering whole sentēces , as he will see that this man can scarce deale truly in any thing . And thus much for his first answere out of Cunerus , making much more against him , then for him , as yow haue seene . 49. And I leaue to discusse the Authority of S. Augustine which out of Cunerus he also alleadgeth ( for otherwise then out of our Authors bookes he hath little or nothing in any matter ) it being no lesse mangled by this man , then is the text of Cunerus it selfe , as euery one will finde that shall read Cunerus ; not so much as one note of [ &c. ] being left any where lightly , to signify that somewhat is cut of , but all running togeather , as if it were continuall speach in the Author ; whereas in deed they be but peeces & scraps ioyned togeather , and those also commonly with much corruption : wherof I dare auouch that the Author shall finde aboue a hundred examples in this fraudulent Reply , which is wholy patched vp out of the distracted sentences of our owne Authors by this art . 50. But now to his second answere to the former obiection , that Gods prouidence must needes haue lef't some remedy for the danger that may occurre by euill gouernment of Princes &c. The second is ( saith he ) the consideration of examples of the primitiue Church , when for the space of three hundred yeares it was in grieuous persecution , there was found no power on earth to restraine that earthly power , was therfore God wanting to his Church ? God forbid . Nay rather he was not wanting , for it is written : Vertue is perfected in infirmity . And againe : As gold is purged in the fire ; so by affliction &c. Because when the outward man suffereth , the inward man is renewed , and when I am weake , then am I strong . So he . And doe yow see how patient and meeke this man is become now , when there is nothing to suffer ? did his Protestant-Authors before mencioned write or teach this doctrine whē they were pressed by their Catholicke Princes to be quiet ? Or if this should be preached now at this day in Holland , Zeland , Frizeland , Hungary , Polonia , Zweueland & Transiluania , where actually Protestantes are in armes against their naturall and lawfull Princes , would it be receaued as currant and Euangelicall ? Would the examples of primitiue martyrs , when there was scarce any temporall common-wealth extant among Christians , be sufficient to prescribe a forme of patience & sufferance to these men ? Why doe they not then put it in practice ? And why cease they not , according to this mans doctrine from so notorious tumultuations against their lawfull Princes ? Why is not this doctrine of the Scripture of perfecting their vertue by bearing and suffering admitted by them ? I confesse it ought to be soe with all particuler men in their afflictions , oppressions , and tribulations , and so teach our Doctors , as before yow haue heard ; though when the hurt and danger concerneth a common wealth established in Christian Religion , there be other considerations to be had , as before hath byn set downe . 51. But Protestantes obserue neither the one , nor the other , but both in particuler and common , breake forth when they are streyned or discontēted , into the vttermost violence they can : and their Doctores are ready presently to defend them ; yea and to goe to the feild with them if need be against their Princes , as experience hath taught vs both in Zwitzerland , Scotland , France , and other places . Wherfore this pretended preaching of patience and sufferance of T. M. in this place both in his outward and inward man , is to small purpose . 52. Wherfore his third answere is to the former obiection The view ( as he saith ) of our Popish principles , wherby we teach , that the Pope may not be iudged by any person vpon earth , whether secular , or Ecclesiasticall , nor by a General Councel , though he should doe something contrary to the vniuersall State of the Church , neglect the Canons , spare offenderes , oppresse innocentes and the like : For which he citeth both Bellarmine , Carerius and Azor : and then addeth , that the Pope cannot be deposed for any of these , no not though ( saith he to vse the wordes of your Pope himselfe , one placed in the calendes of your martyrs ) he should carry many people with himselfe to hell ; yet no mortall creature may presume to say , why doe yow so . Thus he . 53. Whervnto I answere first , that all which Bellarmine , Carerius , Azorius , and other Catholicke writers doe affirme of the Popes preheminency of authority immediatly vnder Christ , so as he hath no Superiour Iudge betweene Christ and him , that may sit in iudgment ouer him , or giue sentence vpon him for matters of yll life , tendeth only to shew , that as he receiueth his supreame charge immediatly from Christ , so by him must he be iudged , & not by man , though the same Authors in the same places ( which this man of purpose omitteth and concealeth ) doe expresly affirme , that for the Crimes of Apostacy or heresy he may and must be deposed , or rather is ipso facto depriued of his office and dignity , and so may be declared by the Church in that case , to wit , aswell by Princes and Potentates both Ecclesiasticall and temporall , as by all Christian people , who in that case are bound to concurre to his expulsion and depriuation . And albeit in the other of lesser vices or infirmities of life , he haue no humaine Superiour to iudge him : yet is that of Christ himselfe so much the more seuere , & dreadfull , and his holy prouidence hath byn euer and wil be such , as these personall defectes in his supreame Pastor , shall not so much preiudicate his office , but that alwaies he shal teach his flocke that which may helpe them to their saluation , howsoeuer he liue himselfe . And of this he hauing forewarned vs with expresse premonition , the performance lieth vpon his charge whose power is omnipotent , and fidelity such , as in his promises cannot possibly faile . And this to the first point . 54. Now to the second wherin he saith , that one of our Popes , placed also in the Calends of our Martyrs , doth affirme that though a Pope should carry many people with himselfe to hell , no mortall man may presume to say , why doe yow so ? I doe greatly maruaile with what conscience , or if not conscience , with what forehead at least these men can write and print , and reiterate so often in their books , thinges that they know , or may know to be meerly false and forged ! Is not this a signe of obstinate wilfulnes , and that neither God , nor truth is sought for by them , but only to maintaine a parte or faction , with what sleight or falshood soeuer ? I find this very obiection set forth in print not many yeares gone by 〈◊〉 Francis Hastings in his VVatch-word and Defence therof , and the same auouched stoutly after him for a time by Matthew Sutcliffe the Minister , Aduocate & Proctor of that defence ; but afterward I find the same so consuted at large by the VVarn-word , and so many lies , falshoodes , and euident fraudes discouered therin , as the said M. Sutcliffe in his Reply intituled A full and round answere , thought good roundly to let this passe , without any answere at all , which I can find in his said booke , though I haue vsed some diligence in search therof ; which I doe adde , for that he changeth the whole order of answearing from the method of his Aduersary , to the end not to be found , & so answereth nothing in order or place , as it is set downe by him whome he pretendeth to answere , but rather taking a new , vast and wild discourse to himselfe , snatcheth heere a word , and there a word , to carpe at , not as they ly in his aduersaries booke , but as it pleaseth him to admit them , now from the end of the booke , then from the beginning , then from the middle : and with this substantiall methode , he taketh vpon him to answere all bookes that come in his way ; for so he hath answered of late the booke also of Three Conuersions of England , and may doe easely all that is written by Catholickes , if carping only and scolding be answering . 55. Wherfore to this instance heere resumed by T. M. though I must remit him , or rather the Reader for larger satisfaction to the said Catholike Treatise , intituled The VVarn-word ; yet heere breifly I am to tell him first , that he erreth grossely in the affirming in this place , the Author of this Canon cited by him Si Papa , to haue byn a Pope , for that the said Canon was gathered by Gratian out of the sayinges of S. Boniface martyr , as in the title of the said Canon is expressed , which Boniface was neuer Pope , but a vertuous learned English man , that liued aboue 850. yeares gone , and was the first Archbishop of Mentz or Moguntia in Germany ; of which people and countrey he is called by all ancient writers The Apostle , for that he first publickly conuerted that nation , erected that Primate sea , and suffered glorious martyrdome by the Gentils for the faith of Christ. Wherfore the scoffe of T. M. calling him our Pope placed in the Calendes of our martyrs , besides the ignorance , tasteth also of much prophane malice and impiety . 56. Secondly I say that these wordes of his are corruptly set downe , as euer commonly elswhere , and that both in Latin and English. In Latin , for that he leaueth out the beginning of the Canon , which sheweth the 〈◊〉 therof , whose title is : Damnatur Apostolicus qui suae & fraternae salutis est negligens : The Pope is damned which is negligent in the affaire of his owne saluation and of his brethren ; and then beginneth the Canon Si Papa suae & fraternae salutis negligens &c. Shewing that albeit the Pope haue no Superiour Iudge in this world , which may by authority checke him vnlesse he fall into heresy ; yet shall his damnation be greater then of other sinners , for that by reason of his high dignity , he draweth more after him to perdition , then any other . Wherby we may perceaue that this Canon was not written to flatter the Pope , as Protestantes would haue it seeme , but to warne him rather of his perill , togeather with his high authority . 57. After this the better to couer this pious meaning of S. Boniface T. M. alleadging two lines of the same in Latin , he cutteth of presently a third line , that immediatly ensueth , to wit : Cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum vapulatur us , that the Pope is to suffer eternall punishmentes , and to be scourged with many stripes , togeather with the diuell himselfe , if by his euill , or negligent life , he be the cause of others perdition ; which threat this man hauing cut of , he ioineth presently againe with the antecedent wordes , these as following immediatly in the Canon ; Huius culpas redarguere praesumet nemo mortalium ; this mans faultes ( to wit the Pope ) no mortall man shall or may presume to reprehend , and there endeth . In which short phrase are many fraudes : for first he leaueth out istic heere in this life , and then for praesumit in the present tense , that no man doth presume to checke him in respect of the greatnes of his dignity , this man saith praesumet , in the future tense , that is no man shall presume , or as him selfe translateth it may presume to controlle him , which is a malitious falshood . And lastly he leaueth out all that immediatly followeth conteyning a reason of all that is said : Quia cunctos ipse iudicaturus , à nemine est iudicandus , nisi deprehendatur à fide deuius &c. For that wheras he is Iudge of all other men , he cannot himselfe be Iudged by any , except he be found to swarue from the true faith . Heere then is nothing but fraudulent citing , and abusing of Authors . 58. But now thirdly remaineth the greatest corruption & abuse of all in his English translation , which is that which most importeth his simple Reader that looketh not into the Latin , and this is , that he translateth the former sentence of the Canon thus as before yow haue heard : Though he should carry many people with him to hell ; yet no mortall creature may presume to say why doe yow so ? But in the Latin neither heere , nor in the Canon it selfe is there any such interrogation at all , as why doe yow so ? And therfore I may aske T. M. why doe yow ly so ? Or why doe yow delude your Reader so ? Or why do yow corrupt your Author so ? Or why doe yow translate in English for the abusing of your Reader , that which neither your selfe doe set downe in your Latin text , nor the Canon it selfe by yow cited hath it at all ? Is not this wilfull , and malicious fraude ? Wherin when yow shall answere me directly and sincerly , it shall be a great discharge of your credit with those , who in the meane space will iustly hold yow for a deceauer . 59. His fourth answere to the former argument of Gods prouidence , is the difference ( he saith ) of Kings and Popes in this point , for that the Papall power ( saith he ) which will be thought spirituall if it be euill , may be the bane of soules ; the power of Princes is but corporall , therfore feare them not because they can goe no further then the body . Thus he . And did euer man heare so wise a reason ? And cannot euill Kinges and Princes be the cause of corrupting soules also if they should liue wickedly , & permit or induce others to doe the same ? And what if they should be of an euill Religion as yow will say Q. Mary , and K. Henry were , and all Kinges vpward for many hundred yeares togeather , who by Statutes and lawes forced men to follow the Religiō of that time , did all this touch nothing the soule ? who would say it but T. M ? But he goeth forward in his application , for that bodily Tyranny ( saith he ) worketh in the Godly patience , but the spirituall Tyranny doth captiuate the inward soule . This now is as good as the former , and is a difference without diuersity , so farre as concerneth our affaire , that a man may with patience , if he will , resist both the one and the other . And euen now we haue seene that when any Pope shal decline from the common receaued faith of Christendome , he cannot captiuate other men , but is deposed himselfe . Wherfore this mans conclusion is very simple , saying : Therfore heere is need , according to Gods prouidence , of power to depose so desperate a spirituall euill , wherof it is written , if the salte want his saltenesse , it is good for nothing , but to be cast vpon the donghill . Marke then that concerning the spirituall , that God hath ordeined eiiciatur foras , let it be cast out ; but concerning the temporall , resiste not the power . 60. Lo heere , and doe not these men find Scriptures for all purposes ? This fellow hath found a text , that all spirituall power , when it misliketh them , must be cast to the donghill , and no temporall must be resisted ; and yet he that shall read the first place by him alleadged out of S. Matthew shall find that the lacke of saltenesse is expresly meant of the want of good life and edification , especially in Priestes and Preachers ; and yet is it no precept , as this man would haue it , to cast them al to the donghill : but that salte leesing his taste , is fit for nothing but to that vse . S. Paul in like manner to the Romanes doth not more forbid resisting of temporall authority , then of spirituall : but commaundeth to obey both the one and the other ; which this man applieth only to temporall , which he would haue exalted , obeyed , and respected , and the other contemned , and cast to the donghill . Oh that he had byn worthy to haue byn the scholler of S. Chrysostome , S. Gregory Nazianzen , or S. Ambrose before cited , who so highly preferred spirituall authority before temporall , how would they haue rated him , if he would not haue byn better instructed , or more piously affected ? No doubt eiecissent foras , they would haue cast him forth to the donghill in deed , and there haue left him , and so doe we in this matter , not meaning to follow him any further , except he reasoned more groundedly , or dealt more sincerly . 61. Yet in one word to answere his comparison , we say , that both temporall , & spirituall Magistrates may doe hurte both to body and soule : for as the temporall may preiudice also the soule , as now hath byn said ; so may the spirituall afflict in like manner the body , as when the Pope or Bishoppes doe burne Heretikes : so as in this respect , this distinction of T. M. is to no purpose ; yet doe we also say , that when spirituall authority is abused , it is more pernicious , & preiudiciall then the other : Quia corruptio optimi est pessima : The best thinges become worst , when they are peruerted : and spirituall diseases , especially belonging to faith , be more pernicious then corporall : for which cause God had so much care to prouide for the preuention therof in his Christian Church , for the conseruation of true faith , by the authority , vnion , visibility , & succession of the said Church , and diligence of Doctores , Teachers , Synodes , Councels , and other meanes therin vsed , and by his assistance of infallibility to the head therof : which head though in respect of his eminent authority , he haue no Superiours to Iudge or chastise him , except in case of heresy , as hath byn said ; yet hath he many and effectuall meanes wherby to be admonished , informed , stirred vp , and moued : so as he being but one in the world , and furnished with these helpes , bringeth farre lesse danger , and inconuenience , then if all temporall Princes ( who are many ) had the like priuiledge and immunity . And this euery reasonable man out of reason it selfe will easily see & consider . 62. As also this other point of no small or meane importance , to wit , that English Protestantes pretending temporall Princes to be supreame , and without Iudge or Superiour in matters of Religion , as well as ciuill and secular , they incurre a farre greater inconuenience therby , then they would seeme to lay vpon vs. For that if any temporall Prince as Supreame in both causes , would take vpon him the approbation , or admission of any sect or heresy whatsoeuer , they haue no remedy at all according to the principles of their doctrine ; wheras we say , the Pope in this case may and must be deposed by force of his subiectes , & all Christian Princes ioined togeather against him : so as in place of one generall Pope , which in this case is vnder authority , they make so many particuler Popes , as are particuler Kings & temporall Princes throughout all Christendome , that are absolute , and consequently without all remedy for offences temporall or spirituall in manners or faith . 63. And now let vs imagine what variety of sectes and schismes would haue byn at this day in Christianity , if for a thousand and six hundred yeares , which Christian Religion hath endured , this doctrine of liberty and immunity of temporall Princes to belieue , hold , and defend what they list , had byn receaued and practised for good and currant vnto this time . From which singuler inconuenience , danger , and desperate desolation , the doctrine & beliefe of the only Bishop of Rome his Supreame authority , and exercise therof , hath chiefly deliuered vs , as to all men is euident . And this only reason were sufficient in all reason to refute this mans ydle confutation of that Supremacy heere pretended ; which confutation standing vpon so feeble and ridiculous groundes , as now in part yow haue seene , & supported principally by certaine new shifts , and iugglinges scarcely vsed by any before , by casting out shaddowes of our Catholicke Authors sayinges and sentences , as making for him ; though I meane to passe no further in impugning his said grondes , which are of so small weight as yow haue seene : yet doe I not thinke it amisse to adde another seuerall Chapter for better discouering of the said iugglinges vsed by him in this short Treatise , not conteyning much aboue twenty 〈◊〉 in all . For by this little yow may gather what a volume might be framed of his false dealings , if we would dwell any longer therin . A BRIEF VIEVV OF CERTAINE NOTORIOVS , FALSE AND FRAVDVLENT DEALINGS , VSED BY T.M. In this his short seuerall Treatise against the Popes Supremacy : As also sundry examples of the like proceeding in the former Part of his deceiptfull Reply . CHAP. VI. IT is the saying both of Philosophers and Deuines , Bonum nisi bene fiat , bonum non esse , A good thing except it be well & rightly done , is not good : As for example if a man would relieue the necessity of poore and distressed people with almes gotten by stealth or robbery ; albeit giuing of alms of it selfe be a good thing ; yet for that it is not heere lawfully performed , in this case it is not good nor lawfull : So M. Thomas Morton taking vpon him to confute the Popes Supremacy ouer Kinges and Princes , thought no doubt to doe a good worke therin , at least-wise bonum vtile , a profitable good thing for himself , in regard of some fauour or beneuolence which he might hope to gaine with some Prince therby to his preferment ; but not performing the same by lawfull meanes of truth , but of sleightes ( not withstanding to his Maiesty he tearmeth himself the Minister of simple truth ) though it should proue vtile , yet not honestum ; that is , for his gaine , but not for his credit or conscience , and consequently deserueth rather disgrace then estimation , euen with those whome most he desired to gratify in that affaire . 2. For demonstration wherof , though I suppose to haue said sufficient before , both in the second , fourth , and fifth Chapters by occasion of matters that occurred in discussion betweene vs ; yet now hauing determined with my self , to passe on no further in the particuler refutatiō of this his Treatise , as a thing not worth the time to be lost therin , and handled far better by diuers of his owne side before him , namely by M. Iewell , M. Horne , D. Iohn Reinoldes , M. Bilson and some others in their bookes of this subiect ; I thought good notwithstanding for some kinde of recompence of this my breuity in answering so simple and idle a Treatise , to ad some few examples more in this place of other corruptions and falsifications practized by him in this his confutation : not of all , for that alone would require a great booke , but of some competent number , wherby the Reader may ghesse at the rest ; & his Maiesty take some proofe of the extraordinary vanity of that vaunt , wherwith he presented himself to his Highnes , in the very first entrance of his Epistle dedicatory , in so constant assurance of an vpright conscience ( to vse his owne wordes ) as that he would willingly remit that iust aduantage against his aduersary , which the difference betweene a Minister of simple truth , and a professed Equiuocator did offer vnto him . Now then let vs enter to the examination it self . 3. Wherin only the Reader is to be aduertised , that wheras this man by a new deuise of his owne , doth pretend to put downe the sayings of our Catholicke writers for his purpose , and that both in Latin and English , the one in the text , and the other in the margent , pretending therby to make them speake cōtrary one to the other , A course ( saith he to the Kinges Maiesty ) which I professe in all disputes ; he dealeth so perfidiously therin to bring them to debate , as commonly the simple fellow committeth three seuerall sortes of fraudes and falshood in most of his allegations . First in corrupting the meaning of the Authors , alledging them quite against their owne whole drift , and intended discourse , and conclusion therof . Secondly in setting downe fraudulently the Latin text , by peecing & patching their sentences togeather that stand farre a sunder in the Authors themselues , & by dismembring others that were coherent before , as often now wee haue complained . Thirdly in translating the same by like fraude into English , vsing manifest violence to the wordes and sense it selfe , to get therby some shew of aduantage , or at least - wise to say somewhat . All which sortes and kindes of shifts yow shall see expressed in the examples that are to ensue . 4. In the second page of his pretended confutation ; he hath these wordes ; In the old Testament the Iesuites are forced to allow , that the King was supreame ouer the Priestes in spirituall affaires and ordering Priestes . For proofe wherof he citeth in the margent Salmeron a Iesuit , a very learned man , that hath left written in our dayes many volumes vpon the Ghospells , Epistles of S. Paul , and other partes of Scriptures , and was one of the first ten , that ioined themselues with the famous holy man Ignatius de Loyola , for the beginning of that Religious order ; in which citation diuers notable corruptions are to be seene . First , for that Salmeron proueth the quite contrary in the place by this man quoted , to wit , that neuer Kinges were head of the Church or aboue Priestes by their ordinary Kingly authority in Ecclesiasticall matters , in the new or old Testament , and hauing proued the same largly , he commeth at length to set downe obiections to the contrary , and to solue & answere them , saying : Sed contra hanc solidam veritatem &c. But now against this sound truth by me hitherto confirmed , I know that many thinges may be obiected , which we are diligently to confute . First then may be obiected that Kinges in the old Testament did sometimes prescribe vnto Priestes what they were to doe in sacred thinges , as also did put some negligent Priestes from the execution of their office . To which is answered : Vbi id euenisset , mirum esse non debere ; If it had so fallen out , it had byn no maruaile : for that the Synagogue of the Iewes , albeit it conteined some iust men , yet was it called rather an earthly , then a heauenly Kingdome , insomuch as S. Augustine doth doubt , whether in the old Testament , the Kingdome of heauen was euer so much as named , and much lesse promised for reward ; and therfore those things that were then done amōg them , foreshewed only or prefigured diuine thinges that were to succeed vnder the new Testament , the other being not diuine but humane and earthly . So Salmeron . 5. Heere then are sundry important corruptions , & fraudes vttered by T.M. the one that the Iesuites , and namely Salmeron , are inforced to allow the temporall King to haue byn Supreme ouer the high Priest in spirituall matters , vnder the old law ; wheras he doth expressely affirme and prooue the contrary , both out * of the Scripture it selfe , by the sacrifice appointed more worthy for the Priest , then the Prince , & many other testimonies , as that he must take the law & interpretation therof at the Priestes hands , that he must ingredi & egredi ad verbum Sacerdotis , goe in and out , and proceed in his affaires by the word and direction of the Priest , and the like ; as also by the testimony of Philo and Ioseph , two learned Iewes , and other reasons handled at large in this very disputation , and in the self same place from whence this obiection is taken . And this is the first falsification concerning the Authours meaning and principall drift . 6. The second corruption is in the wordes , as they ly in the Latin copy , & as they are by me before mentioned : Vbi id euenisset mirum esse non debere , If any such thing had fallen out , as was obiected , to wit that Kinges sometimes had prescribed to the Priests what they should doe in Ecclesiasticall things , deposed some &c. it had byn no maruaile , for somuch as their Ecclesiasticall Kingdome or Synagogue was an earthly and imperfect thing , but yet this proueth not that it was so , but only it is spoken vpon a supposition : which suppositiō this Minister that he might the more cunningly shift of and auoid , left cut of purpose the most essentiall wordes therof Vbi id euenisset if that had happened &c. as also for the same cause to make thinges more obscure , after those words of Salmeron that stand in his text : Synagoga Iudeorum dicebatur terrenum potius quàm caeleste regnum ; The Synagogue or Ecclesiasticall gouernment of the Iewes , was called rather an earthly then a heauenly Kingdome ( wheras contrary-wise the Ecclesiasticall power in the Christian Church is euery where called Celestiall ) after those wordes ( I say ) this man cutteth of againe many lines that followed , togeather with S. Augustines iudgmēt before touched , which serued to make the Authors meaning more plaine , and yet left no signe of ( &c. ) wherby his Reader might vnderstand that somewhat was omitted , but 〈◊〉 againe presently , as though it had imediatly followed , 〈◊〉 cùm populus Dei constet corpore & animo , carnalis pars in veteri populo primas tenebat : Wheras Godes people doth consist of body and minde , the carnall or bodily part did cheifly preuaile among the Iewes , and heerwith endeth , as though nothing more had ensued of that matter , thrustnig out these wordes that immediatly followed , and made the thing cleere which are , Et ad spiritualia significanda constituebaiur , and that kinde of earthly power was appointed to signify the spirituall that was to be in the new Testament : wherby is euidently seene that Salmeron vnderstood not by carnalis pars and regnum terrenum , the temporall Kingdome of Iury , as this Minister doth insinuate to make the matter odious ; but the Ecclesiasticall gouernment of the Synagogue vnder the old law , in respect of the Ecclesiasticall power in the new , wherof the other was but an earthly figure or signification . 7. But now the third corruption , & most egregious of all , is in his English translation out of the Latin wordes of Salmeron : for thus he translateth them in our name : In the Synagogue of the Iewes ( saith Salmeron ) was a State rather earthly then heauenly ; so that in that people ( which was as in the body of a man , consisting of body and soule ) the carnall part was more eminent , meaning the temporall to haue byn supreame . In which translation are many seuerall shifts and fraudes . For wheras Salmeron saith Synagoga Iudeorum dicebatur potius terrenum quàm caeleste regnum , the Synagogue or Ecclesiasticall power among the Iewes was called rather an earthly , then a heauenly Kingdome ; he translateth it , the Synagogue of the Iewes was a State rather earthly , then heauenly ; and this to the end he might apply the word of earth to the temporal Prince , and heauenly to the Iudaicall Priestes , which is quite from Salmerons meaning . Secondly those other wordes of Salmeron being Cùm populus Dei constet ex corpore & animo , wheras the people of God doe consist of body and minde , meaning therby aswell Christians as Iewes , and that the Iewes are as the bodily or carnall part of the man , and the Christians the spirituall , and consequently their Ecclesiasticall authority earthly , and ours heauenly ; this fellow to deceaue his Reader , putteth out first the word Dei , the people of God and then translateth it , in that people ( to wit the Iewes ) the carnall part was the more eminent , meaning ( saith he ) the tēporall ; which is false , for he speaketh expressely of the Ecclesiasticall power among the Iewes , which he calleth carnall and terrene , in respect of the spirituall Ecclesiasticall among the Christians , and not the temporall or Kingly power vnder the old Testament , as this man to make vs odious to temporall Princes , as debasing their authority , would haue it thought . And Salmerons cōtraposition or antithesis is not betweene the temporall and Ecclesiasticall gouernment among the Iewes ; but betweene their Ecclesiasticall gouernment and ours , that of the Synagogue , and this of the Christian Church , wherof the one he saith to be terrene & earthly , the other spirituall and heauenly , the one infirme , the other powerfull ouer soules &c. So as all these sortes and kindes of corruptions being seene in this one little authority , yow may imagine what will be found in the whole booke , if a man had so much patience and time to leese , as to discusse the same exactly through . 8. A little after this againe , he bringeth in an example of the King of Israell Ozias , who for presuming to exercise the Priests office in offering of incense , being first reprehended , and resistest for the same by Azarias the high Priest , and fourescore other Priestes with him in the Temple , was for his presumption presently and publickly in all their sightes punished by God , and stroken with a leprosy , and therupon remoued by the authority of the said high Priest , first from the Temple , and common conuersation of men , and then also from the gouernment or administration of his Kingdome , the same being committed to his sonne Ioathan all the dayes of his Fathers life : about which example , M. Morton first of all bringeth in Doctor Barkley dissenting from Doctor Boucher in this matter , about the deposition of this King , the one holding that he was deposed , the other not , but only that as a sicke man was debarred of the administration . Doctor Bouchers wordes are these cited by D. Barkley : Sic Oziam Azarias de Templo primùm , mox etiant de Regno eiecit . So Azarias the high Priest did cast out King Ozias , first frō the Temple , and then from his Kingdome . Which the other will not haue to be vnderstood that the title and interest of his Kingdome was taken from him , but only the administration , which in effect is no great difference of opinions ; for that Bellarmine also talking of this matter saith : Cùm regni administratione priuatus fuerit , wheras he was depriued of the administration of the Kingdome , which after in other words he expressing , saith , Regnandi authoritate , he was depriued of the authority of actual raigning , or exercising that authority : wherunto the wordes of the Scripture seene plainly to agree , which are these : Festinatò expulerunt &c. Azarias and the rest of the Priestes did hastily driue him out of the Temple , and he himself being terrified with that which he felt to be the punishment of God , made hast to goe forth . VVherfore this King Ozias remaining a leper vnto the day of his death , did dwell in a separate howse , and he was full of leprosy , for the which he was cast forth of the howse of our Lord : so as his sonne Ioathan did gouerne the howse of the King , & iudge the people of the land . 9. Out of which wordes of Scripture as also out of the Booke of Leuiticus , where the law saith , That whosoeuer shal be spotted with leprosy , and is separated at the apointment of the Priest , shall dwell alone without the tentes , Bellarmine doth gather that this separation of King Ozias was not voluntary but by prescript order of the said high Priest Azarias , and that consequently he was depriued also by the same sentence and authority , of his gouernment and administration of the Kingdome ; against which T. M. bringeth in a great tempestuous storme of wordes , and warre of the foresaid Doctor Barkley Scottishman , against Cardinall Bellarmine , as though he had refuted him with some contumely and contempt ; wheras Doctor Barkley neither nameth nor meaneth Bellarmine , but only Boucher vpon his wordes before recited , against whome he being , according to his custome , somewhat vehement in speech ( the difference in substance being little or nothing as yow haue seene ) T. M. endeauoreth by his sleightes to increase or aggrauate the same . For wheras Doctor Barkley presuming Boucher to vnderstand by those his wordes De regno eiecit , that Azarias had taken from K. Ozias the name and right of Kingdome , saith vnto him ; Magna sanè imprudentia vel impudentia est , ea scriptis mandare , quae manifestis scripturae testimoniis redarguuntur : It is truly a great imprudence or impudēcy , to cōmit those thinges to writing which are controlled by manifest testimonies of Scripture ; There our Minister blotteth out in his Latin text the word imprudentia , and will haue only to stand impudentia to set them further out then they be , which me thinkes was some impudency also in him ; and againe when the said Barkley writeth immediatly after the former wordes ; Malo te negligentiae quàm nequitiae reum facere , I had rarher accuse you of negligence then of malice ; these wordes also not without some malice T. M. striketh out , and pittifully mangleth the whole discourse , putting in and putting out at his pleasure , and yet all set downe in his booke as the continuall speech of the Author . 10. Heere then yow see how many wilfull corruptions there be , first to bring in Doctor Barkley rating of Cardinall Bellarmine with magna sanè impudentia est &c. Wheras he talketh not against Bellarmine at all , nor indeed is Bellarmines manner of speech contrary to that which Barkley will haue to be the meaning of the History ; for that Barkley doth not so much stand vpon the thing in controuersy for Priestes authority , but vpon the manner of proofe by the examples alledged by D. Boucher of Ieroboam , Ozias , Athalia , and some other Princes , in whose punishment God vsed Priestes for meanes and instrumentes . Non ignoro ( saith he ) Ius esse Ecclesiae in Reges & Principes Christianos , nec quale ius sit ignoro , sed id tam alienis argument is ostendi prorsus ignoro ; imò non ostendi planè scio : I am not ignorant , saith Doctor Barkley , that the Church hath right ouer Christian Kinges & Princes , nor am I ignorant what manner of right it is ; yet doe I not see how the same may be proued by such impertinent argumentes ; nay I know rather that it cannot be so proued . Which wordes going but very few lines before those that T. M. alledgeth , he could not but see , and yet left them out , and then beginneth against vs his English text thus : Your owne Doctor calleth this your assertion most false , and contrary to the direct History of the Byble , to wit , that Ozias was deposed of his Kingdome by Azarias the high Priest. 11. But now yow haue seene that howsoeuer it may be called , either deposition , depriuation , restraint , sequestration or inhibition ; certaine it is , that he was separated from the administration of the gouernment by 〈◊〉 the high Priest , and whether his sonne during his life were truly King or only regent or Gouernour vnder his Father , or whether he were bound to consult with his said Father in his greatest affaires , & take his approbation and commission , that point , which is most important , Doctor Barkley proueth not , but only that Ozias notwithstanding his separation was called King during his life , which letted not , but that his sonne might be truly King also , during his Fathers dayes : for otherwise D. Barkley might aswell say , that his Maiesty now of England ( for example ) was not King of Scotland , whiles his Mother the Queene liued in her exile , which yet I thinke he will not say ; and therfore to vse the wordes impudentia , nequitia , and falsissimum in a matter so doubtfull , might perhaps haue byn omitted ; but much more ought to haue byn the multiplicity of falsities vsed by T. M. in relating the same , & namely in bringing in Cardinall Bellarmine with such ardent desire to haue him contradicted & disgraced , as he not only applieth to him that which was spokē against another , but reciting also two lines of his speech , besides other manglinges , shufleth in falsly two or three words , that ouerthrow the whole controuersy , to wit separatus extra Regnum , that King Ozias was separated by Azarias the Priest forth of the Kingdome : wheras Bellarmine hath not these wordes extra Regnum at al , but only that he was separated from the Citty extra vrbem in domo solitaria forth of the Citty in a solitary house , which thing the Scripture it self before related doth testify ; wherby yow see what botching there is to bring matters to his purpose ; and yet will he needs stile him self The Minister of simple truth . 12. It followeth in the 16. page thus : Your deuise ( saith he ) of exemption of Priestes ( from the iurisdiction of temporall Princes in certaine cases ) is to crude to be disgested by any reasonable Deuine , for ( as your Victoria saith ) Priestes , besides that they are Ministers of the Church , they are likewise members of the Common-wealth , and a King is aswell a King of the Clergy , as of the laity , therfore the Clergy is subiect vnto the ciuill authority in temporall thinges , for such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall : A plaine demonstration . So he . And I say the same , that indeed it is a plaine demonstration of his egregious falshood , and abusing his Reader . First in making him belieue , that the learned man Franciscus de Victoria doth fauour him or his in this matter of the exemption of Priestes , wheras in this very place heere cited by T. M. his first proposition of all in this matter is this : Ecclesiastici iure sunt exempti &c. I doe affirme that Ecclesiasticall men are by Law exempted , and freed from ciuill power , so as they may not be conuented before a secular Iudge , either in criminall or ciuill causes , & the contrary doctrine to this is condemned for Hereticall , among the articles of Iohn VVickliffe in the Councell of Constance . So he . And now see whether Victoria make for him or no , or whether he disgested well this crude doctrine of Priestes exemption , as this Ministers phrase is . 13. Secondly if we consider , either the English translation heere set downe out of the wordes of Victoria , or his Latin text , for ostentation sake put in the margent , wee shall find so many and monstrous foule corruptions , intercisions , geldinges and mutilations , as is a shame to behold ; and I beseech the learned Reader to haue patience to conferre but this one place only with the Author , and he will rest instructed in the mās spirit for the rest : but he must find them as I hàue cited them heere in the margent , and not as T. M. erroneously quoteth them , if not of purpose to escape the examine . For that Victoria hauing set downe his precedent generall proposition , for the exemption of Clergy men , that they were exempted Iure by Law , he passeth on to examine in his second proposition Quo iure , by what Law , diuine or humane they are exempted ; and in his third , he holdeth that Aliqua exemptio Clericorum est de iure Diuino : That some kinde of exemptions of Clergy men from ciuill power , is by diuine Law , and not humane only , and fourthly he commeth to this which heere is set downe by T. M. but not as he setteth it downe . Our fourth proposition ( saith Victoria ) is , that the persons of Clergy men are not absolutly , and in all thinges exempted from ciuill power either by diuine or humane lawe ; which is euident by that Clergy men are bound to obey the temporall lawes of the Citty , or Cōmon-wealth wherin they liue , in those thinges that doe appertaine to the temporall gouernment , and administration therof , and doe not let or hinder Ecclesiasticall gouernment . 14. These are the wordes of Victoria as they ly togeather in him , and then after some argumentes interposed , for his said conclusion , he addeth also this proofe : That for so much as Clergy mē besides this , that they are Ministers of the Church , are Citizens also of the Common-wealth , they are bound to obey the temporall lawes of that Common-wealth or Prince in temporall affaires ; and then ensueth the last reason ( heere set downe in English by T. M. ) in these wordes : Moreouer ( saith Victoria ) for that a King is King not only of laymen , but of Clergy-men also , therfore aliquo modo subiiciuntur ei , in some sort they are subiect vnto him : Which wordes aliquo modo in some sorte , the Minister leaueth out ; and then it followeth immediatly in Victoria : And for that Clergy-men are not gouerned in temporall matters by Ecclesiasticall power , therfore they haue their temporall Prince , vnto whome they are bound to yeeld obedience in temporall affaires . 15. And this is all that Victoria hath in this matter , & in these very wordes . And let any man consider the patching , which T. M. vseth both in English and Latin in this place , to make some shew for his fained demonstration out of Victoria , and he will see how poore and miserable a man he is , and how miserable a cause he defendeth . And in particular , let the very last proposition be noted which he citeth , and Englisheth as out of Victoria , to wit , the Clergy is subiect vnto the ciuill authority in temporall thinges , for such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall , wherby he would haue his Reader to imagine , that no spirituall power may haue authority to gouerne temporall matters ; wheras the wordes of Victoria are : Clerici quantum ad temporalia non administrantur potestate Ecclesiastica , that Clergy men , for so much as appertaineth to temporall affaires , are not gouerned by Ecclesiasticall power , but by the temporall which there beareth rule : So as this fellow by a subtile sleight changing the nominatiue case from Clerici non administrantur to temporalia non administrantur , frameth his plaine demonstration out of plaine cosenage and forgery . And is this naked innocency ? 16. From the page 18. vnto 27. he handleth togeather many sentences and authorities of ancient Fathers , alledged by Catholicke Authors Cunerus , Tolosanus , and especially Barkleius , to shew that the Apostles and their successours , and those Fathers amongest the rest , did not take armes against their Princes either Infidels or Christians , but did rather suffer iniuries , then seeke by force to reuenge the same ; which being our conclusion in like manner , and held and defended by our Catholicke writers as yow see , and that for the most part , by name against Protestant writers & practisers , both in Scotland , France , Flanders , & other places , yow may perceaue how corruptly this is brought in against vs , as though our common beliefe and exercise were the contrary , & this may be called falsification and sophistication of our meaning . 17. But yet if we would examine the particular authorities that be alledged about this matter , though nothing making against vs as hath byn said , & consider how many false shiftes are vsed by T. M. therin ; yow would say he were a Doctor in deed in that science , for that a seuerall Treatise will scarce conteine them . I will touch only two for examples sake . He citeth Doctor Barkley , bringing in the authority of S. Ambrose , that he resisted not by force his Arrian Emperour , when he would take a Church from him for the Arrians , but he setteth not downe what answere of his Doctor Barkley doth alledge in the very self same place , which is : Allegatur Imperatori licere omnia &c. It is alledged that it is lawfull for the Emperour to doe all thinges , for that all thinges are his ( and consequently that he may assigne a Church to the Arrians : ) Wherto I answere saith S. Ambrose ; trouble not your selfe O Emperour , nor thinke that yow haue Imperiall right ouer those thinges that are diuine ; doe not exalt your selfe , but if yow wil raigne long , be subiect to God , for it is written that those thinges that belong to God must be giuen to God , and to Cesar only those thinges that belōg to Cesar ; Pallaces appertaine to the Emperour , but Churches to the Priest , the right of defending publicke walles is committed to yow , but not of sacred thinges . Thus Doctor Barkley out of S. Ambrose in the very place cited by T. M. which he thought good wholy to pretermit , and cut of , as not making for his purpose ; and so had he done more wisely , if he had left out also the other authority of Pope Leo , which he reciteth in the eight place of authorities , out of ancient Fathers in these wordes . 18. The eighth Father ( saith he ) is Pope Leo , writing to a true Catholicke Emperour , saying : Yow may not be ignorant that your Princely power is giuen vnto yow , not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall , for the preseruation of the Church : as if he said not only in cases temporall but also in spirituall , so far as it belongeth to the outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them , and this is the substance of our English oath : And surther neither doe our Kinges of England chalenge , nor subiectes condescend vnto . In which wordes yow see two thinges are conteined , first what authority S. Leo the Pope aboue eleuen hundred yeares gone ascribed vnto Leo the Emperour in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall . The second , by this mans assertion , that neither our Kinges of England chaleng , nor doe the subiectes condescend vnto any more in the oath of the Supremacy that is proposed vnto them ; which if it be so , I see no cause why all English Catholickes may not take the same in like manner , so far forth as S. Leo alloweth spiritual authority to the Emperour of his time . Wherfore it behooueth that the Reader stand attent to the deciding of this question , for if this be true which heere he saith , our controuersy about the Supremacy is at an end . 19. First then about the former point , let vs consider how many waies T. M. hath corrupted the foresaid authority of S. Leo , partly by fraudulent allegation in Latin , and partly by false translation into English. For that in Latin it goeth thus , as himself putteth it downe in the margent : Debes incunctanter aduertere , Regiam potestatem non solùm ad mundi regimen , sed maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . Yow ought ( ô Emperour ) resolutly to consider , that your Kingly power is not only giuen vnto yow for gouernment of the world , or worldly affaires , but especially for defence of the Church : and then doe ensue immediatly these other wordes also in S. Leo , suppressed fraudulently by the Minister , for that they explicate the meaning of the Author : Vt ausus nefarios comprimendo , & quae bene sunt statuta defendas , & veram pacem his quae sunt turbata restituas : To the end that yow may by repressing audacious attemptes both defend those thinges that are well ordeined and decreed , ( as namely in the late generall Councell of Calcedon ) and restore peace where matters are troubled , as in the Citty and Sea of Alexandria , where the Patriarch Proterius being slaine and murdered by the conspiracy of the Dioscorian Heretickes , lately condemned in the said Councell , all thinges are in most violent garboiles , which require your imperiall power to remedy , compose , and compresse the same . 20. This is the true meaning of S. Leo his speech to the good and Religious Emperour of the same name , as appeareth throughout the whole Epistle heere cited and diuers others . Nonne perspicuum est ( saith he ) quibus pietas vestra succurrere , & quibus obuiare , ne Alexandrina Ecclesia &c. Is it not euident whome your Imperiall piety ought to assist and succour , and whome yow ought to resist and represse , to the end the Church of Alexandria , that hitherto hath byn the house of praier , become not a den of theeues ? Surely it is most manifest that by this late barbarous and most furious cruelty ( in murdering that Patriarch ) all the light of heauenly Sacramentes is there extinguished ; Intercepta est Sacrificij oblatio , defecit chrismatis sanctificatio &c. The oblation of sacrifice is intermitted , the hallowing of Chrisme is ceassed , and all diuine misteries of our Religion haue withdrawne themselues from those parricidiall handes of those Heretickes , that haue murdered their owne Father and Patriarch Proterius , burned his body , and cast the ashes into the ayer . 21. This then was the cause and occasion wherin the holy Pope Leo did implore the helpe and secular arme of Leo the Emperour , for chastising those turbulent Heretiks , to which effect he saith that his Kingly power was not only giuen him for the gouernmēt of the world , but also for the defence of the Church , which our Minister doth absurdly translate not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall for the preseruation of the Church , turning ad into in , and praesidium into preseruation ; and then maketh the commentary which before we haue set downe : As if he had said ( quoth he ) not only in causes temporall , but also in spirituall , so far as it belongeth to outward preseruation , not to the personall administratiō of them . 22. And heere now he sheweth himself intangled , not only about the assertion of Imperiall power in spirituall matters , by that S. Leo saith it is giuen ad praesidium Ecclesiae , to the defence of the Church , which proueth nothing at all for him , but against him rather as yow see , and much more in the explication therof , to wit , what is meant by this authority , & how farre it strecheth it self : wherin truly I neuer found Protestant yet that could cleerly set downe the same , so as he could make it a distinct doctrine from ours , and giue it that limites which his fellowes would agree vnto , or themselues make probable . 23. About which matter M. Morton heere as yow see ( who seemeth no small man amongest them , and his booke must be presumed to haue come forth with the approbation and allowance of his Lord and Maister the Archbishop at least ) saith as yow haue heard , that it is no more , but such as S. Leo allowed in the Emperour ad Ecclesiae praesidium to the defence of the Church , and Church matters and men , and for punishing Heretickes that troubled the same . And further more T. M. expoundeth the matter saying : That this Imperiall & Kingly authority in spirituall causes reacheth no further , but as it belongeth to outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them . And doe not we graunt also the same ? Or doe not we teach that temporall Princes power ought principally , as S. Leo saith , to extend it self to the defence ad preseruation of the Church ? In this then we agree and haue no difference . 24. There followeth in T. M. his assertion heere : But not in the personall administration of them ( to wit of spirituall causes , & this now is a shift dissembling the difficulty , and true State of the question ) which is in whome consisteth the supreame power , to treate , iudge , and determine in spirituall causes ; which this man flying , as not able to resolue , telleth vs only , that he cannot personally administer the same ; which yet I would aske him why ? For as a Bishop may personally performe all the actions , that he hath giuen authority to inferiour Priestes to doe in their functions , and a temporall Prince may execute in his owne person , if he list , any inferiour authority that he hath giuen to others in temporall affaires ; so , if he haue supreame authority spirituall also , why may he not in like manner execute the same by himself , if he please ? But of this is sufficiently writtē of late in the foresaid booke of Answere to Syr Edward Cooke , where also is shewed , that a farre greater authority spirituall was giuen to King Henry the eight by Parlament , then this that T. M. alloweth his Maiesty now for outward preseruation of the Church , to wit To be head therof , in as ample manner , as euer the Pope was , or could be held before him , ouer England : and to King Edward , though then but of ten yeares old was granted also by Parlament , That he had originally in himself by his Crowne and Scepter all Episcopall authority ; so as the Bishops and Archbishops had no other power , or spirituall authority then was deriued from him : & to Queene Elizabeth by like graunt of Parlament , was also giuen as great authority spirituall and Ecclesiasticall ouer the Church and Clergy of England , as euer any person had , or could exercise before , which was and is another thing then this outward preseruation which T. M. now assigneth , hauing pared the same in minced wordes to his purpose , to make it seeme little or nothing , but dareth not stand to it , if he be called to the triall . 25. Wherfore this matter being of so great importance and consequence as yow see , I doe heere take hold of this his publicke assertion , and require that it may be made good , to wit , that this is the substance & meaning only of the English oath , and that neither our Kinges of England doe chalenge more , nor subiectes required to condescend to more then to grant to their authority for outward preseruation , or ad Ecclesiae praesidium , as S. Leo his wordes and meaning are , and I dare assure him , that al Catholickes in England will presently take the oath , and so for this point there will be an attonement . Me thinkes that such publicke doctrine should not be so publickly printed , and set forth , without publicke allowance and intention to performe and make it good . Yf this be really meant , we may easely be accorded ; if not then will the Reader see , what credit may be giuen to any thing they publish ; notwithstanding this booke commeth forth with this speciall commendation of Published by authority &c. 26. And for conclusion of all , it may be noted that there hath byn not only lacke of truth and fidelity in citing Pope Leo for Ecclesiasticall Supremacy in Emperours aboue Popes , but want of modesty & discretion also ; for so much as no one ancient Father doth more often and earnestly inculcate the contrary , for the preheminence of the Sea of Rome , then doth S. Leo ; in so much that Iohn Caluin , not being able otherwise to answere him , saith , that he was tooto desirous of glory & dominion , and so shifteth him of that way ; and therfore he was no fit instance for T. M. to bring heere in proofe of spirituall supremacy in temporall Princes . 27. But yet in the very next page after , he vseth a far greater immodesty , or rather perfidy in my opiniō in calumniation of Cardinall Bellarmine , whome he abuseth notably both in allegation , exposition , translation , application , and vaine insultation ; for thus he citeth in his text out of him . Ancient generall Councelles ( saith the Romish pretence ) were not gathered without the cost of good and Christian Emperours , and were made by their consentes , for in those dayes the Popes did make supplication to the Emperour , that by his authority he would gather Synods , but after those times all causes were changed , because the Pope who is head in spirituall matters cannot be subiect in temporall . Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil . cap. 13. § . Habemus ergo . 28. And hauing alledged this resolutiō of Bellarmine , the Minister insulteth ouer him in these words : Who would thinke this man could be a Papist , much lesse a Iesuit , how much lesse a Cardinal , who thus disableth the title of the Pope , granting to vs in these wordes : after these times ( that is after six hundred yeares ) the truth of purer antiquities challenging Popes to be subiect vnto Christian Emperours ? And yet who but a Papist would ( as it were in despite of antiquity ) defend the degenerate state , saying , after those times Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters ? As if he should haue said : Then gratious fauour of ancient Christian Emperours , then sound iudgment of ancient reuerend Fathers , then deuout subiection of ancient holy Popes ; in summe then ancient purity and pure antiquity adieu . But we may not so bastardly reiect the depositum and doctrine of humble subiection , which we haue receaued from our Fathers of the first six hundred yeares ; and not so only , but which ( as your Barkley witnesseth ) the vniuersall Christian world imbraced , with common consent for a full thousand yeares . So he . 29. And doe yow see how this Minister triumpheth ? Who would thinke that men of conscience or credit could make such ostentation vpon meere lies deuised by themselues , as now wee shall shew all this bragge to be ? And as for D. Barkley alledged in the last lines , let any man read him in the booke and Chapter cited , and he will wonder at the impudency of this vaunter ; for he speaketh no one word of gathering Councells , or comparison of spirituall authority betweene the Pope and Emperour , concerning their gathering of Councelles or Synodes ; but of a quite different subiect , of taking armes by subiectes against their lawfull temporall Princes . And what will our Minister then answere to this manifest calumniation so apparently conuinced out of Doctor Barkley ? But let vs passe to the view of that which toucheth Cardinall Bellarmine , against whome all this tempest is raised . 30. First then we shall set downe his wordes in Latin according as T. M. citeth him in his margent . Tunc Concilia generalia fiebant ( saith he ) non sine Imperatorum sumptibus , & eo tempore Pontifex subiiciebat se Imperatoribus in temporalibus , & ideo non poterant inuito Imperatore aliquid agere : id●irco Pontifex supplicabat Imperatori vt iuberet conuocari Synodum . At post illa tempora , omnes causae mutatae sunt , quia Pontifex qui est caput in spiritualibus , non est subiectus in temporalibus . Then in those dayes generall Councelles were made not without the charges of Emperours , & in that time the Pope did subiect himselfe vnto Emperours in temporall affaires , and therfore they could doe nothing against the Emperours will , for which cause the Pope did make supplication to the Emperour , that he would commaund Synodes to be gathered ; but after those times all causes were changed , for that the Pope who is head in spirituall matters , is not subiect in temporall affaires . So he . 31. And heere let vs consider the variety of sleightes & shifts of this our Minister , not only in citing Bellarmins wordes falsly , and against his meaning and drift in Latin , wherof we shall speake presently ; but in peruerting this Latin that he hath so corruptly set downe in his former English translation . For first hauing said according to the Latin , that generall Councelles in those dayes were not gathered without the cost of Emperours , he addeth presently of his owne , and were made by their consentes , which is not in the Latin : and then he cutteth of the other wordes immediatly ensuing , which conteine the cause ; to wit for that the Popes subiecting themselues in those dayes touching temporalities vnto the Emperours ( as hauing no temporall States or dominion yet of their owne ) could doe nothing without them , and therfore did make supplication to the said Emperours that they would commaund Synodes to be gathered : which T. M. translateth that they would gather Synodes , as though Bellarmine did affirme , that it lay in the Emperours , by right , to doe it : but after those times omnes causae mutatae sunt , all causes were changed , but he should haue said , are changed , as Bellarmins true wordes are , omnes istae causae , al these causes are chāged , to wit foure sortes of causes , which he setteth downe , why generall Councells could not be well gathered in those dayes without the Emperours help and authority , which wordes are guilefully cut of by this deceauer , as in like manner the last wordes put downe heere by himselfe , Pontifex non est subiectus in temporalibus , are falsly translated , cannot be subiect in temporall , and againe afterward , Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters , which is to make Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , who saith a little before that the Popes did subiect themselues for many years , wherby is proued , that they could doe it ; but Bellarmins meaning is that in right by the preheminence of their spirituall dignity , they were exempted , & not bound therunto . 32. And thus much now for the corruptions vsed in the wordes heere set downe both in Latin & English . But if we would goe to Bellarmine himself and see his whole discourse , and how brokenly and persidiously these lines are cut out of him , and heere patched togeather as one entier context contrary to his drift and meaning , we shall meruaile more at the insolency of Thomas Morton , triumphing ouer his owne lye , as before hath byn said ; for that Bellarmine hauing proued at larg , and by many sortes of argumentes and demonstrations , throughout diuers Chapters togeather , that the right of gathering generall Councelles belongeth only to the Bishop of Rome , and hauing answered all obiections that could be made against the same in the behalfe of Emperours , or other temporall Princes , grāting only that for certaine causes in those first ages , the same could not be done ( in respect of temporall difficulties ) without the helpe & assistance of the said Emperours , that were Lords of the world ; he commeth to make this conclusion which heere is cited by T. M. but in far other wordes and meaning then heere he is cited . Yow shall heare how he setteth it downe , & therupō consider of the truth of this Minister . Habemus ergo ( saith he ) prima illa Concilia &c. We haue then by all this disputation seene , how those first Christian Councelles were commaunded by Emperours to be gathered , but by the sentence and consent of Popes , and why the Pope alone in those dayes did not call Councelles , as afterward hath byn accustomed ; the reason was , not for that Councelles gathered without the Emperours consent are not lawfull , as our Aduersaries would haue it , for against that is the expresse authority of S. Athanasius saying : Quando vnquam iudicium Ecclesiae ab Imperatore authoritatem habuit ? When was it euer seene that the iudgment of the Church did take authority from the Emperour ? but for many other most iust causes was the Emperours consent required therin &c. So Bellarmine . 33. And heere now yow see , that Bellarmins drift is wholy against M. Mortons assertion : for that he denieth that euer the Emperours had any spirituall authority for calling of Councells ; but only that they could not well in those dayes be made without them , and that for foure seuerall causes ; wherof the first was , for that the old Imperiall lawes made by Gentils were yet in vse , wherby all great meetinges of people were forbidden , for feare of sedition , except by the Emperours knowledge & licence : the second for that Emperours being temporall Lordes of the whole world , the Councells could be made in no Citty of theirs without their leaue : the third for that generall Councelles being made in those dayes , by the publicke charges & contributions of Citties , and especially of Christian Emperours themselues , as appeareth by Eusebius , Theodoretus , & other writers , it was necessary to haue their consent and approbation in so publicke an action , as that was . 34. The fourth and last cause was ( saith Bellarmine ) for that in those dayes , albeit the Bishop of Rome where head in spirituall matters ouer the Emperours themselues ; yet in temporall affaires he did subiect himself vnto them , as hauing no temporal State of his owne , and therfore acknowledging them to be his temporall Lords , he did make supplicatiō vnto them to commaund Synodes to be gathered by their authority and licence : At post illa tempora istae omnes causae mutatae sunt ; but since those dayes all these foure causes are changed & ipse in suis Prouinciis est Princeps Supremus temporalis , sicut sunt Reges & Principes alij ; and the Pope himself now in his temporall Prouinces is supreme temporall Lord also , as other Kings & Princes are , which was brought to passe by Godes prouidence ( saith Bellarmine ) to the end that he might with more freedome , liberty , and reputation exercise his office of generall Pastorship . 35. And this is all that Bellarmine hath of this matter . And now may we cōsider the vanity of this Mortons triumph ouer him before , and how falsly he dealeth with him , alledging him against his owne drift and meaning , leauing out also 〈◊〉 foure causes by me recited , and then cutting of 〈◊〉 the particle istae , these causes are now changed , which includeth reference to these foure , aid furthermore speaking indefinitely , as though all causes and matters were now changed , seeketh therby to deceaue his Reader , and to extort from Bellarmine , that confession of 〈◊〉 on his side which he neuer meant , and much lesse vttered in his writings . What dealing , what conscience , what truth is this ? 36. In the very next page after he talking of the great and famous contention that passed betweene Pope Gregory the seauenth called Hildebrand , and Henry the fourth Emperour of that name , about the yeare 1070. he citeth the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis , with this ordinary title of our Otto for that he writeth , that he found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of his Kingdome by any Pope before that time , except ( saith he ) that may be esteemed for an excommunication which was done to Philippe the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome , almost 1400. years gone , when for a short time , he was Inter paenitentes collocatus , placed by the said Pope among those that did pennance , as that also of the Emperour Theodosius , who was sequestred from entring into the Church by S. Ambrose , for that he had commanded a certaine cruell slaughter to be committed in the Citty of 〈◊〉 : both which exceptions this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose , which is no simplicity as yow see , but yet no great matter with him in respect of the other that ensueth , which is , that he alledgeth this Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning , as though he had 〈◊〉 Pope Gregory the seauenth for it , wheras he condemneth that cause of the Emperour , and commendeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious intolerable faultes of the said Henry . 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) semper in Ecclesiastico rigore constantissimus fuit : Hildebrand was euer the most constant in 〈◊〉 the rigour of Ecclesiasticall discipline . And 〈◊〉 in this very Chapter heere alledged by T. M. Inter onnes Sacerdotes & Romanos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zeli & authoritatis fuit : he was among all the Priestes and Pops that had byn of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority . How different is this iudgment of Frisingensis from the censure of T. M. who now after fiue hundred yeares past , compareth the cause of Pope Gregory , to that of Pyrates , theeues , and murtherers , and so citeth our 〈◊〉 Frisingensis as though he had fauored him in this impious assertion . Can any thing be more fraudently alledged ? Is this the assurance 〈◊〉 his vpright conscience , wherof he braggeth to his Maiesty ? 37. But the next fraud or impudency or rather impudent impiety is that which ensueth within foure lines after in these words : Pope Gregory the seauenth ( saith your Chronographer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Symony , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itall crimes , & then citeth for proofe her of Lambertus Schafnaburg . anno 〈◊〉 . As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approued by him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour . Let any man read the place , and yeare heere cited , and if he be a modest man , he will blush at such shameles dealing . For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause & vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand , then this man , whose wordes are : Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clarius constabat falsa esse quae dicebātur : Nam & Papa tam eximiè tamque 〈◊〉 vitam instituebat &c. But with all men of sound wisedome it was more cleere then the sunne , that the thinges which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false , for that the Pope did lead such an excellent and Apostolicke life , as the sublimity of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him , he liuing in that great Citty and open concourse of men , it could not haue byn hidden , if he had committed any vnlawfull thing in his life : and moreouer the signes and miracles , which by his prayers were often times done , and his most feruent zeale for God in defence of Ecclesiasticall lawes , did sufficiently defend him against the poisoned tongues of his detractours . And againe : Hildebrandi constantia , & inuictus aduersus auaritiam animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae fallaciae : the constancy of Pope Hildebrand , and his inuincible minde against the corruption of auarice , did exclude all argumentes of humane fallacy and deceipt . So Lambertus . 38. And now let the Reader consider with what conscience and fidelity T. M. hath cited him for condemnation of Pope Hildebrand . He relateth indeed , what certaine Noble men , Captaines and others , that came with the Emperour to the Castell of Canusium , and would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place , said in their rage afterwardes , for that against their Counsell he had submitted himself vnto the said Pope , & when a certaine Bishop named Eppo , was sent to their Campe by the Pope , and Emperour to enforme them of the agreement and submission made : Fremere omnes ( saith this Story ) & saeuire verbis , & manibus caeperunt , Apostolicae legationi irrisoriis exclamationibus obstrepere , conuitia & maledicta turpissima quaecunque furor suggessisset irrogare . All of them began to fret and wax fierce , both in wordes and casting their handes , and with scornefull outcries to contradict this Apostolicall legation sent vnto them , and to cast vpon the Pope al the most foule reproaches and maledictions that fury could suggest vnto them . Thus saith Lambertus : and then setteth downe the particuler slanderous reproaches heere cited by T. M. which he approueth not , but condemneth as yow haue heard , & highly commendeth not only the vertue but sanctity also of the Pope . And will euer any man credit T. M. any more in any thing that he alledgeth , when this conscienceles falsification is once discouered in him ? yea though it were but once throughout his whole booke , it were sufficient to proue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all . 39. If an enemy would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion , and say your owne Euangelistes doe recount foule thinges against him ( as heere this Minister saith our Historiographer doth of Pope Gregory ) and namely that he was accused by the Scribes and Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Belzebub ; for deceiuing the people ; for denying tribute of the paid to Cesar ; for mouing sedition , and other like crimes , which our Euangelistes doe recount indeed , but doe condemne them also as false and calumnious ; were not this as good and faithfull a manner of reasoning , as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Frisingensis against Pope Hildebrand , who is by them both most highly commēded as yow haue heard , and his Aduersaries condemned ? Truly , if any man can shew me out of all the Catholicke writers that be extant , English or other , that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing , where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood , then will I graunt that it is not proper to the Protestant spirit alone . Hitherto I must confesse that I neuer found it in any , and if I should , though it were but once , I should hold it for a sufficient argument not to belieue him euer after . And this shall suffice for a tast only of M. Mortons manner of proceeding . For that to prosecute al particulers would require a whole volume , and by these few yow may ghesse at the mans vaine and spirit in writing . THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER , REPRESENTING Some of the falsifications vvhich are vttered in the former Part of M. Mortons Reply , VVhich came to our handes after our Answere made before in our second Chapter against his ten Reasons . ANd now albeit these false and fraudulent dealings laid open in the precedent Part of this Chapter , be sufficient or rather superaboundant to descry this Minister and his naked innocency , who in his Epistle to his Maiesty , as before hath byn touched calleth himself A Minister of simple truth and vpright conscience ; yet for more perfect complement of the same , I haue thought good to adioine also a second Part to this Chapter , and therin to draw to light some number of his notorious vntruthes , corruptions , sleightes , falsifications and calumniations vttered in the former Part of his Reply to the moderate Reader , which Part not comming to my handes vntill I had made the answere which before I haue set downe in the second Chapter of this Treatise against his Discouery , I could not conueniently discusse the same particularly therin : but now by that which heere yow shall see produced , you may easily ghesse how worthy a peece of worke it is , and what credit the man deserueth that made it . And albeit the breuity purposed by me in this place , permitteth not the examine of al , or of the greater part ; yet verbum sapienti sat est , the discreet Reader by a few examples which demonstrate that the writer wanteth remorse of conscience in his asseuerations , will easily see how farre he is to be credited in all his writinges . Wherfore to the examine it self . 41. In the third page of his said Reply , he beginning to talke of the nature of heresy , hath these wordes : VVee may not be ignorant , first that seeing the nature of heresy is such , that it is a vice proper to the minde , it may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an Hereticke , without obstinacy , which is only a peruerse 〈◊〉 of the will , and therfore a man may be an Hereticke though he be not obstinate : And for proofe of this false doctrine , he citeth in his margent Vasquez Iesuita , whose wordes are : Malitia huius 〈◊〉 intellectu , non in voluntate consummatur , the malice of this sinne of heresy , is perfected or made consummate in the vnderstanding , and not in the will , which our Minister vnderstanding not , and yet desirous , as in his preface to the Kinges Maiesty he insinuateth , to deuide our tongues , & to make our writers seeme contrary the one to the other , hath fondly slaundered the learned man Vasquez in this place , by making him seeme to be patrone of this his absurd doctrine , that heresy may bewithout obstinacy ; wheras Vasquez in the very same disputation heere by him cited , expressely doth impugne this doctrine and establisheth the contrary , defining heresy thus : Haeresis nihil aliud est quàm error in rebus 〈◊〉 cum pertinacia , Heresy is nothing els , but an errour in matters of faith with obstinacy . 42. Which another learned mā of the same schoole , by somewhat a more ample definition declareth thus : Heresy ( saith he ) is an errour contrary to the Catholicke faith , wherunto a man that hath professed the said faith in his baptisme , doth adhere with an obstinate minde : Which definitiō he proueth ex communi mente Doctorum by the cōmon consent of schoole Doctors . And finally not to stand vpon a thing so cleere among vs S. Thomas for decision heerof hath these wordes : De ratione Haeresis sunt duo , electio priuatae disciplinae , & pertinacia : Two thinges are of the essence and intrinsecall nature of heresy , without which Heresy cannot be , the one the choice or electiō of a particuler doctrine , discipline , or opinion , contrary to the doctrine of the vniuersall Church ; the other pertinacy or obstinacy in defending the same , though the party know that it be against the doctrine of the Church , without which knowledge and obstinacy there can be no Heresy . 43. This is our Catholicke doctrine about the nature of Heresy , to wit , that it cannot be without obstinacy , which is so common and triuiall , as it is now come into an ordinary prouerbe , to say : VVell I may be in errour , but Hereticke I will neuer be , for that I will hold nothing obstinatly . And as for the wordes of Vasquez : that the malice of Heresy is consummated in the vnderstanding , and not in the will ; if our Minister had read the other wordes immediatly going before , he might perhaps haue vnderstood Vasquez meaning , for they are these : Vt aliquis sit verè reus Haeresis &c. To make a man be truly guilty of Heresy , it is not necessary that he be carried directly in his affection or will against the authority of the Church , that is to say , it is not needfull that he haue an expresse will and purpose to disobey or contradict the Church , but it is inough that he doe contradict the same re ipsa , indeed , knowing that opinion which he defendeth to be against the authority of the said vniuersall Church , albeit he be not induced to this belief with a direct will to impugne the Church , but either by desire of glory , or other inducement : so as indeed the malice of this sinne is consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the will. 44. This is the discourse and doctrine of Vasquez in this place about the nature and essence of Heresy , wherin he doth not exclude either the vnderstāding , or will , but includeth them both expressely : for that as there must be knowledge , which appertaineth to the minde or vnderstanding , so must there be choise with obstinacy , which belongeth to the will and affection ; but his scholastical consideration is , in which of these two powers of our soule this sinne of Heresy receaueth her consummation . For better explication therof , let vs vse this example : If a man should hold or belieue an erroneous proposition contrary to the doctrine of the Catholicke Church , as for example , that there were but one nature in Christ , not knowing it to be against the Catholicke Church , it were false in it self , and an errour in his vnderstanding , but not Heresy , except also by act of his will he should chuse to hold it with resolution and obstinacy , euen after that he knoweth the same to be against the doctrine of the said Church , for then this knowledge ( saith Vasquez ) that it is against the Church , maketh it perfect and consummate Heresy , albeit the matter passe not to a further act of will , to wit. that he chooseth expressely to contradict the authority of the Church therin , which should be a greater sinne , but yet is not necessary , for that the perfect nature of Heresy is consummated , by knowing that it is against the Church ; and for that this notice or knowledge belongeth to the vnderstanding , therfore Vasquez holdeth , that the last perfection or consummation of this sinne , is in the vnderstanding , and not in the will , not meaning to exclude therby obstinacy of the wil ( as ignorantly T.M. doth , when he saith wee may not be ignorant : ) but to shew in what power of the minde , the last perfection & consummation of this heinous sinne consisteth , to wit , that a man may be a perfect and consummate Hereticke , by holding obstinatly any opinion against the doctrine of the Church , after wee once know it to be against the said Churches doctrine , though we haue not that further malice also of expresse will , and purpose , to contradict therby the said Church , but only we hold the same , for that the opinion pleaseth vs , or is profitable , or honorable to vs , or therby to contradict another , or some such like inducement , according to those wordes of S. Augustine to Honoratus : Haereticus est qui alicuius temporalis commodi , & maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratia , falsas ac nouas opiniones , vel gignit vel sequitur : An Hereticke is he , who in respect of some temporall commodity , but especially for his owne glory and preheminence , doth beget or follow false and new opinions . 45. The same S. Augustine also against the Donatistes proposeth this example : Constituamus ( saith he ) aliquem sentire de Christo quod Photinus &c. Let vs imagine one to thinke of Christ , as Photinus the Hereticke did , perswading himself , that it is the Catholicke faith &c. istum nondū Haereticum dico ( saith he ) nisi manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit & illud quod tenebat elegerit . I doe not yet say that this man is an 〈◊〉 , vntill after that the doctrine of the Catholicke faith being opened vnto him , he shall choose notwithstanding to resist , and to hold by choice , that which before he held by errour . In which wordes S. Augustine doth euidently declare , how necessary both knowledge & will are vnto Heresy , and consequently how absurd and ridiculous the assertion of M. Morton is , that Heresy being a vice proper to the vnderstanding , may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an Hereticke , without obstinacy of will. For 〈◊〉 we grant with all Deuines , that Heresy is in the vnderstanding as in her subiect ( and so is faith also that is her opposite ) and further that her last perfection and consummation is from the foresaid knowledge in the vnderstanding , as Vasquez doth explane it : yet doth not Vasquez or any Deuine els exclude the necessity of pertinacity also , and election in the will , & consequently both his wordes and meaning haue byn euidently falsified , and calumniated by T. M. and so much of this first charge , wherby yow may see what bookes might be made against him , if we would follow his steppes in all his fraudulent traces . But yet let vs see somewhat more in this very leaf and page . 46. For within few lines after he beginneth his third Chapter with these wordes : That is only true Religion ( say your Romish Doctors ) which is taught in the Romish Church , & therfore whosoeuer mainteineth any doctrine cōdemned in that Church , must be accompted an obstinate Hereticke . And in the margent he citeth Cunerus , alledging his Latin wordes thus : Haec est Religionis sola ratio , vt omnes intelligant , sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum , quemadmodum Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet ac praedicat : Which wordes if they were truly alledged out of the Author , yet were they not truly translated : for if by only true Religion ( a corrupt translation of Religionis solaratio ) be applied to particuler positions and articles of Religion ; then we grant that such true Religion may be also among Hereticks , & not only taught in the Roman Church , for that , as S. Augustine well noteth , Heretickes also hold many articles of true Catholicke Religion : but heere the corruption and falsification goeth yet further , and it is worthy the noting , for that Cunerus hauing 〈◊〉 largely against the insurrections and Rebellions of those of Holland and Zeland for cause of Religion , and other pretences against their lawfull King , taketh vpon him in his thirteenth Chapter , to lay downe some meanes how in his opinion those dissentions may be compounded , giuing this title to the said Chapter : Quae sit vera componendi dissidij 〈◊〉 , what is the true way of composing this dissention , and then after some discourse setteth downe this conclusion : Haec igitur in Religione concordiae sola est ratio , vt omnes pio ac simplici animo , purè & integrè sic sapiant , viuant , loquantur , ac praedicent , quemadmodum sancta Catholica Romana Ecclesia , quae Dei prouidentia magistra veritatis Orbi praeposita est , docet , loquitur , & praedicat : This therfore in Religion is the only way of concord , that all men with a pious & simple minde , doe wholy and purely conceaue , liue , speake , & preach as the holy Catholicke Roman Church , which God by his prouidence hath giuen for a teacher of truth vnto the whole world , doth teach , speake , and preach . 47. And now consider yow this dealing , that wheras B. Cunerus saith haec est in Religione cocordiae sola ratio , this is the only way of concord in Religion , this man alledgeth it in his margent , haec est Religionis sola ratio , this is the only way of Religion , as though concord and Religion were al one ; & then by another tricke of crafty translation in his English text that is only true Religion , as though true Religion and the way or meanes to come to true Religion were not different ; and then for all the rest how it is mangled , and how many wordes and sentences are put in by this Minister , which are none of Cunerus , and how many of his altered , and put out , is easy for the Reader to see by comparing the 〈◊〉 o Latin textes before alleadged and therby to consider how facile a matter it is for this fellow to deuide our tongues : A course ( saith he ) which I professe in all disputes , when he deuideth and separateth the wordes from their Authors , and the sense from the wordes , and the whole drift from them both : a very fine course , and fit for a man of his profession . But let vs proceed . 48. In the very next page , he going about to make vs odious by our seuere censuring of Heretickes , putteth downe first these wordes of Alphonsus de Castro : He that vnderstanding any opinion to be expressely condemned by the Church , shall hold the same , is to be accompted an obstinate Hereticke : Wherupon M. Morton playeth his pageant thus : VVhat obstinate ? It may be , some doe but doubtingly defend it , what will yow iudge of these ? wherunto he answereth out of Azor : If he doubt therof willingly he is certainly an Hereticke : But by our Ministers leaue Azor addeth more ; Quoties quis voluntariè & pertinaciter de fide dubitat eò ipso est haereticus , as often as a man doth doubt willingly and obstinatly of his faith he is therby an Hereticke , for that faith is a sure and certaine assert of minde vnto those thinges that are to be belieued ; and he that willingly & obstinatly doubteth of the truth therof , cannot haue this firme and perfect assent , & consequently hath no faith during the time of this wilfull & obstinate doubting . And that yow may vnderstand of what importance this word pertinaciter is , that this man cunningly so cutteth out of Azor his words , yow must know that he in the very same Chapter holdeth , that if a man doubt without pertinacity , being ready to submit his iudgment when he shal be instructed in the truth , incurreth not Heresy at all . So as heere the most substantiall word is left out , & craftily conueyed away by our deuider of tongues , wherby the Author is made to say the quite opposite to that he saith and protesteth . 49. It followeth presently in the same text of T. M. continuing his pleasant vaine of playing with vs : But it may be ( saith he ) that he which doubteth is ignorant ; will no ignorance excuse him ? wherunto he frameth of himself this answere citing Tolet in the margent , affected ignorance doth argue him an obstinate Hereticke : Which if yow marke , doth not answere the demaund , for he demandeth whether no ignorance at all doth excuse him , & he answereth that affected ignorance doth not excuse him , but doth rather argue him an Heretike . Now those that be learned doe know , that there be diuers sortes of ignorance , and of diuers degrees , wherof affected is the most culpable , so as this is very impertinēt , for that albeit affected ignorance doe not excuse him ; yet some other lesse faulty may doe it . And this for the sense , but if wee looke vpō the words themselues of Tolet , cited by this man in the margent wee shall discouer much more impertinency or impudency rather : for they are these : Ignorantia crassa non excusat aliquē a pertinacia , grosse ignorance doth not excuse a man frō pertinacy . Now grosse ignorance and affected ignorance are two different thinges , which may be vnderstood by this exāple , that one may be ignorant of Catholicke Religion by grosse ignorance , in that attending to worldly affaires , he doth not care to informe himself , but he is ignorant by affected ignorance , that doth purposely fly to be informed ; so as heere still our ignorant Minister either ex ignorantia crassa or affectata , telleth vs quid pro quo , in translating affected ignorance , for grosse ignorance , & then againe in Englishing non excusat aliquem a pertinacia , doth argue him an obstinate Hereticke , for that it is one thing to argue , and an other not to excuse . And wheras before T. M. held that pertinacy apperteined not at all to the nature of Heresy , here contrary-wise he translateth pertinacia , an obstinate Hereticke , making it to signify both substantiue , and adiectiue , substance and quality . But yet further then this yow must note that in citing this sentence out of Tolet he cunningly dissembleth the Authors assertion set downe cleerly not six lines before these wordes : pertinacia necessaria est ad constituendum hominem Haereticum : Pertinacy is necessary to make a man an Hereticke , being the quite contrary propositiō to that of this man before set downe in the first example of his corruptions in this former Part of his Reply . 50. But the greatest corruption in this page ( and it is notable indeed ) is of the wordes sense and meaning of our learned Countreyman Sayer , of whome T. M. writeth thus : In breif our Countreyman vpon this case of conscience saith ; an obstinate Hereticke is aswell he that is presumed so to be , as he that is manifest , and againe in the same page : seeing therfore that ( as your great Casuist hath said ) euery one presumed to be an Hereticke , is taken for an obstinate , who can be free from your censures ? &c. And then citeth in the margent these wordes of Sayer : Contumax Haereticus est tam praesumptus quam manifestus : An obstinate Hereticke is aswell he that is presumed to be so , as he that is manifest or knowne for such , which may seeme to be a great iniustice in our doctrine . But if I doe not shew this deuise to be one of the most manifest and faithles deceiptes and corruptions that euer any honest man put in paper against his aduersary , then let me be censured for to sharpe a Reprehēder . 51. For first Sayer hath no such matter at all concerning obstinacy in Heresy , his whole purpose being only to declare who may be excommunicated by a Iudge for contumacy in not appearing ( which is a different thing from obstinacy or pertinacy ) and this whether he be either Hereticke or Catholicke ; nay he speaketh either only or principally of Catholickes , who doe shew contumacy in any Court or tribunall , in not appearing or answering , according as they are cited and summoned by a lawfull Iudge , and so he defineth contumacy in these wordes : Contumacia ( saith he ) nihil aliud est quàm inobedientia quaedam , qua ius dicenti non paretur : Contumacy is nothing els but a certaine disobedience , wherby he is not obeied that sitteth in iudgment . So as heere is no mention or meaning of obstinacy in Heresy : and further he putteth downe two sortes of contumacy thus : Contumax duobus modis esse potest , nimirum , manifestus & praesumptus ; man may be contumacious in two sortes or manners , either manifest or by presumption , and he giueth diuers examples of both , as namely , if a man cited doe refuse openly to appeare , or obey his Iudge , this mans contumacy or disobedience is publicke , and manifest : but if he doe not refuse , but by idle dilations or shiftes putteth of or deludeth the Court , he is presumed to be contumacious , and so may excommunication ( if it be a spirituall Court ) proceed against him , as if his contumacy were manifest . 52. Now then what hath all this to doe with Contumax Haereticus tam praesumptus quàm manifestus ? Hath Sayer any such word or sentence ? No truly , or shall we thinke Thomas Morton to be so simple both in grammer , law , & Deuinity , as that he doth not know what difference there is betweene contumax and 〈◊〉 wherof the one is a fault in obedience towardes our Superiours , as now hath byn shewed ; the other in tenacity of opinion as before we haue declared . Or if Thomas Morton will not confesse this ignorance , but that he know the difference of the wordes , and of their significations , sense , and applications heere vsed by the Authors , then must he confesse wilfull deceipt in vsing one for the other , and much more in twice translating the wordes contumax Haereticus in this one page , for an obstinate Hereticke , and much more yet in foisting in the word Haereticus , which Sayer hath not ; and most of all in making his Reader belieue that contumax , praesumptus and manifestus doth signify in Sayer one that vpon presumption only is iudged to be as obstinate an Hereticke , as if he were manifest , wherof Sayer neither spake nor meant ; but in a quite different sense ( not appertaining to Heresy at all ) saith , that a man may be condemned as contumacious by presumption , if he appeare not , or vseth sleightes , diuerticles , or delayes , as well as if openly he refused to appeare . Now then consider what a Minister of truth this is , and of what naked innocency , thus perfidiously to delude his Reader , & yet to come forth after all with this dissembled Hypocrisy : Now let me be beholding vnto yow ( saith he ) for an answere . And so I thinke he is , but if not sharpe inough for so shamefull an abuse , it may be amended and augmented herafter vpon like occasions , which euery where are offered throughout his whole booke ; and there were no end if I would answere him to all . 53. And this now is only in one sole leafe , and no lesse may be said about another , that within some pages after ensueth , if we would stand theron , to wit , where he taketh vpon him to defend Iohn Caluin from the imputation of Arrianisme , obiected by the moderate Answerer , not only out of our Catholike writers , but from cheif Protestant Authors themselues : about which point , for that I shall be inforced to make a particuler Treatise in the third Part of this Chapter , I will heere let the most Part of that matter passe and examine only a peece therof , to wit , how Caluin doth deny the Sonne of God to be Deum 〈◊〉 Deo , lumen de lumine , God of God , and light of light , as the first generall Councell of Neece did decree against the Arrians , wherof T. M. writeth thus : Your Iesuit Bellarmine reckoneth vp Caluin and Beza to be of this opinion , and I thinke he saith truly &c. But now this doctrine being examined with the eye , not ouercast with the webbe of preiudice , doth in the iudgment of your said famous Bellarmine seeme Catholicall , bycause they deny not the Sonne to be from the Father but they deny the essence of the Godhead to haue any generation , this likewise is not the Part of common modesty , to blind-fold your self , and strike yow know not whome . 54. And who would not thinke heere vpon this asseueration of T. M. but that Cardinall Bellarmine were cōtrary to himself in accusing Caluin , and yet iustifying his doctrine : yow shall see then how many sleightes heere are vsed for deceiuing the Reader . First Bellarmine beginneth his Treatise of this matter thus in the place cited by T. M. Est noua quaedam Haeresis &c. There is a new kinde of Heresy sprung vp in our dayes , which I know not whether it consist in the thing it self , or in wordes only : Genebrard doth of purpose confute the same in his bookes of the blessed Trinity , calling it the Heresy of Autotheans , that is to say , of such as doe hold Christ to be God of himself , and not of his Father , and both he and Bishop Lindan and Petrus Canisius doe ascribe the same vnto Caluin , of which errour doth manifestly follow , that either the Sonne is not distinguished personally from the Father , which is the Heresy of Sabellius , or that he is distinguished in nature , which goeth neere to the heresy of the Manichies . So Bellarmine . Who as yow see holdeth the proposition to be Hereticall , that Christ is God of himself , being vnderstood simply as the ancient Church vnderstood it , and namely the Councell of Neece , when they set downe the contrary doctrine as true and necessary to saluation , to belieue that Christ is God of God , and light of light . 55. But now Caluin and Beza , ( as also M. VVillet , and Doctor Fulke their schollers ) in a particuler sense ( saith our Minister ) doe deny Christ to be God of God , to wit , that the essence of his Godhead hath no generation , though as he is Sonne , and the second person in Trinity , he is by generation from his Father ; which doctrine he saith our Bellarmine doth hold for Catholicall , whose words he alledgeth in the margent thus : Dum rem ipsam excutio , non facilè audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse , while I doe examine well the thing it self , I dare not presume to pronoūce them to haue byn in errour , to wit Caluin and Beza ; wheras Bellarmins wordes are , dum rem ipsam excutio , & Caluini sententias diligenter considero , non facilè audeo pronunciare illum in hoc errore fuisse , while I examine the matter it self , and diligently consider Caluins opinions , I doe not easily presume to pronounce him to haue byn in this errour , to wit in the particuler errour or heresy of Autotheans , set downe and confuted by Genebrard , and in his sense condemned expressely by the ancient Catholicke Church , for denying Christ to be , and to haue his essence from the Father ; but yet though in some sense it seemeth to Bellarmine , that Caluin may be excused in this priuate & particuler meaning of his , yet not absolutly , as T. M. would make his Reader to thinke , by striking out cūningly the particle hoc ( this errour ) and leauing the word errour in common , as though Bellarmine had excused him from all kinde of errour , which is most false , for that presently after he both impugneth of purpose and confuteth by many argumentes his manner of speach , as Hereticall in this behalf . 56. Restat ( saith he ) vt modum loquendi Caluini qui dicit 〈◊〉 à se habere essentiam simpliciter esse repudiandum , & contrario modo loquendum esse demonstremus &c. It remaineth that we doe demonstrate Caluins manner of speech , that saith the Sonne to haue his essence of himself , is simply to be reiected , and that we must speake in a quite contrary manner , to wit , that the Sonne hath not only his person , but essence also from the Father , and so is God of God and light of light , as the Councell of Neece declared ; and this he proueth by foure wayes : first , Quia pugnat cum verbo Dei , for that Caluins manner of speech is opposite to the word of God &c. Pugnat secundò cum Conciliis , and secondly it is repugnant to the manner of speech of ancient Councells , as the Nicene & others : Pugnat tertiò cum doctrina Patrum , thirdly it is contrary to the doctrine of the old Fathers : fourthly it agreeth with the speech of the old Arrians , and other such proofes , which Bellarmine doth prosecute at large , confirming each one of these members by diuers examples and instances , & that Caluin spake Heretically in fauour of the Arrians in this behalfe . 57. So as the cosenage heere of striking out ( hoc ) out of Bellarmins wordes , making him to say non audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse , insteed of illum in hoc 〈◊〉 fuisse , though it be small in sound of words : yet in substance is it much : for that therby T. M. would make his Reader belieue , that Bellarmine cleereth Caluin and Beza from all sortes of errour in this point , & for that purpose turneth illum into illos , and hoc errore , into errore that is to say him into them and this errour into any errour at all : wheras Bellarmine though in one sense he excuse him ; yet absolutly doth he condemne him , as yow haue heard ; and no man can deny but that his Latin wordes were heere fraudulently and perfidiously alledged and mangled by T. M. for that he could not doe it but wittingly , and of purpose ; and yet forsooth this man will not Equiuocate , as he saith , for a world , though lye he will manifestly for much lesse as yow see . And so much of this vntill we come to examine the matter more largely afterward in the third Part of this Chapter . 58. And heere I will passe ouer many thinges that might be noted out of the sequent pages mamely 30. 31. 34. where he doth so peruert , and abuse both the wordes , discourse , and sense of diuers Authors alledged by him , as is not credible to him , that doth not compare them with the bookes themselues , from whence they are taken . As for example Royardus the Franciscane Friar is brought in with commendation of an honest Friar , for that he saith , that a King when he is made by the people , can not be deposed by them againe at their pleasure , which is the same doctrine that all other Catholickes doe hold , so long as he conteineth himself within the nature of a King , for that otherwise ( which is the question in cōtrouersy ) Royard himself saith parendum 〈◊〉 non esse , that he is not to be obeyed , but this is not to be iudged by the people , and their mutiny , as Protestant Doctors teach . 59. And to like effect he citeth a discourse , though most brokenly alledged out of Bishop Cunerus , writing against the Rebells of Flanders , and testifying that it lieth not in the peoples hand to reiect their Prince at their pleasure , as those Protestant subiectes did ; and then M. Morton , as though he had achieued some great victory , triumpheth exceedingly , saying : That forsomuch as Friars in our Councells haue no voice , but only Bishops , he hath brought forth a Bishop against vs , whome for that the moderate Answerer had named a little before , this man scornfully telleth him Caesarem appellasti , ad Caesarem ibis , yow haue appealed to Cunerus , and now he shal be your Iudge against yow . And is not this great folly and insolency ? for that Cunerus in all that his booke saith nothing against vs , but altogeather for vs , to represse the Rebellion in Flanders , as hath byn signified . And secōdly notwithstanding all this exact obediēce , which both he and we prescribe , and require at subiectes handes towardes their lawfull Princes , he hath a speciall Chapter which is the third after this alledged heere by T. M. wherin he doth expressely , & largly proue that in some cases when Princes fall into intollerable disorders , there is authority left in the common-wealth , and Church of Christ to restraine , and remoue them . What falshood is this then to alledge Authors thus directly against their owne sense , meaning , and whole drift ? doth this become a Minister of simple truth ? Is this for a man that somuch abhorreth Equiuocation ? 60. I let passe as trifles in this very place ( but yet such as shew a guilty minde and meaning , ) that he citing the booke of Alexander Carerius , a Doctor of the Canon law in Padua , which he wrote of late de Potestate Romani 〈◊〉 , putteth in of his owne contra huius temporis Haereticos against the Heretickes of this time , which are not in the title of that booke ; and then wheras the said Author naming or citing many other writers to be of his opinion , doth say nuperrimè verò Celsus Mancinus in tract . de Iuribus Principatuum &c. and last of all Celsus Mancinus doth hold the same in a certaine Treatise of the rightes of principalities ; this man to frame vnto himself some matter of insultation , turneth verò into verè , and then playeth ridiculously vpon his owne fiction in these wordes : Carerius citeth another called Celsus , by interpretation high or lofty , and therfore insignes him with verè Celsus , as truly so named , and so truly he may be if we iudge him by the loftines of his stile , and conclusion . So he . And doe yow see this folly ? Or will yow thinke it rather folly then falshood , that could not discerne betweene verò and verè ? Or not be able to iudge by the contexture of Carerius his speech it selfe , that it could not by apt construction be verè if he had lighted vpon a corrupt coppy , as he could not ; for that there is but one , and that hath very plainly verò , and consequently all this Commentary of Thomas 〈◊〉 is out of his owne inuention . And where now is the assurance of his vpright conscience protested to his Maiesty in his Epistle dedicatory ? where is his simplicity in Christ Iesus ? where his naked innocency ? Can this be ignorance ? can this be done but of purpose , and consequently by a guilty conscience ? what may the hearer belieue of all he saith , when euery where he is found intangled with such foolish treachery ? But let vs proceed . 61. There followeth within two leaues after a heape not only of falshoodes , but also of impudencies . For wheras his Aduersary the moderate Answerer had said , that not only Kinges , but Popes also for Heresy , by the Canon lawes were to be deposed , he Answereth thus : The Authors of the doctrine of deposing Kinges in case of Heresy , doe professe concerning Popes , that they cannot possibly be Heretickes , as Popes ; and consequently cannot be deposed ; Not saith Bellarmine , by any power Ecclesiasticall or tēporall , no not by all Bishops assembled in a Councell : Not , saith Carerius though he should doe any thing preiudiciall to the vniuersall State of the Church : Not saith Azorius , though he should neglect the Canons Ecclesiasticall , or peruert the Lawes of Kinges : Not saith Gratians glosse , though he should carry infinite multitudes of soules with him to hell : and these forenamed Authors doe auouch for the confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes , for the space of an hundred yeares . So he . And in these wordes are as many notorious and shamelesse lies , as there are assertions , and Authors named by him for the same . 62. For first the foure writers which he mentioneth there in the text , to wit , Bellarmine , Carerius Azorius and Gratian , doe expressely , cleerly , and resolutly hold the contrary to that he affirmeth out of them , for that they teach and proue by many argumentes , that Popes both may fall into Heresies , and for the same be deposed by the Church , or rather are ipso facto deposed , and may be so declared by the Church , and their wordes heere guilfully alledged by T. M. as sounding to the contrary , are manifestly spoken , and meant of manners only , and not of faith , that is to say , if they should be of naughty life , yet haue they no Superiours to depose them for that ( being immediatly vnder Christ ) but for Heresy they may be deposed , which in steed of all the rest , yow may read largly handled in Bellarmine , in his second booke de Pontific . cap. 30. where among other proofes he citeth this very Canon of Gratian heere mentioned by T. M. saying : Haereticum Papam posse iudicari , expressè habetur Canon . Si Papadist . 40. It is expressely determined in the Canon Si Papa , that a Pope falling into Heresy may be iudged , and deposed by the Church ; and more , that in the eight generall Councell , and seauenth Session , Pope Honorius was deposed for Heresy . So Bellarmine . And the same doctrine hold the other two cited by our Minister : so as heere be foure notorious lies togeather , that by no shift or tergiuersation can be auoided , for that T. M. could not but manifestly see , that he alledged these foure Authors quite contrary to their expresse wordes , drift and meaning , what then will yow say of this fellow , and his manner of writing ? shall he be credited herafter ? 63. But yet not contented with this he citeth other foure or fiue Authors besides in the margent , to wit Gregorius de Valentia , Salmeron , Canus , Stapleton and Costerus , all which in the very places by him cited , are expressely against him . And is not this strange dealing ? Let Canus that goeth in the middest , speake for all , who hauing proued first at large the opposite proposition to T. M. to wit , that Popes may fall into Heresy , and be deposed for the same , concludeth thus his discourse ; Non est igitur negandum ( saith he ) quin Summus Pontifex Haereticus esse possit : It cannot therfore be denied , but that the Pope may be an Hereticke , adding presently : VVherof one or two examples may be giuen , but none at all , that euer Pope though he fell into Heresy , did decree the same for the whole Church ; by which last wordes of Canus is discouered the ridiculous fallacy of T. M. alledging heere out of our foresaid writers , that Popes cannot possibly be Heretickes , as Popes , and consequently cannot be deposed : Wherof they say the flat contrary , as you haue heard , that Popes may be Heretickes as Popes , & consequently may be deposed ; but yet that God , as Popes , will neuer permit them to decree any Hereticall doctrine to be held by the Church . 64. Consider then I pray yow what a fellow this Minister is in abusing thus so many Authors so manifestly ; but especially doe yow note the impudency of his conclusion : And these forenamed Authors ( saith he ) doe auouch for confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for the space of an hundred years . So he . But I would aske him of what doctrine ? that Popes cannot be Heretickes , or be deposed for the same ? yow haue heard them now protest the contrary , and yow may read it in the places heere cited , out of all the nine seuerall writers before mentioned , who by their expresse contrary doctrine doe proue Thomas Morton to haue made nine seuerall lies against them in this his assertion , and now the tenth & most notorious of all , is this his conclusion ; That they doe auouch for confirmation of that which he obiecteth the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for the space of an hundred yeares ; which besides the manifest falsity therof , seene in their owne wordes , and workes heere by me cited , it conteineth also great folly , and simplicity to say , that they auouch the consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for an hundred yeares ; for that their proofes are much elder , and Bellarmine among the rest , for deposition of Pops doth cite the eight generall Councell vnvnder Pope Adrian the second , for aboue six hundred yeares gone , and the Canon Si Papa , out of our Countreyman S. Boniface Archbishop of Mentz & Martyr , aboue seauen hundred yeares gone , and collected by Gratian , and confirmed by Popes , as Part of the Canon law aboue foure hundred yeares gone : So as to say that now they auouch Authors of an hundred yeares old against that which for so many hundred yeares before was held & established , is mere folly or rather foolish malice . 65. And albeit I haue not yet passed ouer the first halfe of the first Part of this first Treatise of his , and in this also haue pretermitted willingly many other examples that might haue byn alledged , yet finding my self weary , to prosecute any further so large a labyrinth of these intricate iuggling tricks , vsed by this Minister in his whole corpes of citations , with doe consist principally therof ; I meane to draw to an end adding only one example more in this place , about a matter more neerly concerning our argument , which is of reconciliation of Protestantes with Catholickes in pointes of Religion , which T. M. willing to accuse Iesuites , as the only hinderers therof writeth thus : Only by the insolency ( saith he ) of Iesuites all such hope of recōciliation is debarred , as is plaine by Bellarmine ; for wheras that most graue and learned Cassander honoured of two Emperours for his singuler learning and piety , did teach that Emperours should endeauour a reconciliatiō betwixt Papistes and Protestantes , bycause ( saith he ) Protestants hold the articles of the Creed , & are true members of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions ; the grand Iesuite doth answere , that this iudgment of Cassander is false , for that Catholickes cannot be reconciled with Heretickes , Heretically meaning Protestantes . So he . 66. But heere I would aske him why he had not vttered also that which immediatly followeth in Bellarmine , that Iohn Caluin had written a booke against this errour of Cassander , and that among Catholicke writers Iohannes à Louanio had done the same , and shewed that it was an old Heresy of Appelles , as Eusebius testifieth , & of other Heretickes afterward vnder Zeno the Emperours , named Pacifiers , as Euagrius testifieth , who held that Catholickes and Heretickes might be composed togeather : why ( I say ) did T. M. conceale this ? As also the many , great , and strong argumentes , that Bellarmine alledgeth to proue his assertion ? And why would he lay all the fault of not agreeing , vpon the insolency of Iesuites , seeing Iohannes à Louanio was no Iesuit , nor Caluin neither . 67. But to leaue this , & to come to the thing it self , and to take some more particuler view of the false behauiour of Thomas 〈◊〉 in citing this authority : It is strange that in so small a matter , he would shew so great want of truth , or true meaning as heere he doth . For first , to pretermit that he goeth about to deceaue his Reader , by the opinion of grauity and learning in George Cassander of Bruges , who was but a Grammarian in his dayes ; & that he was a Catholicke , who is censured for an Hereticke primae classis in the Index of prohibited bookes , and not only for Heresies of this time , but also , quod dicit spiritum sanctum minùs aduocandum , & adorandum esse ; for that he saith that the holy Ghost is lesse to be called vpon or adored &c. as the Index expurgatorius testifieth ; besides all this ( I say ) he corrupteth manifestly in the sentence before alledged , the wordes , & plaine meaning of his Author , to wit , Bellarmine , from whome he citeth Cassanders iudgment : for thus they lye in him : Tertius error ( saith he ) est Georgij Cassandri in libro De officio pij viri , vbi docet debere Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos &c. Sed interim dum non inueniunt , debere 〈◊〉 vnicuique suam fidem , modò omnes recipiant Scripturam & Symbolum Apostolicum : Sic enim omnes sunt vera Ecclesiae membra , licèt in particularibus dogmatibus dissentiant . 68. The third errour is of George Cassander in the booke Of the office of a pious man where he teacheth that Princes ought to seeke out some meanes of peace , betwixt Catholickes , Lutheranes , Caluinistes , and other sectes of our time , but in the meane space , whiles they finde no such meanes , they ought to permit euery one to follow his owne particuler faith , so as all doe receaue the Scripture , and common Creed of the Apostles , for so al are true members of the Church , albeit they disagree among thēselues in particuler doctrines . These are Bellarmins wordes . Now let vs see how they are mangled by M. Morton , both in Latin and English , as by him that hath the notablest talent therin , notwithstanding his solemne protestations to the contrary , that euer I read in my life . 69. He putteth downe first the Latin wordes in his margent thus : Debent Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos , 〈◊〉 ; qui omnes dum Symbolum tenent Apostolicum , vera sunt membra Ecclesiae , licèt à nobis in particularibus dissentiant . Princes ought to seeke a meanes of peace betweene Catholickes , Lutheranes , Caluinistes ; all which , for so much as they hold the Apostolicke Creed , are true members of the Church , albeit they dissent from vs in some particuler opiniōs . And heere now yow see first to be omitted cunningly and wilfully by this crafty Minister the wordes of much moment , that whiles Princes doe not finde a fit meane of peace , they ought to permit all to liue according to their particuler faith , which sentence of his graue and learned Cassander , not seeming to himself allowable in our English State , or to his owne Brethren the English Caluinistes , that now hauing gotten the gouernment , will suffer no other Religion but their owne , thought best to suppresse and cut them quite out : Secondly in steed of the condicionall speech vsed by Cassander , modò omnes recipiant Scripturam &c. So all 〈◊〉 receaue the Scripture and Apostolicall Creed , he putteth it downe with a causatiue clause , Qui omnes dum Symbolum tenent &c. All which sectes because they doe hold the Articles of the Creed , are true members of the Church , leauing out the word Scripture , as yow see and peruerting the other wholly in sense . For who will not hold it absurde , that Catholickes , Lutherans , Caluinistes , and other sectes of our time , though in wordes they doe admit both Scripture & Apostolicall Creed , yet differing in sense , and so many doctrines as they doe , are all to be held notwithstanding for true members of one , and the selfe same Church ? Can any thing be more ridiculous then this ? 70. Thirdly he doth most notably cogge in thrusting in the wordes à nobis , from vs , which are not in the originall , meaning therby to make Cassander to seeme a Catholicke , & to speake in the behalf of Catholickes , which is plaine cosenage : and to this end also he leaueth out dogmatibus ; & finally yow see that he shapeth euery thing to his owne purpose , and by making Cassander , as a Catholicke , seeme to wish and endeauour this vnion , and Bellarmine to reiect it ; he would confirme his former calumniation , that only by the insolency of Iesuites all such hope is debarred . 71. And thus much for the corruption of the Latin text : but his English hath other corruptions also , according to his ordinary custome . For first he translateth Debent Principes , that Emperours should endeauour a reconciliation , to confirme therby his former vanity , that Cassander was so great a man with Emperours , as he talketh not but to Emperours : Secōdly he translateth Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas &c. which wordes & 〈◊〉 comprehend all other sects of our time , as Anabaptistes , Arrians , Trinitarians , Hussites , Picardians and the like , he translateth them ( I say , ) Papistes and Protestantes , as though all those sectes of our time were to be comprehended vnder the name of Protestantes of the English faith , or as though Cassander if he were a Catholicke , as heere he is pretended , would call vs 〈◊〉 Thirdly wheras in his owne Latin heere set downe he saith ; Qui omnes dum Symbolum 〈◊〉 &c. All which , to wit Catholickes , Lutherans , Caluinistes , & other Sectaries , whiles they hold the Apostolicall Creed , are true members of the Church , he doth English it thus , because Protestantes hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , excluding Catholickes from belieuing the said Articles , or being true members , which in his owne Latin ( and that of Bellarmines ) also are included : and fourthly is the corruption before mentioned , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions ; which in Bellarmine is , although they dissent among themselues in particuler doctrines : and finally the wordes by him cited of Bellarmins iudgment , which he controlleth , to wit , falsa est haec sententia Cassandri ; non 〈◊〉 enim Catholici reconciliari cum Haereticis , are not so in Bellarmine , but these , potest facilè refelli 〈◊〉 ( Cassandri ) sententia : primum enim non possunt Catholici , Lutherani , & Caluinistae eo modo conciliari &c. This sentence ( of Cassander ) may easely be refelled ; first for that Catholickes , Lutherans , and Caluinistes ( for example ) can not so be reconciled as Cassander appointeth , to wit , by admitting only the wordes of the Creed , for that we differ in the sense , and sometimes in the articles themselues , as in that descendit ad inferos , he descended into hell ; and in like manner , we agree not about the sense of those other articles , I belieue the Catholicke Church and Communion of Saintes , remission of sinnes &c. So Bellarmine . All which this fellow omitteth . 72. And so you see there is no truth or sincerity with him in any thing : neither can these escapes be ascribed any way to ouersight , errour , mistaking , or forgetfulnes , but must needes be attributed to wilfull fraude , & malicious meaning , purposly to deceaue , as the things themselues doe euidently declare , for which cause , I shall leaue him to be censured by his owne Brethren , but especially by his Lord and Maister , for so notable discrediting their cause by so manifest false manner of proceeding ; and yet for that there is one example more , that remaineth within the compasse of these few Pages by vs examined , that draweth a longer sequele after it , then is fit to weary the Reader withall , without some breathing , we shall reserue the same to a third Part of this Chapter which now ensueth . THE THIRD PART OF THIS CHAPTER , CONTEYNING A CONTROVERSY : VVhether Caluin did fauour Arrianisme , or no ? VVith diuers sleightes of Tho. Morton about the same . ANd now albeit these examples before rehearsed , doe sufficiently declare the mans humour against whome we deale , who professing extraordinary sincerity in all pointes , performeth the same scarcely in any ( I professe , saith he , that simplicity in Christ , as neuer either in word , or writing to Equiuocate : ) yet for an vpshot of this Chapter , I haue thought good , to lay forth one example more , to proue worse matter then Equiuocation against him , as in the former Partes of this Chapter we haue already done , to wit , plaine falshood , and faithles dealing . But heere now is a particuler controuersy fallen out , by occasion of certaine sleightes , vsed by him in defence of Iohn Caluin , against the imputation of Arrianisme laid vpō him , not only by our doctors , but much more by sundry learned Protestāt-writers of Germany , alledged in part by the moderate Answerer in this place , and shifted of sleightly by T. M. And albeit we haue treated somewhat of this matter before , in the second Chapter of this booke , yet the thing comming againe in question now by reason of certaine corruptions vsed by T. M. therabout , I haue thought it expedient to handle the same more largely as a point of no small importance , which by the sequele yow will see . 74. First then T. M. taking vpon him to answere the obiection of his Aduersary , That Caluin was accused of Arrianisme , by the writinges of diuers most learned Protestantes of the Lutheran and other sectes in Germany , & hauing giuen this feeble answere only , which before we haue touched in our said second Chapter , and is heere repeated againe , That it is not much to be regarded , what those Protestant-writers in the spirit of opposition and contention did say of Caluin : especially ( saith he ) seing as it may seeme by their obiections , their iudgment hath beene depraued by your maliguant Doctors . 75. After ( I say ) this generall , but simple euasion ( for if this kinde of answering may be admitted , that thinges are spoken or written out of the spirit of Contradiction , what may not be answered ? ) he taketh vpon him for some shew of probability in this shift to set downe the iustification following . First ( saith he ) concerning Arrianisme , Caluin as your Iesuits affirme , doth plainly teach the same , saying ; That the Father is by a kind of excellency God , wheras both the speach & sense is most orthodoxall , and agreing with the tenure of holy writ , as your learned Iesuites confesse : for the wordes of our Sauiour are plaine Ioan. 14. My Father is greater then I , in the true sense , Is ( say your Iesuites , and truly ) the Father greater , not in substance and being , but by reason of birth and begetting ; For their authority they produce an inquest of Fathers to free Caluin in this point , who was so farre from Arrianisme , that your owne Bellarmine doth acknowledge that Caluin did impugne the doctrine of the Arrians . 76. This is his defence , wherin yow shall see how many subtilties , and shiftes there be vsed to defend Caluin from this impiety , who yet , as will appeare , is not defensible in this respect . For first where he saith , That our Iesuites doe affirme Iohn Caluin to teach Arrianisme , in that he holdeth that the Father is by a kind of excellency God , citing for the same among others in the margent both Bellarmine , and Gregorius de Valentia , his first corruption therin is , that he citeth not the wordes of their accusations , as they ly in the Authors , which in Bellarmine are these : Non veretur Valentino concedere , nomen Dei KATH ' HYPEROCHEN , id est , per excellentiam quandam , soli Patri attribui ; Caluin seared not to grant to Valentinus Gentilis ( the Arrian Hereticke ) that the name of God was attributed only to the Father by a certaine excellency . And the same obiecteth * Gregory de Valentia in the same wordes : out of which yow see , that T. M. leaueth out soli , to the Father alone , wherin consisteth the chiefest force of the charge against Caluin : this then is the first tricke . The second is , that he would make his Reader belieue , that for this only speach of Caluin our Doctors , Bellarmine , Valentia , and others , had condemned him of Arrianisme , wheras they not only for this , but for many other wicked speaches , as blasphemous as this , doe ascribe that crime vnto him . 77. As for example , for that he writeth Deum Patrem genuisse quia voluit , that God the Father did beget his Sonne for that he would , wherof ensueth euidently that if Christes eternall generation was voluntary in respect of his Father , then was it not necessary , and naturall , and consequently he could not be God at all , nor equall to his Father , of whose will his essence depended : and againe , That Christ as he is the second person of the Trinity , cannot properly be called Creator of heauen and earth , and consequently not God , nor equall to his Father . And yet further , Filium Dei subiectum esse Patri etiam ratione diuinitatis , that the Sonne of God is subiect to his Father , euen according to his diuine nature . And yet more impiously , That Christ was a mediator betweene God and Angels before the sinne of Adam , and before his incarnation , and that also according to his diuinity : Out of which for that a mediator must needes be inferiour to him , to whome he vseth mediation , all learned men inferre that Caluin in effect taught the doctrine of Arrius , who denied the equality of the Sonne with the Father , & all this is obiected by our Doctors in the places quoted by T. M. himselfe . Wherby it is manifest that he did not of ignorance or forgetfulnes leaue out these other accusations , mentioning only the first , but of plaine deceipt , & wilfull falshood , for that he thought himselfe to haue a shift for answering the first , but not the other . 78. Yet Gregory de Valentia goeth some-what further , adding moreouer to these assertions of Caluin diuers other ; as namely that he did seeke to eneruate , and make voide , togeather with the Arrians , certaine excellent places of Scripture , which the ancient Catholicke Fathers did vrge against them , as that of S. Iohn ; Ego & Pater vnum sumus , I and my Father are one , which Caluin saith is to be vnderstood , of the vnity of consent and agreement , not of substance : wherupō one George Blandrata a Trinitarian , founding himselfe ( saith Valentia ) did in a certaine publicke disputation against the Catholickes , at Alba Iulia in Transiluania , allow and confirme this Arrian interpretation of Caluin , saying : VVe doe remit our hearers to only Iohn Caluin in this behalfe who doth euery where reprehend the old writers , for that they wrested these wordes , Ego & Pater vnum sumus , to the vnity of essence or substance . He noteth also these wordes in Caluin , Impropriam esse atque duram orationem illam Symboli Niceni , Deus de Deo : that , that speach of the Creed of the Councell of Nice , is an improper and hard speech , God of God : Which speech notwithstanding S. Athanasius did greatly vrge ( saith he ) in his dayes against the Arrians , wherof we haue treated somewhat before . 79. Now then may we see how fraudulently Thomas Morton hath dealt in this matter , by putting downe slyly one reason only , for which our malignant Doctors ( as he calleth them ) doe condemne Caluin for Arrianisme , and it is as if a malefactour being condemned for many crimes , his Aduocate would giue out , that he had byn accused only of one , and then by diminishing that also make it none , and so proclaime him quit in all . But for so much as he calleth our said Doctors malignant ( from which crime I dare auouch them of all others most free ) & doth say , That the iudgment of the Lutheran Doctors , alleadged by his Aduersary the moderate Answerer against him ( namely of Doctor Philippus Nicolaus , and of the Deane and vniuersity of Tubinga , who condemned Caluin for the same crime of Arrianisme , ) hath byn depraued , ( as may seeme , saith he , by their obiections ) by our said malignant Doctors ; We shall heere with as much breuity as may be , bring forth the iudgment of another renowned Protestant-Doctor , concurring with the foresaid , he being a publike Reader of Deuinity in another famous Vniuersity of Germany , namely VVittenberg , where Martyn Luther himselfe once held the chaire , as Caluin did in Geneua ; and this Doctor whose name is AEgidius Hunnius in a seuerall Treatise set forth about a dozen yeares gone , entituled by him Caluinus Iudaizans , & dedicated vnto one Dauid Pareus a principall Caluinian Doctor , setteth downe the argument of his booke thus , in the first front therof . This booke is to shew ( saith he ) that Iohn Caluin hath most detestably presumed to corrupt ( in fauour of Iewes and Arrians ) the most cleare places , and testimonies of Scripture concerning the glorious Trinity , deity of Christ , of the Holy Ghost , and aboue all , the predictions of Prophetes for the comming of the Messias , his natiuity , passion , ascension , & sitting at the right hand of God &c. with a cleare cōfutation of his false corruptions therin &c. 80. This is the title and argument of the booke , which he doth prosecute for almost two hundred pages togeather , deuiding the same into two partes , the first wherin he sheweth , how Iohn Caluin most wickedly , and maliciously vnder pretence of interpreting the Scripture in different sense from the ancient Fathers , did goe about couertly to weaken , infringe , or take from the Christians all the strongest argumentes which they had , or haue out of the Scriptures for the Godhead of Christ , and his equality and consubstantiality with the Father . And in the second Part , that he vseth the same fraud , and malice by ouerthrowing all the predictions , & foretellinges of Prophetes about Christ as he was man. Out of the old Testament . §. 1. 81. ANd for the first Part of peruerting Scriptures , he giueth these examples out of the old Testament , first , that wheras Moyses saith in 〈◊〉 , Creauit Deus coelum & terram , God created heauen and earth , the word in the Hebrue is ELOIM , Gods , in the plurall number , out of which D. Hunnius proueth , that the ancient Fathers , and most learned also of later times in the Hebrue tongue , doe gather Moyses to haue signified the plurality of persons in the Bl. Trinity , but Caluin to take from Christians this comforte , saith : Colligere solent hic in Deo notari tres personas &c. Heere Christians are wont ( by this plurall number ELOIM ) to gather , that three persons are signified in God ; but for so much as to me it seemeth a weake proofe of so great a matter , the Readers are to be aduertised to beware of such violent glosses . Thus Caluin . And with like spirite of presumption & arrogancy , if not worse , he goeth forward in all the rest , as namely that of Genesis the 19. about raining of brimstome ouer Sodom and Gomorrha , where the wordes are Pluit Iehoua a Iehoua ( saith Hunnius according to the Hebrue text ) and is applied by Christian writers , against the Iewes for Christes diuinity , Caluin most insolently reiecteth the same saying : Quod veteres Christi Diuinitatem &c. wheras ancient writers endeauored by this testimony , to proue the Diuinity of Christ , it is but a weake argument , and in my iudgment they brabble much without cause , that so sharpely vrge the Iewes with this place . 82. In Genesis also Chap. 35. where Iacob built an Altar to God , and called the place Bethel , for that ELOIM the Gods had appeared vnto him there , vsing the plural number not only in the substantiue , but also in the verbe it selfe , Caluin without all probability of reason , will needes haue it meant , that not God , but Angels only appeared , which Hunnius refuteth , for that the apparition of Angels was not a sufficient reason to name the place Bethel , as Iacob did , that is to say , the house of God , or to build an Altar to God , for that Angels only , and not God had appeared to him . 83. But that which much more importeth , Caluin taketh from the Christians that other excellent place also of the second Psalme , wherin is proued the Diuinity of Christ by those wordes , 〈◊〉 me us es tu , Ego hodie genui te , Thou art my Sonne , this day haue I begotten thee , wherby S. Paul himselfe Act. 13. and the Author ( saith Hunnius ) of the Epistle to the Hebrues ( for that Lutherans doe not admit that Epistle to be S. Paules ) and all ancient Fathers after them , doe alleage these wordes for proofe of Christes diuinity ; but Caluin doth ouerthrow it by interpreting it to be vnderstood literally of Dauid himselfe , as Hunnius at large proueth , & exactly refuteth , as also his impiety , in taking away that other place of the 33. Psalme in like manner , Verbo Domini coeli firmati sunt , & spiritu oris eius omnis virtus eorum : The heauens were established by the word of God , and all their power by his holy spirit . Out of which the ancient Fathers proued not only the diuinity of Christ , the second person in trinity , but of the holy Ghost also , and consequently the blessed Trinity , which Caluin endeauoring to ouerthrow writeth in this manner : Subtiliùs veteres hoc elogio vsi sunt &c. The ancient Fathers did more subtily vse this place of Scripture , against the Sabellian Heretickes , to proue the eternall Godhead of the holy Ghost ; but I would not dare to vrge Sabellius with this testimony to proue the deity of the said holy Ghost . And againe in another place lib. 1. Institut . cap. 13. sect . 15. it seemed ( saith he ) a plausible thing vnto them , to cite out of Dauid the wordes now rehearsed , verbo Domini coeli firmati sunt &c. to proue that the Creation of the world was no lesse the worke of the holy Ghost , then of the Sonne the second person in Trinity : Sed infirma illa ratio fuit , but that proofe was weake . So Caluin , very piously as yow see . 84. From this Doctor Hunnius passeth to examine these wordes of the 45. Psalme as spoken of the Sonne of God , Thronus tuus ô Deus , in seculum seculi &c. propterea vnxit te Deus , Deus tuus &c. Thy throne ô Lord is to endure for euer , and therfore hath God , euen thy God anointed thee with the oile of ioyfulnes aboue thy fellowes : which the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrues ( saith Hunnius ) doth expresly apply vnto the eternall Diuinity of Christ ; but Caluin ouerthroweth the same , by applying the meaning to haue byn of K. Salomon only . The simple and naturall sense of this place ( saith Caluin ) is that Salomon did not gouerne Tyrannically , as other Kinges , but with right and equall lawes , and therfore his Kingly seate should be stable for euer . See how base a conceipt this man had of diuine thinges : but yet heare him further , for in another place he writeth thus : Faciendum est &c. VVe must confesse that this Psalme was made of Salomon , as a bridesong of his marriage with the King of Egypts daughter . Doe yow see the prophanity of this mans spirit ? But yet let vs produce a farre greater audacity of his . 85. The Apostle S. Paul in the 4. to the Ephesians doth vrge much for proofe of Christes diuinity the wordes of the Psalme 67. Ascendens in altum captiuam duxit captiuitatem , dona dedit hominibus &c. He ascending vp to heauen , did carry with him our Captiuity as captiue , & distributed giftes to men vpon earth : which thing S. Paul doth vrge , as a point of singuler moment for proofe of Christes diuinity . But what saith Caluin ? yow shall heare what he writeth both of the thing , and of his Censure of S. Paules simplicity , in so applying the same . Quia locum hunc Paulus ( saith he ) subtiliùs ad Christum deflexit Ephes. 4. videndum est , quàm bene cum mente Dauidis conuenit : For so much as Paul did more subtily wrest this place to Christ , it is to be considered how well he agreeth therin with the mind or meaning of Dauid , shewing in deed by diuers reasons , that his exposition and application doth not agree with Dauids intention in that Psalme , which is a most impious insolency if it be well considered . 86. After this the said Doctor passeth on to cite that famous place of Esay the sixt , Sanctus , Sanctus , Sanctus , Dominus Exercituum , as a testimony for the blessed Trinity , by the witnes and allegation of al ancient writers , wheras Caluin of purpose calleth the same into doubt , saying in fauour of the Arrians : Wheras ancient writers haue vsed this testimony of Esay , whē they would proue the Trinity of persons in the essence of one God , I doe not reiect their sentēce ; but yet if I should haue to doe with Hereticks , I would rather vse more strong testimonies , ne Haereticis ridiculi simus , least we be ridiculous vnto Heretikes , and in truth the Prophet by this triple repetition ( holy , holy , holy ) doth rather note a restles assiduity , or continuance of Angelicall melody , in the prayses of God &c. And doe yow not see ( saith Hunnius , ) how this arrogant fellow , doth * saucely pull by the locks old venerable antiquity ( making the same 〈◊〉 ) and how he instructeth the Arrians to illude , or shifte of this sacred testimony for the blessed Trinity ? Could the Arrians doe more for themselues , or their owne cause ? So he . Shewing also the like boldnes , and impiety in that he goeth about to weaken the Authority of Michaeas the Prophet , vsed by all ancient Fathers for the proofe of Christes Godhead , where he saith , Et egressus eius ab initio à diebus aeternitatis , and his going forth is from the beginning from the dayes of eternity ; which words Caluin , though he cannot but grant for the euidēcy therof , to appertaine to the diuinity of Christ , yet doth he diuert the Prophetes meaning to a farre different sense , and saith : Hic est simplex sensus , scio quosdam insistere pertinaciùs , quod hic loquatur Propheta de aeterna essentia Christi &c. This is the simple sense and meaning of the Prophet , albeit I know that some doe more obstinatly contend , that the Prophet speaketh heere of the eternall essence of Christ : and for my part , though I doe willingly acknowledge , that the diuinity of Christ is heere proued ; yet for that we shall neuer get the Iewes to confesse it , I would rather simply take the wordes of the Prophet as they sound . So he . And note heere his good reason ( saith Hunnius ) for that because the Iewes will not be brought to confesse the truth of this text , Caluin himself will dissemble it also , and peruert the Scriptures to another meaning to please them . Is not this wickedly to betray the cause of Christians ? And is not this secretly to collude with the aduersaries ? Is not this by dissimulation to weakē our owne forces in fauour of the enemies ? But herof yow shall see more in that which ensueth . Out of the new Testament . §. 2. 87. ANd with these places and some other the said Doctor endeth his discourse for corrupting of the Scriptures of the old Testament , in fauour of Iewes and Arrians , & passeth to the new , shewing 〈◊〉 no lesse to fauour them both therin , then in the other , but rather much more . And first he alledgeth that most excellent place of S. Iohns Ghospel before mentioned , Ego & Pater vnum sumus , I and my Father are one , which testimony al ancient Fathers , without exception , did vrge against the Arrians , as an inuincible bulwark to proue the vnity of Godhead in Christ with his Father ; But what saith Caluin ? Ego ( saith he ) & Pater vnum sumus , abusi sunt hoc loco veteres , vt probarent Christum esse Patri Homusion neque enim Christus de vnitate substantiae disputat , sed de consensu , quem cum Patre habet &c. The ancient writers did abuse this place , to proue 〈◊〉 that Christ was of the same nature and substance with his Father , for that Christ did not dispute heere of the vnity of substance , but of the vnity only of consent betweene him , and his Father : which was the very answere and shift of Arrius himselfe and of the old Arrians , and is at this day ( saith Hunnius ) of the new Arrians in Transiluania and els where , to wit of Franciscus , Dauid , Blandrata , and others . 88. And so in like manner where in the 10. and 14. of S. Iohn , Christ our Sauiour repeateth oftentimes Ego 〈◊〉 in Patre , & Pater in me , I am in my Father , and my Father in me , which was another great bulwarke of ancient Christianity against Arrians , Caluin ouerthroweth it thus : Non hic ( saith he ) de essentiae vnitate sermo habetur &c. Heere is not any speach of vnity of 〈◊〉 betweene the Father and the Sonne , but only of the manifestation of Gods power in the person of Christ. And againe in another place : Non ad diuinam Christi essentiam refero , sed ad modum reuelationis : I doe not referre those wordes to the diuine nature of Christ , but to the manner of reuelation , which were also the Answeres of old Arrians , and are at this day of the new . 89. And finally not to be tedious , I passe ouer many other examples , as that Ioan. 17. in Christes speach to his Father : That my disciples may be one , as we are one . And againe : That all may be one as thou Father art in me , and I in thee , which ancient Doctors did interpret to signify the naturall vnity of Christ in Godhead with his Father . But what saith Caluin ? Multi ex Patribus ( saith he ) interpretati sunt Christum vnum esse cum Patre &c. Many of the Fathers haue so interpreted these wordes , as though they proued that Christ is one with his Father for that he is eternall God , but their contention with the Arrians drew them violently to this , that they should wrest broken sentences to a wronge sense . The like he writeth of that excellent place of S. Iohn in his first Epistle : Tres sunt qui testimonium dant in coelo &c. There are three in heauen that giue testimony , the Father , the word , and the holy Ghost , and these three are one , which Catholike Deuines haue euer vnderstood of the naturall vnity of the three persons in the blessed Trinity , against the Arrians . But what saith 〈◊〉 on their side ? Quod dicit tres esse vnum , ad essentiam non refertur , sed ad consensum potius : In that S. Iohn saith these three to be one , is not referred to their vnity of nature and essence , but rather to the vnity of their will , or consent . And will yow say now that Caluin is not worthy to haue his fee of the Arrians ? Or will Thomas Morton say still that our malignant Doctors doe wrongfully accuse him ? Quis non videt ( saith Hunnius ) diabolum per acutum suum instrumētum &c. Who doth not see that the diuell by this sharpe instrument of his , doth goe about to disarme Christians , and arme the enemies of the blessed Trinity ? For if these should aske vs , what testimonies we haue , what proofe of Christes vnity in Godhead with his Father , we haue none left , Vniuersa per aleatoriam istam quiduis eludendi 〈◊〉 è manibus 〈◊〉 : All are stroken out of our handes by this dicing-deceipt of deluding any thing that is in Scripture for that purpose . But D. Hunnius goeth forward . 90. The like Comment maketh Caluin vpon those wordes of S. Paul to the Colossians cap. 1. where the Apostle calleth Christ Imaginem Dei inuisibilis , the image of God inuisible , and those other to the Hebrewes c. 1. Qui est splendor gloriae , & expressa imago substantiae illius : Who is the splendor of his glory , and the expresse image of his substance , where manifestly the Apostle doth affirme the deity of Christ , and the ancient Fathers out of the same wordes after him against the Arrians , and namely S. Chrysostome at large , what euasion thinke yow will Iohn Caluin teach the Arrians heere ? Yow shall heare him in his owne wordes : Scio ( saith he ) qualiter veteres exponere soleant , quia enim certamen habebant cum Arrianis &c. I know how the ancient Fathers are wont to expound these wordes , for that they hauing combate with the Arrians , doe vrge the equality , and consubstantiality of God the Sonne with his Father , out of these places ; but in the meane space they hold their peace in that which is the principall , to wit , how God the Father doth exhibite himselfe to be knowne to vs in Christ. And as for Chrysostome , who placeth all his ground in the word Image , while he striueth to proue therby that a creature can not be the image of God the Creator , it is tooto weak &c. So he . 91. And now ( saith Doctor Hunnius ) what way can be more effectuall then this to ouerthrow Christian Religion , and bring in Arrianisme ? Or what place or text of Scripture remaineth now in force against the Iewes , and Arrians for defence of Christes diuinity , if Caluins censure be admitted against all those that haue byn cited ? It is euident ( saith he ) hoc genus eludendi Scripturas quo Caluinus vtitur , exoptatissimum diabolo adminiculum esse &c. that this kind of eluding Scriptures vsed by Caluin , is the most desired help for the diuell , that can be wished , to shake the credit of one authority after another in mens hartes , vntill , before they be aware , they become Arrians . Thus Hunnius , who both for that he is a learned man , a Reader of Deuinity , a Protestant , & proueth all that he saith out of Caluins owne wordes , ought ( me thinks ) to be of great force against him , or at leastwise with all others , to looke well about them , how they belieue either him or his . About corrupting and eluding of Prophesyes . §. 3. 92. ANd this is now for the first Part of his booke but in this second about the predictions and Prophesies of Christ and Christian Religion , he saith he hath much more to produce against Caluin for his foule corruptions , Quibus illustrissima vaticima Prophetarum de Messia 〈◊〉 is peruersionibus inuoluit , wherby he hath with his Iudaicall peruersities obscured the most notorious and cleere predictions of Prophets about the Messias , or Sauiour of the world . In which expositions or rather corruptions of his non modò ( saith he ) Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum veterum & recentiorum pias interpretationes altissimè despexit & irrisit ; sed in nonnullis ipsorummet Euangelistarum 〈◊〉 Sacrosanctas explicationes nequiter illudere non est 〈◊〉 , quod nisi ad oculum demonstrauero , praesertim vbi ad illa vaticinia Prophetarum deuenero , nolim ego nuhi vlla vnquam in re postea fidem adhiberi . He doth not only most haughtely despise the Godly interpretations of all ancient and moderne Ecclesiasticall writers , but in diuers thinges also he was not a fraid wickedly to elude the holy explications of the Euangelistes and Apostles themselues , which except I shall demonstrate vnto the eye , especially when I come to examine the predictions of Prophetes , I will neuer haue any man to giue me credit afterward . So confidently speaketh Doctor Hunnius of Caluins wickednes in this behalf , so to weaken and eneruate the testimonies of Scripture that make for Christ , vt omnem ad probandum vim atque valorem amittant penitus , saith he , that therby they wholy loose al their force & value to proue any thing . And what can be more impious & perilous then this ? 93. It would be to long to runne ouer the Prophesies by him alledged as peruerted by Caluin , though it were with the same breuity that we haue perused the testimonies of Scripture before mentioned ( for I must remēber that all must goe within a part of one Chapter : ) yet some few lines I must bestow therin for exāples sake , therby to leaue a ghesse to the Reader for the rest which I must omit . First then in the very first promise of all made Gen. 3. for comming of the Messias , where God said to the serpēt : I shall put emnity betweene thee and the woman , and betweene thy seed and her seed , shee shall crush thy head , and thou shalt lay wait at her heele , which all Christian writers from the beginning , yea the Apostles and Prophetes before them , did vnderstand of the emnity to be betweene the diuell and Christ the womans seed ; but this doth Caluin wholy euacuate , & turne to a meere mockery , interpreting it to be meant only of the naturall hatred that is betweene men and serpents , and that as serpents seeke to sting men , so men indeauour euery where to kil serpents ; by which interpretation , is eluded ( saith Doctor Hunnius ) the first foundation of all Christian faith , wherby the Fathers of the old Testament did sustaine themselues . And then he turneth himself to S. Paul , shewing how Caluin doth condemne his exposition of absurdity , about the said seed of the woman mentioned both heere , & in the other promise to Abraham , In thy seed all nations shal be blessed , in which places Caluin ( saith Hunnius ) expressely against S. Paul to the Galat. will haue it vnderstood seedes in the plurall number , and not seed : Miror hominis proiectam confidentiam : Vbi frons 〈◊〉 id quod affirmat Paulus : &c. I doe wonder at the desperate presumption of this man ; where is Caluins forehead , in denying that which S. Paul doth affirme , and affirming that which S Paul doth so earnestly refute ? 94. Then passeth he to another prophesy out of Ieremy concerning Christes natiuity , where is said ; God shall create a new thing vpon the earth , a woman shall inclose a man , which being vnderstood by all ancient writers ( saith Hunnius ) of the blessed virgin Mary , and her sacred fruit of the wombe , that in respect of the perfection , which he had by his deity , euen in the wombe , was a perfect man : but Caluin scoffeth therat . Christiani ( saith he ) ferè vno consensu &c. Christians almost with one consent haue interpreted this Prophesy of Mary the virgin , and they were moued therunto by the name of a miracle , and therupon perhaps they snatched too greedily at those thinges that might seeme to make for the mistery of our saluation , saying , that Christ was both an infant and a man , for that he was full of diuine fortitude in his Mothers wombe , albeit according to his flesh he did grow in stature , in wisedome , and vertue ; Meritò hoc ridetur a Iudaeis , but this is worthily laughed at by the Iewes , and further , saith he , the true meaning of the Prophet is only that in the warres betweene the Chaldees and the Iewes , the Iewish women shal be strōger then the Chaldean men , and bring them into straights , redigent faeminae viros in angustias , saith he , women shall driue men into straightes . And is not this a good Iewish Aduocate ? Could any Infidell speake more cōtēptuously of our proofes ? 95. From this he steppeth to the fourth Prophesy of Aggeus about the comming of Christ ; Mouebo omnes gentes , & veniet desideratus cunctis gentibus , & implebo domum istam gloria &c. I will moue all nations , and the desired of all nations shall come , and I shall replenish this house with glory ; which Prophesy being so cleere , & so generally receaued by all Christians as signifying the glory of Christ , and of the Christian Church that Caluin could not for shame deny it ; yet shall yow see how he doth seeke to eneruate , and make void the same . This Prophesy ( saith he ) of the desired of all Nations may be vnderstood two wayes : first that all Nations shall come and bring with them whatsoeuer precious thinges they haue : Nam Hebraei desiderium vocant quicquid habetur in precio , vt 〈◊〉 , honores &c. For that the Hebrewes doe call desire or desired , whatsoeuer is much esteemed , as riches , honour and the like ; Sed possumus etiam intelligere de Christo &c. But yet we may also vuderstand it of Christ &c. Sed simplicior sensus est ille quem iam retuli , but the more simple , plaine , or naturall sense , is that which I haue now related , that Nations shall come with all their riches &c. And heere also doth not Caluin play well his part ? By this yow may know him in all the rest , and yet shall wee set downe one example more and so end . 96. And this shall be that famous and most excellent Prophesy of Christes Fore-runner S. Iohn Baptist most perspicuously vttered by the Prophet Esay in his fourtith Chapter , and in these wordes : Vox clamantis in deserto parate viam Domini &c. A voice of a Crier in the desert , prepare the way of our Lord , make right the pathes of our God : which wordes both S. Matthew , S. Marke , and S. Luke , at large doe expound to haue byn vnderstood of S. Iohn Baptist preaching in the desert of Iury and warning the Iewes to prepare the way of the Messias : all which this miserable man , in fauour of the Iewes , endeauoreth to elude and euacuate , applying the same wholy to another prophane purpose , affirming , first that by the voice of a Cryer , is not vnderstood any particuler man as S. Iohn Baptist , but all Prophetes in generall : and then by the desert , he vnderstandeth not that desert of Iury wherin S. Iohn did preach , but metaphorically the desert of desolatiō to haue byn meant by Esay , when the people were in the captiuity of Babilon ; and thirdly more fully to ouerthrow the whole Prophesy , he asketh this question : Quos compellat ista vox , an fideles ? minimè . Sed Cyrum , Persas & Medos . To whome doth this voice of the Cryer in the desert speake , vnto faithfull people ? No , not at all . But only vnto King Cyrus , and to the Persians & Medes , that held the people of Israel in captiuity . So he . And how greatly then were deceaued the three Euangelistes before mentioned , that so earnestly set forth vnto vs the comfort of this Prophesy , fulfilled in S. Iohn Baptist , which 〈◊〉 now hath endeauored to take from vs , wherupon Doctor Hunnius inferreth these wordes : 〈◊〉 piae mentis haec legens & audiens temperare sibi potest &c. What man of pious mind that shall read or hear these thinges , can so ouer rule himself , as not to hate with a perfect hatred , as the Prophet speaketh , yea and detest this architect of Iewish deceipts , that is not affraide to hold vp his finger against the interpretations of the Sacred Euangelistes themselues . So he . 97. But to come to an end , I will leaue nineteene or twenty more Prophesies vndiscussed , to wit three that remaine of this first point about the comming and natiuity of Christ , eight that did foretel his sacred passion and particulers therof , foure of his resurrection , and foure or fiue more of his miraculous ascension , & sitting on the right hand of God ; all which doth Iohn Caluin with metaphoricall and malicious interpretations weaken , elude ouerthrow , & take from vs ; yea though the Euangelistes & Apostles themselues haue expressely expounded them literally to appertaine to Christ ; which this Doctor Hunnius doth notably & substantially proue out of Caluins owne wordes throughout this breif , but iudicious booke of his , making many exclamations against Caluins impiety therin , especially in one place , where seeing the mā endeauoreth to take from vs that whole Psalme , Deus Deus meus , which setteth downe most of the particulers of Christes passion , as the percing of his feet and handes , deuiding of his garments , & other such points , which the Euangelists and 〈◊〉 themselues doe apply literally to our Sauiour , and this man only in a metaphoricall sense to King Dauid ; yea saying further that the Euangelistes did 〈◊〉 thinges intempestiuè ad praesentem causam , out of season to the present cause of Christ , Et quòd dum negligunt sensum metaphoricum a natiuo sensu 〈◊〉 , And whiles they did neglect Caluins metaphoricall sense , they departed from the true naturall sense of the Prophet : Doctor Hunnius ( I say ) vpon these & other like insolences , breaketh out into these wordes , that he cannot sufficiently detest extremam Caluini impietatem , cum intolerabili fastu coniunctam , quo se super sanctissimos Dei seruos , Euangelistas , & Apostolos , quasi illorum censor effert , that extreame impiety of Caluin , ioyned with intolerable pride , wherby he setteth himself aboue the most holy seruantes of God , the Euangelistes , and Apostles , as their Censurer : and therfore after he had demonstrated this pride and impiety in all the rest of the Prophesies by him peruerted , drawing towardes the end , he concludeth thus : Quapropter vt receptui canam , detectum satis superque iudico Angelum illum tenebrarum Iohannem Caluinum &c. 98. Wherfore that I may now ( saith he ) retire my self , I doe iudge that Angell of darknes Iohn Caluin to be sufficiently , and more then sufficiently discouered , who being raised from the pit of hell , to the peruerting of mankinde , hath partly by his detestable desire of wresting Scriptures , and ouerthrowing the Bulwarkes of Christian Religion , which it hath against Iewes and Arrians ; partly also by his impious pen a gainst the holy and sacred Maiesty of Iesus Nazarenus now exalted in heauen ; partly also by his peruerse doctrine of the Sacrament , and horrible monstrous paradoxes of his absolute predestination ; By all these meanes ( I say ) he hath 〈◊〉 in these our later dayes , no small part of the light and sunne of Godes truth , & drawne with him a great number of starres , as the Apocalips saith , into the bottomeles pit of eternall damnatiō . God euerlasting out of his mercy , signe his seruantes that they be not corrupted with this pestilent plague of Caluinian seducement , and bring back againe vnto Iesus Christ , the true Pastour of their soules , those that are seduced by them , that they perish not in their errour , but be saued eternally with all those that faithfully loue God Amen . And this I had ( saith he ) to admonish the Church of God , of the most wicked deceiptes of Iohn Caluin . And if Doctor 〈◊〉 will answere any thing to this , let him not entertaine himselfe in generall speech only , as his people are wont to doe , but come to particulers &c. So Hunnius . 99. And now M. Morton , will yow say that all this also , which Doctor Hunnius hath brought against Caluin about furthering of Iudaisme and Arrianisme is out of the spirit only of opposition and contradiction , as yow shifted of the Deane and Colledge of Tubinga , alledged before by your Aduersary ? Will yow answere in like manner , it is not much to be regarded what he saith , seeing he bringeth so many great and substantiall proofes for the same out of M. Caluins confessed workes and wrytinges ? Or will yow say , as yow said before , that their iudgment hath byn depraued by our malignant Doctors ? seeing that yow haue heard this your owne Doctor Hunnius speake in his owne language and sense so resolutly and earnestly against Caluin and Caluinistes ? If you dare not say this again enow , then was it but a shift and dissimulation before : and if yow should say it againe now , yow would be laughed at by all men . And though yow doe not ; yet euery wise man will consider , with what truth or ground yow said it before , to wit , for a meere shift , not vnderstanding or thinking , as yow speake . And conforme to that will they esteem of the rest , which yow say or write , without further ground of reall substance , but only that yow must say somewhat , and that it serueth for your purpose to speake it for the present . But now shall we returne to the place & page of your Reply , from whence we went forth in this digressiō about Caluin . 100. Yow complaine in the said place , as before hath byn shewed , of the charge of Arrianisme laid falsly vpon Caluin , by our Iesuites , as yow say , and this for one only speech of his where he saith ; That the Father is by a kinde of excellency God , which yow say both in speech and sense , is most orthodoxall , and agreeing with the tenour of holy writ , and iudgment of all ancient Fathers , as our owne learned Iesuites confesse , and doe produce ( say yow ) for their authority an inquest of Fathers to free Caluin in this point , which Fathers vpon those wordes of S. Iohns Ghospell , my Father is greate then I , doe affirme that the Father is greater , not in substance and being , but by reason of birth and begetting , for which yow alledge Cardinall Tolet & Maldonate , both Iesuites , in their commentaries vpon S. Iohns Ghospell . 101. But this Syr by your leaue , supposing al were so , doth not free Caluin in this point of Arrianisme : for that he is otherwise manifoldly conuinced , as now yow haue heard . And secōdly , for this sole point or sentēce heere mentioned , albeit the two forenamed Iesuites doe cite diuers ancient Fathers , that doe hold those wordes of Christ , My Father is greater then I , are true , not only in respect of his humanity , but also in a certaine sort , as he is God , to wit , that betweene those personall relations of Father and Sonne , Begetter and Begotten , in the blessed Trinity , there ariseth a more honourable respect out of the former , then of the later ; yet doth not this make that in the Godhead it self , the Father is more excellent then the Sonne , or that by excellency he is God , or that the name of God by a certaine excellency doth only belōg vnto him , as Caluin is accused to say , which in all sensible construction must import , that the Sonne is inferiour vnto him in substance of Godhead , which is a cheif point of Arrianisine wheron the old Arrians did principally stand , in all their disputes against Catholickes . 102. And wheras T. M. for his last defense of Caluin saith , that he was so farre of from Arrianisme , that our owne Bellarmine doth acknowledge that Caluin did impugne the doctrine of the Arrians , in this also , as in all the rest , he vseth great fraud . For first Bellarmine hath not this affirmatiue proposition , as heere is set downe , Caluin did impugne the doctrine of the Arrians ; but only he confesseth that Caluin and other Sectaries , who out of their wicked doctrine cōsenting with the old Arrians haue giuen occasion to the ofspring of new Arrians in our dayes , doe notwithstanding write bookes against them , as 〈◊〉 did ; which thing may arise vpon diuers occasions , concerning either their persons or sect . Bellarmins wordes are these : Albeit Luther , Melanchthon , Caluin and their 〈◊〉 doe 〈◊〉 Arrius for an Heretick ; yet can they not deny but that themselues in their writinges did sow the seedes of this errour , from whence afterwardes sprong vp these new Arrians , which they themselues impugne : So as Bellarmine doth not speake in this place particularly of Caluins impugning all the doctrine of Arrians , as heere this man would seeme to impose vpon him , citing falsly this sentence out of him : Arrianos Caluinus impugnauit , and no more ; but that he and other Sectaries of our dayes would seeme in some thinges to impugne thē , wheras in other thinges they held with them . For so presently in the very next wordes doth Bellarmine expresly declare himself , where hauing reduced the Heresies of Arrius to two heades , saith , that the former sort are held publickly by the new Arrians of our dayes , wherof the seedes were sowne by Caluin and others : but the second sort are held expressely by Caluin and other moderne Sectaries , Alterum 〈◊〉 Arrianorum docent omnes huius temporis Haeretici saith he . So as in this also there is notable fraudulent dealing of T. M. as yow see ; yea nothing almost commeth from him without fraude . 103. But as for this bragge of his & his fellows that Caluin did write diuers books against the new Arrians , and Trinitarians of our time , as namely against Seruetus , Gentilis , Alciatus , Blandrata and others , Doctor Hunnius that hath read their workes & his , can best make answere , & decide the matter , who saith : Pridem & hoc inclaruit in orbe Christiano , quibus ex Scholis & Ecclesiis ipsa illa 〈◊〉 portenta prodierint . It is now well knowne in the Christian world , out of what schooles and Churches those foule monsters ( the new Arrians & Trinitarians ) haue proceeded , that is to say , from the Caluinistes &c. And wheras ( saith he ) it is vaunted that Caluin did write against these Heretickes , wee deny not but that therin he did well , albeit in truth he gaue occasion to the diuell by his manner of dealing , to raise vp no small number of enemies against the blessed Trinity , and consequently he did no otherwise , then if one hauing holpen some to set fire on a house , should after the flame therof waxeth boysterous , help other men also for extinguishing or restrayning the same . So Hunnius : who finally concludeth with this prayer : Dominus Iesus Satanam sub pedes nostros conterat citò , & a lue Caluinistica clementer liberet Ecclesiam suam . Amen . Our Lord Iesus crush Satan quickly vnder our feet , and of his clemency deliuer his Church from the infection of Caluinistes . Thus he , and with this praier he endeth his booke . 104. And now if this man had byn a Papist , great exceptions no doubt would be taken against him ; but being a brother of the same Ghospell , & one of those oath , promise , or other band of conscience . As if an vniust Iudge or Magistrate should aske vs things that are without his iurisdiction , to the preiudice of our selues , or of others , as by enquiring after secretes that doe not appertaine to him : Or if a iealous husband should aske his wife whether she had euer comitted falshood against him , proposing the present paine of death , except she answered directly therunto , and many other such like cases , which I purposely pretermit . And it seemeth that Thomas Morton hath not studied them , but Catholicke writers , both Deuines , Scholasticall and Positiue , as also Lawyers both Canon and ciuill among vs doe discusse how men may beare themselues therin , without sin or offence to God , when they fall out , and this with more seuerity against lying , then any Protestant Author is seene to doe , as in the sequent Consideration will appeare . 24. And heere I aske Thomas Morton further what he will say to all the stratagems in warre , for so much as there may be aswell lying in factes , as in wordes , according as our S. Thomas and other Deuines doe hold ; how will T. M. excuse these stratagems , that is to say pollicies , deceiptes , and dissimulations of enemies in warres , from lies ? Will he condemne all such stratagems as sinfull , as heathenish , as hellish , as impious ? Why then doe his Protestāt Captaines & Leaders vse them ? why doe his Protestāt Ministers that liue with them allow therof ? Nay that which is much more , why doth S. Augustine approue the same , whose sentēce is : Cùm iustum bellum quis susceperit , vtrum aperta pugna vel insidiis vincat nihil ad iustitiam interest : When a man taketh vpon him a iust war , it importeth nothing to the iustice of the cause , whether he ouercome by open war or sleights : which sentence is so well liked by our Popes , lawyers and Deuines , as it is put into the corps of the Canon law . And what will T. M. then say to all this , yea to many expresse examples in Scripture it self ? 25. And namely what will he say to the fact of Iosue that going about to take the Citty of Hai , gaue order to his Captaines : Ponite insidias post Ciuitatem , nos terga vertemus &c. Lay an ambush behinde the Citty by night , and we shall follow with an army in the norning , and when those of Hai shal come forth to assaile vs , we will seeme to flee , simulantes metum , feigning to be afraid : What will he say to this stratageme ? will he deny it to be a dissimulation , and consequently also an Equiuocation in fact ? The matter is euident to the contrary by the text it self : will he call it a scarre of infirmity of the old Testament ( to vse his owne Ministeriall or rather Manichean phrase ) and thinke to escape therby ? But against this is the expresse order , and commandment of God himself : Pone insidias vrbi post eam , lay an ambush behinde the Citty , ergo stratagems in warre though they conteine deceiptes , dissimulations , and Equiuocations , may be vsed in some cases , and that lawfully without the sinne of lying . 26. Another example most manifest is in the fourth booke of the Kinges , where the King of Syria sending certaine Captaines with forces to apprehend the Prophet Elizeus in the Citty of Dothaim , he going forth of the Citty , and meeting with the said Captaines , they not knowing him , said vnto them : Non est haec via , neque ista est Ciuitas ; sequimini me , & ostendam virum quem quaeritis : This is not the way ( to Dothaim ) nor is this that Citty , but doe yow follow me , and I will shew vnto yow the man whome yow seeke for , and so they did , and he lead them into the middest of Samaria where the King of Israel his army might and would haue destroyed them , if the said Prophet had permitted : So as this stratageme also , conteyning the exteriour shew : of a great vntruth , and falshood , cannot be deined to haue byn lawfull in this Prophet , as appeareth by the concurrence of God with diuers miracles in the same . 27. The like may be shewed out of the example of Iudith , who by the instinct of Almighty God , and his plaine ordinance , as the Scripture saith , was sent to Holofornes , who told him a long narration of many thinges that in euent and outward shew were not true , as that he should get not only 〈◊〉 , but Hierusalem also , and conquer the whole nation of the Iewes , adding therunto this asseueration , Et misit me Dominus haec nunciare tibi , and our Lord hath sent me to tell yow these thinges , by which stratageme ( as you know ) she deliuered her whole countrey from the forces of the said Holofernes , which otherwise had byn like to haue destroyed them 28. And thus much in this place for stratagemes in warre : but for other examples great numbers might be alledged , wherin some Equiuocations must needes be admitted , though no ly ; as that of the Angell appearing to Toby the elder , who being taken by him to be a man , and demaunded of what family or tribe he was , he said , ego sum Azarias Ananiae Magni silius , I am Azarias the Sonne of the Great Ananias , wherunto Toby answered , Ex magno genere tu es , yow are of a great stocke indeed ; which yet was not so in the vnderstanding of the speaker , and consequently heere must be confessed an euident Equiuocation , or amphibology of speach , wherby the hearer was deceaued . And not vnlike to this is that speech of our Sauiour , when standing in the temple , he vsed to the Iewes demanding a miracle : Doe yow dissolue this Temple , and I will build it vp againe in three dayes , meaning the Temple of his body , but his hearers vnderstood him of the materiall Temple of Hierusalem , and so to their sense it seemed that he speake , for 〈◊〉 cause they accused him afterward very solemnly therof at this passion , and insulted against him for the same vpon the crosse , ergo Equiuocation may not alwayes be condemned for lying , as our Minister auoucheth . 29. I pretermit diuers other speeches of our Sauiour of like quality , as that when he said to his brethren : Ego non ascendam ad diem festum istum . I will not goe vp to Hierusalem to this feast , and yet he meant to goe vp , and so went , but not in publicke , and therin stood the : Equiuocation of his 〈◊〉 ; but his brethren vnderstood not his meaning , for if they had , no doubt they would not haue gone vp without him , ergo one sense was vnderstood by the speaker , and another by the hearer , which wee shall afterward shew to be properly Equiuocation , and yet no ly can be inforced theron , but with singuler impiety . 30. These wordes also of S. Paul to the Hebrewes : Melchisedech King of Salem &c. which was without Father , without Mother , without genealogy , neither hauing beginning of his dayes , nor end of his life , must needs be confessed to haue an Equiuocation or amphibology in them , and somewhat to be reserued by the speaker for their vnderstanding : for as they lye , they seeme impossible to be true , that a man could be without Father , Mother , genealogy , beginning or ending , & yet is there no more expressed by the Apostle , but his meaning was that nothing is set downe in Scripture of those particularities . 31. And finally the same Apostle S. Paul , seing himself pressed at a certaine time in iudgment by his enemies , and considering that they were of two factions , Pharisies and Saduces , wherof the one sort confesseth resurrection of the dead , and the other not , he protested openly that the cause wherof he was accused , was about the said resurrection of the dead , which though in his sense was true , for that his chiefe trouble was for defending the resurrection of Christ , and our hope of resurrection by him : yet was it not so then in the vnderstanding of the hearers , who vpon this , deviding themselues , let him goe , yea the Pharisies began to excuse & defend him in that Councell , who otherwise were the greatest enemies of his Religion and profession . By all which is seene that sometimes of necessity wee must admit some vse of Equiuocation without lying , for otherwise many places of the Scriptures themselues and of other holy mens writings & doings cannot be well vnderstood , or defended , as afterwardes more at large shall be shewed . 32. But now to passe no further in the recitall of more argumentes to this purpose , we may conclude with that common doctrine of Schole-men taken out of S. Augustine and other Fathers , that albeit a ly is lawfull in no case ; yet often may it be lawfull to conceale a truth , for that he handling those wordes of the Psalme , Thou shalt destroy all those which speake lyes . he saith : Aliud est mentiri , aliud verum occultare ; aliud est falsum dicere , aliud verum tacere . It is a different thing to ly & to conceale a truth ; one thing to speake that which is false , another thing to hold our peace in that which is true . And then concludeth : Non est ergo culpandum aliquando verum tacere &c. It is not therfore to be reprehended if a man sometimes doe not vtter a truth ; which hardly can be performed in sundry cases without some amphibology or Equiuocation of speech , & consequently that this may be without lying . And heerof one example may serue for all , taken out of Hieremy the Prophet , who hauing had a long conference in secret with Sedechias the King in Hierusalem , & told him many thinges of the will of God about his voluntary yeelding to the Chaldeans and army of Nabuchodonosor , King Sedechias in conclusion said thus vnto him : Nullus sciat verba haec &c. Let no man know those wordes that thou hast spoken vnto me , and thou shalt not dye , & if the Princes or Noble men of my Kingdome shall heare that thou hast spoken with me , and shall come vnto thee and say , tell vs what thou hast talked with the King , and the King with thee , and see thou hide nothing from vs , thou shalt say vnto them &c. And the said Princes came to Hieremy , and examined him , and he spake vnto them according to all the wordes which the King had commanded him , and so they left him . 33. Thus far the Scripture , and no man can probably imagine but that in this recapitulation made by Hieremy vnto the Princes , of so long a conference had with the King in secret , but that for couering of those thinges which the King would not haue to be vttered , and the Noble men were greedy to know , in such a dangerous and suspicious time of seige as that was , Hieremy himself being held for more then half a traitour to his countrey , for that he perswaded men to yeeld themselues to the common enemy ; no doubt ( I say ) but that in so strait an examinatiō as they would make about that matter , in whose power his life and death ( as the Scripture signifieth ) did ly , diuers Equiuocations of speeches must necessaryly be vsed by him , though alwaies with a true sense in his meaning , which is the difference betweene Equiuocation and lying , as after more particulerly shall be shewed , if first we set downe one other consideration for better declaring the difference in these two thinges , and how farre those are from approbation of lying who in some cases doe admit Equiuocation in our doctrine . The fifth Consideration . §. 5. 34. IN the fifth place it may be considered about this matter , how farre the teachers or allowers of Equiuocation are from teaching or allowing of lies , which is the ordinary calumniation of this malicious Minister throughout his whole seditious booke ; which if it be proued to be a false charge , then falleth all his accusation to the ground , or rather vpon his owne head . Wherfore we must stād somewhat more long vpon this point , then vpon the former , to the end it may appeare how 〈◊〉 a Minister of Sathan this is , whose principall exercise hath euer byn to calumniate from the beginning : and we shall talke especially of the Catholicke writers of these last foure hundred years by him mentioned , and of the Popes of the same time , that haue approued the same doctrine ; for that of this principall accusation , that they made no difference betweene lying and Equiuocating , but expresly rather patronized the one as much as the other . 35. First then for battery of this wicked slaunder , we will beginne our confutation from the receaued authority of the famous learned doctor S. Thomas of Aquin , that liued and died aboue three hundred yeares gone . He proposeth this question in his most excellent Summe of Deuinity , VVhether all kind of lying be alwayes a sinne , and consequently vnlawfull for any cause ? And he holdeth affirmatiuely , that it is so , alleadging many proofes and reasons for the same . And the very same seuerity of doctrine in that point doe hold all other Schoolemen , aswell after him , as before him , and our Minister himselfe citeth Vasquez the Iesuite late Reader of Deuinity in Spaine , in certaine disputations of his vpon S. Thomas , affirming : Mendacium esse malum tam : intrinsecè , vt bonum reddi nulla ratione posset . That a lye is so intrinsecally euill of his owne nature , as that by no meanes it may be made good or lawfull . And the like rigour of doctrine teacheth the said S. Thomas in the next question after , against dissimulation and Hypocrisy , which he saith to be a kind of lye in fact , deceauing a man by exteriour signes or actes , as the other sort of lies doth by wordes : against both which kindes or sortes of lies or vntruthes he holdeth this conclusion , That neither of them in any case is dispensable from sinne , though in some cases one may be a lesse sinne then another ; and if this be so , how then can Equiuocation be permitted by him , if he held it to be a lye , as our Minister would haue it . For if , as Vasquez said , no sort of ly can be made lawfull by any circumstāce ; then must M. Morton grant , that it followeth by the same reason , that either Equiuocation is no ly , or els that Vasquez the Iesuite , and his fellowes doe not allow Equiuocation in any case whatsoeuer , & consequently that Iesuites are falsely accused by this fellow for admitting Equiuocation . But let vs goe forward , and shew his folly out of other Authors of no lesse antiquity . 36. Before S. Thomas , the Maister of the Sentences Peter Lombard , in his third booke , and 38. and 39. distinctiō , holdeth the same seuerity against all sorts of lies , and falsities , deuiding them into three sortes , to wit , perniciosum , officiosum , & iocosum , the first pernicious , or malicious that intendeth hurt without good , the second that intendeth the good of some without hurte to any , the third in iest ; all which notwithstanding are condemned for sinfull , and no wayes to be practised or tolerated for any cause whatsoeuer , though the secōd two sortes may be oftentimes veniall sinnes only ; but : yet of such nature , and so intrinsecally euill of themselues , as neither for sauing our owne liues , or the life of another man they ought wittingly to be committed , as out of S. Augustine also , by him and other Schoolemen alleadged is confirmed : yea they alleadge eight seuerall kinds , sortes , or degrees of lies out of the same S. Augustine , some farre lesse then others , but yet none allowable , and so they conclude with this sentence of the said Doctor : Quisquis verò aliquod genus esse mendacij , quod peccatum non sit , putauerit , decipit seipsum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se deceptorem aliorum arbitretur . Whosoeuer shall thinke that there is any kind of lye , which is not sinne , he 〈◊〉 deceaueth himselfe by thinking that he may be an honest deceauer of other men . 37. This is the doctrine of the Maister of Sentences , for foure hundred yeares past , and of other Schoole Doctors ensuing after him , vnto our time , wherin yow see how rigorous they are in condemning lying , wheron this Minister Thomas Morton either by chaūce , or his good happe stumbling , found store of matter to wrangle with vs in this controuersy , and to make a shew of some reading of different Authors , wherin otherwise he must haue byn very briefe and dry . For whatsoeuer he hath of ostentation in this behalfe against Equiuocation , is stolne 〈◊〉 of the said Maister of Sentences , and Fathers by him alleadged , spoken , and meant by them against lying , and not Equiuocation . And is not this a goodly manhood trow yow ? deserueth he not a laurell for this conquest ? Our Authors detest lying , and admit in some cases Equiuocation , he applieth their detestation to Equiuocation , or their admittance to lies , and saith , that he deuideth our tongues , & turneth our owne Authors against vs : what a ridiculous toy and foolery is this ? But let vs see yet somewhat further . 38. The same Schoole Doctors stay not heere , but doe passe on to many other particularities for shewing their detestation against the foresaid kind of lying , for fauouring wherof they are brought into question by this Minister . As for example , wheras they write that God is omnipotent , and can doe all thinges , and vse his creatures to what end and vse it shall please him ; yet cannot he neither by his ordinary , nor absolute power , either by himselfe , or by another concurre to the making of a lye fraudulently to deceaue the vnderstāding of man or Angell , or induce another so to deceaue the same , with intention indeed of deceipt or fallacy . Of which point of doctrine the said Schoole-Doctors and others after them doe dispute largely vpon the third article of S. Thomas his second Part , and first question of his Summe of Deuinity , demaunding this doubt : VVhether any kind of deceipt or falsity by any meanes , mediatly , or immediatly , may proceed from God ; which they hold negatiuely , that it is impossible , he being truth it selfe , and the fountaine of all truth and sincerity in others . And albeit there be many and great arguments : alleadged out of Scriptures , which in shew doe proue the contrary , to wit , that God not only can by his absolute power , but hath also oftentimes in effect deceaued others , by meanes of wicked spirites , as S. Augustine also holdeth , and is euident by many places of Scripture , as 2. Reg. 22. where to deceaue Achab , it is said : Dedit Dominus spiritum mendacem in ore omnium Prophetarum . God gaue a lying spirit in the mouth of all his false Prophettes . And Esay 63. Ezech. 14. Iob 12. Rom. 1. it is said expressely , that God deliuereth men into a reprobate sense , which is the worst sort of deceauing a mās vnderstāding that may be : yet to all this they answere out of the ancient Fathers , and Scripture it selfe , that God doth only permit men to be deceaued , and to belieue vntruth , but doth not concurre actually or effectually to the same by any cooperation of his to any falshood or vntruth whatsoeuer , nor can he doe it by any power of his , for that he should impugne himselfe which is truth . And this is the greatest and highest detestation of lying vsed by our Doctors that possibly can be imagined : and yet will the lying Minister say that they are 〈◊〉 , Fathers , and patrons of lying . But let vs see more of our Schoole-Doctors in this behalfe . 39. Our learned countreyman also Alexander of Hales , liuing before S. Thomas , and as some say was his Maister , being held for one of the most learned of all Schoole-men that euer were before or after him , doth handle diuers questions very learnedly and piously about this point for detestatiō of lying , as namely one , VVhy theft and man-slaughter may be lawfully permitted in some cases and lying neuer . Also how it cōmeth to passe , that the least degree of lying that is to wit an officious , or 〈◊〉 , which in ordinary imperfect men is only a venial sinne , may come to be in men of perfection a mortall and damnable sinne , concluding thus : Quod sicut de Adam dicitur , quòd ratione status sui peccauit mortaliter , ita & iste ratione status in hoc genere peccat mortaliter . As it is said of Adam , that by reason of his high state of innocency he sinned mortally ( in eating an apple by disobedience ) so this man professing perfection of life in a religious state , by any sort of voluntary lying , sinneth mortally ; for which he alleadgeth diuers authorities of S. Augustine , as namely this ; Sanctus vir &c. A holy man that doth perfectly cleaue to God , which is truth it selfe , is forbidden either purposely , or rashly to vtter vntruth , and for that the Scripture saith , He that lieth killeth his owne soule , and againe , Thou shalt destroy all those that speake lies , perfect men doe fly with all care these kindes also of least lies in such sort , as no mans life may be defended therby , least they hurt their owne soules , while they goe about to profit another mans flesh . 40. Againe the said Father in another place : Tam sibi clausum deputat ad subueniendum hominem per mendacium , quàm si per stuprum transire cogatur . A good and perfect man doth thinke the way so shut vnto him from helping another man by any kinde of lye , ( though neuer so officious ) as if it were required at his hand to helpe him by cōmitting rape or incest : nay yet Halensis goeth further proposing this question ; Whether if a man did certainly know , that by any least kinde of lying on his behalfe , he might conuert an Infidell to Christianity , and not otherwise , whether he might doe it , or no , and then concludeth that he may not in any case , alleadging this reason out of S Augustine , that as it is not lawfull for me to procure another mans chastity by my owne sinne of carnality ; so much lesse is it lawfull to bring another man to the knowledge of truth , by my corrupting of truth . So this holy Religions Countreyman of ours , whose cōscience let the indifferent Reader compare with that of this irreligious Minister , who not only in iest , or officious lying to any mans good , either in body or soule , but in malicious lying , in preiudice of both , is euery where taken most manifestly , as before yow haue seene , and shall againe after vpon sundry occasions . 41. Well then this seuerity of doctrine is taught by our Catholicke Deuines , against the sinne of simple lying . But if we talke of lying in an oath , which is periury , euery man may imagine how much more earnestly the same is detested by them , in so much as the famous Doctor Nauarre before mētioned , who is held to be one of the most liberall , and largest in admitting Equiuocations both in wordes and oathes , with the due circumstances , and hath written three whole Treatises about the same : yet is he so seuere and rigorous against lying and periury , as he teacheth , that it is a mortall and damnable sinne to sweare falsely , euen in iest . And others yet goe further , auouching that it is damnable to sweare 〈◊〉 by euill custome , yea sometimes also though the thing in it selfe be true which he sweareth : the reason wherof they alleadge to be this , for that the act of swearing being actus latriae , as Deuines call it , that is to say , an act of highest honour to God , for that he is cited and alleadged in an oath , as an infallible witnes , the man that accustometh to sweare rashly putteth himselfe in manifest danger to sweare also falsely , & therby sinneth mortally , albeit , for that time he sweareth the thing that is true , but as easily would he haue done it , thogh it had byn false , in respect of his yll custome of swearing rashly , and consequently , no lesse dishonour and contempt doth he vse towardes the Maiesty of Almighty God therin , then if he had sworne false , which is an important note for rash swearers to consider of and remember . 42. Well now all this being so , will our Minister still stand in his obstinate calumniation , that we are louers of lies , patrons of periury , defenders & allowers of falshood , Doctors of deceauing , and the like ? will he still defend , that there is nothing but lying in Rome ? and that the Sea Apostolike graunteth out full priuiledge of lying , as before yow haue heard him auouch ? how then if I shew that all this , and much more against lying which yow haue heard out of the Schoole-men , and ancient Fathers , is not only allowed & admitted by the Sea of Rome , but translated also by the Popes therof into the corps of their Canon law , and so not only approued , but commended and commaunded also to be obserued ? Can any thing conuince more our Ministers Calumniation then this ? Let any man looke then vpon the second Part of Gratian his Decretals throughout the two and twentith Cause for fiue whole questiōs togeather , there he shall find not only the substance of all this , that heere I haue said , but much more cited out of all the ancient Fathers , Popes , & Councels to this effect . 43. For there he shall find set downe out of S. Augustine , and Canonized , the foresaid distinction of eight sortes or degrees of lying , with a reprobation of them all , where hauing cited those wordes of S. Augustine ; Non est igitur mentiendum in doctrina pietatis , quia magnum scelus est , & primum genus detestabilis mendacij ; we must not lye concerning doctrine of piety , or marters touching our faith , for that it is a heynous sinne , and the first kind of detestable lying : he passeth downeward by all the rest , excluding them one by one , and concluding : Quòd neque pro 〈◊〉 temporali commodo ac salute veritas corrumpenda est , neque ad sempiternam salutem vllus ducendus est opitulante mendacio : Neither is truth to be corrupted for any mans temporall commodity , nor is any man to be brought to eternall saluation by the helpe of a lye ; So S. Augustine : And so Gratian that alleadgeth him aboue foure hundred yeares gone ; and so all the Popes that haue Canonized this saying of his , & determined it for Canonicall law euer since to our dayes . And with what impudency then saith this Minister , from whence shall a man except priuiledge of lying , then from that place , where ( as your owne learned Bishop saith ) there is nothing but lying ; which in deed is lying vpon lying , for that Espencaeus whome he 〈◊〉 in the margent saith not so , there is nothing but lying , as in another place shall be shewed ; and if he did , yet the thing it selfe is euidently proued to be false by this , that we haue alleadged out of the Popes Canons , affirming all sortes of lies whatsoeuer to be indispensable . Let any man then belieue these fellowes that will be deceaued . 44. But the Popes Canons goe yet further , and doe decree , & determine out of the authority of the same Father S. Augustine and other Fathers , sundry pointes of greater perfection against the sinne of lying , as this for example : Quod non licet alicui humilitatis causa mentiri : It is not lawfull for any man to lye out of humility , saying lesse of a mans selfe then truth permitteth . And againe in another Canon : Non licet mentiri , vt arrogan●ia vitetur , it is not lawfull to lye , that arrogancy therby may be auoided . 45. And as for periury which is a lye cōfirmed with an oath , the said Canons are so seuere , as they doe not only detest the same , both in him that forsweareth , & in him that induceth another therunto , but doe also appoint greiuous penitentiall punishmentes for the same . As for example : Qui compulsus à Domino sciens peierat ( saith one Canon ) vtrique sunt periuri , & Dominus & miles : Dominus quia praecepit , miles quia plus Dominum , quàm animam dilexit : si liber est quadragint a dies in pane & aqua paeniteat , & septem sequentes annos . If any man compelled by his Lord , shall w●ittingly forsweare himselfe , both of them are periured , as well the Lord as the seruant : the Lord for commanding , and the seruant , for that he hath loued his Lord more then his owne soule : let him doe pennance by fasting in bread and water fourty dayes , and seauen yeares afterward . Et nunquam sit sine paenitentia , saith another Canon , let him neuer cease to repent , and doe some penance for this greiuous sinne , so long as he liueth . And heere is to be noted , that S. Anselme doth cite this punishment out of the penitentiall decrees of our ancient Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury , wherby it apperteineth the more to my Lord that now is of that Sea , to looke to this his Chaplaine , or miles Morton , and finding him guilty of lying against his owne often oathes and solemne protestations , as we haue discouered him in this our answere , to cast some little aspersion at least of penitentiall satisfactions vpon him . And if forty dayes in bread & water may seeme to much , let him fast some fower with contrition , and that perhaps may doe him more good then any bookes or writing against him . But to retourne to Gratian. He reciteth diuers other Canons out of sundry ancient Councels , Fathers , and Popes decrees , as out of S. Augustine : Homicidam vincit , qui sciens ad periurium hominem prouocat , he passeth a murderer in wickednes , that wittingly doth prouoke another man to periury : and the reason heerof is added in the Canon ; for that a murderer killeth but the body , this the soule ; nay two soules , both his that forsweareth , & his owne that prouoketh . So that Canon ; which me thinketh were seriously to be considered , by them that force others to sweare against their consciences , knowing or presuming probably that the swearers consciences are opposite to that which they are forced to sweare : and consequently , according to this rule of S. Augustine doe murther eternally both their owne soules , and those of them that doe vrge them therunto . Neither shall it be needfull to adde any more in this place seing the said Canons are extant to be read and seene by al , and allowed , authorized , and set forth for sacred and authenticall by all Popes whatsoeuer . 46. My conclusion therfore vpon this fifth consideration is , that for so much as Romish Catholicke doctrine doth teach and prescribe all this rigour , and seuerity against lying and periury , which in Protestants bookes , touching cases of conscience , we haue not hitherto seene expressed ; it may well be inferred , that if Equiuocation were held for lying ; it would in no case be allowed by the same doctrine , as lying is not . And that if the Sea of Rome did giue out priuiledges for lying and periury she would not authorize such seuere penitentiall Canons against the same , and that if nothing but lying were there , as Morton saith there is not , then were this lying also that she doth acknowledge these Canons , which yet is proued by the printed bookes that are extant therof : and to these inferences I doe not see what can be answeared , or brought to the contrary , except only our Minister would say , that all our Doctors are deceaued , in distinguishing betweene lying and Equiuocation , which 〈◊〉 he say , he doth first quit vs from lying wittingly , & consequently from lying at all , for that according to S. Augustine & all other Doctors , he that lieth thinking that he doth not lye , lieth not at all , quia non 〈◊〉 linguam ream , nisi mens rea , nothing maketh the tongue guilty of lying , but a guilty mind , and consequently T. M. hauing accused vs so often and 〈◊〉 of wilfull lying , hath wilfully slaundered vs , and heere vnwittingly cleareth vs. And as for the second , whether our Doctors doe well and rightly distinguish betweene lying and Equiuocation , shall now presently be 〈◊〉 in the sequent Chapters of this Treatise . THE SVBSTANCE OF THE CAVSE IS ENTERED INTO ; And it is discussed , VVhat Equiuocation , what truth , what falsity , and lying is : And some other points to this effect . CHAP. VIII . ANd forasmuch as all the Considerations laid forth in the former Chapter , haue byn set downe only by way of preamble , for better vnderstanding the true state of the controuersy ; it shall be now expedient , that we draw neere to the substance of the matter and yssue it self , especially being called therunto by the 〈◊〉 prouocation of our Aduersary , who hauing made that vainglorious entrance to his Treatise of confutation , which before we touched ; to wit , I am now to encounter this new-bred-hydra and vgly monster &c. And I shall proue this Equiuocation and approbation therof to be lying , and that no one Iota in all Scripture , no one example in all antiquity , no one shaddow of reason in the naturall wit of man , can be brought for any proofe or colour therof : After these bragges ( I say ) he passeth to another solemne vaunt saying : Now must we come into the listes of this conflict , and enter vpon our Equiuocatour to conuince him a grosse lier , wherby yow see his great confidence in the cause , which I cannot ascribe to any thing , more then to ignorance . For if he had vnderstood well , or weighed the points before laid downe , or these other which presently we are to adioine , I doe not see how he could haue spoken so confidently in so bad a cause . 2. For what ? will he hold that all kind of Equiuocation is lying ? If he doe , he forgetteth himself , for he granted in the very next precedent page , that one sort of Equiuocation ( which afterward we shall proue to be the only ) is no ly . For that hauing set downe , as it were , for a principle or foundation of all his Treatise , what we doe hold in this behalf , he saith , that we doe teach a double Equiuocation , the one mentall when any thing is reserued in mind , differing from that which outwardly is expressed , as when a Catholicke being demaunded , whether he haue any Priest in his house , may answere by Equiuocation that he hath none , reseruing in his mind that he hath none whome he is bound to vtter or discouer : the other kind is verball , when one word ( he should haue said also speach ) shall import two or more significations , as if a man should say yow goe to fast , or yow may not ly in my house , the word fast , may signify either fasting or hasty going , and lying may signify either remaining , or telling vntruth . And the like example may be taken out of Aristotle himself , of the word Dogge ; as if one should say , I am afraid of a Dogge , the speach is doubtfull and equiuocall , for that the word Dogge hath a triple signification , to wit a domesticall dogge , a dogge fish in the sea , or a signe in the heauenly spheare , wherin when the sunne hath his course we call them dogge dayes , of which some man being afraid for his health , may say , I feare the Dogge &c. 3. Now then these two sortes of Equiuocations being set downe , T. M. is forced presently to grant , that the later sort , whether it be in word or speech , is no ly of it self ; for who would say , that a man lyeth in vsing the different significations of any word or speach ? Who will affirme that he saith an vntruth , if for example , he being of a hoate & sickly complexion , and fearing the Canicular-dayes , should say , I feare the dogge , meaning the dangerous influence of that celestiall signe , or of those Canicular-dayes : so as now by his owne confession , ( for in effect he confesseth it in this place , and can doe no other ) this second part or member of Equiuocation , is no ly ; notwithstanding perhaps the hearer should be deceaued , & vnderstand the speaker to meane of a domesticall dogge , when he meaneth the celestiall . And of this more examples shal be giuen afterwardes out of the Scripture it self . 4. But heere is to be noted that 〈◊〉 , whome M. Morton stileth by the title of Oracle of all Logitians , setteh downe three sortes or degrees of Equiuocation : the first in word or speach , when it hath diuers significations : the second in custome of phrase : the third in composition of single partes togeather . Of the first he giueth the example before mentioned of a dogge , that hath different significations , of the secōd , though he name no example , yet this may be one , if I should say : I esteeme him a wise man that can hold his peace , it would be vnderstood in English for him that can gouerne his tongue , & this in respect of our English phrase or custome of speach , but in any other language it would rather be vnderstood for him that can liue in peace , or maintaine the peace he hath made with his Aduersary ; so as the Equiuocation or multiplicity of sense , riseth heere out of our English custome of phrase as yow see . 5. Of the third sort he alleadgeth many examples , and among other this : Possibile est sedentem ambulare , & non scribentem scribere : That one sitting may walke , and one not writing may write , in which sentences the wordes being taken separatly and a part out of composition , they haue but simple and plaine significations , but being compounded in this manner as they ly , haue manifest Equiuocation and amphibology in them , by reason of composition . For if wee vnderstand that a man sitting , while he sitteth , can walke , or while he writeth not , can write , which is , as Logitians say , in sensu composito , it is not possible : but if we vnderstand it in sensu diuiso that he that sitteth now may walke afterward , or he that writeth not now , hath power to write afterward , no man will deny it ; and yet are neither of those thinges falsities or lies but only Equiuocall or amphibologicall propositions , that may be true in diuers senses , and yet deceaue the Reader or hearer if he stand not attent . 6. But now whether T. M. will admit our former reserued proposition , which is partly 〈◊〉 and partly verball , vnder any of these three sortes of Logicall Equiuocations , I know not : but if he doe , then must he confesse the said proposition to be no lye , which is contrary to his asseueration in this place , saing that 〈◊〉 such Equiuocation is a grosse lye : and if he doe not , then must he acknowledge his Oracle of Logitians to haue erred grossely in making an insufficient diuision , which comprehendeth not all the partes of the thing deuided . For if the said mixt proposition be an Equiuocation , then must it haue place amongest some of these three kindes , or els the diuision should be insufficient : Quia latius pateret diuisum , quàm 〈◊〉 diuidentes . 7. But howsoeuer this be , yet M. Morton who euery where pretendeth great skill in Logicke , and therin also to be a cunning Aristotelian , calling the first ( as yow haue heard ) the art of artes , and high tribunall of reason , and the second the Oracle , shewing also some disdaine , when his Aduersary doth but so much as name Logicke in his behalf ; this man ( I say ) committeth heere one of the most childish absurdities , against both Aristotle and Logicke , that commonly can be committed by one that knoweth the first principles therof : for he maketh Aristotle to define the whole by the definition of a part , as if one should define a man by the definition of the body , or the body by the definition of one legge , or the whole science of Phisicke , by the skill of the herbal , or of the pulse , or in-sight in waters , which are but seuerall partes of Phisicke : euen so doth M. Morton , taking vpon him to set downe the definition of Equiuocatiō , therby to impugne our foresaid mentall proposition , saith thus : Equiuocation in word or speech ( saith the Oracle of all Logitians ) is whē one word , or one speach doth equally signify diuers thinges , as when one shall say , I am afraid of a dogge &c. which how wisely he applieth to his purpose to ouerthrow our proposition therby , & to proue it no proposition at all , shall afterward appeare ; now only is to be noted that these wordes are not the wordes of Aristotle in defining , but in deuiding Equiuocation , and the very first therof to wit , Equiuocation is &c. are fisted in by Morton himself , as also the Greek therof set downe by him for ostentations sake in his margent , for that Aristotle there making a diuision of three sortes of Equiuocation before mentioned , describeth only the first sort therof in these wordes : There are three sortes or manners of speach according to Equiuocation , and amphibology , the one , when a speach or word doth principally signify many thinges , as an Eagle , or Dogge &c. so as heere besides the sleight or falshood which is familiar vnto our aduersary , he is conuinced either to haue abused greatly his Oracle , in making him to erre grossely in setting downe a diuision of three partes of Equiuocation , wheras there is but one , or in defining the whole by a part only , as before hath byn declared , wherof would follow that his definition non conuertitur cum definito , the greatest absurdity that in Logicke can be committed . Or lastly ( which I easiest belieue ) that he vnderstood not Aristotle , though he would make a florish therof , & so following the bat in flying hastily without light , hath broken his head on the walles before he was a ware . 8. But to returne to consider somewhat further of the nature of Equiuocation , yow will aske me ( perhaps ) what is the proper definition of Equiuocation , and how is the former mixt proposition partly mentall and partly verbal , truly called Equiuocal or Equiuocation , for so much as it seemeth by that which hitherto hath byn said , that of the double kind set downe in the beginning , to wit mentall and verball , the second only may properly be called Equiuocation , that is to say , when a speach or word fignifieth diuers thinges equally , which I grant also to be true , if wee consider the proper nature of Equiuocation treated by Aristotle , and his particuler 〈◊〉 and reasons which he had in treating therof , which endes by his Expositours are said to be two . 9. The first as it serueth to discerne captious and sophisticall sillogismes , from demonstratiue and dialecticall ; to which end he alledgeth six seuerall kindes of the said captious speeches in his first booke of Elenchs ; and Equiuocation is the first , amphibology the second : which Equiuocation is deuided ( as yow haue heard , ) into three degrees before specified , to wit , into Equiuocation of speach or wordes that haue diuers significations ; into Equiuocation by custome ction of the dead , wherof we shall haue better occasion to set downe afterward many examples , which no wayes cā be auoided from vntruth , but only by some kind of mentall reseruation in the speaker ; though Thomas Morton striue and struggle neuer so much to fly the same : but the more he struggleth , the more he intangleth himself like a fox in a net . 12. His second conclusion also ( for two only he maketh conteining the whole subiect of his 〈◊〉 reatise ) seemeth to me very fond , simple , and vntrue , where he saith : Our second conclusion is this , that euery Equiuocation , whether it be mentall or verball , if it be vttered in an oath , though it be no ly , yet is it an abhominable prophanation of that sacred institution of God ; and I would aske him why ? for that whatsoeuer may be truly said may be truly sworne also , and without prophanation , so it be done with the due circumstances of truth , iustice , and reuerence ; an oath being nothing els , as Deuines doe define it , but the calling of God to witnes in any thing that is affirmed or denied . And as for mentall reseruation , I would aske T. M. whether a man may not aswell sweare , as say the foresaid sentence of the Prophet , wicked men shall not rise in iudgment ? And for verball Equiuocation , I would demaund him , whether a man may not sweare that which Christ our Sauiour saith and affirmeth to be true , as for example , Elias iam venit . Elias is come ; and againe of S. Iohn Baptist , Ipse est Elias , he is Elias himself , where the word Elias hath plaine Equiuocation in it , for that it signifieth both the person and spirit of Elias , and in S. Iohn was the one and not the other . And againe that saying of our Sauiour , Dissolue this Temple , and in three dayes I will raise it vp againe , the word Temple hath an euident verball Equiuocation , for it signifieth both the materiall Temple , and Christes body , and therby deceaued euen the wisest hearers , who vnderstanding the one sense , which was the more common , obiected the same to our Sauiour both in his iudgment , and vpon the Crosse ; and yet was there neither ly , falshood , nor prophanation in this speach , though Equiuocall ; no if our Sauiour had sworne it , for his word was of more truth and reuerent respect to God his Father , then our oath can be . And heerby may our Minister see his wit in setting downe so resolute a conclusion . 13. But there be many more examples as euident as this , as , Et ego si exaltatus fuero à terra omnia traham ad meipsum ; when I shall be exalted from the earth I will draw all thinges vnto my self , where the word Exaltation may haue many senses , as to be exalted to heauen , or to glory , which most men would vnderstand , rather then an exaltation vpō a Crosse , which Christ vnderstood , and consequently his speech was mixt with amphibology and Equiuocation ; as were also the wordes omnia traham , which may haue sundry senses , and some in apparence not true . And in like manner when he said of Lazarus sicknes , Infirmitas haec non est ad mortem , this sicknes it not to death ; and yet he died , and consequently there was a further sense reserued . And in the same place , Lazarus amicus noster dormit , our friend Lazarus sleepeth ; the word dormit signifieth Equiuocally either to sleep or be dead , Christ vnderstood of the second , his Disciples of the first : & will yow say that he did abuse or deceaue them , or vse prophane speach in this Equiuocation ? And yet further the same Equiuocation our Sauiour vseth in those wordes , Ignem veni mittere in terram , & quid volo , nisi ut ardeat , I came to cast fier into the earth , and what would I els , but that it burne ? The word fier signifieth both naturall fier , and zeale or feruour of spirit , and burning hath the like ambiguity ; and is this also prophanation , if it were to be sworne , as Christ did speake it ? of phrase ; and into Equiuocation by composition of single , and simple partes togeather . His second intentiō was to treat therof in regard of placing each thing in due order , in his ranke of ten Predicaments , or shew their relation therunto ; and for this cause in his first Treatise vpon the said Predicaments , he maketh that notorious diuision of wordes , so well knowne vnto Logitians into AEquiuoca , Vniuoca & Denominatiua , saying those thinges are Equiuocall which doe agree only in name , but are different in nature and 〈◊〉 , according to that name , as a liuing and painted man doe agree only in the name of a man , but not in nature , essence , substance or definition ; and the like may be said in the word dog ge before mentioned . 10. Now then wheras our proposition before mentioned with mentall reseruation , tendeth not directly to any of these two purposes intended by Aristotle ; and further hath no doubtfull sense of speach or wordes by nature of the wordes themselues , or their double or doubtfull significations , but only that it vttereth not all the whole sense of the speaker ; it cannot properly be called Equiuocall according to Aristotles meaning and definition ; but rather in a more large & ample signification , as Equiuocall may signify an amphibologicall , doubtfull , or double-sensed propositiō , in respect of the speaker and hearer , wherof the one sometime vnderstandeth the same in one sense , and the other in another . For which cause the most ancient Schoole-Doctors , Fathers , and other Authors doe vse in deed rather the word Amphibology then Equiuocation in expressing like kind of speaches as our proposition is ; which of later yeares only hath byn accustomed to be vsed in this sense , but the other is most ordinary with antiquity , not only among Philosophers , but also ( and that especially ) among Orators and Rhetoritians , in which science it is held for lawfull & most commendable in diuers occasions , wheror both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maketh mention , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a whole Chapter The cause then why the answering by such a reserued proposition , as before hath byn mentioned , is called by some Equiuocation , is 〈◊〉 by a certain similitude , thē propriety of speach , to wit that euē as Equiuocation properly by community of name in things of different natures by variety of significations in the selfe same wordes or speach , by 〈◊〉 of phrase , and composition of sundry sortes 〈◊〉 make different and doubtfull senses , & meanings to the hearer ; so in this case by mentall reseruation of some part of the foresaid mixt proposition , the like effect of doubtfulnes is bred in the hearers 〈◊〉 , and therby consequently is named Equiuocation , although improperly as Equiuocation is taken for any doubtfull word or speach that may haue diuersity of senses or vnderstandings . 11. But now to inferre herof as T. M. doth in his first 〈◊〉 of this his wise dispute , that euery such 〈◊〉 by mentall reseruation is a grosse ly , is not only a grosse presumption , but a 〈◊〉 ignorance also in my opinion , not to call it a grosse impiety ; for by this meanes he might cōdemne of grosse lying a great number of speaches of the holy Ghost , both in the old and new Testament , where diuers propositions are set 〈◊〉 and vttered with imperfect sense , somewhat being reserued which necessarily must be supplied , to saue the said speach from vntruth . As for example , where the Prophet saith Non resurgunt impij in iudicio : Wicked men doe not rise againe in iugdment : if the Prophet reserued not somewhat in his mind vnuttered , for the complement of this speach , as namely that they shall not rise to glory , as S. Paul expoundeth it to the Corinthians it would seeme an Heresy , & contrary to the article of our creed , I belieue the resurrection spirit or life in ner , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of maruaile of that she saw ; And againe the same holy Ghost talking of the immensity of Salomons wealth , said : Tantamque copiam praebuit argenti in Hierusalem , quasi lapidum , and Salomon made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as stones in Hierusalem , may a man sweare this without vntruth or prophanation ? what say yow M. Morton ? may a man swear this in your Lordes Court of the Arches ? & the same I demaund of those last wordes of S. Iohns Ghospell ; There are many other thinges which Iesus did , which if they should be particularly written , I doe not thinke that the world it selfe would hold the bookes that should be written therof . 18. How can this be true M. Morton in plaine and literail sense , and without some amphibology or Equiuocation ? and yet I thinke yow will not say it is a lye , being part of the Ghospell , or that it may not be sworne without abhominable prophanation . How then will yow , or can yow defend it ? Truly by no other way , but by the licence of a Rhetoricall figure called HYPERBOLE , which Quintilian defining saith , it is Ementiens superiectio , a lying exaggeration ; and yet will no true Deuine call it a lye indeed , & much lesse periury or prophanation , if any man should sweare it : wherby is made manifest , and apparent the childish vanity of our Aduersary in his former conclusion that euery verball Equiuocation is an abominable prophanation . And so much of this second kind of Equiuocation , which yow see how lawfull and vsuall it is , euen in the Scriptures themselues , and in the speaches of our Sauiour which is truth it self ; wherby hauing repressed somewhat the insolency and ignorance of this our vaunting Minister , we shall retourne now againe to the first kind of Equiuocation by mentall reseruation , about which is our principall controuersy . And for that our Minister affirmeth two pointes about the same , the first , that it is no proposition at all according to the true nature of a proposition ; and 〈◊〉 second that it is vntrue morally , & a grosse ly : we shall handle and discusse these two pointes seuerally in the two Paragraphes that doe ensue . 14. In these other wordes in like manner , Hoc est corpus meum ( about which there is so great a doe now throughout Christendome ) the Protestantes for defending their opinion about the Sacrament , must needes grant a verball Equiuocation , trope , figure , & amphibology , wherby they haue a double sense , and one far different from that naturall plaine and common signification , which all Catholicks hold throughout the world , which is the sense or senses which they & theirs doe frame of these wordes , wherby doth follow in their sense and interpretation that they are Equiuocall , according to the definition of Aristotle ; and yet did Christ vse them in a more sacred institution of the Sacrament , then was that of an oath ; and yet I thinke the impiety of Thomas Morton will not reach so farre , as to condemne Christ of an abhominable prophanation in that his sacred institution ; and consequently he may see that his second generall conclusion was but an inconsiderate , bold , vnlearned , and vntrue assertion . 15. And thus much of this second kind of verball Equiuocation , set downe and censured by T. M. which indeed is only true and proper Equiuocation , as before hath byn noted ( for that mentall in rigour is none ) and agreeth only to the definition of Equiuocation , deliuered not only by Philosophers , but Orators also , Cum pluribus rebus aut etiam hominibus ( saith Quintilian ) eadem appellatio est HOMONYMIA , vt Gallus &c. When one name agreeth to many thinges or men , it is called Equiuocation , as the word Gallus signifieth both a French man , or a Cocke , & some other thinges ; by which definition as also by these other descriptions alledged out of Aristotle before , is euidently seene that the first kind of Equiuocation by mentall reseruation , cannot properly be called Equiuocation but AMPHIBOLOGIA , ambiguity of speach , which stretcheth larger then doth Equiuocation , and is Genus vnto it , as Quintilian in the same place affirmeth ; and that the second kind , which consisteth principally in the diuersity of significations in wordes or speach ( such as before we haue alledged out of our Sauiours speaches ) is properly Equiuocation , & consequently he an Equiuocatour in this kind , which Thomas Morton saith , that his soule doth so much abhorre and detest . 16. I might moreouer to this purpose for further battering of this fond conclusion of Thomas Morton , alledge the vse of all Rhetoricall tropes , and figures , and aske him whether , as they may lawfully be vsed in speach , so likewise in an oath ? As for examples when Christ our Sauiour calleth Heretickes & euill Pastors lupos rapaces , rauening wolues , which is a trope called a Metaphor , may a man sweare it is true ? for that in nature they are men and no wolues . And so likewise when S. Paul wrote to the Corinthians vsing a figure called EIRONEIA : Iam saturati estis , iam diuites facti estis , sine nobis regnatis &c. Now yow are full , now yow are rich , now yow raigne without vs , you are wise , we are fooles , yow are strong , wee are infirme , yow are noble , we are base &c. might S. Paul haue sworne this which he writeth without an abhominable prophanation of that sacred institution of an oath ? I thinke he might , for that often he was accustomed to sweare , that is to say , to call God to witnes , that he spake the truth , and yet heere he cannot be presumed to thinke as he spake , or as the wordes literally doe import : where then is Thomas Morton in this his conclusion ? 17. Againe I would demaund of him whether a man might sweare , without prophanation , that speach of the holy Ghost , concerning the Queene of Saba , when she saw the wisedome , riches , & greatnes of Salomon , Non erat vltra in ea spiritus prae stupore , she had no longer THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER , VVhether a mixt proposition , partly vttered , and partly reserued in mind , may be a true Logicall Proposition , and Enunciation . §. 1. HAuing shewed hitherto aswell what Equiuocation and amphibology is ; as also that all Equiuocation is not lying , or rather that none is properly or can be lying so long as it remaineth within the nature of Equiuocation ( which yet afterward shall better be discussed ) and moreouer that simple & verball Equiuocation either in wordes or speach , may be lawfully vsed by any good man , to a good end ; yea & sworne also with due circumstances , if need 〈◊〉 without periury or prophanation ; and that our Sauiour Christ vpon sundry occasions did vse the same : Now we must restraine our talke to the former part of ambiguity , or supposed Equiuocation only , which is by mentall reseruation , to wit ( not to depart from our aduersaries example ) I am no Priest , so as I am bound to tell it to yow ; the first part therof being vttered , and the later reserued in mind , which so much displeaseth M. Morton as he would annihilate the same , saying first , that it is not a hidden truth , but a grosse ly , as before yow haue heard in his first proposition , and then , that it is no 〈◊〉 at all , if we respect the lawes of Logicke , which he vttering in the vehemēt heate of his spirit , hath these wordes : Consult ( saith he ) with the Ancient logitians , and proue ( marke what scope I yeald vnto yow ) that from the beginning of the world , in the whole Current of so many thousand generations of mankind , till within the compasse of these last foure hundred yeares , and lesse ; that euer any Logitian , whether Infidell or belieuer , did allow your mixt proposition ( which is partly mentall and partly verball ) or thinke it a proposition , and I will be ( which my soule vtterly detesteth ) an Equiuocator . So he . And we must consider of this last point first , and afterward of the rest ; for they are all pregnant as yow see . 20. And first to beginne with Thomas Mortons soule , I know not what it doth , or may detest in Equiuocation , but only perhaps the bare name , therby to seeme to contradict vs , seing it is so frequent in Scripture , as now hath byn said , and after shall be more amply proued : but sure I am that , that soule of his detesteth not lying , as by manifold examples hath appeared , and consequently it were sinne to admit him for an Fquiuocator , for he would infame the lawfull vse therof ; for that Equiuocation can not stand with lying , as in the ensuing Paragraph shall manifestly be proued . 21. Secondly is to be considered in these his wordes the large scope which he giueth vs , to proue from the beginning of the world , in the whole Current of so many thousand generations of mankind , that any Logitian held our mixt proposition for a proposition &c. Wherin I would aske him first , what he meaneth by the Cnrrent of so many thousand generations of mankind , or how many thousandes he thinketh them to be since Logicke was first inuented , or brought into arte , which before Aristotles time was either litle , or imperfect , though he confesseth in his Elenches that Tisias after those that went before him , & Thrasimachus after Tisias , and after him againe Theodorus had collected some obseruatiōs ; but how many thousand generations will Thomas Morton haue past from that time to ours ? S. Matthew in the beginning of his Ghospell recounting the whole current of generatiōs that had runne from Abraham vnto Christ , which were more then from Aristotles time to ours , saith they were but forty and two in all , to wit , fourteene from Abraham to Dauid , fourteene from Dauid to the transmigration of Babilon , & fourteene from thence to Christ ; and where then are so many thousand generations of Thomas Morton ? Is not this a very childish ouerlashing ? 22. But there followeth another simplicity much more notorious : Consult ( saith he ) from the beginning of the world , till within the compasse of these late foure hundred yeares , and lesse , that euer any Logitian , whether Infidell , or belieue did allow your mixt proposition , or thinke it a proposition , and I will be an Equiuocater ; By which wordes yow see that he excepteth against the Iudgment of all the Logitians that haue liued within the compasse of these last foure hundred yeares for triall , whether this sort of mixt proposition be a true Iawfull proposition or no , according to the rules of Logicke ; which if yow consider it well , is one of the most solemne fooleries that euer man of learning could vtter . For if he had excepted only against them , and their iudgment in genere moris that is to say , for triall , whether the proposition before mentioned be true morally , or in morall truth , as it is opposite to lying ; though it had byn presumption to preferre therin his owne weake iudgment before so many great and learned Deuines , and Philosophers as haue liued , and written in the time by him assigned : yet had it byn lesse maruaile , as proceeding from the ordinary pride of an Hereticall humour , exalting it selfe aboue all in such affaires ; but to reiect them all in the art of Logicke , as not able to iudge whether a mixt proposition be a true Logicall proposition , according to the rules of that science , wherin they were most exact , and eminent , and are knowne to haue byn the chiefe , & almost only Commentatours and expositours vpon Aristotle in that behalfe ; this ( I say ) is supereminent folly . For what ? Did Albertus Magnus , S. Thomas of Aquin , and so many others of that ranke know logicke ? Or to omit externe writers , did our famous Countreymen , Alexander of Hales , Scotus , Burley , Middleton , Occham and others know Logicke ? If they did , why doth Thomus Morton except against them all in this science ? If they did not , how did they write so many large and learned Treatises therof ? And for proofe I referre him to the last named VVilliam Occham his famous Logicke intituled : Summa totius Logicae Magistri Gulielmi Occhami Anglici , Logicorum argutissimi &c. And he shall find therin more Logicke then he vnderstandeth , and more iudgment then he can conceaue . 23. But to leaue this , and to examine the matter about this proposition out of his Oracle of Logitians himselfe , the said Oracle in his first booke of Resolutions , intending to set downe the laws of a good sillogisme , wherof propositions are the partes , defineth a proposition thus : Proposit to est Oratio affirmatiua , vel negatiua alicuius de alique : A proposition is a speach which doth affirme , or deny any thing of another . As for example ( not to depart from the argumēt of M. Mortons speach ) I haue a Priest at home , or I haue no Priest at home , the one is a proposition affirmatiue , the other negatiue , of which sort of propositions Aristotle according to the matter , or subiect he handleth , assigneth diuers diuisions , as heere in this place , he first deuideth it into Vniuersall , Particular , and Indefinite ; and then againe into Syllogisticall , Demonstratiue , and Dialecticall , and in his Topickes into Morall , Naturall & Rationall ; but for so much as appertaineth to our matter in hand , it shall be sufficient to note this diuision following , that some propositions be mental only , that is to say , conceyued only in our mind , and affirming , or denying any thing therin , as if they were vttered : and so according to all Deuines there may be mentall Heresy , when a man in his mind doth affirme , or giue consent to any Heresy in his hart , for the which he may be damned euerlastingly , if he repent not , though he should neuer vtter the same in word or writing to any . And in like sort Christ our Sauiour saith in the Ghospell , that there may be mentall adultery , when a man giueth consent of mind to his concupiscēce , though he commit not the externall act therof . 24. And now that this mentall proposition , is a true proposition in the nature of a proposition ( though not altogeather such as Aristotle treateth of in ordine ad 〈◊〉 , in order to make a sillogisme , as after shall be declared ) is euident ; for that it affirmeth or denieth , consenteth or dissenteth to somewhat in the mind : nor can any man doubt with reason , but that there is a mentall speach , aswell as verball . And Aristotle himselfe affirmeth it , when he saith : Ea quae sunt in voce , earum quae sunt in anima passionum notae , & ea quae scribuntur , eorum quae sunt in voce , those thinges which are vttered in : speach are notes and signes of those thinges which are in the mind , as those things that are written are notes of that which is spoken . So that according to Aristotle , as the externall writing representeth vnto vs a mans speach , so the externall speach representeth vnto vs the internall speach , affection , or asseueration of the mind . Wherfore of this there can be no controuersy , but that there is a true internall speach of the mind , affirming or denying , approuing or reiecting , consenting or repugning aswell as in externall speach , and consequently are there true mentall propositions to be graunted and allowed . And in this I thinke M. Morton will not stand with vs , though we confesse as I haue said , that Aristotles end and purpose being in his Logicke to teach vs to dispute by discourse of Enthimemes and Sillogismes , for attaining of sciences , he had no vse of these mental propositions , as neither of propositions by signes , or mixt of diuers sortes ; but only nameth the other two that consist in voice or writing , as only making for his purpose . But yet we must not imagine that he denied the other , which are cleerly proued out of nature , reason , and vse of humaine life and conuersation . 25. Wherfore the second member of this our diuision is , that besides the foresaid inward mentall propositions , there are externall also vttered in diuers manners , some by voice , some by writing , some by signes , some mixt or compound of diuers sortes , as to giue example only of this last ( for that the former are cleere of themselues : ) If a man lying on his death bedde , should say before witnes , I giue and bequeath vnto Thomas Morton &c. And then his voice fayling him 〈◊〉 call for a pen , and write a thousand &c. and then a palsey taking also his hand he should point towards an Angell of gold , shewing by signes that he meant a thousand such golden angels , I doubt not , but in this case Sir Thomas being a clerke would say in cōscience ( and so he might in iustice ) that all this were but one simple affirmatiue proposition , as if the sicke man had said , I giue and bequeath to Thomas Morton a thousand angels of gold , though it were vttered by him in three seuerall sortes of propositions , vocall , literall & by signes , as hath byn shewed . 26. And if 〈◊〉 be graunted ( as needes it must ) then why should he cry out , as he doth , against that other mixt proposition , that is partly mentall , and partly vocall ? why should he deny it to be a true proposition ? If he answere for that Aristotle did not handle any such mixt reserued propositions , he saith nothing . For that Aristotles purpose being ( as is said ) to treate of propositions in order only to Sillogismes , and argument , it was wholy from his purpose to handle any , but such as serued to that end , and so Aristotle handled no sort of mixt propositions at all , either reserued or not reserued : and yet yow see by the former example of him that bequeathed in his Testament partly in one , and partly in another , that in the common vse , trade , and conuersation of mans life ( wherof wee treate ) there may bee vse therof , as in like manner , there is of talking by signes , as deafe-men doe , who vtter truly their mindes by signes equiualēt to true propositions , affirmatiue or negatiue , and so are vnderstood : and yet Aristotle treateth of no such , not for that they are not , but for that they appertained not to his purpose : of framing sillogismes for attaining of science as hath byn said ; for which cause also he professeth to exclude deprecatoriam orationem , all deprecatory speach , and all Rhetoricall , and Poeticall tropes and figures , which yet , as we see , are fitly sometimes vsed not only in the common conuersation of men , but euen in Scripture it selfe , though they be not to the purpose of syllogisticall propositions which must be simple , clere , & plaine in their naturall signification without translation , figure , ambiguity , or Equiuocation , and consequently it is no good argument to say , that Aristotle handled not such propositions , and therfore they are no propositions at all . For that Aristotle ( as hath byn said ) respected his particuler end of Sillogismes , we ours of common conuersation . But our aduersary vrgeth yet further , and it is the whole force of all he saith , that this mixt proposition partly vocall , and partly mentall , to wit , I am no Priest , with reseruation of the other part , so as I am bound to vtter the same to yow , can be no true logical proposition : for that according to Aristotle , Euery proposition is enunciatiue , that is to say , it is ordained for signification to expresse some thing , but no mentall or inward conceipt of the mind is ordained by God ( saith he ) as a signe to expresse , or signify as wordes , and writinges doe &c. 27. Wherto I answere , graunting that euery proposition must be Enuntiatiue , that is to say ( as before hath byn out of Aristotle declared ) it must affirme or deny somewhat , true or false ; but this is not done only by externall voice or writing ( though Aristotle for the causes aboue mentioned , doe only name those two wayes ) but by signes in like manner as hath byn declared , and much more by internall actions and operations of the mind , which according to all Philosophers are three , the first simple apprehension of any thing ; the secōd affirmation or negation of the same ; the third discourse , when one thing is inferred of an other , as in arguing or disputing , as this is so , ergo the other is , or is not so . And to the first of these three inward operations of the mind and vnderstanding , doe answere outwardly three externall effectes , as to the first simple wordes , or speach , without affirming or denying , as in definitions without the verbe for examples sake , animal rationale mortale &c. all which is nothing els but simple apprehension of the thing , without diuision , composition or discourse . To the second operation doe answere composition and diuision , to wit affirmations and negations : and to the third Enthimemes and Sillogismes , that by discourse doe inferre one thing of another ; so as in our mind there passeth no lesse then in our outward speach , voice , writing or signes , but rather more , for that as Aristotle before saith , these outward actions , are but signes of that which passeth within . So as albeit the one part of a reserued mixt proposition , doth not 〈◊〉 aliquid ad extra , expresse any thing outwardly to the hearer ; yet it doth inwardly to the speaker . And if it be vrged that it must be vox , according to Aristotle , I answere , that as there is a voice in writing as well as in speaking , according to Aristotle himselfe , so is there an internall voice , as well as an externall , and an internall speach as well as an externall , which speaketh , affirmeth , or denieth to the inward eares as well or better then the voice , or letter to the outward ; which is sufficient to correspond to the Logicall definition of a proposition , euen according to Aristotles rule , though ( as hath byn said ) he defined properly externall voices only , and propositions consisting in speach or writing . 28. But our Minister will insist that it is not enuntiatiue or significant to the hearer : Wherto I answere , that the definition of a proposition or enuntiation nameth not the hearer , but that it be of his owne nature enunciatiue , affirming some thing true or false , whether the hearer vnderstand it or no. For when a man talketh to himselfe , though those that stand by vnderstand him not ; yet is his speach enunciatiue , for that it affirmeth or denieth somewhat true or false of his owne nature , though no man heare , as when a man speaketh to God , or with himselfe , or with men also if one should vtter a proposition in Greeke or Hebrew , which the hearer vnderstandeth not , shall not the proposition be enunciatiue , or a true proposition for that the Auditor vnderstandeth it not ? When Christ our Sauiour spake many high thinges of his diuinity , humanity , passion , resurrection , and other Mysteries which the Scripture saith that his disciples vnderstood not , shal we say that his speach was not enuntiatiue , or his propositions no true propositions in Logicke ? What will T. M. say to that prediction against the obstinate Iewes , They 〈◊〉 heare 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 , and shall not vnderstand &c. Meaning principally of the preachinges of the Apostles , will yow lay the fault that the Apostles speach was not 〈◊〉 or significant , for that the Iewes did not vnderstand the same . Hence then appeareth , that it dependeth not of the hearer to make the speach 〈◊〉 , or not , but it is 〈◊〉 that it be so of it selfe , and of his owne nature . 29. And so now to apply all this to our owne purpose in hand , this proposition wherof part is vttered in voice , and part reserued in mind , being but one simple propositiō , denying , that I am a 〈◊〉 , with obligation to vtter the same , is truly enuntiatiue of it selfe , though the hearer vnderstand not all , but one part therof only , and consequently it is truly and properly a proposition , euen according to the rules of Logicke , for that Aristotles definition agreeth therunto which our Minister before so confidently denied . 30. But now heere lastly he may seeme perhaps to make some doubt whether this mixt propositiō partly vttered , and partly reserued be one 〈◊〉 proposition , or no , wherof yet in reason there cā be no doubt ; for that heere is but only one single enunciation in the mind of the speaker , to wit , that he is no Priest with obligation to vtter the same ; heere is but one only simple negatiue enuntiation depending of one only verbe and negation that denieth me to be a Priest with that obligation , which is the thing appointed by Aristotle to make a persect enuntiation or proposition , which may be proued also by this example : If I should vtter those wordes of the Scripture ; Pater meus 〈◊〉 me est , My Father is greater then I , reseruing in my mind those other that I affirme them according to the sense and meaning that Arrius had , I should incurre , Heresy and be damned for this proposition , but not 〈◊〉 the former part , for that they are wordes of Scripture , nor for the later alone that are reserued , for that they affirme or deny nothing of themselues , as hauing no verbe ; and therfore they 〈◊〉 cōdemne me as part of the former , and consequently all maketh but one single proposition . For that for the first operation of our mind only , which is simple apprehension without affirmatiō , or negation , God condemneth no man , there being no consent at all therin , and consequently no merit nor demerit , but only in the second and third operations before specified . 31. And to this effect that the two partes of these and like propositions , the one partly vttered and partly reserued doe make but one single and simple proposition , we might alleage many other proofes , both by reasons , and examples . By reasons , for that they answere but to one only conceipt of the speakers mind that they conteine but one only negatiue 〈◊〉 , to wit , that I am no such Priest , as I meane , and finally that they haue but one subiectum , one copula , and one praedicatum ( Logitians know what I meane : ) for the subiectum wherof all is affirmed is I , the copula that ioineth togeather is the verbe am , and all the rest is the praedicatum , wherfore it cannot be diuers but one only proposition . 32. By examples the same may be confirmed diuers wayes , I meane both by prophane , and diuine . As first , if one should make an interrogation , & the other answere , all in effect is but one proposition : as if one should say to a seruant , Is your maister at home ? And 〈◊〉 answere , no it were in effect but one only proposition equiualent to this , my maister is not at home ; yea though the one part were vttered in signes only and the other in voice , or writing ; as if the seruant should answere only by a shrugge of the shoulders , or by 〈◊〉 : king his head , as in Italy they are wont , to expresse a negatiue . 33. But this is somwhat more perspicuous if the answere be ambiguous , as when Cicero was demanded by his aduersary in the cause of Clodius slaine by Milo , whome he defended , what time of the day Clodius was slaine , to wit before noone or after , thinking therby to intrappe Milo , Tully answered serò , which word signifying both towardes the Euening as also to late , Cicero meant in the second sense , to wit , that he was slaine to late , hauing deserued to haue byn slaine sooner , so as this only word serò conteineth the force of a whole proposition in the sense of the speaker , though not of the hearer . 34. And the like answere was that of the same Orator to a base fellow that hauing byn a cooke came after by riches to pretend an office in the common-wealth , and asked of Cicero whether he also among others that were to giue their voices would fauour him therin ? wherunto he answered , Immò , Ego quoque tibi iure fauebo , which answere hauing two senses by reason of the wordes quoque and iure , the hearer tooke it in the better sense , that he also would of right fauour him ; but the speaker meant , that he would shew him fauour due to ae cooke with a messe of pottage , and yet did not this reserued sense make it two propositions but one . 35. And finally I might alleadge all the examples that Orators doe vse and prescribe vnder the figure called by Cicero , Reticentia , and by the Grecians APOSIÓPESIS , as Quid plura ? What shall I say more , or what shall I complaine more ? which verbes say , complaine , or the like were reserued in mind by the speaker , and yet is it but one proposition ; so that of Virgil , Quos Ego ; sed motos praestat &c. Whome I , if I had them in my handes , would &c. All which later part is reserued in the mind of the speaker , and yet it maketh but one proposition with the rest that is expressed . And thus much of prophane examples . 36. But if we would alleadge all the diuine that might be cited out of the Scriptures , there would be no end , as that among other before mentioned out of the Psalme : Impij non resurgent in iudicio , wicked men shall not rise againe in iudgment , which though it seeme a whole proposition ; yet is it in deed but a part , and the other part was reserued in the Prophets mind , and expounded afterward by S. Paul to the Corinthians saying : Omnes resurgemus , sed non omnes immutabimur : We shall all rise againe , but all shall not be changed into glory , and how doe I know that these later wordes were reserued in the Prophets mind ? for that otherwise his other wordes that were vttered should conteine an Heresy against the article of our Creed , I belieue the resurrection of the dead , wherof is inferred that those wordes vttered , with the other reserued , made but one only simple and single proposition . 37. In like manner when our Sauiour said to those negligent virgins that came to late , Non noui vos , I know yow not , it made but one negatiue proposition , with other wordes reserued in his mind , to wit , vt saluem vos &c. I know yow not amongst mine to saue yow , or the like . And how know wee that these or like wordes were reserued in Christes mind ? For that the other alone had byn imperfect and false , for he knew them better , then they knew themselues , but he knew them not as his , and so was all but one proposition , or enunciation negatiue . And to deny that this was a true enunciatiue proposition , for that one part was reserued in the mind , and another vttered , is against all truth and reason , as now we haue declared , and might further by infinite examples , but that a few doe shew the force of the rest , and diuers of these examples out of Scriptures will come more fitly to haue their place in the sequent Paragraphe . 38. Wherfore to end that which now we haue in hand , wee see with what confident ignorance , or ignorant confidence Thomas Morton did so resolutly before tell , and promise vs , that if throughout so many thousand generations of mankind any Logitian whether infidell , or belieuer did allow a mixt proposition partly mentall , and partly verball , he would against the detestation of his owne soule to the contrary , be an Equiuocator : which if it be now proued a simple Hypocrisy , then may that sinfull soule of his begin rather to detest lying then Equiuocating , which may stand with truth , as now more largely we are to 〈◊〉 THE THIRD PART OF THIS CHAPTER , VVhether the former mixt proposition partly vttered , and partly reserued be a ly , or no ? §. 2. NOw come we to the chiefe point of this controuersy to discusse whether the foresaid reserued proposition be truly , and properly a lye , or no. Hitherto we haue handled that which lesse imported , whether it be properly Equiuocation , and properly a true and logicall proposition , and therin discouered the small substance and vaine cauillations of our Aduersary : but now we must examine that which is of chiefe importance , whether it be a ly , periury , deceipt , falshood ; and finally whether it be sinne or no , to vse the same in any case , or for any cause whatsoeuer , for that our Aduersary Thomas Morton his conclusion is both arrogant , and vniuersall , as before yow haue heard . Our first conclusion ( saith he ) is , that euery Equiuocation by mentall reseruation is not a hidden truth , but a grosse ly : Now with what rigour and seuerity our Catholike doctrine doth condemne and detest lying , euen in the least degree therof , we haue declared partly in the former Chapter , and for clearing the matter more in this place , it will be necessary to set downe briefly both the definitions of truth , falsity , lying , periury , deceipt , and the like , & then to consider , whether our former proposition doe incurre any of the foresaid imputations , or no ? 40. And first of all this word Truth is defined in different manner by diuers Philosophers , as also ancient Fathers , and namely by S. Augustine , S. Anselme , S. Hilary and others , who haue written of this matter . And S. Augustine in diuers places of his workes , and namely in his bookes De soliloquiis , & de vera religione . S. Anselme also hath written a speciall booke De ueritate , and it is a question , as yow know , that Pilate proposed vnto our Sauiour in his iudgment , but had so little care of the resolution therof , as he would not stand to expect the answere ; wherfore S. Thomas gathereth out of the said Authors diuers definitions , and before him againe our learned Countreyman Halensis gathereth eight , and holdeth that euery one of them is true in a seuerall sense , some as they respect God , the first truth & measure of truth ; some as they respect mans vnderstanding ; some the thinges themselues ; of all which number of definitions , two seeme to me most cleare , and effectuall , one of S. Augustine , Veritas est qua ostenditur id quod est ; Truth is that , wherby is shewed that which is in deed , to wit in the vnderstanding , as S. Thomas interpreteth , saying , that Veritas principaliter est in intellectu , secundariò verò in rebus : Truth consisteth principally in the mind and vnderstanding , and secondarily in the thinges themselues , for which cause he approueth wel this other definition set downe by a Philosopher , Veritas est adaequatio rei , & intellectus ; Truth is an equalling of the thing it selfe with mans vnderstanding , that is to say , when a man vnderstandeth a thing as it is in it selfe , and the thing in it self is in deed as it is vnderstood , then is it truth , and when this is not obserued riseth falsity . 41. For better vnderstanding wherof we must consider three sortes or degrees , as it were , of truth , and consequently as many of falsity ; for that as the Philosopher saith Contrariorum eadem est disciplina , the selfe same discipline or methood is to be held in contraries , let vs treate then of truth and falsity , as it is vttered in speach , for this is to our purpose , for examining of truth or falsity in our foresaid mixt proposition . 42. The first sort or kind of truth is when that which is spoken is conforme to the thing it selfe , though not to the mind of the speaker ; as if one should say my Father is dead , if he be dead , though the speaker thinke not so , then is this speach conforme to the thing , and it is truth in this first kind . 43. The second sort of truth is , when our speach is conforme to our vnderstanding , though not to the thing it selfe ; as If I thinking that my Father is dead , should say so , though he be not dead in deed , yet is it truth in respect of my vnderstanding , though in respect of the thing it selfe it be not so ; and in this sort : may a man speake false without a ly . 44. The third sort is when our speach agreeth both with the one , and the other , and is conforme both to our vnderstanding and the thing it selfe ; as when I say , that my Father is dead , and do thinke so , and it is so in deed ; and this is the most perfect kind of truth in speach , when there is an adequation of the speakers vnderstanding with the thing spoken , as the former definition prescribed . 45. And in contrary manner , there are three sortes of falsity , correspondent to these three sortes of truth , the first called materia , material only , when our speach is not conforme to the thing spoken , though it be agreable to the vnderstanding of the speaker . The second , a formall falsity , when the speach agreeth not with the mind or meaning of the speaker , though it doe with the thing meant or spoken . The third is when the speach agreeth neither with the vnderstanding of the speaker nor with the thing it selfe , & this is a complete falsity , as if my Father not being dead , nor I thinking him to be dead , should say notwithstanding he is dead , and these two last kindes of falsity , or either of them doe make a ly , and not the first : kind alone , for that the essence and formality of a ly requireth that the speach doe disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker : in which sense S. Augustine saith , Non facit linguam ream nisi mens rea , Nothing maketh the tongue guilty of a ly , but a guilty mind , meaning one thing and speaking another . 46. And this same distinction of truth and falsity is ser downe by S. Anselme in other wordes , thus : Sicut est veritas triplex , rei , cognitionis , & signationis , sic etiam est falsitas triplex , rei , cognitionis & signationis , seu enunciationis : As there are three kinds of truth , one of the thing it selfe , another of the inward vnderstanding , and a third of outward signification , so is there like wise a triple falsity of the thing it selfe , of the knowledge or vnderstanding , and of signification or enunciation . The first is in the thinges , the second is in our mind , the third in the voice or signe that vttereth : wherof he that will see more , let him read our foresaid learned Countreyman Alexander of Hales in the first Part of his Theologicall Summe in his sixteene question of falsity , and first member . 47. And heerby it appeareth that mendacium , a ly , is a particuler species or kind of falsity , in so much as euery speach that is false , is no ly , but only that which hath the essentiall point before mentioned of dissenting from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker . For if I thinking , as hath byn said , that my Father is dead , should say so , though he were not dead , yet I make no lye , but only materially , which may be without any sinne at all , and hereupon are there diuers definitions , and descriptions set downe by Doctors , and holy Fathers of lyes , and lying : first S. Augustine defineth thus a lye : Mendacium est falsa vocis significatio , cum intentione fallendi : A lye is a false signification of speach , with intention to deceaue . In which definition or description rather Thomas Morton doth interprete , that by the word vox , as the most vsuall and principall signe , wherby mans mind is vttered , S. Augnstine doth meane all kindes of signes , or signification whatsoeuer , either by word , writing , signes , or actions : for that a man may lye also in factes , as he proueth out of the Philosopher , in his Moralles , and S. Ambrose wordes are cleere : Non solùm in salsis verbis , sed etiam in simulatis operibus mendacium est : A lye consisteth not only in false wordes but also in feigned workes ; though this in rigour be not so much to be called a lye , as dissimulation . And to the imitation of this definition of S. Augustine , doe Schoole-Doctors frame diuers definitions to the same effect , as the Maister of the Sentences first out of S. Augustine : Mentiri est contra mentem ire , to lye is to goe against a mans owne mind and vnderstanding : and then againe of himselfe : Mentiri est loqui contra hoc quod animo quis sentit , siue illud verum sit , siue non ; To lye is to speake against that which a man thinketh in his mind , whether it be true , or false : For albeit he should spake a truth thinking that it is false , he should lye , as on the contrary side , he that should speake that which is false , thinking it to be true , should not lye , saith S. Augustine , nor be a deceauer , but deceaued : so as the very essence of a lye consisteth in this that the speaker doe vtter wittingly that which he knoweth to be vntrue , and not in deed meant by him . 48. And as for the other clause cum 〈◊〉 fallendi , with intentiō to deceaue , S. Thomas doth note that it is an effect of lying which is not necessary absolutly to the nature of a lye , but rather as an effect , to the full complement and perfection therof . For that a lye is essentially made by that as hath byn said , when a man wittingly & willingly vttereth for truth , that which he knoweth to be false , though he should haue no expresse intentiō to deceaue ; which deceipt is defined by diuers thus : Decipere est falsam existimationem in alterius animum inducere , diuersum ab eo , quem habet is qui loquitur ; To deceaue is to ingender in anothers mans mind a false existimation , iudgement , or opinion of a thing differēt from the vnderstanding of the speaker , which deception if it be in wordes or signes only , it is called dolus or fallacia , guyle or fallacy ; but if it be in worke , or deedes , as is buying , selling , and the like , it is called fraus , fraudulent dealing , wherof S. Augustine is to be seene in his second booke De doctrina Christiana , and S. Thomas in the second Part of his Summe , where he handleth this matter at large . 49. And now the nature of a lye being thus defined , it is deuided also according to the said S. Augustine , and Schoolemen after him into three kinds or sortes ; The : one made out of maglignity to doe some hurt , and no good , and it is called a pernicious lye ; the second to doe : some man good , and no man hurt , and it is called an officious lye ; the third that meaneth neither hurt nor good , but is made in iest , and is only a merry lye . And albeit one of these kinds be much more grieuous then the other , as namely the first , which of his owne nature is a mortall sinne , & the other two often veniall ; yet are all three euer sinnes , and neuer willingly to be committted , or permitted in speach or oath for any respect whatsoeuer , nor for any mans good temporall or spirituall , according to the receaued sentence of the said Doctors , as in the former Chapter hath byn declared . 50. Wherfore to passe on ; An oath is when any thing is affirmed with calling God to witnes therunto , which when it is false , and falsely sworne , is a grieuous sinne , named periury , for the contempt vsed therin towardes the Maiesty of God , whose testimony is alleadged for the confirmation therof . For auoiding of which heinous sinne , three conditions are required by Schoole-Deuines , as necessary to be obserued according to the admonition of Hieremy the Prophet , to wit , truth , iustice and necessity , which latter includeth due circumspection and reuerence . 51. Now then to apply all this to our present purpose , about the former proposition , I am no Priest reseruing in mind the other clause , So as I am bound to vtter it vnto yow : Schoole-Deuines doe easely shew that such a proposition , according to the definitions before set downe , of truth , falsity , deceipt , lying , and periury may be in certaine cases , and with due circumstances truly auouched , and sworne without incurring any sinne at all ; and I say in some cases , and with due circumstances , for that hereupon dependeth much the lawfulnes of the thing . For that if a Priest ( for example ) should be asked this question by his lawful Superiour or Iudge , to whome the conusans of the thing demaunded , did lawfully appertaine , and that the said Iudge demaunded lawfully , that is say , according to : order of law and iustice ; then were he bound vnder paine of mortall sinne to answere truly and directly , : although it were with euident daunger of his owne life , or of others . And this is the common sentence , and iudgement of all Catholicke Schoole Doctors without exception , vnles sometimes the smalnesse of the matter it selfe should in some cases make it veniall , but of his owne nature it is damnable , because it is against the Maiesty of almighty God , whose substitute euery lawfull Magistrate and Iudge is , and against publicke iustice and the common good of each State and Kingdome , as also against charity towards our neighbour , and obligation vnto truth it selfe . Wherby it followeth , that albeit a mans present life or death stood vpon it , and that by denying a truth without swearing he might saue the same ; yet is it not lawfull to doe it . And this is our seuerity in that behalfe . 52. But on the other side , if the Iudge be not lawful or competent , or haue not iurisdiction in that matter which he demandeth : as if a lay Magistrate in a Catholicke countrey would enquire of matters not belonging to his iurisdiction , as for example , sacred or secret ; or that he should offer iniury against law to the Respondent , in the manner of his proceedings , wherby he should be disobliged in conscience to answere to his meaning or interrogatories , yea somtims rather obliged not to answer therunto , when it concerneth other mens hurt : then may he * answere , as though he were alone , and no man by ; for that he hath no necessary reference to him at all , nor to his demaundes , questions , or speach , but that he may frame to him selfe any proposition that is true in it selfe , and in his owne sense & meaning , though the other that heareth vnderstand it in a different sense and meaning , & be therby deceaued . 53. Neither is this to deceaue another , but to permit him that offreth me iniury , and is no Superiour of mine in that cause , to be deceaued by my doubtfull speach , and by concealing that which I am not bound to vtter vnto him : which kind of deceipt or dissimulation is lawfull , as in the precedent Chapter hath byn shewed , by the example of stratagemes in warre , wherby though many be slaine , and 〈◊〉 hurtes done ; yet nihil homo iustus ( saith S. Augustine ) praetereà cogitare debet in his rebus , nisi vt bellum iustum suscipiat , quod cùm susceperit , vtrum aperta pugna vel ex 〈◊〉 vicerit , nihil ad 〈◊〉 interest . A 〈◊〉 man in warre ought to thinke 〈◊〉 nothing , but that the warre be iust , that he taketh in hand , which being certaine , it importeth nothing in respect of iustice , whether he get the victory by sleightes , or by open warre . And this he speaketh by occasion of the direction of God vnto Iosue , when he taught him what snares and wiles he should vse to intrappe the inhabitantes of the Citty of Hai , as he did , to their ruine and destruction : and therby * all Deuines doe inferre , that such dissimulations & stratagemes are lawfull in iust warre , which yet S. Thomas doth limite out of S. Ambrose to be true , when the parties haue not giuen their word and promise to the contrary : but yet both he , and all other Deuines doe hold that these stratagemes are no lies . 54. This same point also , that it is lawfull in this sense to deceaue , that is to say , to permit another man to be deceaued by our speach or doinges , so we vtter no lye , is made most manifest by the example of God himselfe , who though , as before hath byn said , he cannot possibly deceaue , or make a lye , no not by the omnipotency of all his power ; yet are there manifold places in Scriptures to shew , that at least he permitteth men to be deceaued by words , & factes of his , & of so many holy Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , and other Saints gouerned by his spirit ; yea of his owne Sonne that is the most exact rule of all truth , for otherwise how could so many Heresies arise , which are all commonly founded vpon the euill vnderstanding of some wordes or sentences of our said Sauiour , and his Apostles , or of the Prophetes and Patriarches before them , which yet Christ & the holy Ghost did forsee , togeather with the infinite errores , and hurtes that would ensue therof ; and yet did not they preuent that deceipt , nor cease to vtter those speaches by which they knew that so many would be deceaued : nay as in the former Paragraph hath byn declared , Christ our Sauiour spake 〈◊〉 thinges doubtfull , ambiguous & Equiuocall in themselues , that had or might haue different meaninges and interpretations ; & yet I presume Thomas 〈◊〉 will not goe about to bring our Sauiours said speaches within the compasse of this clause of the 〈◊〉 of a lye , cum mentione fallendi &c. 55. Wherfore to returne to the application of both clauses of this definition of lying to our proposition , I say , that neither of them doe agree therunto , and much lesse both . Not the former , for that the speach agreeth to the mind , and meaning of the speaker , for that I doe truly and really meane that I am no Priest , in the sense that I speake it , which may be any that pleaseth me , or that I list to 〈◊〉 to my selfe , seing I haue no obligation to respect any thing what the demaunder speaketh or asketh , for so much as he demaundeth me against law and equity , so as I may meane that I am no Priest , such as I should be , such as I desire to be , such as is worthy of so great an office , and sacred a 〈◊〉 , such as he ought to be that occupieth the place of God in gouerning of soules , I am no Priest subiect to the demaunder , or obliged to answere his demaundes , or the like : and as if I were alone I might make to my selfe this proposition , I am no such Priest , and it were true , and not false , for that it agreeth as well with my meaning , as with the thing it selfe : so also now is it truly meant and spoken in my sense , though not in the hearers , and consequently the definition of truth before mentioned agreeth therunto , for that there is heere adaequatio rei & intellectus , an agreement betweene the thing , and the speakers vnderstanding , and so much for the first clause of this definition of lying . For as touching examples to proue the verity of like speaches out of holy Scripture they shall be alleadged more aboundantly afterward . 56. The second clause also which is intentio fallendi , intention to deceaue , is easely excluded from this our propositiō , both by that I haue said before of the lawfulnes of stratagemes , when iniuries are offred , and by the forme of Christes owne speaches ; as also by that notorious distinction of S. Augustine to this purpose alleadged , and auerred by S. Thomas and other Schoolemen , and related into the Canon law it selfe by Gratian , to wit : Aliud est celare veritatem , aliud falsum dicere : It is one thing to conceale a truth , another to speake an vntruth . And againe : Manifestum est ( saith the same Father ) non esse culpandum aliquando verum tacere : It is manifest , that it is not reprehensible sometimes to conceale the truth . And yet further speaking of the fact of Abraham , that desired his wife to say she was his sister , veritatem ( saith he ) voluit celari , non mendacium dici , his meaning was to haue the truth hidden ( to wit , that she was his wife ) but not a lye to be spoken , for that according to the phrase of Scripture she might also be called his sister , for that she was his brothers daughter , wherupon S. Thomas determineth the matter thus : Verbo mentitur aliquis quando significat quod non est , non autem quando tacet quod est , quod aliquando licet : He lieth in word who signifieth a thing that is not so ( to wit in his mind ) but he lieth not , that concealeth somewhat that is , which sometimes is lawfull . And againe in another place : It is not lawfull ( saith he ) to make a ly for deliuering another man from any kind of perill or hurt whatsoeuer , but to conceale prudently a truth by some dissimulation is lawfull , as S. Augustine in his booke against lying doth testify . So S. Thomas . 57. Now then in this our Case we doe affirme , that there is no ly or vntruth auouched at all , but only a concealing of that truth-which I am not bound to vtter vnto him , that demaundeth it vniustly . For as if Avraham had byn demaunded , whether Sarai were his 〈◊〉 , he might for concealing that truth which he would not haue knowne , haue answered yea , & this truly , & without a ly , according to S. Augustine , though in another sense then the demaunder meant : So in our case , for that I deny my selse only to be a Priest in that sense , which in my vnderstanding & meaning is true , and I affirme nothing false , or that is not so , but only doe conceale some certaine truth which , as hath byn said , I am not bound to vtter to him that demandeth , for that I am not his subiect in this cause , nor he my lawfull iudge ; nor if he were , yet doth he not lawfully demaund me , for that the matter in right appertaineth not to his iurisdiction , as hath byn said : in this case ( I say ) my answere is lawfull and allowable by all the Catholike Deuines , Lawiers , and Canonistes that write of like cases , as after in a seuerall Chapter shall more particularly be declared . 58. There remaineth then only in this place to be considered whether I in this case doe deceaue or no , or haue intention to deceaue according to the second clause of the definition of a ly cum intentione sallendi , wherin according to that which before hath byn set downe , it is euident that my intention is not to deceaue in this propositiō , but to defend my selfe against the captious , and iniurious demandes of an vnlawfull Iudge , I speaking a truth in it selfe according to my meaning , though he taking it otherwise is deceaued therby , but without any fault of mine . For as in the examples before mentioned , when our Sauiour said to his Disciples of Lazarus , Lazarus sleepeth , and they deceiued therwith , answered , If he sleepe he is safe , Christ deceiued them not , but they themselues vpon his doubtfull wordes . And when the Iewes were deceiued with those other word s of Christ , Dissolue this Temple and I will build it vp againe in three dayes , the Sonne of God cannot be truly said to haue deceaued them , for that he spake that which was truth in his owne sense , and permitted only the other to be deceaued : so in the proposed case , the vniust examiners are only permitted to be deceaued , for that the Priest his principall intent is not intentio fallendi , intention of deceiuing , as the definition of lying prescribeth , or as S. Augustine in another place saith fallendi cupiditas , a desire of deceiuing , but rather euadendi desiderium , a desire to escape , and defend himselfe . And therfore , as if he should goe to one of himselfe without necessity , and tell him that he is no Priest , he being a Priest , might be argued of lying , for that his principall intent may be supposed to haue byn cupiditas fallendi , an appetite of deceiuing ; so heere the thing being euident that primaria respondent is intentio , the first and principall intention of the answerer is not to hurt or impugne others , but to defend and couer himselfe vnlawfully pressed , as he presumeth , that his defence is by speaking a truth in his owne meaning ( which meaning and vnderstanding of the speaker is the chiefe rule and measure of truth , as before yow haue heard : ) it followeth euidently , that it can be no ly , nor deception on his part , though by his manner of answering they deceiue themselues , which is not to be imputed to any fault of his . And thus much of this matter in this place ; the rest shall be more fully explaned in the Chapter that ensueth . THE TRVTH BEFORE SET DOVVNE IS FVRTHER DEBATED and proued by the assertion of Schoole-Doctors , Deuines , Lawiers , both Canon and Ciuill , Reasons , Practice of the Aduersaries ; and by the very instinct of nature itself . CHAP. IX . THat which briefly hath byn auouched in the later end of the precedent Chapter , about the lawfulnes of the former proposition , might be greatly enlarged many waies , if we would stand theron , or handle the same to the satisfaction of learned men ; but for that the compasse of this short Treatise beareth it not , and I must haue a care aswell of the capacity of the vulgar Reader as of the more learned : I shall only adde to that which hath byn said , some few more perticulars , in sundry kindes of proofe , fit for the confirmation of our purpose ; and in the ensuing Chapter lay forth some speciall and principall cases , wherin the said ambiguous Proposition or Equiuocation may be vsed , wherby I doubt not but that the whole controuersy will remaine cleere and manifest . The first Point about Schoole-Deuines , Doctors and Lavviers . §. 1. 2. YOw haue heard in the precedent Chapter , how Thomas Morton challenging vs to proue out of Logitians , that our former reserued proposition , I am no Priest , with obligation to tell it vnto yow , is a true Logicall proposition ; he excepted presently against all Logitians for these last foure hundred years , wherin Logicke most florished , and yet he calleth it , a new-bred-hydra ( to wit of foure hundred yeares old by his owne confession , ) and addeth further , Mark what scope I yeeld vnto yow : which if yow marke it well , is a very markable point indeed , for that after Aristotle ( by whose rules the said proposition is proued ) he can shew I suppose very few Authors that haue written of that science , vntill within the said foure hundred yeares : wherfore to except those , and yet to call it so large a scope , is a large folly in my opinion . 3. And the same I say of Deuines , which haue written within the said foure hundred yeares , commonly called Schoole-Deuines and Schoole-Doctors , against whome he excepteth in like manner , notwithstanding they be those to whome it belongeth principally to discusse , examine , and determine this matter , as afterwardes shall be shewed . And yet as though he had made no such exception , but admitted all kind of writers throughout all times in this matter , he maketh this new ridiculous vaunt : Shew vs ( saith he ) for your mentall reseruation , but one Father , whether Greeke or Latin , one Pope whether Catholicke or Antichristian , one Author whether learned or vnlearned , who did euer so fancy &c. 4. Wherunto I may answere , that if the maker of this vaunt had had but one dram of discretion , he would neuer haue set downe so many ones , to confound himself : for that presently we shall shew so many Fathers , Greeke and Latin to haue allowed of the foresaid speech , as had occasions to handle such Scriptures , as conteine like propositions ; and so many Popes to haue approued the same , as haue allowed the said Fathers sentences , or haue liued since the collecting of the Canon Lawes , wherin the said Fathers sentences are aboundantly cited and set downe : and that so many learned , graue & pious Authors haue byn of this fancy ( if it be a fancy ) as haue byn consulted in cases of most moment , that comprehend this controuersy . So as for this Minister to except against foure hundred yeares togeather ( which in effect conteineth a graunt of all the learned of that time ) and yet to challeng one Father , one Pope , one Author learned or vnlearned , sheweth a broken phantasy of an ydle braine indeed . 5. But now to lay before the Readers eyes some brief consideration what is reiected in the exclusiō of these last foure hundred yeares , about our point in controuersy , it is to be noted , that the science of Deuinity , called by the Greeks Theology , for that it is properly & immediatly about God , & matter belonging vnto God , hath growne frō time to time , according to the growth of mankind and to the most ordinate and excellent prouidence of almighty God , as S. Paul diuinely 〈◊〉 in diuers partes of his Epistles , which we shall heere indeauour to declare by this particuler deduction , that from the beginning of the world vnto the deluge , there passing aboue a thousand and six : hundred yeares , to wit more then from Christ to this time , set downe in Scripture vnder the liues only of ten mē , there was no other Theology in all that time , but only by speech and tradition , of Father to sonne , freind to friend , maister to scholler , & predecessour to successour : and from this againe vnto the time of Abraham , which was vpon the point of three hundred : yeares , the same was obserued : and from him to Moyses , which was aboue other foure hundred yeares , no : booke is extant that was written , though in these last foure hundred yeares from Abraham to Moyses God had his seuerall people , as is knowne , which were gouerned without any written word at all . 6. But Moyses hauing written the fiue first bookes of the Bible , commonly called the Pentateuch so many ages after the beginning of the world , and sundry other holy men diuers bookes and Treatises after him againe , vntill the comming of Christ ; albeit the sciēce and study of Deuinity was much enlarged therby ; yet was it barren in a certaine sort , in respect of that : which ensued after vnder Christ , in the writinges of the Apostles and Apostolicke men , and large Commentaries and expositions written theron by succeeding Christian ages , which in time growing to be so many and great volumes , partly of the said expositions and explanations of Scriptures , partly of Treatises , bookes , and dogmaticall discourses , partly of Ecclesiasticall Histories , partly of discussions and determinations of Councelles , both Generall , Nationall , & Prouinciall , and partly finally of resolutions & decrees of Bishops & chiefe Pastors , for directiō of their flocks , especially of the highest that held the Chaire for gouerning and moderating of all the rest . 7. These thinges ( I say ) growing at length to so great a bulke , & manifold multitude of bookes , Treatises , tomes , and volumes , as many men had not time to read them ouer , and much lesse leasure and iudgement to digest or conceaue them , with that distinction , order and perspicuity , which was necessary ; it pleased almighty God , out of his continuall prouidence , for his said Church , to inspire certaine men 〈◊〉 foure hundred years past , to reduce the said vast corpes of Deuinity , to a cleare methode , by drawing all to certaine common places and heades , and by handling and discussing the same so punctually , distinctly , and perspicuously , as any good wit in small time may come to comprehend the whole , without reading ouer the other so many huge volumes as before was necessary . And this method was called afterwardes Schoole-Deuinity , for that it did principally consist in disputation and discussion of matters exactly , by discending into particulers , and dissoluing all doubtes ; wheras the other manner of 〈◊〉 of Scriptures , Fathers , Doctors , Histories , and Councells , seuerally remained with the name of positiue : Deuinity , as contenting it self only with assertiue doctrine , without disputation or further discussion . 8. The first and principall Authors of this method , or methodicall study is accounted to be Petrus Lombardus Bishop of Paris , aboue foure hundred & fifty yeares past , who for that he gathered into the foresaid method of generall heades , all that any way appertained to Deuinity , out of the sayinges and sentences of Scriptures and Fathers , deuiding the same into foure bookes , and euery booke into seuerall distinctions , he was called afterwardes the Maister of the sentences , and many learned men in ensuing times wrote Commentaries theron , enlarging with great variety of matter , the said method which he had inuented . Others also made seuerall Summes of Theology , differēt in name , but in effect to the same imitation , wherof may be accounted one of the first , our often named learned Countreyman Alexander of Hales in Suffolke , and after him S. Thomas of Aquine , vpon whome many other learned men , since that time haue , and doe vnto this day write large Commentaries . Diuers also considering that this methodicall study hath two partes , the one speculatiue , which is handled principally by the exercise of our vnderstanding in dispute , the other moral , that apperteineth to manners and action of life ; sundry learned men doe betake themselues principally to this later , as more necessary to practice of Christian life , and cases therin to be resolued in Conscience . 9. And about the very same time , or little before , it came to passe by the like prouidēce of almighty God , that the same method was thought vpon , for reducing the Decrees and Constitutions of Councels , Fathers , Bishops , and Popes , apperteyning to Ecclesiasticall gouernment ( which grew now to be many ) vnto like general heades , bookes , causes , questions and Chapters , 〈◊〉 more facility of comprehending and remembring the same , the cheif Author therof being Gratian , a learned Monke of S. Benedicts Order : which laborious and methodicall compilation approued by Popes at that time , and from time to time afterwards , and expounded by the writinges and Commentaries of many skilfull men in that science , is called the 〈◊〉 as the other part appertaining to ciuill affaires , deduced from the ancient Imperiall Romane Lawes , is called the Ciuill-law ; and both of them concurring togeather , in this our cause , with the foresaid Schoole-Deuinity , and florishing more within thes last foure hundred yeares then euer before , as yow haue heard ; the exception made against them all by this our Minister , must needes be iudged for light , vaine and impertinent . 10. For he that will cast his eyes vpon the face of Christendome , for these last foure hundred yeares , & consider with himselfe that in all these ages , the most eminent renowned men for learning , conscience , and vertue in all those three sciences , or faculties now mentioned , and vnto whome for all doubtes , and difficulties appertayning vnto iustice , equity and truth , recourse was made , as vnto Oracles of their dayes , for the high esteeme they were held in among all men , he ( I say ) that shall consider this , and with what integrity they dealt in this affaire , and must be presumed to haue dealt according to their skill , for that they were not interessed therin for any temporall respect whatsoeuer ; he that shall but thinke of this , & weigh their vniforme and graue resolutions vpon this point , that a man pressed vnlawfully to answere by vniust manner of proceeding , may delude his demaunder , & not answere to his intention but to his owne , will easely see , what differēce there is to be made betweene these mens iudgmentes , and the clamours of a few vnlearned Ministers in this behalfe , that vnderstand not the grounds wheron the other , or themselues doe speake . 11. And to name some few examples ; who were accompted more learned Schoole - Deuines in their daies in France , Germany , and Flanders , then the forenamed Petrus Lombardus Bishop of Paris , Maister of the sentences ? Iohn Gerson Chancellour of that Vniuersity ? Petrus Paludanus Patriarch afterward of Hierusalem ? Henricus de Gandauo Archdeacon of Tornay ? Gabriel Biel a very Religious learned man ? Adrianus that was Maister to the Emperour Charles the fift , and after that Cardinal and Gouernour of Spaine for Philip the first , & finally Pope by the name of Adrian the sixt ? I might name also Iansenius Bishop of Gaunt in these dayes , and others of our times , but of these their learned works are extant , and vpon diuers occasions they fauour & defend the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in sundry cases , as in the next Chapter shall be more particulerly declared . 12. In Italy & Sicily also many might be named both for Schoole - Deuinity , Canon , and Ciuill law , but I shall be contented with them only , whose workes I haue had time to looke vpon for this point , as Gratian with his Commentaries , Pope Innocentius , S. Thomas of Aquin , Cardinal Caietan , Astonsis in his Summe written almost three hundred yeares since , Angelus de Clauatio , famous Siluester , Cosmus Filiarcus Chanon of Florence , Abbot and Archbishop Panormitan , Bartolus & Baldus most famous Lawiers . 13. But of the Spanish Nation many more , as Didacus Couarruuias President or Chancellour of Spaine , Martinus Nauarrus his Maister , both excellent Lawiers ; Dominicus Sotus Confessour to the Emperour Charles the fifth , Cardinal Tolet , Emanuel Roderiquez , Ludouicus Lopez , Antonius de Corduba , Petrus Nauarra , Dominicus Bannes publicke Reader of Deuinity in Salamanca , Michael Salon Doctor and Professour of the Deuinity-Chaire in Valentia , Petrus de Arragon publicke Professour of the same science in the foresaid Vniuersity of Salamanca , Gregorius de Valentia , and Ioannes Azorius publicke Readers in Rome , all renowned men for learning , science , & conscience , and through whose hands great matters haue passed for direction of iustice and equity both in foro fori , and foro poli , as Schoolemen speake , both for diuine and humane proceedinges ; and yet doe none of all these condemne or deny absolutly the vse of Equiuocation in certaine cases , but doe rather approue and confirme the same , I meane both lawiers and deuines , when they treat vpon these heades following , de seruando secreto , of concealing secretes , both knowne in the Sacrament of Confession and otherwise : de mendacio of lying : de iureiurandis , of swearing : de fraterna correptione & restituenda fama , of brotherly admonition and restitution of another mans fame wrongfully taken away : de Iudice , de Reo , de accusatore , de testibus : of a Iudge and his office , of the defendant , accuser , witnesses and the like , what they may doe or answere lawfully in cases that may occurre . 14. Neither are these Authors to be accompted as single and separate from the rest of the learned men of their ages in this point which we handle , but rather are conioined wholy with them , both in iudgment and practice ; so as what these men did define to be lawful , that did others in like manner both mainteine & put in vre in iust occasions , especially if they were of the self same order and ranke : So as when for example wee cite Siluester , Dominicus Sotus Caiëtan , Paludanus , Lopez and Bannes , of the order of S. Dominick to haue taught this doctrine without reprehension of others of the same order , we may inferre probably that all or most learned men of that Order throughout Christendome are of the same opinion . And the like we may inferre of those of S. Francis order in respect of Angelus de Clauatio , Astensis , Antonius de Corduba , here cited . And the same of S. Augustines order , by Petrus de Aragon and Michael Salon . And of the most ancient and venerable Order of S. Benedict conteyning many thousandes of learned men , by that which Abbot Panormitan , and Gregorius Sayer our learned Countreyman haue written vpon this matter , and the later more largely then many others . And the like may be inferred of the order of Iesuits , by that which is extant written by Cardinal Tolet , Gregorius de Valentia , Emanuel Sà , Francisius Suarez , Ioannes Azorius , Ludouicus Molina and others . So as by these few witnesses we may take a notice of the whole body and corpes of learned men throughout Christendome ; for that Lawiers also both Ciuill and Canon , that haue written of the foresaid heades haue conformed themselues to the same doctrine , as lawfull in equity and conscience . And if any haue dissented , it hath byn in particuler cases only , as before in the seauenth Chapter and third Consideration hath byn noted . 15. As for example Ioannes Genesius Sepulueda Historiographer of Charles the fifth Emperour , whose authority Thomas Morton doth often times alledge against vs , though in the principall he make fully with vs in his booke intituled Theophilus ; De ratione dicendi testimonium in causis occultorum criminum ; how a man may beare witnes in causes of secret crimes ; yet in some cases he dissenteth from the foresaid Authors , holding singuler opinions by himselfe , but yet vpon such groundes as doe indeed confirme the common sentence of the rest , as afterward in due place shal be declared . 16. Wherfore to end this Paragraph about the Cōsideration of Schoole - Deuines and Lawiers , it shall be sufficient to haue named these few , and though I had purposed once to haue set downe in particuler the seuerall places of their workes , where they handle this matter , and shew their opinions in approbation therof ; yet finally not to trouble the Reader with so many quotations , I iudged it best to deferre these vnto the next Chapter , where I meane to lay forth some particuler cases in which their seuerall sentences are to be alledged , and so we shall passe on now to the other pointes of his Chapter that doe remaine : only aduertising by the way , that if our few English Ministers that doe contradict this common receaued doctrine ( for I doe not thinke all to be so rash or sensles ) should be put in a paire of ballance , for learning , piety , and discretion , with these Authors here named , and that a man were to aduenture his soule with one party , I doe not doubt , but that the discreet Reader will easely see where it were reason to make his chose . And so much of this . THE SECOND POINT touching Scriptures and Fathers , For mixt and reserued propositions . §. 2. 17. ANd first of all I haue thought best for more breuity , to ioine Scriptures and Fathers togeather , in this Point of mixt and reserued Propositions , for that the exposition of the 〈◊〉 going with the text of Scripture , doth euidently shew both their senses therin , and conioine both their testimonies . For if we can shew that the holy Ghost in Scriptures doth vse such doubtfull and ambiguous propositions as is that , I am no Priest , with some mentall reseruation , equall vnto this of ours , with obligation to reueale &c. ) and that by ordinary sound and signification of the wordes vttered , the hearer may be deceaued , and take it in one sense , and the speaker by the part reserued in his mind may truly vnderstand it in another , and that the ancient Fathers doe by their expositions confirme the same , then doe we proue directly our purpose , both out of Scriptures and out of Fathers in like manner , notwithstanding Thomas Mortons vaine assertion , that not one Iota in all Scriptures , not one example in all Catholicke antiquity &c. And albeit I haue shewed diuers examples already in the two precedent Chapters , that doe conuince most euidently that which we are to proue ; yet for that we haue not vrged before the exposition of Fathers vpō those places , we meane heere out of the aboundance that we haue , to adioine sundry other testimonies , to the end the matter may remaine vndoubted . 18. And we shall begin with an example so cleere , as it shall be like to that of ours in all pointes , if we chang only the names of the persons , and conditions of 〈◊〉 that spake and heard . As that example of S. Iohn 〈◊〉 , who being examined and demaunded by them that were sent vnto him from the Iewes , whether he were a Prophet or no , he deined it . Propheta es tu ? Et respondit non : Are yow a Prophet ? and he answered no ; and yet he meant not absolutly to deny himself to be a Prophet , for that it had byn false both in respect of that his Father Zacharias had prophecied of him in his natiuity , Et tu puer Propheta Altissimi vocaberis &c. And thou child shalt be called the Prophet of the Highest , for that thou shalt goe before his face to prepare his wayes ; as also for that the testimony of Christ himself in S. Mathewes Ghospell is cleare , Quid 〈◊〉 videre ? Prophetam ? etiam dico vobis & plus quàm Prophetam : What went yow forth to see in the desert ? A Prophet ? yea I say vnto yow , and more then a Prophet . Wherunto our said Sauiour in S. Lukes Ghospell addeth , 〈◊〉 inter natos multerum Propheta Iohanne Baptista nemo est , there is no greater Prophet among the children of women then Iohn Baptist. 19. Heere then yow see a proposition vttered by the holy Ghost , that of it self is ambiguous and of a doubtfull sense , and according to the ordinary sound and sense of the wordes vttered , seemeth false , no lesse then our proposition I am no Priest. For as this may be refuted by them that know me to be a Priest , and as Thomas Morton still vrgeth ( though fondly , ) is contrary to my knowledge and conscience , that know my self to be a Priest : so heer S. Iohns deniall , that he is a Prophet , may be refuted by Scripture , and must needes be contrary to his owne knowledge & conscience also , after Mortons manner of vrging , 〈◊〉 that he could not but know himself to be a Prophet , & is no lesse subiect to the calumniation of lying , then our speech of denying my self to be a Priest , except it be saued by some mentall reseruation , which he vttered not in wordes . 20. But now what this reseruation was , is not so cleere among ancient Fathers , though all doe agree that there was some , & consequently doe stand with vs against Morton , that some such reseruation may be vsed . And first S. Chrisostome , S. Cyrill , Origen , Theophilactus , Euthimius , Apollinarius , and other Greek writers doe thinke this 〈◊〉 to haue byn in S. Iohns speech , that he was not that great Prophet promised in Deutronomy to come at the time of the Messias , of whome Moyses said : Thy Lord shall raise vp vnto thee a Prophet out of thy owne Nation , and among thy owne Brethren , as he hath raised me , and him shalt thou heare , meaning of Christ himself . And their proofe for this is , for that in Greek , the article ( ho ) is ioined with PROPHETES , which signifieth commonly an excellency , eminency or singularity of the thing when it is added : so as these Fathers will haue S. Iohns meaning to be , I am not that eminent and singuler Prophet mentioned by Moyses , which indeed as hath byn said was Christ himself . 21. But other Fathers , as S. Augustine and S. Gregory doe vnderstand another reseruation to haue byn in S. Iohns mind , to wit that he was not only a Prophet , but more then a Prophet as Christ said of him , & therfore denied himself to be a Prophet : As if a Bishop should deny himself to be a Priest , for that he is more then a Priest. But Rupertus and some others doe interprete this reseruation of S. Iohn to haue byn that he was no Prophet , by ordinary office to foretell Christ as other Prophets did ; but only that he was a Prophet in spirit and vertue , to shew Christ present : So as heere are diuers reseruatiōs discouered by these Fathers , which doe make the proposition true , that otherwise would be false , and consequently all these Fathers doe agree , that there may be a true mixt proposition , partly vttered and partly reserued , and therby true in one sense and false in another , and one way vnderstood by the hearer , and another way meant by the speaker , which is properly the Equiuocation that we spake of in this place , and is foolishly condemned by Thomas Morton for grosse lying . 22. And albeit I meane to make a seuerall Chapter afterward of his wise argumentes that he alledgeth to proue his purpose ; yet will I not pretermit in this place , to touch one solemne foolery of his vsed to cōuince ( as he saith ) the former answere I am no Priest , with the referuation , to tell yow , of a manifest ly . And to performe this , he will needes leaue for a time the Schoole of Aristotle , and his forme of disputing , and fall to Socraticall demaundes and interrogations . Suffer me ( saith he ) Socratically to debate this point with yow , and answere me friendly to these demaundes . Quest. when being asked whether yow are a Priest , yow 〈◊〉 no , what signification hath this word no ? Answ. It doth signify directly I am no Priest. Quest. And yet yow thinke yow are a Priest ? Answ. Yea I know it . Quest. Wherwith doe yow know it ? Answ. By my inward mind and vnderstanding , my conscience testifying this vnto me . Quest. Can conscience beare witnes , then can it also speake ? Answ. It speaketh as verily to my inward soule , as my tongue speaketh sensibly to your eares &c. Quest. Then will this be as true , that when your cōscience affirmeth that which your tongue denieth , that your tongue speaketh against your conscience , and this is that which we haue proued to be flat lying : a Conclusion that no art of Equiuocation can possibly auoid . Lo heere the victory of Thomas Morton , which he might take against S. Iohn Baptist , for denying himself to be a Prophet , asmuch as against an English Priest , for answering in such a case , I am no Priest. 23. For let vs suppose it had byn as punishable in Iury to haue byn a Prophet in S. Iohns time , as it is now to be a Priest in England , and that he had byn demaunded , as he was by those Priestes and Scribes , whether he were a Prophet or no , & he answering no , I would argue by interrogations , as Morton doth , what signification hath this word no ? And then S. Iohn must answere , as Thomas Morton answereth for him I am no Prophet , which had byn a direct ly in Mortons doctrine , for that his tongue denieth the thing which his cōscience testifieth , knowing that he is a Prophet : and will Morton stand to this his impious processe against S. Iohn , or wil he haue me to tell him his errour , to deliuer S. Iohn and our Priest also from his calumniation ? Let him know then , that this negatiue no , when he saith , I am no Priest , doth not fall only vpon the wordes vttered , according to the sense of the hearer ; but vpon the whole proposition , as it is in the speakers mind , and meaning : so as whē being asked whether I be a Priest , I answere no , the word no serueth to my signification , that I am no such Priest , as I am bound to vtter . And so in S. Iohns answere , he being demaunded whether he were a Prophet , and answering no , his meaning was , that he was no such or such Prophet ; so as this negatiue did not signify directly he was no Prophet , as Morton would haue it , wherby is fallen to the ground all his Socratical sciēce in arguing by interrogatories . It may be he desired to giue a tast therby of his fitnes to haue some office of an Examiner against Catholickes , for his sharpe manner of concluding , which now men will see that he little deserueth , but in defect of a better . 24. I might 〈◊〉 heere to this effect and purpose , that ambiguous and equiuocall answere of the said S. Iohn about Elias , Elias es tu ? ( said the Pharises ) he answered Non sum : Are 〈◊〉 Elias ? he answered , I am not , and yet Christ our Sauiour , that is truth it self , saith of the same S. Iohn : Si vultis illum recipere , ipse est Elias qui venturus est : If yow will receaue him , he is Elias that is to come ; and the later wordes make the sense more hard , for that it seemeth that he describeth the true Elias in deed that was to come . But all the fore alledged Fathers , and others doe agree , that S. Iohns negation was true in his reserued sense , to wit that he was not Elias in person , as the demaunders tooke him to be , and Christes wordes also were true in his reserued sense , to wit , that he was Elias in spirit , though not in person , without which two reseruations , neither of their speeches can be verified , & with them they are made doubtfull , ambiguous , and equiuocall to the hearer , but not false . So as now in one and the self same thing , we haue both Christ and S. Iohn Baptist , for manifest witnesses of amphibology and Equiuocation ; & consequently it is likely that the thing is not so hellish , heathenish , heinous and monstrous , as Morton maketh it ; nor is it such grosse lying , as his first lying and vnlearned cōclusion auoucheth it to be . But let vs goe forward . 25. The next place shall be out of our Sauiours wordes to the Pharises in S. Iohns Ghospell , where he saith , Ego non iudico quemquam , I doe not iudge any man , which proposition without some reseruation cannot stand , for that it should be contrary to many other places of Scripture , as that Pater omne iudicium dedit filio , the Father hath giuen all iudgment to his sonne : and againe in the Actes of the Apostles , S. Peter auoucheth in his Oration to Cornelius , and those that were with him , that God had commaunded him and the rest of the Apostles to testify to the whole world , Quia ipse est qui constitutus est à Deo Iudex viuorum & mortuorum , that Christ is appointed by God , Iudge both of the liuing and the dead , which S. Paul confirmeth aswell to the Romans , as to the Corinthians , that we must all stand before the tribunall of Christ to be iudged by him . 26. So as if we take this propositiō as it lieth written without any mentall reseruation , it is false . For if any man should aske of me whether Iesus Christ be our iudge or no , if I should answere no , I should speake both falsly and impiously ; and how then may this negatiue be made true ( which as vttered by Christ cannot be false ? ) Surely by no way , but by a mentall reseruation of the speaker Christ our Sauiour , which reseruation the ancient Fathers doe seeke after , and lay forth vnto vs in diuers manners . For that S. Augustine , S. Bede , and Rupertus in their explication of this place , doe affirme , that the reseruation was secundum carnem according to the flesh ; so as the whole proposition was , I doe iudge no man according to flesh and bloud , as yow Pharises doe , for that the wordes of Christ immediatly going before were these to the Pharises ; Yow iudge according to the flesh , but I iudge no man ; but other Greeke Fathers S. Chrysostome , Leontius , Theophilact and Euthymius doe thinke that this cannot stand , in respect of the wordes immediatly following : Et si iudico ego , iudicium meum verum est , and if I doe iudge any man , my iudgment is true , which seemeth should not be so , if he should iudge according to flesh and bloud as the Pharises did . 27. Wherfore these Fathers doe propose another mentall reseruation of Christ in this matter to wit in hac vita in this life , meaning that albeit he hath full authority and power of iudging all ; yet that he came not into the world to exercise that power in this life , but only to instruct , comfort , and saue men , reseruing his exercise of iudgment vnto the last day , and in the next world , according to his owne speech in another place , God hath not sent his Sonne into the world to iudge the world , but that the world should be saued by him . And yet other Greeke writers as S. Gregory Nazienzen and Elias Cretensis say , the reseruation to haue byn , as Christ was ; man only , and of himself he had not power to iudge , but from his Father , according to that his saying ; All power is giuen me in heauen & in earth where he acknowledgeth to haue receaued all in gift from his Father . And others doe propose other interpretations and reseruations , but all doe agree in one conformity as yow see , that this proposition of our Sauiour cannot be verified , but only by some mentall reseruation , conteyning more then is vttered . And therfore these Fathers doe acknowledge the vse of mixt reserued propositions , euen in the Sonne of God himself , and consequently also of amphibology or Equiuocation , when need requireth . 28. But let vs see some more examples : when our Sauiour was called to raise from death the Prince or Archsinagoge his daughter , as in S. Mathew , S. Marke & S. Lukes Ghospell is recorded , and he comming to the house , found the people in tumult , weeping , and lamenting for her death , he repressed them saying : Recedite , non est enim mortua puella , fed dormit ; depart , for that the maid is not dead , but sleepeth ; & yet is it certaine that naturally she was dead , by separation of her soule from her body , which is proued both for that the people did know her to be dead , and therfore scoffed at Christ , for saying shee was not dead , but a sleep ; as also for that otherwise it had byn no miracle to raise her againe . So as if this proposition be taken 〈◊〉 as it lieth , without any mentall reseruation by our 〈◊〉 , it cannot be true , neither in it self nor in the sense of the hearers , no more thē in our propositiō , I am no Priest. For if our Sauiour had byn asked , Is this maid dead ? and he had answered no : this word no in the force of Thomas Mortons Socraticall argumentation must needes be the negatiue of that which is demaunded , and so , to vse his words , directly to haue signified 〈◊〉 she was not dead , which had byn directly false , if it had not byn extended to a further reserued meaning of Christ according to our doctrine , and therby the said answere made true . 29. Which mentall reseruation in our Sauiour , according to S. Augustines explication , and of other expositours was , that albeit she was dead in their sight , and vnto humane power : yet vnto him , and vnto his diuine power and will to raise her againe , shee was not dead , but only in a sleep . Verum dixit Dominus , ( saith S. Augustine ) nō est mortua puella , sed dormit ; sed illi , à quo poterat excitari . Christ said truly the maid is not dead , but sleepeth , to wit vnto him , that was able to raise her againe . So as by this reseruation , S. Augustine defendeth Christes proposition from falsity , & consequently acknowledgeth such Equiuocatiō in our Sauiours speech as we treat of . For as Christ being asked whether the maid were dead , and he answering no , saith no vntruth , for that the negatiue no fell not vpon the : wordes vttered only , but vpon his whole meaning , partly vttered , and partly reserued , to wit that she was not dead in respect of his power and will to raise her againe : euen so our no to that demaund , whether I be a Priest or no , falleth not only vpon the wordes vttered or question of the demaunder ( for so it should be false ) but vpon the whole proposition , as hath byn said , and so it is true . 30. I might alleadge almost innumerable places to this effect , as that of Christ in S. Iohns Ghospell 〈◊〉 of the eating of his flesh : If any shall at of this bread , he shall liue foreuer . And againe a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud hath life euerlasting : and yet S. Paul saith to the contrary , whosoeuer shall eat this bread or drinke the cup of our Lord vnworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of our Lord ; And further , he that eateth and drinketh vnworthily , doth eat and drinke his owne iudgment , or condemnation , for that he discerneth not the body 〈◊〉 our Lord By which wordes of S. Paul , it is made manifest , first , that the former wordes of Christ cannot absolutly be true , without some mentall reseruation or restriction in his vnderstanding , for that all eaters of his flesh , & drinkers of his bloud haue not life euerlasting therby , but some rather damnation ; & secondly is discouered , what this reseruation was , to wit dignè , worthily : as if he had said he that shall eat : worthily my flesh and drinke worthily my bloud , shall haue life euerlasting therby , which yet Christ vttered not but reserued the same in his mind , as yow see , and therby left the proposition ambiguous and equiuocall . 31. And in very like manner those other speeches of our Sauiour , If yow shall aske any thing of my Father in my name , he will giue it to yow : and yet we see by experience , that many doe aske and receaue not , wherfore somewhat is reserued in Christes mind and meaning ; which reseruation S. Iames vttereth in these wordes : Petitis & non accipitis , eò quòd malè petatis ; yow aske & receaue not , for that yow aske not as yow should doe ; this mentall reseruation then was in Christs wordes , when he vttered the foresaid generall proposition , to wit , that he which should aske , as he ought to aske , should receaue &c. And so againe those wordes in S. Marks Ghospell ; He that shall belieue and be baptized shal be saued , the reseruation is , if he belieue according to : Christs commaundementes , as after both Christ himself in the end of S. Mathewes Ghospell , and S. Iohn in his Epistles doe expoūd the same : according to which sense also , those wordes of the Prophet Ioel : VVhosoeuer shall call vpon the name of our Lord , shall be saued , are expounded by Christ himself , when he saith : Not euery one that saith , Lord , Lord , shall enter into heauen , but he that doth the will of my Father , that is in heauen ; which reseruation was not vttered , but kept in mind by the Prophet . And all these being mixt propositions , partly of wordes vttered , and partly of further hidden sense reserued , making the part that is vttered doubtfull , ambiguous , and equiuocall , as you see ; they doe all determine our controuersy most cleerly , and confound Mortons vanity most apparently , that saith , and auoucheth No one Iota to be found in all Scripture , no one example in all antiquity , for the iust proofe or colour of any such Equiuocation or mixt proposition . 32. I should vtterly weary my Reader , if I would follow all , or the greatest Part of that which may be sayed in this behalfe , for that alwaies commonly all Prophecies that are minatory and doe threaten punishment , haue still some secret-reseruation , if they repent not : as that of Isay to King Ezechias : Haec dicit Dominus , dispone Domui tuae , quia morieris tu & non viues : This 〈◊〉 our Lord , dispose of thy houshold , for thou shall dy , and shalt not liue , and yet he liued 〈◊〉 yeares after . If therfore the Prophet had byn demaunded ; shall not Ezechias liue any longer ? & he had answered no , vpon what had fallen the negatiue no ? If only vpō the wordes vttered , it had byn false , for he liued longer , but if vpon that togeather with the reseruation in the meaning of the holy Ghost , it was true . And the like may be said of the Prophecy of Ionas : Adhuc quadraginta dies , & Niniue subuerietur ; There remaine but fourty dayes before Niniue shall be destroyed , & so infinite other places . Wherfore in this Th. 〈◊〉 was greatly ouerseene in making of confident a chaleng , as before yow haue heard . THE THIRD POINT OF THIS CHAPTER CONCERNING Other Scriptures alleadged , And pretended to be answered by Thomas Morton . §. 3. 33. BVt now we must come to a greater conflict , which is to examine how our aduersary hath answered certaine examples out of Scripture , alleadged as he saith , ( for I haue not yet seene the writing it selfe ) by a Catholicke Treatise in written-hand intercepted , wherby the lawfulnes of this kind of Equiuocation is auouched , & by his answere to those that are cited by himselfe , we may imagine what he will be able to say to these other which haue byn here produced by vs , and innumerable others that might be alleadged . Examples out of the old Testament . First then out of the old Testament , he produceth two examples only , the one of Iacob , that told his Father that he was his eldest sonne Esau , which in deed he was not , and consequently we must graunt that either he spake false , & lied ( which the ancient Fathers , S. Ambrose , S. Augustine and others doe piously deny ) or els that he had some reserued further sense in his mind , wherby his said speach might be verified , and consequently his proposition be ambiguous , and Equiuocall . 34. But herunto T.M. answereth first , that Cardinall Caëtan , and diuers other learned men doe hold , that Iacob is inexcusable from some sort of 〈◊〉 in this his speach ; and for this he alleadgeth the testimony of Pererius a Iesuite in his Commentaries vpon Genesis ; who disputing this matter at large in fiue seuerall disputations , whether Iacob did ly , or sinne at all in this speach , saith , that the said Caïétan with some other moderne writers doe hold , that it may be graunted that the said Patriarch did commit some veniall sinne , by making an officious ly in that behalfe . But what ? doth 〈◊〉 himselfe agree to that opinion ? No truly ? But maketh this title of his last disputation therabout . The common sentence of Deuines ( saith he ) is declared , and defended , which doth excuse and free Iacob from all manner of lying in his foresaid speach , and then beginning with S. Augustine , who in diuers partes of his workes doth most earnestly defend the Patriarch Iacob in this behalfe , by many and manifold reasons , and authorities both from all ly and sinne , doth shew and declare that his speach was figuratiue , and not deceiptfull , conteyning mysterium , non mendacium , a mystery , and not a ly . To which effect one place out of his booke against lying shall serue for all : Non est mendacium ( saith he ) quando silendo absconditur verum , sed cùm loquendo promitur falsum : Iacob autem quòd matre fecit auctore , vt patrem fallere videretur , si diligenter , & fideliter attendatur , non est mendacium , sed mysterium &c. It is no ly , when a truth is concealed by silence but when a falsity by speach is vttered : that which Iacob did by the persuasion of his mother , as though he would deceaue his Father , if it be diligently and faithfully considered , was no ly , but a mystery . 35. And then a little after in the same Chapter talking of such misterious speaches , that seeme to say one thing , and yet doe meane another , he saith thus : Vera non falsa dicuntur , quoniam vera non falsa significantur , seu verbo seu facto , quae significantur enim vtique ipsa dicuntur , putantur autem mendacia , quoniam non ea quae vera significantur , dicta intelliguntur sed ea quae falsa sunt dicta esse creduntur . In a mysterious speach true thinges , and not false are spoken , for that true thinges and not false are signified either by the word , or fact that hath a mystery in it , for that in deed those thinges are spoken which are mysteriously signified by the speach , but they seeme to be lies , for that all men vnderstād not those things that are truly signified by the speach , but rather those thinges that are false are thought to be spoken . So S. Augustine . Wherby is euident , what he meaneth by a mysterious speach , to wit , when one sense is gathered by the wordes , & another sense truly signified , which the naturall signification of the wordes doe not beare , and therby a mysterious proposition must be called also Equiuocall in the sense that now wee handle , and consequently also S. Augustine must needes be graunted to admit this kind of Equiuocation without lying , wherby he so earnestly defendeth this Patriarch from all kind of ly whatsoeuer . 36. And with S. Augustine doe concurre in this defence of holy Iacob both S. Hierome , S. Chrysostome , S. Gregory , Theodoret , S. Ambrose , S. Isidorus , S. Bede ; and of later writers , Rupertus , Gratian , Alexander Halensis , Petrus Lombardus , S. Thomas and almost infinite others ; so as for Th. Morton to creepe out now vnder the shaddow of Caïētan , and two or three other moderne Authors more , against the whole streme , and torrent of so many ancient Fathers , and Catholike Deuines , is a ridiculous euasion , and worthy of Thomas Mortons defence , and full satisfaction . 37. His second example out of the old Testament , is that of Hieremy the Prophet , set downe by me before in my seauenth Chapter and fourth Consideration therof , which this Minister the better not to be vnderstood relateth only in these few obscure wordes , out of his aduersaries answere : Such Equiuocation ( saith he ) did the Prophet Ieremy vse . Ier. 38. when he tooke aduise of the King. This relation is briefe , abrupt , and darke as yow see , but we haue declared the matter with the circumstances in the former place , to wit , how Ieremy being vrged to make a repetition to the Captaines , & Princes of King Sedechias , that were tempted against him , of that conference which had passed in secret betweene him and the said King , of thinges that the King would not haue the said Princes to know , it seemeth by the text of Scripture , that albeit so great and holy a Prophet , sanctified in his mothers wombe , may be presumed not to haue lied ; yet that in so large a repetition wherin diuers truthes at the Kinges request were to be concealed , there must in al probality , passe diuers ambiguous , and Equiuocall speaches , for couering those truthes that were not to be vttered , and that so it may be gathered out of Hieremies owne narration in the text ; and therfore all Equiuocation is not lying , nor heathenish , or abhominable prophanation , as Thomas Morton would haue it . 38. This is the force of the argument : what answereth he therunto ? First , he saith , that our owne ancient expositor Lyranus in his Commentary , holdeth that Ieremy did not ly , but what of this ? So we say also , for that otherwise , we should graunt the Prophet to haue sinned , and Equiuocation to be lying , both which we vtterly deny . Secondly then he leauing quickly this first hold , steepeth to another , more liked by him and his , who would haue all men liars with themselues , and this is , that Ieremy did ly in deed , in that his relation to the Princes of Sedechias , if we iudge ( saith he ) the outward speach of Ieremy , was false ; yet is it not written for our imitation &c. And to this he applieth the words of S. Paul to the Corinthians : Let him that standeth take 〈◊〉 least he fall , that is to say into lying , as Ieremy did : and herwith also he giueth a generall note out of S. August . who saith , that all examples of the old Testament , wherin there may be any scarres of infirmities , ( to vse the wordes of T. M. ) are not to be imitated , which is true in S. Augustines meaning , who alleadgeth the example of Lot , in prostitution of his daughters , and of Dauid that swore rashly that he would kill Naball , & the like : but it was farre from S. Augustines meaning hereby to touch any such holy Prophet , Patriarch , or Saint , as Ieremy was , or to condemne them of voluntary lying : therfore here Thomas Morton sheweth lesse piety then folly in shifting of thus this place of Scripture . 39. And if it were a scarre of infirmity in Hieremy , to couer sometimes a truth by Equiuocation , or amphibology of some speach for a good and necessary end ; yet I hope he will not say so of Christ himselfe , nor lay his scarres also vpon him , though yow haue heard now already by many examples , how frequent that manner of speach was with him , vpon sundry occasions , and yow shall heare more presently , for that now we passe to the examples which he citeth , as alleadged by his aduersary out of the new Testament , and we shall see whether he will answere them better then he hath already done these two of the old . And if yow stand attent , yow shall see him confirme our part as clearly , as if he had written for vs , and against himselfe . Out of the new Testament . 40. THe first place which he taketh vpon him to satisfy out of the new Testament as obiected by his Aduersaries , is that our Sauiours saing in S. Iohns Ghospell : All thinges whatsoeuer I heard of my Father , haue I made knowne vnto yow ; & yet in the very next ensuing Chapter , Christ saith , that he had many thinges to say vnto them , but that they were not able to beare them away then ; Wherof is inferred that Christes former speach had some mentall restriction , or reseruation in it , as that he had told them all that he had receaued from his Father , that is to say , all whatsoeuer he thought conuenient for them to heare at that time , or 〈◊〉 fit to beare away , or to make their profit by , or the like , which yet was not expressed in wordes in the former proposition , but reserued in Christes meaning , & consequently that proposition was mixt , and Equiuocall in sense by this mentall reseruation ; what will Thomas Morton say to this ? For if a Iesuite should come to him , and relate him some case from another , with this asseueration in the end , that he had told him all whatsoeuer he had heard from the other , and yet the next day after should say that he had many pointes more to tell him from the same party , but it was not time to tell them now , I doubt not but that he would haue cried out , that the Iesuite had lied the day before , for the euill conceipt he hath of Iesuites in that behalfe : but if , on the contrary side he had held a good opinion of that Iesuite his integrity in his point , and that for no worldly respect he would make a ly , great or smal , ( as according to our former doctrine he should not ) then must M. Morton imagine at least , that that 〈◊〉 did Equiuocate without a ly , and so consequently lying & Equiuocation should be two distinct things . 41. Well then now I expect what he will answere to this speach of Christ , whome he will not grant I am sure to haue Equiuocated , least he speake against himselfe and authorize therby Equiuocation , nor dareth he ( I presume ) 〈◊〉 say , that he lied , least he cast vpon him so soule a scarre of infirmirty : I expect ( I say ) to see how he will shift of this matter , for that the case seemeth to be very like , or rather the same in both examples , setting a side the maine difference of the persons . Yow shall heare what full satisfaction he wil giue in this behalfe . I answere ( saith he ) with S. Augustine , now mans infirmity playeth her part , but know yow that no man learneth of Chastity to be adulterous , or of godlines to be 〈◊〉 , and shall we learne of truth to be liars , and periurious ? God forbid . Thus he out of S. Augustine as he pretendeth , but in deed so brokenly & corruptly alleadged , if yow looke vpon the place it selfe , as it may scarsely be called S. Augustines speach . But as for the sense it appertaineth nothing to our purpose , for S. Augustine saith , we my not learne of the truth to be liars , as the Priscillianistes indeauoured to doe by confirming the vnlawfulnes of lying out of the wordes of Christ , which we doe not , nor doe we affirme that our Sauiour when he said , All thinges whatsoeuer I haue heard of my Father I haue made knowne vnto yow , did ly , or vtter any falsity at all , but reserued somewhat in his mind not vttered , which ioined with his wordes made the proposition most true , and how then is the sentence of S. Augustine brought in against vs for an answere to the difficulty proposed ? By this 〈◊〉 yow may see what full satisfaction he is like ●o giue to these places of Scripture . But let vs heare the rest . 42. Touching this text ( saith he ) your owne Bishop Iansenius answering this obiection saith , that these kind of speaches , and all such are to be expounded according to the circumstances either of state , place , time or condition of the persons speaking , or to whome they were spoken , as namely , that whatsoeuer yow aske my Father in my name he will giue yow . What any thing absolutly ? Nay but vpon condition if it be expedient for yow . So heere Christ saying I haue manifested all thinges , it is expounded by the circumstāces of the present state , signifying all that appertaineth vnto yow to be knowne ; so then 〈◊〉 is no concealed sense to deceaue the hearer &c. 43. Doe yow see what an inference he maketh , that because Iansenius doth shew the way how to seeke out the reseruation , or concealed sense in such ambiguous propositions , therfore there is no such mentall reseruation , or concealed sense at all ? Can the Reader tolerate such an impertinent writer ? Nay doth not all this speach of Iansenius make wholy against Morton ? For if he doe set downe these circumstances of place , time , state , and condition , wherby to seeke out the hidden sense of such dubious propositions , may not we well , and iustly inferre quite contrary to Mortons inference , Ergo there is some such hidden sense , more then is expressed in the wordes , which we call reseruation , wherby the hearer may cōceaue a wrōg sense if he hit not vpō the said true reseruation , which being not manifest to euery one , but rather a cōtrary sense appearing in the words vttered , maketh the proposition ambiguous , doubtful and Equiuocall ; for that it may haue diuers senses , one in the vnderstanding of the hearer , & another in the meaning of the speaker . And for that the whole importance dependeth of the later to wit of the speaker , especially in the speaches vttered by the holy Ghost that cannot be false , the ancient Fathers doe labour by examination of the circumstances , set downe here by Iansenius , & 〈◊〉 such like , to find out what the speakers true meaning was , when the speach of it self is doubtfull according to the wordes vttered . 44. Nor is the matter so easy to euery man to find this out by consideration of circumstances , as Thomas Morton would haue men to thinke , that there is no doubt or difficulty at all : for as in the places before alleadged yow haue heard sundry Fathers of sundry opinions , and iudgmentes about the points that were reserued by our Sauiour : so heere in this place vpon those wordes , Omnia quaecunque &c. all thinges whatsoeuer I haue heard of my Father &c. diuers Authors as Leontius . and others make the reseruation to be this , whatsoeuer I heard of my Father , with order to tell yow , that I haue vtterd vnto yow ; but S. Chrysostome , Theophilact , Euthimius , and other Greeke writers expound it thus , that whatsoeuer I heard of my Father conuenient for yow to know , that I haue reuealed vnto yow . S. Augustine , and S. Bede doe thinke Christes meaning to be , that he had reuealed all to his disciples , except such thinges as were reserued for the holy Ghost to reueale , and vtter vnto them , as in the precedent Chapter he promised : so as albeit here diuers learned Fathers by examining the circumstances before mencioned , doe ghesse at diuers mentall reseruations as yow see ; yet all doe agree that there were some not vttered in the wordes , and not so easy to be determined , which doth vtterly ouerthrow our Ministers idle imagination to the contrary , that the matter is euident for euery man to vnderstand by circumstance of speech . And yet he concludeth his answere in these confident wordes , VVherby ( saith he ) yow may perceaue that not that infallible verity , but your owne infirmity and vanity hath deceaued yow in so peruerting the truth , to patronize a ly . Would yow not thinke that the man had spoken somewhat to the purpose , that thus concludeth ? Surely not a iote more then yow haue heard , wherin he hath confirmed euidently our part , and ouerthrowne his owne ; and yet he braggeth like a Conquerour , as yow see : but let vs leaue him in his vanity , and passe to a second place , or example alleadged . 45. The second place is taken out of the Ghospell of S. Marke , where our Sauiour speaking of the day of Iudgment , said , that de die autem 〈◊〉 , vel hora nemo scit , neque Angeli in coelo , neque filius , nisi Pater : Of that day , or houre no man knoweth , neither the Angels in heauen , nor the Sonne , but the Father : which is repeated againe in effect by S. Matthew , who hath Nemo scit nisi solus Pater , No man knoweth therof but only the Father : & yet doth the whole course of Scripture runne to the contrary , shewing that Christ must be Iudge in that day , as before hath byn shewed , and consequently must needes be presumed to know therof , S. Paul saith also expressely to the Colossians , that all the treasures of wisedome , and knowledge were hidden in Christ , ergo it is euident that the former proposition of Christ had some reseruation of mind in it , for that otherwise it had byn false . And for more perspicuities sake , let vs frame the case more plaine : If those disciples to whome our Sauiour spake those words , had demaunded him , if he knew any thing of the day of Iudgment , and he had answered , no , what would that no haue signified according to Thomas Mortons 〈◊〉 argumētation ? Would it not haue directly signified ( as his words be ) that he had not knowne therof in deed ? and would not his hearers haue taken it so ? and yet had it byn false , and they deceaued . Why ? For that he had some further reseruation in his mind , wheron that ( no ) did reflect , which his wordes did not vtter . 46. Well then compare Thomas Mortons case which he obiecteth against vs and is this : A Catholicke hauing a Priest in his house , and demaunded whether he know where such a Priest is , he answereth no , reseruing in his mind a further true meaning , wheron that no in his intention doth fall , to wit , that he knoweth it not so , as it is conuenient to vtter it vnto them that aske him , Syr Thomas cryeth out , that this not a hidden truth but a grosse ly . But I would aske him why ? And further intreate him , to set downe the difference betweene these two answers of Christ , and a Catholike in the manner of speach , and nature of a reserued proposition . 47. If he would say that there is no reseruation in our Sauiours speach , but that the sense is cleare according to the wordes as they sound , it would be ridiculous , both in regard of the opposite authorities before alleadged out of Scriptures ; as also of the great variety of expositions , which the ancient Fathers did leaue vnto vs , for finding out the true reseruation . And first of all condemning for Heretikes , as S. Damascene testifieth , vnder the name of 〈◊〉 , or Agnoetae , all those that following the litterall apparent sense of those wordes of our Sauiour , did hold him to be ignorant in deed of the day of Iudgment , which being decreed and established by the Church , ech Father endeauoured to find out the true reserued meaning , of our Sauiour , as hath byn said ; which by experience they proued to be so hard , and therwith all to defend the same against the Arrians , who vrged strongly the litterall signification of the wordes , against Christes Diuinity , as some of them held this text to be corrupted , as appeared by the testimony both of S. Hierome vpon this place , and S. Ambrose in his bookes de fide : wherupon euen at this day in S. Matthewes Ghospell , where Christ vseth the same speach , the word neque filius , neither the Sonne knoweth , is not read either in Greek or Latin , & yet was it found in diuers Copies of both languages in old time , as may appeare by Origen , and S. Chrysostome in Greeke , and S. Hilary , and S. Augustine in Latin , who did read it in their dayes in their Copies of S. Mathews Ghospell , as we doe now in S. Marke , and therupon , as hath byn said , indeauoured ech one to find out Christes hidden meaning , and mentall reseruation therin . 48. As for example Origen & S. Epiphanius doe thinke Christes reseruation to haue byn , that he knew not the day of Iudgment in this life , but in the next ; and others , that he knew it not , quoad experientiam , by experience , for that he had not yet experienced the same ; nor doth S. Chrysostome seeme in one place altogeather to mislike this interpretation . Other Fathers in great number doe thinke Christs meaning and reseruation to haue byn , that he knew not of the certaine day of Iudgment , as he was man , that is to say , by vertue of his humanity alone , without his diuinity , for though as he was man and God he knew it ; yet not by force or power of his humanity . And of this opinion are S Athanasius , S. Ambrose , S. Gregory Nazianzen , S. Cyril , Theodoret and others . 49. Many Fathers also , yea the greatest number of all , haue an other exposition expressing the very same reseruatiō in Christes wordes , which we talked of in our former proposition , affirming that Christes meaning was , whē he said he knew not the day of Iudgment , that he knew it not so , as he might discouer it vnto them , or make them know it . And so doth hold S. Augustine in many places of his workes , S. Chrysostome also in his homilies vpon S. Mathew and S. Marke , S. Gregory in his Register , S. Hierome and S. Bede in their exposition vpon this place , with whome doe concurre Theophilact , and diuers others . 50. Now then we haue heere , that there are three or foure sortes of reseruations at least , sought out by the foresaid circūstances touched in the former example , al which doe proue vnto vs , that in the proposition of Christ , the Sonne of man knoweth not of the day or houre of Iudgment , is an amphibologicall and Equiuocall mixt proposition , conteyning a mentall reseruation of our Sauiour , not expressed in his wordes , which ouerthroweth and vtterly vndoeth Th. Mortons whole Treatise : and how doe yow thinke will he play the man heere to auoid all this battery ? Yow shall heare it presently , and see him brought to miserable straites : for thus he beginneth to answere the matter , hauing confessed first out of his aduersaries Treatise of Equiuocation , that Augustine , Ambrose , Chrysostome , Basil and Theophilact doe expound it so , as lastly hath byn said , that Christ knew not the day of Iudgment to vtter it to his disciples , wherunto he answereth thus . 51. It will not ( saith he ) be pertinent to oppose the other exposition of Fathers , who as your Maldonate saith , were many , expounding this text thus , that Christ as he was man knew not the day and houre . This is his first struggle , and if it be impertinent , as himselfe confesseth , why doth he alleadge it , but for lacke of better defence , and that it is impertinent in deed , is euident ; for that this exposition of some Fathers alleadged by him , doth rather proue that there were diuers reseruations in Christes wordes , then that there was none at all , which he should proue . Wherfore it falleth out to Thomas Morton in this case , as when playing a bad game at Tables that is past recouery , he should say , this game is lost which way soeuer I play it , and yet will I play it out with what shame soeuer , rather then giue it vp . Let vs see then what play he maketh . 52. He followeth on immediatly after his former speach thus : But the question is ( saith he ) whether the former exposition of S. Augustine and others doth imply any mentall Equiuocation , and because Garnet at his arraignment did select only S. Augustine of all the Fathers , we will appeale to S. Augustine for answere to them all , by whose testimony it doth appeare , that when our Sauiour said , I know not the day , signifying vt dicam vobis , to tell vnto yow , this clause wherby he meant to conceale the time , was not concealed from thē , who though they were by the sense of the speach held in ignorance not to know the day ; yet were they not ignorant of the sense of the speach , which was , I may not let yow know it . So he . And doe yow vnderstand him ? or doth he not labour asmuch to hold yow in ignorance of his meaning , as Christ did his Disciples of the day of iudgment ; but let vs draw him out of this affected darkenes . 53. First he saith the question is , ( and he saith well ) whether the former exposition of S. Augustine , & other Fathers doe imply any mentall Equiuocation or rather mentall reseruation , which maketh Equiuocation or doubtfulnes of meaning ; and I see not how he can deny it , sor that the proposition , Christ knoweth not of the day of Iudgment is false , without some reseruation , but with the reseruation gathered vpon S. Augustines exposition , to wit , that he knew it not to make them know it , that is to say , to vtter it vnto them , it is true , ergo S. Augustines exposition doth imply and declare vnto vs a manifest mentall reseruation , and cōsequently also an Equiuocation . For that as before we haue defined the matter , Equiuocation or amphibology in this our controuersy , is nothing els , but when a speach is partly vttered in wordes , and partly reserued in mind , by which reseruation the sense of the proposition may be diuers . 54. Secondly wheras Thomas Morton saith , that Father Garnet at his arraignment did select only S. Augustine , of all other Fathers to depend vpon , concerning the former exposition of Christes wordes , and therfore that he also will appeale to S. Augustine for answere to them all , it is a shift , therby to auoid the authority of all the other Fathers , both in this and the other expositions before mentioned , all which doe conclude against him , as hath byn said , that there is a mentall reseruation in Christes wordes , without which vnderstood , the proposition is false . Neither did Father Garnet so select S. Augustines authority at his arraignmēt to stand vpon , as that he left any way the other Fathers , but being pressed to be briefe , he named him for all , and no small maruaile it is that at such an arraignment he had leysure , or list to name any Father , or other proofe at all , knowing how vnequally the same would be heard after the hydeous clamours of so many Ministers out of bookes , speeches , & pulpittes against that doctrine : but sure I am , that if Henry Garnet , and Thomas Morton had met togeather at any equall barre out of arraignment , to plead and dispute this matter , there would haue byn as little cause for Thomas to haue triumphed of that disputation , as there is like to be now of this his writing ; and therfore he might haue spared him heere if he had pleased . 55. But his third act of manhood in his defence is most notorious , where hauing fled all other Fathers , as yow see , to sticke to S. Augustine , he bringeth in S. Augustine wholy against himselfe , as now yow shall see , though he endeauour by some , obscure words to dazle the sense of his hearer . For in the words of Saint Augustine by him alleadged he saith thus : Nescientem se esse dixit , quia illos nescientes occultando faciebat . Christ said he was ignorant of the day of Iudgement , for that he made them ignorant therof , by hyding the same from them . And in another place : Hoc nescit filius quod nescientes facit , hoc est , quod non ita sciebat , vt tunc discipulis indicaret : the Sonne of God is said not to know that , which he maketh other men not to know , that is to say , that he knoweth it not so , as he would vtter it at that time to his Disciples . And for proofe of this exposition S. Augustine alleadgeth that place of S. Paul to the Corinthians : neque enim iudicaui me scire aliquid inter vos , nisi Iesum Christum , & hunc Crucisixum : Neither did I esteeme my selfe to know any thing among yow , but only Iesus Christ , and him crucified , where S. Paul saith he knew no more of that thing , for that he thought it not time to vtter vnto them any more : which is so plaine for our purpose , as Thomas Morton would neuer haue alleadged it , but vpon plaine despaire of the game lost in deed . For what is more conforme then this to our answere obiected by him , I am no Priest to vtter it vnto yow : I know not where such a Priest is , that is , I make yow not to know it by concealing the same , for that I am not bound , nor is it expedient to vtter it . 56. Now then heere yow see Thomas Morton in the dust , as one fighting against himselfe . For to cauill , & quarrell , as he doth afterward , that the Apostles are to be presumed to haue vnderstood this reserued meaning , aswell as S. Augustine , S. Ambrose , and other Fathers did , and that if they did , then it was no Equiuocation : and further that it were blasphemy to say that Christ did Equiuocate with his Apostles ; all these shiftes ( I say ) are but ridiculous . For first it importeth not to our question , whether the Apostles vnderstood the secret meaning of Christ in this deniall , or not , but rather whether there were any reseruation , & whether the speach of it selfe were ambiguous , and Equiuocall to the hearers ( who were many besides the Apostles ) by reason of this reseruation , and all Christians haue byn and shall be to the worldes end . And then if this so , it is no blasphemy to say , that Christ did Equiuocate , that is to say , speake doubtfully , but rather it is blasphemy by excluding all Equiuocation , to condemne the same for lying , as Morton is forced to doe , or to say nothing . 57. And lastly where he concludeth the whole matter by the testimony of our Doctor Genesius as he calleth him , I haue told before how he is ours , and how in some sort he may in this controuersy be called his , though he detested his Religion , as by his workes appeareth . Ours he is , as in all other points of Religion , so in the substantiall and principall point of this question , for that he defendeth the vse of Equiuocation in concealing some secrettes , but denieth it in others , wherin he fauoureth somewhat the aduerse party , with small ground , as in the next Chapter shall be declared . But what saith this Doctor Genesius ? He will tell yow ( saith Morton ) that this sense ( of this text of Scripture ) which yow conceale , is not only contrary to the sentence of all Fathers , but also against all common sense . And is this possible ? Will Sepulueda deny all those Fathers alleadged by me before for our interpretation to be Fathers ? will he say that their exposition is contrary to all common sense ? Doth not Genesius himselfe in the very Chapter heere cited alleadge both S. Hierome and S. Augustine for this interpretation , and alloweth the same ? What shameles dealing then is this of our Minister to charge Genesius with such folly or impiety which he neuer thought of ? For Genesius denieth not either the sense , or interpretation of the place , and much lesse saith , that it is contrary to the sentence of the Fathers , and least of all to common sense , but denieth only the application therof for vse and practice to certaine cases , wherin he admitteth not Equiuocation , and saith , that vpon this interpretatiō , to bring in such a new law were greatly inconuenient ( wherin afterward notwithstanding we shall shew him to haue byn greatly deceaued ) and his Latin wordes are : Contra non modò veterum & grauissimorum doctorum , sed communem hominem sensum , quasi legem inducere : to bringe in , as it were , a law not only against the iudgment of ancient , and most graue Schoole - Doctors ( for of them only he speaketh in that place ) but also against the commō sense or opinion of men . This is Genesius his speach , wherin though his iudgment 〈◊〉 reiected by other Schoolmen as singuler and paradoxicall in this point , as after shall be declared ; yet is he egregiously abused by Morton , who first maketh him to say of the interpretation , and sense of this place of Scripture , that which he speaketh only of the application therof , to vse and practice in tribunalles . And secondly he maketh him to discredit the Fathers which himselfe alleadgeth : thē he Englisheth ancient Fathers for ancient Schoole-Doctors : and last of all addeth consensum of his owne , leauing out hominum , to make it sound common sense , and other such abuses , which any man may see by conferring the place . And these are other manner of sinnes , then simple Equiuocation , if the art of falsifying or forgery be any sinne with him at all , and so much for this place of Scripture . 58. The third place alleadged , and pretended to be answered by this man , is that of S. Lukes Ghospell , when our Sauiour drawing towardes the Castell of Emaus , with his two disciples , Ipse se finxit longius ire , saith the text ; himself feigned that he would goe further : wherupon they forced him to stay with them , and heerof is inferred , that Christ vsed at that time some doubtfull action or wordes , importing a different externall signification to his disciples , from his inward meaning , which may truly be called ambiguity , amphibology , or Equiuocation in fact , for that Equiuocation as hath byn said , may be vsed either in factes or speach , and consequently that our Sauiour did heere Equiuocate with his disciples making them belieue a different thing from that he meant , for he meant to goe no further , but to stay there with them , as is gathered out of the text it selfe , for that otherwise the Euangelist would not haue said , and he feigned to goe surther ; nor may it without impiety be called 〈◊〉 ly , of what sort soeuer , as S. Augustine expresly doth proue in diuers partes of his workes : how then will Thomas 〈◊〉 deliuer himselfe from this labyrinth ? He hathno probable escape at all , as yow shall see in the sequent point about feigning or deceauing , for that this place doth more properly appertaine to that matter and subiect , this being no 〈◊〉 proposition , but rather a dissimulation , or fiction in act , as is presumed , as that our Sauiour went further then the place , or made shew that he would doe so , or the like , and consequently we shall differre the larger declaration of this place vnto the ensuing point or paragraphe , which is the fourth and last of this Chapter . 59. The fourth and last place then , which our Minister hath alleadged out of the foresaid Catholicke Treatise of Equiuocation , with pretence to answere the same , is the speach of our Sauiour to his brethren or kinsmen in S. Iohns Ghospell , who exhorting him to goe vp to Ierusalem to celebrate the feast of Tabernacles , and therby to be knowne to the world , he answered with shewing first a great difference betweene his state and theirs , and how the world hated him , but not them , and why , and then said , goe yow vp to this festiuall day , I doe not goe vp to this feast , for that my time is not yet accomplished ; but yet after they being gone vp , he ascended also . Out of which speach and fact is gathered , that Christ when he said to his brethren , I doe not ascend , or will not ascend to this feast , he had some further mentall reseruation , which his brethren vnderstood not , for that otherwise they would not haue gone vp without him , so as heere is a plaine Equiuocall proposition , that hath one meaning according to the wordes in the hearers vnderstanding , and another in the sense of the speaker , wherby the hearers were deceaued : and yet was this no ly . What then will Thomas Morton say to this ? Yow shall see him bestirre himselfe for some euasion , but with as good successe as the good-wife that was early vp , & neuer the neare , which example I vse to temperate somewhat his intemperate Ministeriall speach of louing and imbracing queanes in the very beginning of his answere : for thus he writeth : 60 Yow haue ( saith he ) bestowed many lines in commencing vpon this text , to euince from hence your reserued conceipt : let me borrow a little leaue to plead as well for truth , as yow doe for a ly , and shew yow , how expounding this place , yow blinded with the loue of your Thais , had rather snatch at any meaning , then take that which is meant : for those words , I will not goe vp , in the Greeke are , I will not goe vp yet : But your Helena the Latin vulgar text must be imbraced &c. Doe yow see what manner of accusation he bringeth in against vs , and in what light & lasciuious wordes , in so graue and sacred a subiect as is the text of holy writ ? Hath he no honester comparisons to bring in then the blind loue of Thais , and embracing of Helena ? yow may iudge of the mans spirit by his wordes . 61. But what doth he accuse vs of in effect ? forsooth that we haue left the 〈◊〉 text , which hath ' 〈◊〉 nondum , not yet , & doe follow the vulgar Latin , which hath only ' ou , that is non , not , the difference of which word maketh a maine diuersity in the matter if yow marke it well , for if the true text be nondum , I will not yet goe vp , then is there no doubt or difficulty at all of the sense , for that Christ had said plainly that he would not goe vp then , and so his going vp afterward had byn no contradiction any way to his former speach of not going vp , as heere our Maldonate cited by Morton doth cōfesse : but on the other side if the matter were so plaine by reading nondum in the Greeke , why doe the ancient Fathers labour so much to find out the secret meaning , and reserued sense of our Sauiour in this sentence and seeming contradiction of his ? For S. Augustine and S. Bede after much search , doe thinke his meaning to haue byn , that he would not ascend to that feast with a humane spirit , to procure worldly honour , name or fame , as his brethren exhorted him by making himselfe knowne , and admired to the world by working of miracles &c. Strabus & other expositours doe interpret , that he would not ascend to suffer , or exhibite his passion in Ierusalem at this feast of tabernacles , but reserue it for the pasch , or feast of Easter , according to the appointment of his Father , and to this effect said , tempus meum nondum aduenit , my time is not yet come . Eucherius in his questions vpon this 〈◊〉 , thinketh that our Sauiour meant that he would not ascend vp to the first day of the feast , ( which was properly called the festiuall day , ) but some day after , for it lasted seauen dayes , as appeareth Exod. 25. Leuit. 23. Deut. 16. And this exposition is approued in like manner both by S. Cyril , S. Augustine and Ammonius and others in respect of those wordes of the Euangelist vers . 14. Iam autem die festo mediante ascendit Iesus in templum ; Christ ascended to the Temple the feast being halfe ended : albeit this being spoken of his going vp to the Temple , other thinke that he went vp to the citty after his brethren , before the first day , but not into the Temple to celebrate the feast . 62. Wherfore seing these and other Fathers doe labour so much to find out the meaning of Christ in this sentēce , it is not like , that the matter was so cleare as T. M. would make it , by the clause nondum : for if that word had byn in all Greeke bookes , and so held for the true text , there had byn no question , or controuersy as expositours confesse : yet we grant with Maldonate alleadged by Th. Morton , that very many Greeke copies had it so in former times , & haue it at this day ; neither doth our vulgar translation deny or dissemble the same , for albeit it haue non , & not nondum ; yet doth it expresly signify in the margent , that diuers manuscriptes haue nondum , and so doth set it downe for varia lectio , yea the Rhemes English Testament it self doth expresse that translation also in the margent , I will not goe vp yet : so as Mortons scoffe of our Thais and Helena is a meere calumniation as yow see , and worthy of a man of his profession . 63. Nor doe we reiect the Greeke text any where , when with more probability of truth it may be admitted , as heere in this place they are our expositours & not his , that haue taught him to talke of ' óupoo , nondum to wit , Iansenius , Tolet and Maldonate . And the two former for more facility of explication doe follow the same , and the sense therof in their commentaries : we also in our vulgar Latin translation , which Morton calleth our Helena , doe goe neerer many times to the Greeke then Protestants , as heere our said Latin text saith , Ego non ascendo in the present tense according to the Greeke , I doe not ascend , wheras Thomas Morton translateth , I will not ascend in the future , which the Greeke hath not . And againe diuers Greeke textes haue not at all these wordes , I doe not ascend to this feast , according to Maldonate and Tolet , and diuers other Greeke textes haue the word nyn ( nunc ) added , that is , I will not ascend now , both which notwithstanding are reiected by the Protestants themselues : all which being so , yow may consider of the wise speach of T. M. in this place : VVe will not ( saith he ) so strictly chalenge our right in this equity approued by all antiquity , which is , that as in discerning pure water , rather to examine it by the fountaine then the riuer , so we iudge of the truth of textes by the 〈◊〉 rather then the translation 64. And doe yow so Sir ? And doe we contradict this ? Your very next immediate wordes doe cleare vs from this your calumniation , for it followeth in your speach : Your Latin text ( say yow ) doth sufficiently betoken the same sense of the Greeke , ( not yet ) and so doe two of the principall Doctors of your Church , Tolet , and Iansenius paraphrase . And is it so ? how then are we so blinded with the loue of our Thais , as rather to snatch at any meaning , then take that which is meant ? how say yow that our Helena , the Latin translation , is imbraced by vs before the Greeke , if our Latin doe not only betoken the same sense of the Greeke , as heere yow confesse , but setteth it downe so as varia lectio in the margent , as before hath byn shewed ; yea and that two of our principall Doctors doe follow the same in their paraphrases ? Is not this to accuse and defend , affirme and deny , and to speake contraries with one and the same breath ? 65. But to drawe to an end , and conclude the principall point of this controuersy , yow see how Thomas Morton seeketh to auoid the force of this place , where Christ denied that he would goe vp to the festiuall day , and yet afterward went vp , by this only euasion , that very many Greeke copies haue the word nondum : and for this he alleadgeth the testimony of our Maldonate in his Commentary vpon that place . But what ? did Maldonate say , that all Greeke copies had it so ? or that the most ancient , and purest did so read ? or that he himselfe was of that opinion ? No truly : but the quite contrary , for he proueth by diuers strong argumentes , that this word ' óupoo , nondum was not in the old copy in S. Hieromes time , and before , when our vulgar Latin translation was set forth . First , for that it is like that the said Latin translation would aswell haue expressed it , as betoken it , to vse Mortons owne phrase , and put it in the margent , especially for so much as the sense , and difficulty of Christes meaning , should haue byn made 〈◊〉 easy therby . Secondly for that diuers Greeke Fathers as Cyril , Euthymius , and others doe not read ' oupoo but ' ou , non and not nondum , which is a token that those Greeke textes of the Ghospell , which they vsed in their dayes had it as our Latin hath now . Thirdly for that Beda , Strabus , Rupertus and all other Latin Authors whatsoeuer , not any one excepted in Maldonats iudgment doe read non and not nondum , who notwithstanding did conferre with the Greeke Copies of their time , and especially S. Hierome most learned in all languages , who is held for the principall Author of this our Latin vulgar translation . 66. Fourthly all the Ancient Fathers before named both Greeke and Latin , that laboured to find out the true meaning of Christ in this his doubtfull speach , did not know this euasion in their dayes by the word nondum , for that it had byn folly to take so much paines to discouer a meaning or reseruation that was cleare of it self . Fifthly we doe read in S. Hierome that Porphyrius the Apostata in his most spitefull inuectiues against our Sauiour , did obiect this as a principall place to discredit him withal , that he saying he would not goe vp to that feast , did notwithstanding goe vp afterward , which he being a most learned Grecian , and vsing all the Greeke textes of that time , for his purpose , as hauing byn a Christian before , it may be presumed , that if any of them had then read ' óupoo , wherby his obiection had byn answered , he would neuer haue vpbrayded the same , especially against such learned Christian Doctors of the Greek Church that liued with him , and wrote against him , as Origen , Ammonius , Dionysius Alexandrinus and others , all within three hundred yeares after Christ , who no doubt would haue answered Porphyrius as Thomas Morton doth now answere vs , with ' óupoo , if there had byn any such thing in the Greeke text in their dayes . 67. And finally if Christ our Sauiour had answered his brethren , I will not yet goe vp , they would haue asked him againe , when he would go , & would haue stayed for him , and of likelyhood would not haue departed without him ; All which reasons , and considerations Thomas Morton passeth ouer and dissembleth , & is full glad that he hath a hole to slipp out any way . And yet to shew one point of manhood in this his flight , he taketh vpon him to answere one of these six arguments alleadged against him , which is the fourth cōcerning the ancient Fathers that laboured to seeke out 〈◊〉 reserued meaning , and you shall see how full satisfaction he giueth according to the tytle of his booke : VVhat shall we then say ( saith he ) to the other expositions ( of Fathers ) obiected ? Only this ; that whatsoeuer exposition they vnderstand , they did thinke that the same was as well vnderstood of the Apostles as of themselues . Heere be two pointes insinuated , if you consider them attentyuely , the first , that the ancient Fathers did suppose , that whatsoeuer Christs meaning was in these wordes to his brethren ( whom Mortö calleth heere the Apostles ) they did ( the said kinsmen of our Sauiour ) vnderstand the same aswell then , to wit before the ghospell was written , and before the holy ghost was giuen , as the said Christian Fathers and learned Doctors did afterward by the learning , and light they had from the spirit and tradition of the Church : which proposition if he were put to proue in the presence of learned men , I doubt not but that he would quickly be in a poore and pittifull plight . 68. The second thing which by this his answere he would haue vs vnderstand is , that if these brethren or kinsmen of Christ , did any way conceaue our Sauiours meaning , then was there no reseruation at all , for that as he saith , our ioyned reseruation is alwayes supposed to be a clause concealed , and not vnderstood . But this is a greater foolery then the first , for that there may be a reseruation in the speakers mynd , though vnderstood to some of the heares . As for example in our proposition being demaunded , whether I be a priest , and I say no , reseruing to my selfe , as often before hath byn declared , that I am no such , or such priest , as I ought to vtter the same to you , though some of the examiners should ghesse at my reseruation , or know the same certaynly , for that otherwise they know I am a priest , this doth not make that this proposition in it selfe , & in my meaning is not a reserued or equiuocall proposition , for that they vnderstand it . And yet as though the poore man had played his prize well , he concludeth 〈◊〉 in these wordes : Therfore 〈◊〉 all these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there 〈◊〉 not the least haire of your fox 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 : Scriptures forsake you , or rather you them , now will you haue recourse vnto Fathers ? 69. But whether Scriptures haue forsaken him , or vs in this conflict , or whether the Fathers expositions haue stood with his , or our cause , the reader I suppose hath sufficiently seene : nor is it needfull for vs , to make any further recourse vnto Fathers , hauing shewed them to stand fully for vs in allowing reserued mixt propositions , which of necessity do make ambiguity , and equiuocation euen in Christes owne speaches , as hath bene declared : Which if Mortons vncircumcised mouth will call also fox-tayles we may well be contented to beare such a Ministeriall scoffe in so good a cause and company . And finally what this man esteemeth of holy Fathers when they make against him , is easely seene by that he saith in the next Chapter after , where hauing cyted out of the former Catholicke Treatise , the saying of S. Gregorie the Great , that we ought not to respect so much the wordes of any speech , as the will & intent of the speaker , 〈◊〉 non debet intentio verbis deseruire , sed verba intentioni ; for that the intētion of the speaker ought not to serue to his wordes , but his wordes to his intention ; after a soffe or two against the said Father , that if an Author must be sought for a lye , it was most likely he should be a Pope , he maketh this cōclusion : I dare boldly conclude ( saith he ) that though S. Gregorie , or a thousand of Saincts ; yea 〈◊〉 celestiall Gabriel , or any Angell from heauen should teach , and authorize such a Doctrine as this , we may from the word of God pronounce him Anathema . So he . 70. And he concludeth boldly in deed , but who more bold then blynd Bayard ( as the prouerbe saith ) he may as well pronounce Anathema and curse , not only vpon Saincts and Angels , but vpon the Sonne of God himselfe , as by this time his discreete Reader hath seene and considered . And can there be any more blind boldnes then this ? Is he not ashamed of this so shamefull ouersight ? doth he not remember what he said before , not one iota in all Scripture , not one example in all antiquity , not one shaddow of reason in all the wit of man can be brought for any colour of Equiuocation ? I wil not pretermitt his very last wordes immediatly following , wherwith he concludeth his twelueth Chapter , for that they conteyne a full vpshot of his folly . Now ( saith he ) that we haue wrested your weapons out of your handes ( by answering Scriptures and Fathers as before he hath answered ) it wil be easie to pearce you euen with 〈◊〉 , the bluntest kind of arguments that are : And then he followeth on in the next Chapter to pearce vs with signes , coynes , Giges ringes , and other like toyes : but we , as you haue seene haue pearced him in the meane pace wit h substantiall arguments of truth her selfe , out of both Scriptures and Fathers , and shall do yet more in the ensuing paragraph , leauing him now to his similitudes , signes , coynes , Giges ringes , and other such like iugling wordes , and instruments fitt for a man of his disposition . THE FOVRTH AND LAST POINT OF THIS CHAPTER About Scriptures , and Fathers That defended Equiuocation from the name and nature of Deceipt and fallacy : VVITH Some other proofes out of common Reason &c. §. 4. 71. I May be very breifin this , for that I haue handled the same argument in the later end of the former Chapter , and in this I haue byn longer then I had purposed , & therfore I will only adioyne in 〈◊〉 place some few examples more , for iustifying of that which there we touched in few wordes . For wheras according to S. Augustines defynition before set downe , two thinges are to be required to a ly , first to vtter that with is false and disagreeing from the vnderstanding of the speaker ; the other that there be intention to deceaue ; the first , of falsitie , hath byn largly proued not to be found in our reserued proposition , I am no priest , for that the speaker hath a true meaning in his sense : Now must we handle the second about deceit , of which we haue said 〈◊〉 , that neither this clause of the definition of lying is found in the said proposition , for that the Answerers first & principall intent is not to deceaue the demaunder to his hurt , but to deliuer himselfe by concealing a truth only , which truth he is not bound to vtter , & this in effect is to permit the other to be deceaued , and not properly to deceaue , or to haue intention or cupidity of deceauing , as S. Augustines wordes are . 72. And for that I promised in the former paragraph to handle more largly in this place , the dissimulation or fiction of our Sauiour related in the end of S. Lukes Ghospell , when he went with his two disciples to the Castle of Emaus , which by the Euangelist it set downe in these words : Iesus autem finxit se longiùs ire , Ie sus did feigne that he would goe further , or as the Greek hath it , Prosepoiêito , he did make shew or pretend as though he would go further ; I shall heere relate somewhat largely the wordes of a learned Bishop of our time , vpon that place to wit Iansenius oftentymes cyted by Thomas Morton himself . 73. Est mendacium ( saith he ) secundum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nem &c. Aly according to S. Augustines definition , is a false signification , with a will to deceaue ; wherfore as it is no lye or fallacy at all , when a man speaketh that which in his owne sense is true , though it be false in the sense which the hearer conceiueth , so that the speaker doe not vtter those ambiguous words with intention to deceaue another , but only to conceale profitably some truth ; euen so fiction and simulation which is in facts , is not vnlawfull , but profitable and wholsome , wherwith a man doth something by which he knoweth that another man will conceiue a false opinion of that he saith , so that he doth not this with intention to ingender this false opinion in him , but for some other profitable end . As for example S. Paul in a certaine manner , did feigne himself to be an obseruer of the Iewish Law , when he did circumcise Tymothy , and did beare himself as a Iew with the Iewes , and vnder the Law with them that were vnder the Law , and he did know that by keeping the ceremonies of the Law , the Iewes would think him to liue vnder the law ; but yet he deceaued them not , for that he did not obserue those ceremonies of the Law , to the end to deceaue them , but rather that by concealing his owne opinion for a time , he might gaine them , or at leastwise not alienate them from Christ : and so now Christ our Sauiour did feigne himself to goe further , composing his gestures & motions of body , as though he would go beyond that Castle ; by doing wherof he knew , that his disciples would think , that he had a purpose to go further ; but yet he did not compose his gestures and motions , to make them thinke so , but his end was by this meanes to stirre vp in them their loue towards him , and the vertue of hospitality , wherby they might be made apt , and worthie to haue their eyes opened to know him . 74. This is the discourse of this learned Bishop , for defending our Sauiours deed frō reprehensible fictiō and dissimulation ; to wit , that his first and principall intention was not ( as neither that of S. Paul ) to deceaue his hearers , albeit that did follow consequently vpon their facts , that is to say , that the other were deceaued . And the very same falleth out in our case , yea with one principall circumstance more of iustification , then is expressed in the former exāples , which is , that in our case ( as before hath byn shewed ) violence and iniury is offred by the demander , meaning to punish the partie examined vniustly , or to draw secrets from him , which he is not boūd to vtter , but rather is bound sometymes not to vtter to his owne & other mens preiudice , hurt , and dammage : by which circumstance of iniuryes offred , we haue recorded before that 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 are made lawfull , by S. Augustine , and all other Deuynes iudgment . And to 〈◊〉 more Fathers sentences in proofe of this were wholy needles , forsomuch as the practice therof throughout all Christendome for all ages , amongest what Religions or Sects soeuer , is admitted and put in vre without any doubt or contradiction . 75. It remayneth then most certain among deuynes , and most 〈◊〉 by Scripture it self , that the clause of S. Augustine in the definition of lying , animus fallendi , intention to deceaue , doth not include 〈◊〉 , when one permitteth another to be deceaued ; nor yet the clause set downe by diuers Authors in the definition of deceipt , which is to ingender a false opinion in the hearers mynd , different from that of the speaker , includeth the said permission , when I suffer another man to gather a false conceipt or opinion vpon any fact or speech of mine that is true , and lawfull in my sense . For if we should condemne this , we should condemne God himself of iniustice and iniquitie , which were blasphemy . 76. And for proof of this doe our deuynes cite many places , and examples out of holy writ , besides those already alledged , wherby is shewed , that Almighty God , of whome otherwise all Catholicks hold , as an article of faith , that he is not able by any power of his to deceaue any man : yet that in this kynde of permissiue deceipt he may do it , and hath don it , and doth it dayly , according to that of the Psalme talking of wicked men and their prosperitie in this life , by which they are deceaued and ouerthrowne , not knowing to vse them well , the Prophet saith to almighty God ; Veruntamen propter dolos posuisti eis ; Thou hast giuen them ( these riches ) for snares to intāngle them , that is to say , thou hast permitted them to be intangled , and snared in them to their damnation , by taking away thy light of grace from them . 77. Yea oftentimes God goeth so farre in this permission , and the Scripture 〈◊〉 the same in such effectuall wordes , as it may seeme at the first sight , that God doth not only permit men to be blynded , and mistake , & be deceaued ; but rather that he doth it actiuely & positiuely himself , to which effect sound those wordes of the Gospell : Tenebantar oculi 〈◊〉 , ne eum 〈◊〉 ; There eyes were held to the end they should not know him . And that of Iob speaking of Almighty God , Qui immutat cor Principum 〈◊〉 terrae , & decipit eos , vt frustrà incedant , & errare eos facit quasi 〈◊〉 : he doth chang the harts of Princes of the earth , and deceaueth them to make them walk in vaine & doth cause them to erre , as if they were drunke . Who would not thinke that this were more then only permission ? We read also in the third Booke of Kinges , that God appearing vnto 〈◊〉 the Prophet , sitting vpon his state of Maiesty , with an army of heauen about him , said , who shall deceaue King Achab , to make him go vp and make warr in Ramoth-Galad , and be ouerthrowne there ; and when diuers had spoken diuersly , a lying spirit stept forth and said that he would deceaue him , and God answered , egredere & fac it a , go forth and do so ; whervpon Micheas inferreth presently dedit Dominus spiritum mendacij in ore omnium Prophetarum , God gaue a lying spirit in the mouth of all the false Prophets , which seemeth may inferre , that God did actually cooperate to that deceipt , and not only permit the same , and so haue diuers heretickes taken it : but the Catholick Church hath neuer vnderstood the same further , then as a permission , as that speech of our Sauiour to Iudas , quod 〈◊〉 fac citiùs , that which thou art to doe , doe it quickly , which was no commandment , but a permission , and so the other fac ita , to the lying spirit . 78. And the very same is to be vnderstood in many other places of Scripture , as that of Isay ; Quare errare 〈◊〉 nos Domine de viis tuis ? why hast thou made vs : ( o Lord ) to erre from thy wayes ? And that of Ezechiel , where God saith of himself : Propheta cùm errauerit , ego Dominus aecepi Prophetam illum ; when any Prophet doth erre , I the lord , haue deceaued that prophet . And S. Paul to the Romans , speaking of the old heathen Philosophers ; Tradidit illos Deus in reprobum sensum , vt faciant ea quae non 〈◊〉 : God hath deliuered them ouer into a reprobate sense , that they may doe these thinges that are not conuenient . All which places , according to the interpretations of holy * Fathers , and Doctors of the Catholicke Church ( which were ouer long to recite in this place ) are to be vnderstood that God doth permit men to be deceaued , and to be deliuered ouer into a reprobate sense for their sinnes , and so , as a great Deuine of our time doth obserue , it is not only a simple permission of Almighty-God , but conioyned : also with his diuine ordination that ordayneth out of his iustice such a permission for punishment of their sinnes , that are so blynded or deceaued , which he proueth out of the wordes and reason of the last recited sentence of S. Paul , concerning the old Philosophers , saying , propter quod tradidit illos Deus in reprobum sensum , for which God deliuered them ouer into a reprobate sense : what meaneth this causatiue , for which , saith this deuine ? S. Paul himself doth expound it , when he saith a little before , Quia cùm 〈◊〉 Deum , non sicut Deum glorificauerunt , for that wheras they knew him to be God , they did not glorifie him as God : this then ( saith he ) is more then a simple permission in respect of their demerit , that God is said to haue blynded them , which is not said in the fall of the Angell , nor of Adam that God did blynde them , though he suffred them to fal . So this learned Doctor . 79. Out of which obseruation is made euident , that the more fault the party deceaued is in , the more iustly he is permitted to be blynded , & deceaued , and if it be lawfull for a good end to suffer any to erre or be deceaued so we vtter no ly or falshood of our part , but rather speake a truth in our owne meaning ( as out of the former Doctrine of Iansenius , which is the common Doctrine of all Catholickes , and out of diuers sayinges of Christ himself , and his Apostles hath byn declared : ) how much more is it lawful for a mans owne necessary defense to vse the same ; when iuiustice , violence , or iniury is offred as before hath byn declared ? 80. And truly this matter is so cleer euen by the instinct of nature it self , that God hath left some refuge in reason for a man to declyne lawfully such an assault , when it falleth vpon him , as to deny this , is to deny common sense and feeling of all men . For who is there of any meane wit or capacitie , that being asked of a secret which he would not vtter , and pressed so as he must either incurre great inconuenience by vttering , or make a lye by denying ( which lye euery good mynd by nature hateth , as both Aristotle and S. Augustine doe confesse : ) who is there ( I say ) that naturally doth not seeke out some euasion , by answering doubtfully , but yet endeauoring to retaine some true sense in his owne meaning ? Do not all sortes of men euen by the instinct of nature it self vse and practice this , without any instruction at all ? they being commonly the best mynds and most tymerous cōsciences , that doe seek to vse these 〈◊〉 by amphibologies , & equiuocall speeches , wheras the other of worser myndes , make no scruple to lye at all ? 81. And I would in this point aske my Aduersary Thomas Morton this case , that if a great man in England whose fauour he much desireth and esteemeth , and yet would be loth to lend him money for that he knew him to spend much , and not to hold payment of his debtes to be necessary to saluation , if : this great man ( I say ) demanded him whether he had fyue hundred poundes to lend him , & supposing that he had them , but loth to lend or loose them , what would he do or answer in this case , if there be no other meanes , but either to confesse that he hath them , and therby loose them by lending , or denie that he hath them , & therby incurre a lye and loose his soule ? Is there no meane between these two extreames ? Hath God and nature left no lawfull manner of euasion , by force of wit and reason whereby a man may deliuer himself from such an incumbrance ? If not , it may seeme that God hath prouided worse for mans defence in this case , then he hath done for many vnreasonable creatures , to whom he hath giuen such sharpnes of sense in this behalf for their lawfull defence , as the stratagems are very strange which Pliny , Solinus , Cicero , and many other Authors doe recount of them , as the Hare and Fox , by leaps , turninges , and wyndinges , and going backe again in the same trace they come , therby to deceiue the doggs : the Hearnshaw and other foules for deluding the faulcon ; and other creatures in like occasions of defence . 82. And for somuch as the vse of reason and wit is the cheif armour and weapon of mankynde , there can be no doubt , but that a man may euen by Law of nature it self , extend the same to all wayes of defence : that may be , without offence of Gods law , and therfore seeing that we haue shewed before , that doubfull or amphibologicall speech that hath a true meaning in the speakers vnderstanding and is vsed by him not to deceaue or hurt , but to defend himself , is noly , or : falshood at all , and consequently is lawfull ; it cannot be reprehensible in iust occasions to vse the same . And I say in iust occasions , according to the explications therof before set downe , which afterwards in like manner , shall more particularly be declared ; for that without iust cause , as in confession of our faith , common conuersation , mutuall traffique , and the like where preiudice therby may grow to any man , or to the common credit of dealing there may they not be vsed , as often hath byn said . 83. Now then to retourne to our example of Thomas Morton and his fyue hundred pounds , I do not doubt but that he would answere the Noble man , that he had them not , though they lay in his chest , vnderstanding by force of equiuocation ( though neuer somuch detested by his soule as he saith ) that he had them not to lend him , or not in his purse , or not so , as he could spare them , or some other like reseruation , which we say that without a lye he might vse . And I doubt not but that either with a lye or without a ly he would practice it , if I be not deceaued in my opinion of his wisdome , and conscience in that behalf . 84. The like case might be proposed of his wyfe ( if he haue any ) or of any other married woman who being demaunded by her iealous husband , whether she had byn false vnto him or no , if she say yea , and confesse the truth , there goeth her honour and temporall life therin ; but if she say no , & make a lye , there goeth the spirituall death of her soule : what would yow M. Morton counsell her to doe in this case , if yow 〈◊〉 her Ghostly Father ? to ly you may not aduise her , according to S. Augustine before recited ; no not for the sauing of her owne life , or of any other : to destroy or disgrace herself by her owne cōfession , when the cryme is secret , nor any witnes or other proofes extant , were hard to counsell her , and against equity : if then without making a ly she might escape and deliuer her self by vsing some equiuocation of words , will you call it heathenish , 〈◊〉 , & a monstrous hydra ? But I do hope by this time that yow are somwhat calmed in your former heates against this doctrine , and therfore I will vrge no further your outragious tearmes against the same , but nowe shall passe to set downe the particuler cases , wherin our Doctors do hold that some equiuocation or amphibologie of words may be lawfully vsed without ly or other offence . OF CERTAINE PARTICVLER CASES , AND OCCASIONS , VVherin it may be lawfull to vse the manner of Equiuocation , or Amphybology before set downe , either in speach or oath : VVith the reasons therof . CHAP. X. HYtherto haue we treated of Amphibologie , and Equiuocation in generall , to wit , what their nature is , how different from lying , & consequently that in some causes , and occurrent occasions they may be lawfull , and vsed by good men without sinne , or offence , and so haue byn by 〈◊〉 & holy persons , yea often by the holy Ghost himselfe , as before largely hath byn declared . Now then for more perspicuitie it remayneth that we lay forth breifely some particuler , and principall cases , wherin the said vse of Amphibologie or Equiuocation by learned Catholick Deuynes is admitted and allowed ; which we shall do with the greatest breuitie , and perspicuity that we may , considering the great variety of Authors , matters , and opinions , that vpon such Cases doe arise : the seueral explication wherof would require a great volume . But it shall be sufficient for the iudicious Reader to vnderstand , that as in all other humaine , and morall matters , there may be and is commonly difference of opinions , how this or that ought to be done or practised , though they agree in the Doctrine : so heere also when and how , and in what wordes , and what forme os speach a man may iustlie vse Amphibologie or Equiuocation , for couering of Secrets that are not conuenient to be vttered , all doe not agree , but haue their different iudgements , though in the principall they doe all concurre that in some cases the said Amphibologie or equiuocation may be lawfully vsed without lying , or other sinne : of which Cases we shall heere recite some principall . The first case about the secret of Confession . §. 1. 2. THE first and most generall case , wherein * all Schole Doctors without exception do agree that such Equiuocation may be vsed , is in matters appertayning to the seale of Sacramentall Confession , to wit , if a Cōfessour or Priest that hath heard an other mans confession , should be demaunded whether such a one had confessed such a syn vnto him or not , though no wayes , nor vpon any consideration whatsoeuer he may tell a lie , according to our former Doctrine ; yet may he not only say , nescio , I know nothing , but answere directly , that he hath not confessed any such thing vnto him , albeit he had so done ; and that the said Confessour may not say , but sweare also this answere of his , vnderstanding & reseruing in his mynd , that the penitent hath not cōfessed the same vnto him so as he may vtter it . The reason of which answer , albeit diuers Authors do diuersly explicate , as that this was confessed to him , not as to man , but vnto God , or as to Gods substitute in the tribunall of Cōfession , and the like : wherin I remit the Reader to Dominicus Sotus , a learned Deuine , and to Doctor Nauar no lesse renowned lawyer , who handle the matter at large in seueral Treatises ; yet both they , and all other Deuines and lawyers , as hath byn said , do hold that in this case of Confession , the obligation of secrecy is so great , as for no respect whatsoeuer , nor to what person soeuer , though he be neuer so lawful a Iudge , Prince , Prelate or Superiour , nor for sauing of a whole Kingdome or common wealth , and much lesse the liues of any particuler men , or women , or of the confessour himselfe , no nor of the whole world togeather if it were possible , or to worke neuer so much good therby , nor though the said Cōfessour were put in neuer so great torments , imò si mille mortes 〈◊〉 essent , if a thousand deathes ( saith * Tolet ) were to be suffered by him , yet might he not vtter the same . And further if the Case should fall out that he could not confesse his owne sinnes , without giuing some particuler , and personall suspicion of the other vnto his confessour , he were bound vnder sinne to pretermit his owne confession , vntill he found another Confessour , vnto whome without this perill he might be confessed . 3. Which sacred and inuiolable seale of this Sacramentall secrecy being considered , and that Amphibologicall and Equiuocall speach with a true reseruation of mynd is no lye at all , as in the precedent Chapters hath byn largely proued , it is inferred that a Confessour in this case , is not only allowed to vse the same prudently , when need is , for couering of the said secrecy , but is bound also in conscience thervnto , vnder greiuous sinne , when by no other meanes of silence , diuersiō , or euasion the said secrecy can be concealed . 4. And in this al Schole-Deuines whatsoeuer do agree , as hath byn said , and namely all those whome before we haue mentioned in the precedent Chapter , and first point therof ; and among other M. Mortons Genesius in like manner is with vs , & against him , whom he hath picked out as singular and single among all Catholicke writers in this behalfe , denying the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in sundry other Cases , but in this granting and auouching the same with great asseueration in these wordes : Deus & Ecclesia , ipsaque ratio naturalis arcanum sacrae confessionis , quod multis scriptis legibus nominatim est sancitum , tam sanctum esse voluerunt , vt in nulla ( prudenti modò , & coacta ) sic cognitorum peccatorum inficiatione possit esse vel periurium , vel mandacium , propter Sacramenti huius maiestatem , & maximam publicamque Religionis Christianae perturbationem . God and the 〈◊〉 , and naturall reason it selfe , would haue this secret of holy Confession to be so inuiolable , which is established also by many written lawes ( of the Church ) as by no denyall of sinnes so knowne in confession ( so it be prudently done , and vpon compulsion ) can there be either periury , or lying , both in regard of the Maiesty of this Sacrament of Confession , and of the great and publicke perturbation of Christian Religion , which would otherwise ensue if matters reuealed in confession , might at any time , vpon any occasion , be vttered againe . So he . Holding as you see , that no denyall of matters heard or knowne by confession , in what sort soeuer , can be a lye , or periurie : the reason therof being not only that which heere Sepulueda doth touch ; but 〈◊〉 for that which before hath 〈◊〉 insynuated , that thinges knowne in Almighty Gods Court and trybunall , and as vttered vnto himself , may truly be denyed to be knowne in a humaine tribunall , and as the priest is a priuate man , and not a publicke minister of God. 5. One only Case there is , wherin all the said Deuines agree that a Confessor may vtter any Cryme confessed vnto him . Vnus est solus casus ( saith Tolet ) in quo Confessarius potest alteri manifestare peccatum Confessionis . &c. One only case there is , in which the Confessor may manifest a syn heard in Confession vnto an other , to wit , by licence and Commission of the penitent himself , which thing Doctor Nauarre doth proue at large by the common opinion of S. Thomas , & other Schoole Deuines , with the concurrence , and consent of the Canon law , and lawyes cyted by him And then must he reueale it also , but to him alone for whom he hath licence , & qui 〈◊〉 casu reuelat , grauissimè peccat 〈◊〉 ( saith Tolet : ) and whosoeuer in any other case doth reueale it he doth sinne a most grieuous mortall sinne , and 〈◊〉 also the punishment assigned by the church in the Canon law , for so heynous a cryme : And if further ( saith he ) any wicked Iudge should compell him to reueale the same vnder an oath , he may 〈◊〉 , that he knoweth no such sinne , though he know it indeed , but yet knoweth it not so as he may reueale it . And this is the common Doctryne of all , disputed more at large by the Reuerend and learned man Dominicus Sotus the Emperour Charles his Confessor , in a speciall Treatise called , * Relectio de tegendo 〈◊〉 : A Relection about couering secrets ; wherin he sheweth how farre a man may disclose them , and what obligation he hath of conscience to conceale them , in euery sorte or kind . And thus much breifly for this first case . The second case about Secretes of the Common welth . §. 2. 6. THE second Case that for obligation of secrecy commeth next to this first , though in a different degree , is , when Magistrates , and such as haue gouernement in the Common wealth , as Senatours , Councellours , Gouernours Secretaries , Notaries , and 〈◊〉 like , and con equently do know the secrets therof , 〈◊〉 pressed to vtter them , which they may not do in matters of moment , and that may turne to the preiudice of the said 〈◊〉 wealth , or of any particuler man , if the businesse be of great weight , and handled secretly by the Cōmon wealth , for any cause or peril whatsoeuer ; yea though their liues should go therin , for that they are more bound by reason of their offices to the reseruation of publicke secrets , both by law of nature , humane & diuine , then priuate men are : though as Dominicus Sotus in his foresaid booke . De tegendo Secreto doth shew , that a priuate man also comming to know any secrets of the Common wealth , is bound vnder mortall sinne to conceale them , and rather to suffer death then to disclose the same , especially to enemyes , as the Ciuil law also declareth ; but much more those that are in publicke office , wherof Sotus giueth this example among other . If a Iudge which heareth a weighty cause , should be assayled by one party , vt merita causae prodat , to vtter the merites or secrets of the cause , debet potius gladio succumbere , quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : He ought rather to suffer himselfe to be slayne by the sword , then to breake his faith by vttering that secret : but much greater , & more greiuous sinne it should be to vtter the same for money or bribery , hatred , malice , or other like cause . Et idem crediderim ( saith he ) de Scribis , quorum fidei causae graues committuntur : and the same I would thinke of Notaryes , Scribes , or Secretaries , to whose faith weightie matters are committed . 7. And finally the said Author hauing handled in the first part of his said learned booke , the great obligation that man hath by law , both of faith , iustice , equitie , and charitie to conceale secrets , he putteth these degrees therof : In primo gradu ( saith he ) est secretum Confessionis ; in secundo secretum publicum &c. In the first degree is the secret of Confession , wherof we haue handled before ; in the second degree , is the secret of the Common wealth out of Confession ; in the third degree , is the secret of priuate persons , and that in different sort , all which we are bound to conceale ordinarily , vnder the payne of mortall sinne , except the smalnes of the cause do sometymes excuse the same , and make it veniall . So this learned man ; and it is the common opinion of other Schoole-Deuines in like manner . 8. Wherfore seing the obligation not only of concealing secrets heard in Confession , but of those also that be secular out of Confession , is so great , especially of those that be publicke and appertayne to the common wealth ; it followeth that when a man shall be vniustly pressed to vtter the same , he may not only deny to vtter them , which he must do vpon payne of damnation as yow haue heard ; but also dissemble to know them by any way of lawfull speach , that may haue a true sense in his meaning , though in his that presseth to know them , it be otherwise : wherof besides that which in the precedent Chapters hath byn said , we shall haue occasion to treate more in the next case ensuing , which is more generall . For if it be lawfull for any priuate man that is called in question touching matters concerning himselfe , and is wrongfully vrged to vtter his secrets , to make euasion by any kind of lawfull amphibologie , or Equiuocation , as presently shall be proued , then much more in defence of the publicke secret , that concerneth the good of the Common wealth , may the said Magistrate , or publicke officers when they are iniustly demaunded , or vrged contrary to the forme of law , vse the benefit of like euasion so they speake no lye ( which alwayes is presupposed to be forbidden as vnlawfull for what cause soeuer : ) and so much the more , for that being publicke persons , and as such , knowing the said secrets of the common wealth , they may as 〈◊〉 persons deny to know the same , with this or like true reseruation of mynd , so as they are bound , or may vtter the same vnto him , that vnlawfully demaundeth . &c. 9. And for that this case as hath byn said , is for the most parte included , & handled againe in that which ensueth , we shall heere treate the same no further , nor cite more Authors about the determination therof , for that those arguments and authorities that determine the one , do decyde also the other . The third case about any Party accused or called in Question . §. 3. 10. THE third Case considerable in this place , is de Reo , of the partie accused , or called in question in iudgement , what or how he is bound to answere vnto crymes laid against him , or to interrogatoryes proposed . About which point , first all the foresaid * Schoole-Deuine , lawyers , and others do agree with one consent , that euery such partie is bound vnder paine of mortall sinne , to answere directly , truly , and plainly , according to the mind , and intention of the demaunder , and not to his owne , and to confesse the truth without art , euasion , Equiuocation , or other shift or declination , when soeuer the demaunder is his lawfull Iudge in that matter , and proceedeth lawfully , that is to say , according to forme of lawe , and equitie therin . And if the said accused , or defendant either by wilfull holding his peace , or by denying the truth , or by deluding the Iudge do refuge to do this , he sinneth greuously therin . Neither may his ghostly Father absolue him in confession from this , or any other sinnes , vntill he yeeld to performe his dutie in this behalfe , though it should be to the euident perill , and losse of his life by confessing the Cryme . And this do the foresaid Authors S. Thomas , and others proue cleerly , first out of the Scriptures , as where it is said Eccles. 4. Pro anima tua ne confundaris dicere verum , be not ashamed to speake the truth though thy life lye theron , ( which is to be vnderstood , when a lawfull Iudge or Superiour doth lawfully demaund it : ) and Iosue also Cap. 7. when by Gods direction he 〈◊〉 Achan the sonne of Charmi , about the thinges he had 〈◊〉 , vsed this phrase , Dagloriam Deo , & confitere , giue the glory to God , & confesse the truth , wherby is inferred that he taketh Gods glory from him , and : sinneth grieuously that refuseth to consesse the truth to a lawfull Magistrate , proceeding lawfully against him , for that the Magistrate is in the place of Almighty God , and he that resisteth him in his lawfull of fice , resisteth Gods power and ordination , & incurreth damnation therby , as S. Paul Rom. 〈◊〉 . auoucheth . And for so much as the inquiring out , and punishing of malefactors is one of the chiefe , and principall partes of the Magistrates office , for conseruation of the Common wealth , both temporall and spirituall , to resiste , deceaue , delude , or contemne the Iudge , or Magistrates authority in this so principall a point therof , must needs be a great and grieuous mortall sinne , except as some Doctors do note , the smalnes or lightnes of the matter obiected should be such as might mitigate the greiuousnes of the same . And this is the seuerity of Catholicke Doctrine for answering directly , obediently , and truly to lawfull Iudges proceeding lawfully . 11. But now when the Iudge is not lawfull , or not cōpetent at least in that cause , or proceedeth not lawfully ; then all these foresaid obligations do cease in the defendant . As for example , if in France , Spayne , or Italy , a great man that is no Iudge , nor hath authority from the Prince , Prelate , or common wealth , should take vpon him to examine any party of crymes without commission , or other power , or being a lay Iudge should examine priests of Ecclesiasticall matters , who both by diuine and humane law according to Catholicke Doctrine are exempted from lay mens iurisdiction , ( as largely hath byn proued of late in an Answere against Sir Edward Cookes fifth Part of Reportes , which I would wish the Reader to pervse : ) or if his iurisdiction were sufficient in that matter , yet if that he proceeded not iuridicè , lawfully , or according to forme of law in that cause , indiciis , vel infamiâ , vel semi-plenâ saltem probatione non praecedentibus , that is to say , that neither signes , or tokens , or common fame , or some one substantiall witnesse at least be extant against him , ( which circumstances of lawfull proceeding are handled by lawyers in that case : ) when this ( I say ) or any of this falleth out , then hold the former Doctors that all the forsaid obligations of true answering vnto him do no more bynde , for that he is no more a Iudge : in that cause , but rather an enemy , for that he proceedeth contrarie to iustice , and forme of law , by which he should iudge ; and consequently that in this case the defendant may either deny to answere , or appeale from him , if it may auaile him , or except against the forme of proceeding , or deny all that is proposed in the forme , as it is proposed , or vse any other lawfull declination saith S. Thomas , but yet so , as he do not lye , or vtter any falsitie . Potest vel per appellationem ( saith he ) vel aliter licitè subterfugere ; mendacium tamen dicere non licet . He may either by appellation , or otherwise lawfully seeke some euasion ; but yet so as he vtter no lye . 12. And hitherto now in this point all the former Authors do agree without discrepancy , that the defendant being thus vninstly pressed , may vse all lawfull meanes to auoyd the iniury offered him : and Dominicus Sotus that is the most scrupulous in this matter , saith : Possunt & debent sic contra ius requisiti , quacunque vti amphibologia , quam vsitatus sermo citra mendacium ferre possit : they that are so required to answere against lawe , may and ought to vse whatsoeuer amphibologie , or equiuocation the vsuall speach of men doth , or may beare , without a lye . 13. And thus farre also doth concurre Genesius Sepulueda , whome Thomas Morton hath chosen out for some helpe in this matter ; who though in some particuler pointes , he dissent from the rest , as presently shall be shewed ; yet in this he agreeth . For thus he writeth : 〈◊〉 Theologi ac Iurisperiti consentiunt , neque reum in sua , nec testem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causa de occulto crimine rogatum , teneri vt veritatem confiteatur , aut testificetur , 〈◊〉 si dederit quidem 〈◊〉 andum se vera responsurum : Both Deuines and lawyers do generally agree in this point , that neither the defendant in his owne cause , nor a witnes in another mans , being examined of a secret cryme , is bound to confesse or testifye the truth , no , though they haue taken an oath first to vtter the truth . So he of the Generall eōsent of all Deuines , and lawyers , adding his owne opinion more particuler in the same Chapter , and telling vs first , when the Iudge demaundeth vniustly , to wit , when he demaundeth of secrets , or matters not belonging to his iurisdiction , as before hath byn said . In which Case he writeth thus : Itaque vrgente Iudice iniustè vt neget , aut confiteatur , sine culpa 〈◊〉 potest 〈◊〉 Iudicem appellare , & 〈◊〉 alia quacunque ratione , modò sit honesta defugere , nulla adhibita fraude , nullo dolo qui vim obtineat mendacij . When a Iudge doth vniustly vrge the defendant to deny , or confesse , he may without any fault either appeale to a Superiour Iudge ( if it be permitted ) or by any other honest meanes declyne the force and violence that is offred vnto him , so it be done without any such fraud , or guyle , as may include the nature of alye : so as in this all do agree , first , that for no cause a lye may be admitted , or committed ; & secondly that any manner of euasion either by amphibologie , or equiuocation may be vsed , which is not a lye . And this in generall . 14. But now in particuler what manner , or forme of wordes may be vsed by the defendant for auoyding the iniury offred him , and deluding the vniust Iudge , is not so generally agreed of among all men . For this same Sepulueda holdeth that , 〈◊〉 inficiatio veri , as his wordes are , that is to say , all manner of deny all of the thing that is true , except of matters in confession , hath the force of a ly , or falshood , and consequently cannot be admitted . But this is commonly refuted by all , and that with great reason , as afterward shal be shewed , for that otherwise in the examples before alleadged , neither S. Iohn could truly haue denyed himself to be a Prophet , nor Christ himselfe to be our Iudge in the sense they did ; for that they were truly both Prophet and Iudge in their meaning , and yet did they truly deny them both . 〈◊〉 Sotus also , though he go further , and do confesse that the defendant in such a Case being iniustly pressed by the 〈◊〉 , may lawfully answere , nescio , I know nothing therof ; yet dareth he not , as he saith to allow that he may say absolutly non feci , I haue not done it , as the priest may say of matters confessed vnto him non audiui , I haue not heard any such thing , for that in his iudgemēt , as also in that of Sepulueda there is a great difference in the cases , which though in some respectes it be graunted also by others ; yet in this point which is the only & principall , whether it be a lye or no , all the rest doe hold that this negatiue answere of the defendant is no lesse free frō the nature of a lye , then the other of the priest , the one and the other being freed therfrom by the due , and iust reseruation in the speakers mynd , wherby the sense is made true , not only in the meaning or vnderstanding of the speaker , but in the sight of Almighty God the highest , and supreme Iudge of all , vnto whom it is lawfull to appeale in harte and word , when any man is vniustly oppressed by humane iniquity . 15. To begin then with the Authors of this cōmon opinion , that the defendant may say , I haue not done it , vnderstanding , so as by right and law I am bound to vtter it vnto yow ; first of all the famous Doctor Nauar that was schoolfellow with Sepulueda and liued togeather with Sotus , discusseth the matter at large in diuers partes of his workes ; but especially in a particuler large Commentary vpon a Canon of the law , taken out of S Gregories wordes that beginneth , Humanae aures , where he proueth that the said defendant being so pressed vniustly to answere , when he hath no other way lefte to defend himselfe , may truly , and without any lye at all , say , he did it not , with the foresaid reseruation of mynd , that he did it not in some such sense , as in his owne meaning , and in the eares of Almighty God , is true ; though the vniust Iudge taking it in another sense , be deceaued therby , which falleth out iustly vnto him , for that he proceedeth iniustly against law . And the said Doctor proueth this his assertion by many arguments taken both out of Scriptures , Canon law , and reason it selfe , maruailling at the scrupulosity of Sotus in this behalfe , and alleadging against him that of the psalme : Trepidauit timore vbi non erat timor , he trembled with feare , where there was no feare , to wit , of sinne or lying in this case . And moreouer refuteth his fellow-scholler 〈◊〉 , by telling him , that he was greatly deceaued in saying , that no Schoole-Deuine vntil Gabriel had held this opiniō ; wheras saith he both S. Hierome , S. Gregory , and S. Thomas haue in effect expressed the same ; but more clearly Scotus , Richardus , Henricus Gandauensis , Paludanus , 〈◊〉 , Io. Maior , Siluester , Angelus de Perusio , Ioannes ab Anania , whose places he cyteth out of their workes , & addeth the Ordinary Glosse , ab omnibus nostris recepta , receyued ( saith he ) by all our Canonists in cap. Ne quis 22. quaest . 2. in locis infra q. 2. nu . 10. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . citat is : This writeth that renowned Doctor Nauar , who was held for no lesse scrupulous , tender and timerous of Conscience , then any other writer cōmonly in his dayes , as his austere manner of life did well testifie . And after him haue written and defended the same opinion , the most learned men for Scholasticall Deuinity in our age , as a Franciscus Toletus , b Michael Salon , c Dominicus 〈◊〉 , d Gregorius de 〈◊〉 , e Ioannes Azorius , f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , g Franciseus 〈◊〉 , h Tho. Sanchez , all publicke Readers of Deuinity , and others , which for breuities sake I do omit , and shall passe to set downe breifly the proofes of this their opinion . The argumentes and groundes of this common opinion . §. 4. 16. 〈◊〉 first is taken out of that we haue set downe before about the nature , & definition of truth and lying , that whensoeuer any speach , is cōforme in a true sense to the meaning of the speaker it is true , and not a lye ; though the hearer should vnderstand it otherwise , especially when there is no obligation at all of satisfiying the said hearer , or demaunder as heere is presumed not to be , and consequently saith Valentia , a man may vtter any true proposition to himselfe , though neuer so impertinēt to the demaund proposed by the vniust Iudge , as if there were no man present , or as if no such demaund had byn made at all : as for example , if a man that hath stolne , should say to 〈◊〉 alone , or to God truly & sincerely , I haue not stolne of malice or hatred to the person , but of need , or necessitie , or I haue not stolne of my owne inclination , but by induction of others , or I haue not stolne , so as I am bound to confesse it publickly , for that there is no witnesse , proofe or presumptiō against me , or the like : in all these speaches the proposition were true , I haue not stolne , though he reserued the other pointes in his mynd vnuttered . It were true ( I say ) in it selfe , and in the sight and eares of Almighty God , and consequently no lye , whatsoeuer the vniust Iudges do conceaue therof , whose presence , or demaundes in this case are nothing to be respected , but that the defendant may answere and speake as though he ( the said Iudge ) or other hearers that haue no authority to examin him were not there , so he vtter no falsity in it selfe . 17. And for confirmation of this is alleadged the Authority of S. 〈◊〉 in his booke contra 〈◊〉 , cyted by me before , about the nature of a mysterious speach , that vttereth one thing in wordes , an another in sense , and yet is 〈◊〉 by S. Augustine to be no lye . Quae significantur ( saith he ) vtique 〈◊〉 dicuntur . &c. Those thinges that are signifyed in a mysterious speach are indeed truly spoken , but they are thought to be lyes , for that not the true thinges which are signifyed by that speach are vnderstood to be spoken , but those that are false . So S. Augustine , wherby is euident that in his iudgement the nature of a lie cōsisteth not in that it be held for a lye by others , or that the hearer be deceaued , but only that it agree not with the iudgement , and meaning of the speaker , as before hath byn discussed . 18. But the authority of S. Greg. vrged by Doctor 〈◊〉 is more cleare , who in his bookes of Morals taking vpō him to defend the truth of certayne words of holy Iob against Heliu , that calumniated the same saith : Quid 〈◊〉 , si à rectitudine 〈◊〉 humano iudicio verba 〈◊〉 superficie tenus discrepent , quando in cordis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concordent ? &c. What importeth it , if our wordes in outward shew do seeme to disagree from the rectitude of truth in mans iudgement , if in the hinge of our hart , our said wordes be compact togeather , and agree therunto ? Mans eares do iudge of our wordes as they sound outwardly , but Gods iudgement is according as he seeth them come truly from our hart : he knoweth that albeit mans will , and intention may be declared or vttered in sundry formes of wordes ; yet that we ought not so much to consider wordes as the said will , and intention of the speaker . So S. Gregory : wherby he sheweth euidently , that God considereth the hart , and intention of the speaker , and that when he hath a true sense , and meaning in the intention of his harte , though the same wordes seeme false vnto man , yet is it no lye in it selfe , or in the eares of almighty God , who iudgeth thinges as they be in themselues , and not as they are taken by man. 19. An other foundation of the lawfulnes of this doctryne , is grounded vpon this rule , that when in any proposition that seemerh imperfect in sense , there may be supplied other particles , or causes for the perfect sense therof , out of the circumstances of place , tyme , and persons , both of the speaker , and hearer , ( which clauses for iust reasons the speaker is not alwayes bound to expresse in wordes to the hearer ) it is asmuch for the truth of the proposition , as if the said clauses were expressed ; and it is the rule of Doctor Bannes , Salon , Azorius , and others , and it was touched before by Iansenius in the precedent Chapter , as a meane wherby to supply the vnperfect sense of many speaches of our Sauiour , as those , I do not iudge any man : I do not ascend to this feast : The sonne of man knoweth not the day , and houre of Iudgement , and the like : which speaches though in outward shew of wordes they seeme false ; yet are they verified by the supplement of certayne reserued clauses not depending vpon euery mans priuate imagination and will , but such as may be gathered and truly applyed according to the said circumstances of tyme , place , persons , &c. as clauses agreable therevnto . 20. As heere , when the defendant that is guylty saith , non feci , non vidi , non occidi , &c. I haue not done it , I haue not seene him , I haue not killed him ; if we consider only these bare wordes , and the iudges demaunde to whome it seemeth the defendant maketh these answers ( though indeed he doth not but speaketh as if the other were not present at all ) they are vntruthes , he hauing done it : but if we consider the circumstāces first of the person , that is iniuriously demaunded , and therby is not bound to answere at all to the others intention , but to his owne ; and secondly the Iudge that presseth , and demaundeth vnlawfully , and therby deserueth to be deluded ; and thirdly the tyme and place of iudgement , wherin the defendant contrary to law is vrged , eyther to accuse him selfe , or to escape by hauing some other meaning in his wordes , then is set downe : these circumstāces , I say , do easely defend the said speach from the nature of a lye , agreable to the matter , tyme and circumstances , shewing that somewhat is necessarily vnderstood , or reserued in mynde , which maketh the said proposition to be true in the speakers meaning , as hath byn shewed by many examples of Scriptures , and Fathers in the foregoing Chapters . 21. Wherfore all these Authours do conclude , that in the foresaid case , when iniurie is offred against lawe , and when no appellation or other refuge is permitted , nor any doubtfulnes of amphibologie or wordes can take place , then is the oppressed defendant to turne himselfe to almighty God the righteous Iudge of all , and framing to himselfe some true reserued sense , may say , I haue not done it , I haue not seene him , I haue not killed him and the like , vnderstanding that he hath not done it so , as the examination or punishment therof is subiect to that tribunall , or he subiect to their iurisdiction , wherby he is bound to vtter the same vnto him . 22. Neyther is this to deny a truth , or to lye , but to conceale some truth , which the defendant is not bound to vtter at that tyme , and to that man , and to vtter another , which is different from that . As for example he denyeth not , that he hath done the thing that he is demaunded , but not being bound to answere to that demaund , he saith , that he hath not done it in this or that maner , which is a truth not demaunded : neyther is this to lye , for that a lye is when the : speaker vttereth a thing which he knoweth to be false , as before we haue largly shewed , which in this case happeneth not , for that he knoweth that he speaketh a truth in his owne meaning , and in the sight of God , which alwayes he must do when he vseth this euasion , for that otherwise he should lye , & commit synne , if he had not some true sense reserued in his mind , conformable to the matter , tyme , and place , and not feigned at randome as some fondly doe imagine . 23. Nor is this doctryne preiudicial to the common conuersation of mans lyfe , as Sepulueda & some other haue obiected , for that this manner of Equiuocation as Valentia , Sayer , and other learned men haue noted , is not to be vsed without necessity , or vrgent causes , as particularly in iudgement , when the 〈◊〉 is iniustly pressed to answere , and when he hath right duty , band , or obligation to conceale the secret which the Iudge would know : but in common conuersation , though it should not be properly the syn of lying , for the reasons aforesaid , nor against the negatiue precept of truth ; yet should it be an other synne against the publick good of cyuill society , and consequently against the affirmatiue precept of truth , bynding euery man to speake truth with his neighbour , according to the intention of the hearer , and demander , except he should demaund somwhat in preiudice of vs , and we had right to conceale the same . And thus much of this third case , wherby all the rest may in a sorte be determined . The fourth case about VVitnesses . §. 5. 24. IN the fourth place ensueth the consideration of witnesses , who do testify in another mans cause , as the defendant doth in his owne ; and consequently many thinges of those which before we haue touched concerning the said defendant , do appertaine also to witnesses . For first the common opinion and consent of Deuines is , that when any man is called to beare witnesse against another , before a lawful Iudge , who proceedeth rightfully , and according to forme of law doth demaund the truth of him , he is bound to vtter the same sincerely , and wholy vnder payne of mortall sinne , for the same reasons which we haue alleadged before , concerning the defendant ; to wit , that the Iudge being in the place of almighty God , & of the Cōmon wealth , & demaunding him iustly , he is bound by the law of Iustice , subordination , and obedience , to reueale vnto him the sincere truth of all that he is demaunded , and knoweth in that behalfe . 25. Yea & further then this , he doth not only sinne mortally , as hath byn said , in denying , or concealing the truth or any parte therof necessary to be vttered : but is also bound in conscience to make restitution to the partie endamaged by his concealment of all those losses either in fame , estimation , goods or otherwise which he hath suffered , and might haue auoyded , if the other had confessed the truth . So hold Syluester , Nauar , Sotus , Salon , Bannes , Valentia , and commonly all the rest . And this is the seuerity of Catholicke Doctrine , about obligation of witnesses for telling the truth , when they are called , and examined by a rightfull Iudge , extant in all our Authors , as hath bene said ; and I would gladly know of T. Morton what his Deuinity doth define , and prescribe in this case , and what his Authors haue written therof for the practice ; yea what the practice it self is there daily with him , in all mens sight : which point I thinke rather expedient to leaue to euery mans particuler knowledge , and conscience , to thinke & consider , then here to set downe , what fruites their new Ghospell hath brought forth in this matter about vnconscionable witnesses . 26. But on the other side our Doctors say , that when the Iudge is not lawfull , or that he enquireth of secretes , which appertayne not to his iurisdiction , nor that forme of law doth permit him so to enquire , then the same Authors are of opinion , that he may refuse to answere , for that the Iudge hath no Authority to demaund him ; yea although first he hath sworne to answere directly , for that , that oath did presuppose that he should answere directly to that which the other should iustly demaund of him , and therfore in this case he may vse the same kinds of refuge , which before haue byn touched in the case of the defendant , that is to say , he may hold his peace , or refuse to answere , or appeale from him or deny all in forme , as it lyeth , or vse doubtfull , or Equiuocall wordes , and other such manner of ordinary euasions , which if they preuaile not , then say these Doctors , that he may deny , and say , nihil scio , nihil vidi , nihil audiui , I know nothing , I haue seene nothing , I haue heard nothing , reseruing in his mynd the other parte , that he knoweth nothing , hath seene nothing nor heard nothing , which in that iniust examination he is bound to vtter , as being demaunded against law , and iustice . And this shall be sufficient for this case . The fifth case about Equiuocation in swearing . §. 6. 27. THE fifth case that we meane to handle at this tyme is about Equiuocation in swearing , which act of swearing comprehending as before we haue said a calling of God to witnes in that we affirme , as it is honourable to God when it is done with the foresaid due circumstances of Truth , Iustice , and Reuerence : so is it a greiuous sinne when any of those points do want , and especially when truth , and iustice fayleth therin , it is the heynous sinne , & cryme of periury , so greatly detested in Catholicke Doctrine as before hath byn declared in the seauenth and eight Chapters . Now only is to be considered , whether Amphibologie or Equiuocation may be vsed in an oath , or no , and how farre without deceipt , and whether he that sweareth , be alwayes bound to sweare to the intention of him to whom the Oath is made , or that sometimes , and in some cases , he may without falshood , or periury , sweare to his owne true intention , keeping the same secret from him that exacteth the oath . 28. About which point they do determine first , that who soeuer offreth himself volūtarily to sweare , that is to say , of his owne free - will and choise , he is bound vnder payne of mortall sinne to sweare truly , and directly * according to the intention & meaning of him to whome he sweareth : the reason wherof is , for that he swearing freely , and without compulsion , is bound to vtter the truth , and to follow the common vse of swearing , which is to sweare to the intention of him that exacteth the oath . And the same they determine , when any man is called , and commanded to sweare by his lawfull Iudge , and Superiour , and in a lawfull cause : and he that doth otherwise , though it were to the sauing of his owne , or another mans life , doth commit periury . 29. But if the Iudge that exacteth the oath be not a lawfull Iudge , or proceedeth not lawfully in exacting the same , then hath he that sweareth , no obligation to sweare to his intention at all , but may sweare to his owne , so he make no lye , but haue some true meaning and sense in his oath , according to the circumstances of the place , tymes , matters , and persons before mentioned . Of which point I thinke good to alleadge heere the wordes of a great Schoole-Deuine , that hath written in our age , called by Morton the Great Moralist , who proposing diuers rules concerning the subiect of taking an oath , setteth downe his second rule thus : Secunda regula ( faith he ) est , si 〈◊〉 à Iudice contra , vel praeter ius rogetur de crimine occultò patrato , &c. The second rule is that if the defendant should be demaunded an oath by the Iudge about a secret cryme committed by him , and this contrary or besides the order of law , he may with a secure conscience answere , and sweare that he hath not committed that cryme , nor knoweth any thing of it : the reason of which rule is , not that which some men do giue , that it is lawfull for vs , when we sweare , to take wordes in our sense at our pleasure , or as wee feigne them our selues , otherwise then the hearers vnderstand them ; but this only is the true reason , that when our wordes may haue an ambiguous signification , we may take them in what sense we will , when we are vrged against law , though the hearers take them in another sense . And wheras the ambiguity of our wordes may arise from diuers heades , aswell of their significations , of the circumstances of time , place , persons , manner of proceeding , and the like before mentioned ; wee may out of these verify our speach . As for example , when a priest denyeth to any Iudge that he knoweth of any Cryme in Confession , which is a diuine iudgment and tribunall , it is vnderstood by the circumstance of his office , that no such crymes are to be enquired of in that humane court or iudgement . And so when the defendant denyeth that he hath done this , or that secret cryme , though he seeme to deny it absolutly ; yet the circumstance of the place , action , and persons may easely declare , if a man looke into them , that his true meaning may be , that he hath done no such thing , as ought to be enquired in that manner or vttered publickly in that tribunall . 30. So he in this and all other like cases : about which this general foundation is held by the foresaid Deuines ; and related by our Countreyman Sayer in his Cases of conscience in these wordes . Interrogatus à Iudice incompetente . &c. He that is examined by an incompetent Iudge , or if he be competent and lawfull , yet doth he not proceed lawfully , & according to forme of law , as examining him of secret 〈◊〉 , or matters , or circumstances impertinēt to the cause , then in that case is he not obliged to sweare according to the intention of the said Iudge , that offereth the oath ; nor on the other syde may he lye , or sweare against his owne intention , or true meaning , for that he should synne deepely , and incurre periury ; but he may when he is thus pressed , and cannot otherwise auoid the violence , and iniuty offered vnto him , so accommodate his wordes , as they may be true according to his owne intention , and in the sight of God , though they be false according to the intention of him that doth iniustly exact the oath ; and in so answering he lyeth not , nor incurreth periury , though the said Iudge be deceaued . For that S. Thomas well noteth the formall , and essentiall reason of a lye consisteth not in the intention of the speaker , to leaue the hearer deceaued , for that otherwise he should lye whosoeuer should vse doubtfull and equiuocall wordes to hide a truth ( which both S. Thomas , S. Augustine and other Deuines do deny ) but it consisteth in this , that a thing is otherwise spoken then is in the mynd of the speaker , vnde mentiri , est contra montem ire , to ly , is to go against a mans owne mynd , as * before hath sufficiently byn declared . Thus Sayer . Diuers other Cases in particuler . §. 7. 31. AND now in the last place shall we lay togeather some few seuerall cases , which vpon these and like rules , reasons , and principles , 〈◊〉 do resolue . And the first shal be that case , which our Minister Morton so often proposeth , and odiously doth exagerate about Couentry , saying : That our English Equiuocators do teach , that if a man come from Couentry , which towne is held to be infected with the plague , himselfe dwelling in a parte of that Cittie which is free from infection , and being asked at London-gates , whether he came from Couentry , they intending to aske him concerning a place infected , he may answere no , for that herein he deceaueth not the mynd of the questioner , but answereth directly to his intention . So propoundeth he the case , as he pretendeth out of the Catholike treatise of Equiuocatiō , which hitherto I haue not seene , and consequently cannot affirme how truly or falsely the same is related : but he hauing so vttered the said case , doth in opposition 〈◊〉 cyte the forsaid Iesuite Azor his sentece against this , as though he said that if we admit this case : Nihil tam falsum esse posse , quod non que at ab omni mendacio liberari : nothing is so false , but that it may be freed from a lye ; which wordes are indeed in Azor , but not applyed by him to this case , but to another , saying : That if it were lawfull for vs , to feigne what words we would in an oath without regard to the circumstances of tyme , place , and persons before mentioned , then nothing were so false in deed , that might not be freed from all lying : but this case of ours goeth not conioyned with these wordes of Azor , as Morton hath perfidiously heer tyed them togeather , but Azor speaking twice of this our case in one page , first in the name of others by way of obiection , and againe in his owne name by way of resolution ; he saith : Libenter concedimus de eo , qui ad portas 〈◊〉 rogatur , &c. we do willingly grant the example of him who coming to the gates of a Citty , and being asked whether he came from a certayne place , which by errour is thought to be infected with the plague , and is not ; tuto citra 〈◊〉 iurare potest , se ex eo loco non venire , he may securely sweare without lying , that he cometh not from that place ; so as , he vnderstand that he cometh not from any place infected with plague , nor that himselfe is infected . This is Azor his iudgement and resolution . And before him this case was so resolued by Doctor Syluester , Nauar , Tolet , Roderiquez , Cosmus Philiarchus , and diuers other learned men , as after him also by our often-named Countreyman Gregorius Sayer : and the reason of the lawfulnes of this answere is , for that the answerer being sure , that either the place is not infected from whence he came , or that himselfe hath brought no infection about him ( for otherwise he should be periured ) it were great iniury vnto him to be stayed at the Gate without cause , and therfore for declyning this iniury and 〈◊〉 , it is lawfull for him to answere to the finall end , and intention of the keeper , and of the Cittie or Common-wealth ( whose intention only is to exclude infected people ) and not to their immediate words about the particuler place . 32. And now all this being so , consider 〈◊〉 pray yow , the shamelesse forhead of this deceauing Minister , in cyting Azor quite against himselfe , and his owne sense and meaning , and tying his wordes togeather that were spokē separatly to another end : & yet as though he had played no such iuggling tricke , but had gotten some victorie ouer vs , heare his insolent speach about this answere sett downe by so many learned men as you haue heard named : An answere ( saith he ) so grossely false , that a Iesuite of high esteeme in your Church ( to witt Azor ) writing against this spirituall iuggling of his subtilelying-brethren doth confesse , that if this kind of answere concerning a place infected with the plague , &c. be not false , then there is no speach so false , but it may be freed from falshood , by whom your Equiuocators ( saith he ) may learne that if the man yow fancied came not from a place infected with bodily pestilence , yet this your Equiuocating proceedeth from myndes spiritually infected with the contagion of pestilent lying . So he . 33. And I do willingly remit my selfe to the indifferent Reader , where this contagion of pestiling lying raigneth , either in these graue learned men , that haue decyded this question without lying , & against lying , or in Morton , that hath multiplied so many lyes togeather in this place , as is a shame to number them ? For besides all that I haue noted already , he corrupteth also heere the very text of Azor , which himself alleageth in his margent , by translating it falsely into English , wheras Azor saith in the Case proposed , Sivenit ex loco aliquo peste minimè infecto , qui falsò habetur pro infecto , he Englisheth the same by leauing out the wordes minimè and falsò , sayng ; If he come from a place infected , which altereth the whole case . For if either the place , or himselfe be infected , he cannot sweare without periury as hath byn sayd . Secondly he saith that Azor the Iesuite doth write against the spirituall iuggling of his 〈◊〉 - lying-brethren , and yet are neyther the principall Authors of this answere and resolution Iesuites , as by their names you haue heard , nor writeth Azor against them , but with them , and for them in this case , conforming his iudgement as yow see , to theirs , that a man coming from such a place , may iustly sweare in the forme that byn said . Nor is their answere 〈◊〉 as the minister slandereth , but plaine , & reall dealing , yeelding their resolution togeather with the reason therof , as hath byn declared . And all the iuggling is on Mortons syde , who declaming against lying , doth nothing but lye : and yet finaly concludeth most ridiculously his speach thus : Therfore be yow exhorted for the loue of God , who is truth , to recant your doctrine of Equiuocating , the Metropolis of lyes . Wherunto my answere is , that in my opinion Thomas Morton is well worthy to be Metropolitane of that Metropolis . For if euer man honest or vnhonest , lay or Clergie , learned or vnlearned , ( to vse his manner of exaggerations ) did tell so many lyes togeather and in print , & within the compasse of so few lynes , as Morton heere hath done , I am much deceyued . For yet he hath not done , but presently after the former lyes , vttered against Azor he proceedeth to do the same with others also , and namely against Dominicus Sotus in these wordes . 34. Behold ( saith he ) one Doctor among you so subtile , that for that faculty , he hath by figure of excellency byn called , The subtile Doctor , who doth conclude all your Equiuocators for liars , saying ; to say that I did not that which I know I haue done , although I speake it with this limitation , or reseruation of mynd , vt tibi significē , it is not Equiuocatiō but a lye . And then he quoteth Sotus in his bookes Deiure iustitia , setting downe also in the margèt the latin wordes conforme to this . But all is treachery , falshood , and lying in this impertinent impugner of Equiuocation . For first by the Subtile Doctor , according to the phrase of Catholicke Schooles , euery Child knoweth to be meant Ioannes Scotus & not Dominicus Sotus which liued more then 200. yeares after the other , and was of the Order of S. Dominicke , the other being of S. Francis ; so as this is foolish and ridiculous errour , if it be errour : but the other is clearly false , and malitious , that these wordes as heere they are cited are in Sotus , which Morton will neuer be able to shew , for sauing his honesty in this point ; and much lesse will he be able to proue , that Sotus doth conclude all Equiuocators for lyars , which is an other incredible impudency in him to affirme , for that Sotus in this very booke , question , and article by him cited doth teach & proue largely the playne contrary , to witt , that to Equiuocate is lawfull in diuers cases , to which effect we haue cited him before , when he saith in generall : Possunt & debent sic contra ius 〈◊〉 quacunque vti amphibologia . They which are vnlawfully required to speake or sweare as we haue declared , may and ought to vse any kynd of Amphibologie , or Equiuocation . 35. This is his generall assertion , but afterward in particuler he putteth many exāples to proue the same . And first he setteth downe this proposition , dum testis de alieno actu interrogatur , potest ritè respondere se nesoire ; when a witnesse is ( vnlawfully ) demaunded of an other mans action which he knoweth , he may iustly answere he knoweth nothing . The reason wherof he saith is this ; Quia oratio illa nescio , recipere hunc sensum citra mendacium potest , nescio , vt tibi modò dicam : for that the answere I know nothing therof , may without falsity admit this sense , I know it not to tell it yow at this time , sicut filius hominis nescit 〈◊〉 iudicij , vt dicat , as Christ knew not the day of Iudgment to tell , or vtter it to his disciples . And doth it seeme to yow that Sotus in this place doth go about to conclude all Equiuocators for lyars , as Morton affirmeth ? If he did , he concludeth our Sauiour Christ also in his sense . What extreme impudency is this in a Minister ? But let vs heare Sotus yet further in this matter . 36. In his booke detegendo secreto , his third member , and third question , he repeateth againe the very same conclusion heere mencioned , that a witnes being vniustly demaunded whether he knoweth such and such a thing of an other , may answere he knoweth nothing , though he secretly know it : and then going further , he demaundeth , whether I hauing seene Peter kyll Iohn , & being afterward examined vpon the same iniustly , whether I may say I know nothing therof ? To which he giueth this answere : Respondetur quod iure possum respondere nescio , quia iure intelligitur nescio , vt dicam , aut nescio eo modo quo iure debeam dicere . I affirme ( saith he ) that I may rightly answere , I know nothing therof , for that by law it is vnderstood that I know it not to tell it , or I know it not in such manner , as by law I ought to vtter the same . And presently he refuteth Tho. Mortons Doctor Genesius Sepulueda , that calleth this pulchrum commentum , a faire glosse , and putting him in number of iuniores quidam , certayne yonger fellowes , that would reprehend that which they vnderstood not , saith : Hi aut non capiunt , aut dissimulant vim argumenti : these ( yonglings ) either do not vnderstand , or do dissemble the force of the argumēt for this our doctrine . And this note giuen to 〈◊〉 Mortons Doctor 〈◊〉 by so graue a man as Sotus was , may easely wype out his authority about this matter of Equiuocation , if in some thinges he dissent from the rest , that were far more learned Deuines then himself : about whome notwithstanding I cannot but meruaile why 〈◊〉 Morton , in cyting him , doth adorne him with this 〈◊〉 tytle your Deuine of 〈◊〉 , for so much as we read not , that euer he was at Colen , but was borne at Corduba in Spayne , and there dyed , though for many yeares he liued in Italy : but whether he did euer looke vpon Colen or no I know not , & cōsequently I would gladly know Thomas Mortons mysterie 〈◊〉 naming him so confidently our Deuine of Colen . But whatsoeuer his mysterie might be in this , sure it is , that his Myserie was and is apparant in being taken in so many liues , about Sotus and Azor , as heere he hath byn . 37. And now for that we haue byn ouer long in this one example , drawne out by the multiplicity of 〈◊〉 manifold vntruthes , we shall breifly touch an example or two more and so make an end . A wyfe being demaunded by her husband , that is no competent Iudge , and compelled to sweare , whether she be an adulteresse , or no , may lawfully sweare , if the sinne be secret , ( say our Doctors ) that she is not , vnderstanding , VT TIBI REVELEM , that I am bound to reueale it vnto yow , and therby auoid the danger that otherwise she were like to incurre . In which resolution , though Sotus do somwhat differ from the rest , as also about the answere of a defendant in his owne act , whether he may say absolutly , he hath not done it , or no , as before in the third Case hath byn debated ; yet doth Doctor Nauarre at large proue that she may answere truly so , as a priest may answere also in matters of Confession by Sotus owne rule , though the Cases be different in other pointes . And with a Nauar do concurre in this b Syluester , c Lopez d Cosmus Philiarchus e Angelus de Clauatio f Pedrazza , g Tolet h Azor , and others . 38. An other Case is that a man hauing borrowed an hundred pondes of another , and payd him againe , but being not able to proue the said payment in iudgment , and therupon forced by the Iudges to sweare that he will pay an hundred poundes by such a day , he is not 〈◊〉 if he pay him not , or haue no intention to pay him : for that in his oath , Soluam , I will pay him , is vnderstood by law , and by the very circumstance of the thing it selfe , that I will pay him : so much as I owe him , for that this also must be presumed to haue byn the true intention of the Iudge , according to right and law , though otherwise by his externall actuall iudgement he bound him to pay it absolutly . 39. Many more such like cases and examples might be added , but it were ouer long . The substance of Schoole-doctrine in this poynt , & of Canon-lawers is , That when a man is offered iniury , or iniustly vrged to vtter a secret , that without his hurt or losse , or publicke damage he may not do ; then is it lawfull for him without lying or periury , to answere eyther in word or oath , according to his owne intention and meaning , so it be true , though the hearer be deceaued therwith : But whersoeuer this iniury is not offered , nor violence vsed , or that he hath liberty to sweare or not sweare as in common conuersation and traffique it falleth out , ther is he alwayes bound to sweare according to the intention of him to whom he sweareth , and this vnder payne of periury , and much more , where the Equiuocation may turne to the hurt of others that offer him no iniury , nor cannot force him to sweare against his will. This is the resolution of Catholike-schooleDoctors , vpon the groundes which before yow haue heard , both of reason , equity , Scriptures and Fathers against the vnlearned clamors of a few English ministers , that out of emulation and ignorance doe impugne the same without proofe at all . And this shall suffice for this Chapter . THE ARGVMENTS AND REASONS OF THO. MORTONS BOOKE are examined , and ansvvered : AND His notorious errors , follyes , and falsifications therin discouered . CHAP. XI . ALBEIT whatsoeuer hath hitherto byn said , and written by vs about this subiect of Equiuocation , hath byn in reprofe of Thomas Mortons reasons and arguments against the same ; yet haue I not thought it amisse in this place , to looke ouer his booke againe , and to bring againe into the Readers sight by way as it were of methodicall repetition , whatsoeuer substāce he pretendeth to haue in this affaire : which though it be so small that it is scarce worth the repetition ; yet may the reuiew therof make some impression , what 〈◊〉 of people they are , that take vpon them to write bookes at this day in England against Catholiekes , and to be Maisters and directors of others , that are so ignorant , and farre out of the way themselues . 2. First then to pretermit the 〈◊〉 exaggerations , vsed by him in the beginning of this booke , which vpon some occasions I haue touched before , intituling the same , Against more then heathnish Equiuocation , and in another place , Against the doctrine of sacrilegious Equiuocation : and yet futther , Against the impious conceipt of Equiuocation ; and lastly , Against the wicked doctrine of Equiuocation , against the new-bred-hydra , and vggly monster ; a peece of the black art , the mystery of iniquity , and the like : we shall briefly go to the substance of the matter , for now already yow haue seene how vaine , and childish these termes are , and much more that asseueration , That no iota in all Scripture , no one èxample in all antiquity , no one reason in all the naturall wit of man is to be found for profe , or colour of any lvwfull vse of Equiuocation . Yow haue seene ( I say ) how light and vaine these wordes of his are , and haue pittyed ( I thinke ) the poore mans ouersight in vttering them , forasmuch as so many Scriptures , so many Fathers , so many Doctors , and graue learned men , both in Law and Deuinity , so many euident reasons and arguments , haue byn alleadged for the iust vse therof , in due occasions , tymes , matters , and places , as no modesty can maintayne the former fond and childish vaunts to the contrary . 3. To hasten then to the matter , I am first to admonish the reader , that wheras this Minister doth take vpon him to confute a certaine Catholicke manuscript Treatise , made in defence of Equiuocation , and intercepted ( as it seemeth ) by them , I could neuer yet come to the sight therof , and therfore must be forced to admitt , what he saith out of it , without controlment , heere a peece , & there a peece ; though there be diuers coniectures , 〈◊〉 he , as in other matters , so in this , dealeth very vnfaithfully : partly for that such peeces as heere are alleadged , do not seeme well to hang togeather , or to haue any due connexion : and partly also for that I hauing taken Thomas Morton in so many falsifications , of thinges alleadged by him , as before yow haue seene , and that the law saith , VVhosoeuer is once euill , is presumed to be euill still , vntill he proue the contrary : I must in a manner assure my selfe , that the minister hath vsed notable legter-de mains , in citing the sentences , and textes of this Catholicke Treatise , which I haue hope to see ere it belong , and if it come in time , I may chance by some appendix , to giue yow more notice of the particulers . 4. This then presupposed , we come to the 〈◊〉 pointes of his whole Treatise , which 〈◊〉 as yow haue heard of two conclusions . The first , that euery Equiuocation by a mentall reseruation , is not a hidden truth but a grosse lye : The second , that euery Equiuocation whether mentall or verball , if it be vsed in an oath , though it be no lye , yet is it an abhominable prophanation of that sacred institution of God &c. And for proofe of these two conclusions , he alleadgeth seuerall argumentes , which heere we shall discusse in order , to wit , seauen for the first , and foure for the later . His argumentes for the first are these . 1. The definition of a lye . 2. The definition of Equiuocation . 3. The description of lying . 4. The nature of periury . 5. Truth God , lying the Diuell . 6. Scriptures Fathers Pagans . 7. Signe , interpretations , coyne , Giges ring . And for the second conclusion he bringeth 4. argumentes . 1. The forme of an oath . 2. The end of an oath . 3. A minore from the lesse to the more . 4. A paribus , or from thinges equall . And now shall you see one by one , how equally vaine , and of no force all these argumentes be . The first argument from the definition of a lye . §. 1. 5. NOvv must we come ( saith he ) into the listes of this conflict , and enter vpon our Equiuocator , to conuince him a grosse liar , by manifest argumentes . Maior . Whosoeuer vseth any signification of speach against his conscience , is properly a lyer : Minor. But our Equiuocator doth vse signification of speach directly against his cōscience , Ergo he is directly a lier . The Minor is not only the confession , but also the profession of our Equiuocator , who saith , that if a Catholicke being demaunded before a Magistrate , vpon his oath whether a priest be in his house , he may contrary to his perfect knowledge , answere no ; and can any man of conscience deny this conclusion ? Yet because we haue to deale against Consciences daw bed vp with morter vntempered , wee adde a consirmation of the former argument . So he . 6. And I haue thought good to lett him play his parte somwhat largely in this first argument , to the end you may know him the better in the rest . You see how he entereth with menacing wordes , and then how he maketh a sillogisme , & when he should proue his Minor proposition , that wee deny , to witt , that euery one that 〈◊〉 Equiuocation doth vse a signification of speach directly against his conscience , he saith , that we do not only confesse , but professe the same . And how doth he proue this ? Forsooth for that we hold that a Catholicke being exam ned whether he haue a priest in his house , he may answere no , though he know he be there . But now this simple fellow doth know before this time , if he hath read that which in the precedent Chapters we haue written , that the 〈◊〉 , no , in this answere doth not fal only vpon those wordes vttered , but vpon my whole meaning , and reserued proposition , and consequently doth not signifye , that I know no priest to be there , but , that I do not know him so to be there as I am bound to vtter him , as S. Iohns , no , to the Pharisies did not signify that he was no Prophet at all , but that he was no such Prophet as they imagined . 7. 〈◊〉 it is great folly for him heere to say , that we both confesse and professe , that when we vse 〈◊〉 speach in a reserued proposition , we speake against our knowledge , & conscience . For we speake as we thinke , and as we thinke truly both in our meaning and in the sight of God , though the hearer by his owne default , as proceeding vniustly , be permitted to be deceaued : so as , when I say , I haue no priest in my house reseruing in mynd this other clause , which I ought and am bound to vtter vnto yow , is a true proposition , and truly meant by me , and not contrary , but conforme to my knowledge , & conscience : which being vnderstood , all the daubing with morter which the minister Morton bringeth in heere out of our owne Authors ( for other ( poore man ) he hath none ) to 〈◊〉 vp his contradiction withall , dissolueth of it selfe , and falleth to the ground , as meere daubing in deed . For first we graunt the definition of lying , alledged out of the Maister of 〈◊〉 , which is : Lying is when a man speaketh any thing , contrary to that which he thinketh in his mynd : for in this proposition of ours I thinke as I speake , for I thinke and know that I haue no priest in my house , which I ought to discouer . Secondly wee admit also the definition of S. Thomas of Aquin : A lye is when a man will signify in outward wordes , another thing then that which he hath in his mynd , which in our case we do not . We admit also the saying of S. Augustine heere alleadged , that the former property of periurie is to sweare that , which I thinke is false . 8. And now Thomas Morton hauing alleadged these authorityes out of our owne Doctors , as yow see , and making nothing for him , but altogeather for vs , he passeth on to vrge vs with his wise 〈◊〉 interrogatoryes , wherof we haue made mention * before , and maketh this preface thervnto . 9. Now must we examine ( saith he ) whether that we haue not by this proofe so intrapped the Fox Equiuocator , that he cannot find any hole wherby to escape . Suffer me Socratically to debate this point with you & answere me frendly to these demaundes &c. Which childish trifling , for that we haue answered sufficiently before , we shall say no more in this place . And this is all he hath of any substance in this argument . His second argument from the definition of Equiuocation . §. 2. 10. INTO this argument also he entreth with like vaunt , as 〈◊〉 the former ; That if euer 〈◊〉 Logitian , whether Infidel , or belieuer did allow a mixt propositiō partly mentall , and partly verball , I will ( saith he ) which my soule vtterly detesteth , be an Equiuocator But to this folly hath byn answered sufficiently before in the eight Chapter , where his grosse ouersight is discouered in this childish vaunt . 〈◊〉 he goeth forward saying : But I must not now expect impossibilities from you , to try what you would proue , but shew heerin what I can disproue . Your proposition , I am no priest , mixed with your mentall reseruation , to reueale it vnto yow , if it be true , it is either in his simple signification , or by vertue of 〈◊〉 : but it is true in his simple signification : This yow graunt . Neither can it be true by vertue of Equiuocation : This I proue . 11. Well Syr , we shall see presently your proofe for this second point , but in the meane space we deny the former , which yow say we grant , but do alleadge no proofe for it . For who is so simple , as to grant that this whole proposition , I am no priest bound to reueale it vnto yow , or no priest subiect vnto your iurisdiction , is not a true proposition in his owne simple signification ? For it signifyeth to me simply , and plainly , that I am not a priest subiect to seculer mens examination , according to Canonicall and Ecclesiasticall lawes : how then do we grant that the proposition is not true , in his simple signification , or where is that grant registred ? Is not this great simplicity , to presume a grant and to plead that grant in print , wheras the thing is euidently denyed ? Who would argue thus but Thomas Morton ? But let vs see your proofe in the second , seeing yow faile so much in the first . . Equiuocation say yow ) in word or speach , according to Aristotle the Oracle of Logitians , is when one word or one speach , doth equally signifie diuers things , as when one shall say , I am afraid of a dogge , this word dogge hath a triple signification , &c. This hath byn examined before in the seauenth Chapter , where it is shewed , how yow abuse Aristotle in this place , by making him to define Equiuocation in generall by a part ; that is to say the definition of one , among three manners or degrees of Equiuocatiō there by him set downe , wherby also yow destroy vnawares your owne cause : for that if this be the definition of Equiuocation in generall , then cannot our reserued proposition haue any equiuocation in it at all , for that the wordes and speech haue no double , but simple signification of themselues , and consequently yow do accuse vs vniustly of equiuocating , in vsing this answere , wherof also your self say presently after : But your mixt and patched proposition is not one word or speach , signifying equally diuers things , but contrarily diuers partes of speach , one in the mynd , and another in the mouth , which whosoeuer shall call equiuocall , may be iustly suspected to be bvtten with the highest dogg , the proposition is so absurd , and vnreasonable . 13. And now ( good Syr ) what will yow proue by all this ? That our mixt reserued propositions are not ambiguous , doubtfull , and equiuocall ? And why then ( I pray yow ) do yow call vs Equiuocators ? yea hellish and heathnish Equiuocators for vsing the same ? Who is like rather to be bitten of the highest dogg , eyther we or yow that cannot tell what yow say or proue , eyther for yow , or against your selfe ? We haue stood hithertoto defend those mixt propositiōs against your imputations of hellish , heathenish , impious , and sacrilegious Equiuocations ; and now yow take vpon yow to proue , that they are not equiuocall at all , and that they are bitten with the highest dogg , that say so : and yow are 〈◊〉 earnestly sett to proue it , as yow dare aduenture to corrupt Aristotles owne text , to make some shew therof , not only in choice of the definition before mentioned ; but in the very wordes also of his Greeke text heere cyted , where yow say that Equiuocation is in any one word , or one speach that doth equally fignifie diuers things , and by vrging these ones , yow exclude our mixed propositions , for that they are not one word , nor one speach as yow say , but diuers partes of speach , wheras Aristotle hath neyther of these one 's in his text , as the Greeke wordes alleadged in the margent do shew , but are foisted in by Morton to ouerthrow himselfe . And is not this like to be the bytting of a doggish influence indeed ? 14. Wherfore to conclude , this argument is against himselfe , who vnderstādeth not the state of his owne question , and therfore for instruction of the Reader , I say , that albeit these mixt reserued propositions be not properly equiuocall , in the sense that Aristotle did define his three degrees of Equiuocation , by wordes , custome or construction ( which * before we haue related ) for that they do not of themselues , nor their owne natures , signifye equally diuers things , but being vnderstood wholy haue a single and simple signification in the mynd , and vnderstanding of the speaker : yet for that the hearer conceauing but one parte therof , apprehendeth a different sense from the speaker , they may ab effectu be called ambiguous , amphibologicall , and equiuocall after a large , and improper manner of equiuocation , for that they leaue a different sense in the hearer , and speaker , albeit of themselues , as I haue said , they be playne , cleere , and true to them that heare them out , or do cōceaue the mentall reseruation , as God , and the speaker do . And this shall suffice for the second argument . His third argument from the description of lying . §. 3. 15. YOVV haue seene his first argument to haue byn deduced from the definition of a lye , and now this his third is from the description of lying : what great difference do yow imagine there may be betweene lye and lying ; why had he not drawne one argument at least from the definition of truth , as we haue done diuers before against him ? But let vs heare the method of his arguing , thus it goeth . Maior . No man doubteth ( saith S. Augustine ) but that he lyeth , which speaketh any thing which is false with intent to deceaue another . Minor. But our Equiuocators professe by a false speach to delude Protestant examiners , &c. Ergo , by their art of equiuocating haue they obteyned a perfection of lying . What can yow answere ? So he . 16. And my answere is , that I would gladly haue this great disputer to proue his Minor proposition , and not to suppose it , and say we professe it , as he did in his first argument , wheras we deny it , or that in our foresaid proposition we speake false with intent to deceaue , for we speake a truth , as often before hath bene declared ; nor is our intent to deceaue , but to defend our selues , when iniury is offered , and to permit the iniust examiner to be deceaued . And so for that this hath bene amply proued , and declared before , and this poore Cauiller bringeth nothing at all of new , to proue the said Minor proposition , but fondly supposeth vs to graunt it , which we vtterly deny as false : we shall say no more of this argument , but take pitty of the disputer , who calling vpon vs so freshly for our answere , is brought with one simple denyall to an euident Non-plus . For as for his impertinent running into the example of Couentry infected , and one that commeth from thence , the case hath byn handled so sufficiently in the precedent Chapter , and our Aduersary conuinced of so many notable vntruthes therin , as there needeth no more to be spoken of that matter , wherfore we passe to the fourth argument . His fourth argument is taken à specie , or from a particular kind of lying , which is Periury . §. 4. 17. THIS man as yow see cannot yet get out of lying and periury , and by naming them only as impugned by him , he thinketh to credit his owne cause , and discredit ours , wheras in deed by practising eyther one or both in this his very impugnation , he honoureth our cause , and ouerthroweth his owne . Let vs heare his formall argument . Maior : Periury , as Iesuites do confesse , is a lye made in an oath : Minor : But mentall equiuocating in an oath is periury : Ergo , Simply in it selfe without an oath it is a ly . Heere againe I would desire our disputer to proue his Minor proposition , that euery speach mixt with a mentall reseruation is petiuryif it be sworne : the folly and impiety of which assertion is sufficiently detected before , for that it being a most certaine principle , as well in reason , as in Deuinity , that what a man may truly say , he may truly also sweare , And that it is euident , that many such mixt and reserued propositions were vttered by Christ , and his Saintes , as holy Scripture testifieth , and we haue giuen many examples in the ninth Chapter going before : as it were impiety to say that those propositions were lyes out of an oath ; so were it more impiety to conceaue that they should be periuryes in an oath if they had bene sworne . And what will Thomas Morton now say to this ? or what scrap of proofe can he bring for his Minor proposition , that euery mentall reserued speach or other equiuocall proposition is periury in an oath ? He alleadgeth first those wordes in Exodus ; Thou shalt not beare false witnes , expounded by our Azor ( as he saith ) that we must sweare in truth , and for the confirmation of truth ; but is this any thing against vs ? And do we not say , that all such reserued propositions are true in themselues in the eares of God , and mynd of the speaker ? How impertinent then is this proofe ? 18. But hearken further , for he will bring another more strange then this . Your great Moralist Azor ( saith he ) doth condemne all Equiuocators heerin ( to wit for mentall Equiuocation in an oath ) as periured lyars , or otherwise ( saith he ) there is nothing in an oath that may not be affirmed , and denyed without a lye . Thus he . And I would demaund him about this matter , whether he will sweare this to be true which he saith of Azor ? For if Ministers and priests go in equall ranke in England , a Ministers word ought to be equall to an oath , as a priests word , laying his hand on his breast , is with vs : and then must I needes conclude Tho. Morton for a periured lyar in deed , who hath so perfidiously belyed Azor in this place , and that in so many points . For first Azor hādling in the booke and Chapter by him cyted , De iureiurando , cui videtur veritas aliquo modo deesse : Of an oath which may seeme in some sorte to want truth , he doth put downe diuers examples ( 8. or . 9. at least ) wherin the swearer may sweare truly in his owne sense , though false in the sense of him that exacteth the oath , all which are so many plaine approbations of swearing Equiuocall propositions without periury , and so many publicke contradictions and confutations of Tho. Mortons notorious slaunder auouched heere against him , that he condemneth al Equiuocators for liers . Of which cases heere determined by Azor against Morton , the first is , Si Sacerdosrogetur &c. If a priest be asked any thing which he hath heard in confession , he may answere , se nihil scire , nihil audiuisse , that he knoweth nothing , he hath heard nothing . And how then doth this great Moralist condemne all Equiuocators herein as periured lyars ? Is not this publicke lying in Tho. Morton , and that in print ? And were not this formall periury , if he did sweare it in any court whatsoeuer ? as namely in his Lords Court of the Arches ? And should he not be punished in that Court as a periured person , if it were proued against him ? And how then dareth he to commit the same so publickly without blushing ? But let vs leaue him to his Lords correction in this behalfe ; and so passe on to an other point . 19. Secondly then , not only the sense and drifte but the wordes themselues set downe by T. M. out of Azor are most fraudulently and falsely alleadged : Quidam putauit ( saith he ) fas esse cuiquam , vt vitam suam conseruet , hosti iurare , tantummodo eo sensu , quem mente intus concipit , possemus enim hac ratione quiduis negare , & nihil non absque mendacio dicere . Some haue thought it lawful ( saith he ) to euery man , for the cōseruation of his life , to sweare to his enemy only in that sense , which he conceaueth inwardly in his owne mynd , which if it should be graunted , then might we by this meanes deny any thing , and speake what we will without a lye . 20. These are 〈◊〉 for Azor his wordes , and in deed the most of them are in Azor , but not togeather as they lye heere , but some in one place , and some in another , spoken to 〈◊〉 purposes , & in different sense from that T. M. alleadgeth them corruptly in this place . And for proofe heerof , and of the egregious cosenage of this lying Minister , it shall be sufficient to let yow know that this speciall example alleadged here as out of Azor , and as reiected by him of one that sware to his enemy , for sauing his life in another sense then his wordes did sound , is not reiected but allowed , and approued by Azor. For that he hauing proposed the case first , vnder other learned mens names , much after the sense as heere is set downe by Morton , he commeth at length to resolue , and approue the same in his owne name saying : Quare libenter concedimus id quod paulò antè dicebatur de co , qui vt se saluum tueatur 〈◊〉 latroni , tyranno aut hosti daturum se illi pecunia quantitatem &c. Wherfore we do willingly grant that , which before was proposed of him that by oath doth promise vnto a these , a tyrant , or his enemy for sauing his life , to giue him a certayne quantity of money , which yet notwithstanding in his 〈◊〉 he hath no purpose to do , swearing with this reseruation , dabo , si debeo , I wil giue it if I owe it . Now then consider good reader the honesty and truth of Tho. Morton , that bringeth in Azor to condemne that as lying periury which he doth not only allow , as truth , and no ly , but proueth also the lawfulnes therof by many examples ; and especially by this of him that sweareth by Equiuocation , which example Morton bringeth in as cōdemned by Azor , for periurious lying : what will yow say ? or what will you do with such men ? And doe yow note also that in the former wordes of Azor , he cutteth of Latroni & Tyranno , and this to preueut a case resolued against him afterward by Cicero , praedonibus & piratis , to theeues and pirates periury 〈◊〉 not committed ; what then ( I say ) is to be thought , or said , or done with such men ? Himselfe setteth downe a rule out of Tully in his Epistle to the King , 〈◊〉 such as are taken once in lying may neuer after be credited againe , which he applyeth against the Catholickes , but 〈◊〉 iustly it ought to be practised in him , and his fellowes , that are taken at euery turne in such notorious wilfull lying , is euident to the discreet Reader . His fifth argument , Truth God , lying the diuell . §. 5. 21. IF a man had time to loose in discussing this two-membred argument , it might be some recreation to see the disputers folly , & weaknes in that he taketh in hand . For first he setteth downe the wordes of S. Paul vnto the Hebrewes , That it is impossible for God to lye , which we graunt , as yow know , and haue proued it largely before , and this , neque de 〈◊〉 ordinaria neque absoluta ; & then he inferreth out of that , that it is as vnlawfull for God to Equiuocate , for that otherwise ( saith he ) the elect of God should not haue any strong consolation , for that they may still doubt , that God doth Equiuocate with them : and so when his spirite doth witnes to the spirites of his elect , that they are the sonnes of God , and that they shall not perish ; yet might they suspect ( saith he ) that it is spoken with some secret reserued clause of delusion , which blasphemy ( saith he ) be farre from the hartes of his regenerate . 22. Wherto I answere first , that hauing set downe that which we haue before , about the different nature of falsitie and Equiuocation , euery child will laugh at Thomas Mortons inference : God cannot lye , or vtter a false proposition , Ergo , he cannot vtter a doubtfull or Equiuocall proposition , that may haue one sense in the hearers vnderstanding , and another in the speakers , such as that was of Christ our Sauiour , when he said , dissolue this temple , and I will buyld vp the same againe in three dayes , which the Pharisees , and all other hearers commonly vnderstood of the materiall temple , wherin he stood , when he spake the wordes , but they were deceyued , for himselfe meant the holy tēple of his sacred body , Ergo , in this he did Equiuocate according to the definition of Equiuocation now agreed vpon betweene vs : yea Aristotles definition also agreeth to this speach of Christ , for that the word temple heere doth equally signify two thinges , and consequently either Morton must deny Christ to be God , or affirme that God can Equiuocate , though he cannot lye . And the many examples which we haue alleadged before in the 9. Chapter , and shall do afterward in this , to the next argument , must needes put this Minister in a sacke & stopp his mouth in this behalfe . 23. His second inference also , that if God could Equiuocate , the consolation of the elect could not be strong , is ydle in like manner . For if God could lye , this inference might haue place , but an Equiuocall proposition in the sense we talke of , that is to say , where some parte is vttered , and some other reserued in the mynd , is as true and certaine in the vnderstanding of the speaker , as any other proposit on is , or can be ; and in matters of religion it belongeth to the faith of the hearer so to belieue , and to seeke out the speakers reseruation for his better assurance , as in the examples before alleadged , when God said by the Prophet , That whosoeuer calleth vpon the name of our Lord shal be saued : and the hearer on the other side seeth all heretickes and Sectaries whatsoeuer to call vpon the same name , and yet shall not be saued ; yea he heareth also those wordes of Christ : Not euery one that saith vnto me Lord , Lord , shall enter into the Kingdome of heauen , &c. Yet is he bound vnder payn of Infidelity to belieue that the former generall proposition of Ioel the Prophet , which hath a further reserued mentall meaning then in wordes is vttered , is true and infallible , and consequently he must seeke out the true reseruation , or clause not expressed , whereby the whole proposition is made true , which otherwise , as it lyeth , and soundeth , is false ; for that to speake generally without reseruation , That euery one that calleth vpon the name of God , shal be saued , cannot vniuersally be true , for so much as the contrary therof is euident , that many who call vpon that name , are not saued but damned . And almost infinite other places like to this are foūd in Scripture , as he that belieueth and is baptized shal be saued ; he that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud , hath life euerlasting ; and such other , which cannot be verifyed in the generall 〈◊〉 of the words , without some reseruation not expressed . 24. And as for that he would not haue his new elect Protestants , to want of their strong consolation , or to stand in doubt of some reseruation ( as he saith ) when Gods spirit witnesseth to their spirits , that they are the sonnes of God , & that they shall not perish ( which reseruation he wickedly calleth A clause of delusion ) he might more truly terme that their fond presumption , delusion , wherby they will needs apply vnto themselues that thing absolutly , which God speaketh alwayes with due reseruation , and condition , as now hath byn shewed in the examples alleadged , that not euery one absolutly shall be saued , that calleth vpon the name of our Lord , or belieueth and is baptized , or eateth his flesh , and drinketh his bloud , but they only that call vpon his name rightfully , and as they ought to do , and as Christ himself expoundeth it , to witt they that call vpon him , and ioyntly doe performe the will of his Father in keeping his commandemēts ; and the like in those that belieue & are baptized , and liue well , and those that eat his flesh and drinke his bloud worthily : which conditions and reseruations must necessarily be vnderstood also in the speach of that spirit that speaketh to protestants , if it be from God , as both S. Iohn and Christ himselfe expoundeth , and this is not blasphemy as Tho. 〈◊〉 imagineth , but true humility , for here the doubtfulnes is not of the assurance of Gods promise , but of our performance , that is to say , whether we do performe 〈◊〉 necessary conditions which alwayes are to be vnderstood in Gods promises towards vs for keeping his commandements . And thus much of the first part of his argument apperteyning to God. 25. But now for the other parte , concerning the Dyuell , it is much more childish , for thus he argueth . MAIOR : That doctrine cannot be true , which stopped a mans mouth from geuing the Dyuell the lye . MINOR : But if Equiuocation be admitted , all mankind is silenced from geuing the 〈◊〉 his due tytle of lyer . ERGO Equiuocating is no doctrine of truth , &c. 〈◊〉 for proofe of his Minor , he alleadgeth only the 〈◊〉 of Eue in paradise , demaunding of vs , whether whē the dyuell said to her : Though yow eate , yow shall not dye , she might haue said to him , thou lyest For if we deny that she may , then do we tye her tongue from calling the dyuell a lyer , and if we grant that she may say so , then would the dyuell escape by saying to her , that he did not lye but only Equiuocate . 26. And is not this goodly stuffe ? fit for a booke ? fit for a print ? fit for a Chaplyn of my Lord of Canterbury ? Are these things suffred to passe without controlment in England ? If the dyuell be father of lyes , and consequently of them that do lye , of what kynred will he proue to be 〈◊〉 this Minister that hath byn taken now with so many notorious witting and wilfull lyes as before hath byn shewed ? which how they are Equiuocatiōs also in a worser sense shall be shewed in the chapter following , and consequently that T. Morton is an egregious Equiuocator in that sorte and kind , which Sathan himsefe did vse to deceaue our Grandame Eue. His fixt argument intituled , from examples of dissimulation condemned by Scriptures , Fathers , Pagans . §. 6. 27. HEERE yow see how he tyeth togeather Scriptures , Fathers , and Pagans , & all do proue indeed his purpose alike ; for that he bringeth nothing to the purpose out of any of them . And first yow see that he flyeth the word Equiuocation , and nameth only Dissimulation , which Equiuocation we haue proued lately before to be a different thing from Dissimulation , for that Equiuocation hath a true sense and meaning in the mynde of the speaker , conforme to the matter and circumstance that is handled , and most euidently vsed by Christ himselfe and diuers holy men , as largely before hath bene declared , which yet without impiety cannot be called or tearned Dissimulation , in such a sense as Tho. Morton would haue it , to wit , as Dissimulation importeth deceipt or fraud , for otherwise S. Augustine himselfe writing contramendacium , against lying , doth confesse that in a good sense Christ did dissemble , when he said : 〈◊〉 tetigit , who touched me , when he knew well ynough 〈◊〉 it was ; and of Lazarus , Vbi posuistis eum ? where haue yow buryed him ? Per hoc , nescire se finxit , saith S. Augustine : Christ by this kynde of speech did feigne that he knew not . And againe in the same booke , neyther that which Iacob did to obtayne the benediction of his Father , nor that which Ioseph did to delude his brethren , nor that which Dauid did when he feigned himselfe to be mad , Neque caetera huiusmodi mendacia iudicanda sunt , neyther other such like dissimulations as these are , may be iudged for lyes : Before also we haue heard his opinion for allowing all dissimulation in stratagems , so the war be iust . And thus much for the tytle of his argument , now to the substance . 28. First to begine with his examples out of Scriptures , I say that he might better haue said Example in the singuler number : for wheras we of our parte haue alleadged so many , and so great variety of examples in our former discourse to the contrary , he ( poore man ) out of all the body of the whole Bible , hath alleadged but one , and that nothing to his purpose , as presently shall appeare . His example is out of the Acts of the Apostles , where it is recounted how Ananias and Saphira his wife , hauing sold a certayne field of theirs , and bringing a parte of the price , and laying it at the feete of the Apostle , as though it had bene the whole price , were miraculously punished by Saint Peter for defrauding the Community of that which they had promised , or would pretend to giue ; An Act ( saith T. Morton ) proper to the infancy of the Church , to bring their substance , and tender it to the Apostles for the comon good of the Saints . By which words if he allow that fact , as a forme of perfection in that purity and integrity of the Christian Churches begining , why then now is the imitation therof in religious men of our dayes impugned by the Protestants ? And if by the word infancy he meane weaknes or imperfection in the sense of S. Paul , saying : Cùm essem paruulus , &c. VVhen I was a child or infant , I speake as a child , I vnderstood as a child , I thought as a child : but when I came to the yeares of a man , I cast of those thinges that belonged to a child : If this ( I say ) be Thomas Mortons meaning to note the act of imperfection , the ancient * Fathers do stand wholy against him , and do allow it rather for great perfection , and that it was a vow of voluntary pouerty to liue in comon , which those first Christians had made by counsell of the Apostles , and consequently do interprete those wordes , Nonne manens tibi manebat , &c. Did it not remayne in your power to giue it , or not to giue it ? to haue byn meant by S. Peter before their vow , which if it be true and that S. Peter did giue so dreadfull a sentence vpon the first vow-breakers of voluntary pouerty , euen for deteyning somwhat of their owne , how much may Thomas Morton , and some friends of his feare the like sentence , for teaching it to be lawfull to take away that from a Religious cōmunity , which themselues neuer gaue . 29. But let vs come to the application of this example against Equiuocation , which he hath chosen to vse principally about the womans speach . The woman is asked ( saith he : ) Sould yow the land for so much ? Her answere is ; yea , for so much , meaning but one halfe , & concealing the other , in which dissimulation it is impossible , but that your reserued clause must haue come into her mynd , to thinke but so much to giue in common , or to signifye vnto yow . Thus Thomas Morton teacheth that poore woman to equiuocate , after his manner of Equiuocation , that is to say , to lye : for that now I suppose he hath learned , by that which hath byn set downe in our precedent Chapter , that to speake an vntruth , or to conceale a truth , or to vse any Equiuocation when we are iustly demaunded by our lawfull Superiour , and when no iniurie , or violence is vsed vnto vs , is a greiuous mortall sinne in our Catholick Doctrin , and consequently she being lawfully demaunded by S. Peter in a lawfull cause , touching her owne vow & promise , no clause os reseruation could saue her speech from lying , as our Minister doth foolishly imagine . 30. Wherfore S. Peter as most lawfull Iudge and gouernour of the vniuersall Church vnder Christ , & the holy Ghost in him , did worthily punish that dissimulation and lying both in her and her husband , for example of others in that beginning , and for manifesting the great and special assistance of the holy Ghost , that assisted him , and should be in his Successors to the worldes end in that their gouernement , to the terror of wicked men that should impugne it , or otherwise deserue by their demerites to be punished by the same . And thus much of his examples out of Scriptures , which is but one as yow see , and that much against himselfe and his owne cause if I be not deceaued , for that it proueth all equiuocation is not lawfull , as 〈◊〉 will nedes suppose vs to hold . 31. In the Fathers he is more copious , for he hath two examples , but of as small moment to the purpose as this . The first out of S. Augustine in his booke against lying , where he proposeth a certaine Case , that if a sicke Father hauing a sonne vpon the point of death , whom he loueth so tenderly , that if he should know he were dead , it would indanger also his owne life , what might his friend answere vnto him , who comming from his sonne , and knowing him to be dead , should be demaunded by the said Father , whether he were dead or no : S. Augustines resolution is , that which before we haue also set downe in our generall Doctrine to be true , that for sauing any mans temporall life , a lye is not to be made : But he will replye perhaps , that S. Augustine saith , he could not say , nescio , I know not whether he be dead , or aliue , which is allowed by vs in some Equiuocations , as in the precedent Chapter hath byn said . But to this I answere , that this case is not like those , for that heere is no 〈◊〉 demand , no force , no compulsion , no iniurie offred , and consequently no right of vsing such euasion foriust defence , for so much as this is in common conuersation , from which we haue exempted before the vse of Equiuocations , albeit we haue heard also out of the same S. Augustine himselfe , Aliud est mentiri , aliud veritatem celare . It is one thing to lye , and another thing to couer a truth without lying . S. Augustine speaketh against the first , and so do we , and consequently this example proueth nothing . 32. His second is out of the same Father in another worke of like argument , where he putteth the example of a certain Bishop of Tagaste in Africa , named Firmus , who in time of the Pagan Emperours hauing hidden a man that fledd to his refuge , answered the Emperours officers that came to seeke him , nec prodam , nec mentiar , I will neither bewray him , neither will I make a ly , and so was content rather to suffer tormentes , then he would do either : for which S. Augugustine greatly commendeth him , and so was he worthy , for it was indeed an heroicall act . And if therin he did more resolutly then he was bound , as many priests in England haue done , that presently vpon their apprehension haue confessed themselues to be priestes , it inferreth no law , that all men are bound to do the like . For as the lawe it selfe saith : Cuique licet de iure suo cedere : It is lawfull for euery man to yeeld of his owne right what he please , as S. Paul , though in one place he saith , that it is lawfull for him that scrueth the Altar to liue by the Altar , and that he which soweth spirituall thinges , may well reape temporall : yet of himselfe he saith that he did it not , nor would do it , and that he would rather dye then loose this glory , to wit , of not hauing vsed his right therin . This was perfection in that glorious Apostle , but not obligation : and though it edifye all , yet it byndeth not any to the necessarie imitation therof , but he that will ; and the like we may say of the renowned fact of Bishop Firmus . His third example of Pagan writers he setteth downe in these wordes out of Cicero . §. 7. 33. THERE was a man ( saith he ) who togeather with mine other prisoners , being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage vpon his oath , that he within a prefixed time should returne againe : As soone as he was out of prisō he returned as though he had forgot somthing , and by & by departeth home to Rome , where he stayed beyond the time appointed , answering that he was freed from his oath : but see now the opinion of his owne Countryman ( Cicero ) concerning this Equiuocation of returne . This was not well done , saith Tullie , for that craft in an oath , doth not lessen , but make the periury more heynous . Wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this Coseming mate backe againe to the prison of Hannibal their enemy , from whome he had escaped . &c. 34. Thus relateth Morton the case , and then maketh this malicious conclusion against vs : This was the honestie of the ancient heathenish Rome , which must ryse vp in iudgement against this present Rome to condemne it , which hath changed that faithfull Roman faith , in fidem Punicam , into Carthaginian faith , which now by custome of speach is taken for perfidiousnes it selfe . And would not yow thinke that Morton did hold himselfe very free from this perfidiousnes , that obiecteth the same so freely against vs ? And not only against vs , but to the whole Church of Rome it selfe , and to the vniuersall Catholike Religiō conioyned therwith ? Marke then the deportment of this man in this one poynt , and if yow knew him not before learne to know him by this . 35. First then I would haue some Grammer-scholler that studyeth Tullies Offices , to turne to the places heere quoted , and comparing them with that which this Minister setteth downe in English , consider how they hange togeather , and how he picketh out one sentence in one place , & another in another , & leapeth forth and backe to make some coherence of speach , contrary to the Authors order , sense , and method , as is ridiculous to behold , and fit for the Cosening mate of whom he talketh in his text . And secondly after this , is to be noted , that he setteth downe the narration it selfe of ten men deliuered vpon their oath by Hannibal , not as Cicero doth out of two historio graphers Polybius and Accilius , and in particuler against the faith of both their histories , and Tullies asseueration , which saith that those ten were dismissed by Hannibal out of his campe , post Cannensem pugnam , after the famous battle of Canna in Apulia , Morton ignorantly saith they were dismissed out of the prison of Carthage , wheras they of all liklihood had neuer seene Carthage in their lyues . 36. But the most notorious Cosenage is , that he peruerteth all Cicero his meaning , wordes , sense , and discourse in this matter , alleadging them quite contrary to himselfe , as before yow haue heard him do many other Authors , so as he belyeth and corrupteth them all , both prophane and dyuine : And if in this one poynt he can deliuer himselfe from Punica fides , I will say he playeth the man indeed . For first Cicero whom heere he would seeme to bring against vs , doth fully agree with vs , for that we say in the case of those ten Romanes deliuered by Hannibal vpon their oath to returne againe , if they should not obteyne that which they were sent for , ( which was to persuade the Senate to redeeme diuers thousands of other Roman souldiers whom Hannibal had taken in the said victory at Canna ) we hold I say first that if they swore absolutely to returne againe if they obteyned not their sute they were bound truly to performe the same , and secondly , that they being now iustly by law of armes prisoners of Hannibal , they were bound to sweare sincerely to his intention , and not to any other reserued meaning of their owne as in the former chapter hath byn declared . And this very same doctryne also 〈◊〉 Cicero by light of nature in these wordes perfidiously cut of , and left out by this Minister Morton in the very same place , out of which he taketh the rest . 37. Est autem ( saith he ) ius etiam bellicum fidesque iurisiurandi saepe hosti seruanda , quod enim ita iuratum est , vt mens conciperet fieri oportere , id seruandum est : quod aliter , id si non feceris , nullum periurium est . There is 〈◊〉 a law of armes ( saith he ) and a faith in our swearing to be obserued oftentymes , euen vnto our enemy , for that which is so sworne by vs , as our mynd doth conceaue that it must be donne , that is to be obserued : but if it be otherwise sworne , that is no periury , if he performe it not . Behold heere the very same distinction which Catholicke Deuines put downe of swearing according to the intention , and vnderstanding of the swearer , or of him to whom it is sworne , and that the former is that byndeth , and maketh periury , if it be not performed , and not alwayes the second , to wit , when any violence or force is vsed , which Cicero doth expresse in the very next immediate wordes by the selfe same example that Azor vsed 〈◊〉 : Si praedonibus pactum pro capite pretium non attuleris , nulla fraus est , ne si iuratus quidem id non feceris , &c. non enim falsum iurare peierare est : Sed si ex animi tui sententia iuraueris sicut verbis concipitur more nostro , id non facere periurium est . Scitè enim 〈◊〉 : Iuraui lingua , mentem iniuratam gero . If yow should not pay the price or ransome vnto publicke theeues , which was agreed betweene yow for sauing of your life , it is no deceipt , no though yow had sworne to performe it , for that periury is not to sweare false in any sorte : But if yow sweare a thing which yow determine in your mynd , and do vtter it in wordes according to the cōmon custome of speach and do not performe it , this is periurie . For well and fitly to the purpose saith the Poet Euripides , I haue sworne with my tongue , but my mynd hath not sworne . So he . 38. And consider now heere ( I pray yow ) the Punica fides of our Minister against our Romane faith . He saith that Cicero , and other heathenish Romanes shall ryse vp against vs at the day of Iudgement , for that they condemne all 〈◊〉 or doubtfull sense in an Oath , and do condemne it for periury : wheras Cicero affirmeth that there is neither periury , nor fraud therin . And the same Philosopher alloweth the very same example of swearing with a reserued intention to a publicke theefe , without either meaning or obligation to performe it , which Morton obiecteth to Azor in the precedēt Chapter ( though craftily , leauing out the words Latroni & Tyranno , for auoyding the force of this place , as before is noted ) saying , that Azor did condemne for lyiug all such Equiuocation against his subtile brethren , wheras he both affirmeth and proueth the same , no lesse then Cicero doth heere in this place , as before hath byn shewed . Who then shall ryse in Iudgment against Thomas Morton , for all this wilfull lying ? No doubt but Sathan himselfe , that is the Father of lyers in this life , and shall be their tormentor in the next . And so much about his sixt argument . His seauenth argument taken from a signe , an interpreter , a coyne , and Giges-ring . §. 8. 39. AT this argument I presume yow laugh before yow beginne to read it , seing it is only of cōparisons , and similitudes : yet doth he enter into the same with this insulting preface . Now ( saith he ) that we haue wrested your weapons out of your handes it will be easie to pearce yow , euen with similitudes , the bluntest kind of argumentes . And then he beginneth to lay about him with these blunt weapons , saying out of his first comparison or similitude of signes : That where as voyces and writinges are by our confession signes , and instrumentes to expresse a proposition , and that euery signe which is contrary to the signification is a lying signe , as an Iuy-bush at a Bakers dore is a lying signe , ydols in visible formes are lying vanityes , miracles not proceeding from omnipotent power aboue nature , are lying wonders , the action of the stage-player lifting vp his hand to heauen , and looking downe with 〈◊〉 O earth , is a lying gesture : so is the voyce of a priest , that saith , I am no priest , a lying voyce , and the penne that defendeth this doctrine , a lying pen. This is all the force of this argument , which prouing nothing as yow see in it selfe , may be iustly reiected , & answered with this other comparison not in similitude only , but substance of truth , that for a Minister to be taken in so many apparāt lyes , as before hath byn 〈◊〉 downe must needs be no lying , but a true signe of a false & lying spirite in that kinde of men . And so much for this . 40. His second , third and fourth similitudes are yet more blunt . For in the scoend he saith : That as if the Pope should send his Nuntio with an Interpreter to congratulate our King , wishing him all health , & reseruing in his mynd , admodū exiguam very small health : and in the the third ; That as clypping and impayring the kynges coyne is high treason : so Equiuocators by clypping of some wordes of their speach , which is the Image of God , are guylty of higher then highest treason . And in the fourth , that as Giges-ring when the pale was kept on the backe syde of his hand he was visible , but being turned to the palme of his hand , he was inuisible : so ( saith he ) our Equiuocator , when he shall happely turne his equiuocating clause outward to manifest it in speach , he lyeth openly and is easely knowne for a disloyall subiect : but when he keepeth it close in his mynd he is emboldened to practice against his King. So he . 41. And I thinke euery man would condemne me of folly , if I should go about to spēd tyme or more words in confuting so vaine , and ydle conceipts , cast out only to entertayne the Reader for lacke of better matter , without ground or proofe . Wherfore leauing to treat of these his blunt weapons any further , and of this first conclusion , which yow see how bluntly he hath proued , or rather improued against himselfe ; we shall passe to his second conclusion , which yet is more improbable , and absurd then the first , as by treating therof wil manifestly appeare . Of his second conclusion and proofes therof . §. 9. 42. HAVING byn longer about this first conclusion of T. M. then was intended at the begining , we shall now endeauour to be much breifer about the second . Our second conclusion ( saith he ) is , that no manner of Equiuocation , whether ment all or verball , can be vsed in an oath without sacrilegious prophanation : and then presently , as it were , forgetting himselfe what he had said , he beginneth his Treatise with this playne contradiction to his owne conclusion : We deny not ( saith he ) but ambiguous wordes may somtymes be vsed in common speach , for so we read of Athanasius , who flying by ship the malice of the persecutor , and being ouertaken was asked , did not 〈◊〉 passe this way ? who answered , yea , he is a little before , if yow make hast yow may ouertake him , whervpon the persecutor imagining that a little before must signify some other ship that went before , passed by and pursued a butterfly . 43. This is his narration , and the silly disputer ( for in that name he seemeth to delight ) hath not the discretion to see that this example ouerthroweth fully his former proposition . For if it were lawfull for Saint Athanasius to vse this Equiuocation in speach and fact for deluding his persecutors ; then had it bene lawfull also to sweare the same without sacrilegious prophanation , if they had vrged him vnto it . For as all Deuines hold , that which may lawfully be said may also lawfully be sworne , what will T. M. answere tò this ? what will he answere to that euasion of S. Paul mentioned by vs before , when for escaping the hands of the Iewes , that pursued him in iudgement , he vsed an apparent equiuocall speach , saying ; That his trouble was about the hope and resurrection of the dead . Paul knowing ( saith the text ) that one parte of them that pursued him were of the Saduces , that denyed the resurrection of the dead , and the other of Pharises that held the contrary , he cryed out in the iudgement-place , saying : De spe & resurrectione mortuorum ego iudicor , I am called to iudgement about the hope and resurrection of the dead , which was true in one sense , but false in another ; wherby the Pharises being deceyued , tooke his parte , Et facta est contentio ( sayth the text ) inter Pharisaeos & Saducaeos , & soluta est multitudo , and vpon this equiuocall speach there arose a dissention betwene the Pharises and Saduces , one interpreting it in one sense , and another in another , and so the people departing the iudgement brake vp . And what will Thomas Morton now answere to this ? did S. Paul lye in this Equiuocation ? or was his dissimulation impious , for that one part was deceaued ? or had he committed 〈◊〉 prophanation if he had sworne it ? I demaund him also of that equiuocall oath of the Patriarch Ioseph , who in one conference with his brethren , did twice sweare vnto them 〈◊〉 Equiuocation , that is to say , with a reserued sense different from that he vttered to them in wordes , the Scripture saying : VVhen his brethren had adored him , & he knowing them to be his brethren , spake sharpely vnto them as to strangers , saying , yow are spyes sent to discouer the strength of this land , I sweare by the health of King Pharao , yow shall not go hence , &c. And againe : Per salutem Pharaonis , &c. I sweare by the health of Pharao that yow are spyes , when notwithstanding he knew them not to be spyes , & so thought of them in his mynd . And will T. M. say , that this was a lye or at least a sacrilegious prophanation of an oath ? But I must go yet a little further in prosecution of this folly against the Minister . 44. What then will he say to all those former examples of Equiuocall propositions , which I haue alleaged out of holy Scripture , out of the new Testamént , and from the mouth of our Sauiour himselfe , especially such as haue verball equiuocation in them : As , Dissolue this temple , and I will build it vp againe in three dayes , where the word temple , hath euidently two significations , and was taken in the one by Christ our Sauiour , & in the other by the Iewes . And the other , Our friend Lazarus sleepeth And againe , The maid is not deed , but sleepeth ; where the word sleepeth is equiuocall , and hath two significations , the one of death , the other of naturall sleepe , and Christ vnderstood it in the one , and his hearers in the other . And so the like where Christ said vnto the Iewes : Abraham vidit diem meum , & gauisus est : Abraham did see my day , and did reioyce , the word see is equiuocall , and signifieth eyther seing in flesh , or seing in spirite , and the Iewes being deceyued with the equiuocation of the word , vnderstood it in one sense , and Christ in another , wherupon they said vnto him : Thou hast not yet fifty yeares of age , and hast thou seene Abraham ? And therupon tooke stones to cast at him . 45. And the very like example is of our Sauiours speach vnto the Samaritan at Iacobs well , by the Citty of Sychar . If thow knewest the gyfte of God , and who it is that saith to thee , Giue me water , thou wouldest aske of him , and he would giue thee liuing water , where the word water being equiuocall , signifieth both the element of water , and heauenly grace , which is the water of lyfe euerlasting : which Equiuocation the woman not vnderstanding , tooke it in the common sense of naturall water , and asked him how he could giue her water , for so much as he had no bucket to draw it vp in : but Christ our Sauiour addeth an other equiuocall speach to her , saying , That he which shall drinke of the water , which I will giue him , shall neuer thirst more , where not only the word water , but the word thirst also is equiuocall , & hath two different senses , wherby the woman deceaued , said , Giue me ( I pray ) of this water that I may thirst no more , nor come hither to draw , vnderstanding still of materiall water . 46. Now I would demaund , that for so much as all these speaches were manifestly equiuocall , and had double senses , and significations , and that 〈◊〉 ech one of them the hearers were deceaued , conceauing another sense then that which Christ mentally reserued to himselfe , I would demaund ( I say ) whether notwithstanding this , they were not true of themselues , and whether Christ might not as well sweare them as speake them . And if Thomas Morton will haue many examples togeather , wherin Christ our Sauiour after his manner of swearing ( which is Amen amen dico vobis ) doth sweare or auouch by oath , sundry equiuocall propositions ; let him looke vpon the later parte of the sixt Chapter of S. Iohn ; where Christ doth put the Antithesis betwene himselfe and Moyses , and betwene the bread that Moyses gaue from heauen , & that which he was to giue , being his owne flesh , and betwene the lyfe that Manna gaue , and that which his flesh was to giue , and he shall fynd many equiuocall propositions , both verball , and mentall , auouched by our Sauiour vnder this kind of oath , repeated at least three or foure tymes in that matter . One example of ech kynd shall suffice . 47. When he saith Amen amen dico vobis , qui credit in me babet vitam aeternam , Truly , truly , I say vnto yow , that he who beleeueth in me hath lyfe euerlasting , this is a mentall reserued proposition , as before hath byn shewed , for that it is not true generally that euery one that beleeueth in Christ hath lyfe euerlasting , but he that beleeueth accordingly , which was reserued in Christs mynd ; and then the wordes immediatly following , Ego sum panis vitae , I am the bread of lyfe , haue a verball equiuocation , signifying of bread that gaue tēporall lyfe or spirituall lyfe , as also the other words that ensue : Your Fathers did eate manna in the deserte and are dead , but he that shall eate of this bread , shall not dye . Dying heere signifyeth eyther the death of the body , or the death of the soule , and Christ meant of the later 〈◊〉 the Iewes of the first . Nay which is more to be obserued , as Euthymius noteth and some other , Christ himselfe without explicating his owne meaning , in one parte of the sentence , meant of the one sorte of death , and in the other parte , of the other . For where he saith , Your Fathers in the desert did eate Manna and are dead , he meaneth there of the temporall death of the body , and in the other clause of the Antithesis , But he that shall eate of this bread shall not dye , he meant of the eternall death of the soule , though others also referre it to the eternall lyfe of the body , after resurrection . 48. In like manner that sentence of our Sauiour to the yonge man in S. Matthwes Ghospell ; Dimitte mortuos sepelire mortuos , Suffer the dead to bury the dead , hath a playne equiuocation ; Christ vnderstanding in the former those that were dead in spirite , and in the second dead in body , and yet was this no Cosenage nor deceipt in our Sauiour , nor had it beene sacrilegious impiety to sweare it . All which being so , & we hauing tantam nubem testium , as S. Paul saith , so great a cloud of witnesses , and these omni exceptione maiores , without exception for their credit , and the absurdity and folly of this second proposition appearing so manifest in it selfe , as it doth : what should we stand to examine the arguments and reasons that may be brought for it by so fond a disputer , as now Tho. Morton is proued to be ? For so much as no reason can serue for vpholding a paradox so ridiculous as this is , euen to common sense . And yet for that he putteth downe foure arguments , or reasons for the same as before hath byn sayd , let vs see breifly what they are . 49. His first argument for this conclusion is drawne from the forme of an oath , set downe by vs before , and heere againe alleadged by him out of Tolet and other Authors of ours ( for of his owne he seemeth to haue 〈◊〉 : ) That an oath is a religious inuocation of God , eyther expresly , or by impluation for witnes of our speach , and the wordes 〈◊〉 or implicitè are added , for that when we sweare by creatures we sweare by them in respect of the truth of God that is in them , and so by God himselfe implicitè . 50. Now then out of this principle T. M. taketh vpon him to proue this proposition ; That whensoeuer , or to whom 〈◊〉 we sweare , we are bound in conscience to answere directly , that is to say , to sweare to his intention , to whome we sweare , which we haue proued before by generall consent of Deuines & lawyers to be false , and Cicero himselfe hath so determined the case in like manner , as yow haue heard , when a man should be compelled to sweare to theeues : but yet let vs heare how Tho. Morton will proue this his new and strange Deuinity . His syllogisme is this in his owne wordes . The competency of God ( saith he ) by whome we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges , and hearers to whome we sweare . But by swearing by God wheme we cannot deceaue , we Religiously protest that in swearing we intend not to deceaue . Ergo , Our deceipfull Equiuocating is a prophanation of the Religious worshippe of God. 51. This syllogisme I leaue to be discussed by Cambridge Logitians , where I heare say the man learned his logicke ( if he haue any ) for heere he sheweth very little or none at all , no boy being among vs of foure monethes standing in Logicke or Sophistry which will not hisse at this argument , both for forme and matter . For as for forme , it is toto ridiculous , the syllogisme hauing no medium terminum , at all , nor the cōclusion any coherence with the premisses nor with his chiefest purpose that he would proue : nay , which is most absurde , wheras according to Aristotle ( whome as yow haue heard T. M. tearmeth the Oracle of Logitians ) a good Syllogisme hath only three terminos , wherof the one is called Maior extremus , the other Minor extremus , and the third Medius terminus ; this syllogisme of his hath six terminos , and wheras the Medius terminus should be repeated in the Maior and Minor propositions , & the conclusion should consist only of the extremes , as if a man should say : Euery man is a liuing Creature : Peter is a man ; Ergo , Peter is a liuing Creature . Heere the word man is medius terminus , and so repeated in the Maior and Minor proposition ; Peter , and lyuing creature are the two extremes , wherof is framed the third proposition or conclusion by connexion of the said extreemes by vertue of the medius terminus that hath part in them both . 52. But now Thomas Mortons syllogisme hath no such medius terminus , nor any such connexion of his propositions togeather , but euery one of them hath his extremes , to wit , his 〈◊〉 and praedicatum separatly , not one depending of the other , and consequently it is no syllogisme or argument at all , concluding any thing in forme , no more then this syllogisme . Euery man is a liuing Creature : Euery oxe is a four-footed beast ; Ergo , Euery Asse hath two long eares . Where yow see that there be six termini , as in Tho. Mortons sillogisme , without connexion , or dependance one of the other . And as much concludeth this as that . And now compare this his skill ( I pray yow ) with that bragg of his in the beginning of this his Treatise against Equiuocation , when he said to his aduersary : Dare yow appeale to Logicke ? This is the art of artes , and the high tribunall of reason and truth it selfe , which no man in any matter , whether it be case of humanity , or Deuinity , can iustly refuse , who would not thinke but that the man were very skilfull in that art , wherin he presumeth to giue such a Censure ? 53. But now let vs helpe him out to make his foresaid syllogisme in forme . It should haue gone thus , if he would haue said any thing in true forme . The competency of God by whome we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare : But in euery oath we sweare by God , either exprefly or implicatiuely : Ergo in euery Oath they are competent Iudges to whom we sweare . And then by an other inference againe he might haue argued , that vnto euery competent and lawfull Iudge we haue confessed before , that a man is bound to answere directly , and to sweare to his intention , and not only to his owne , Ergo , in no oath to whomsoeuer , may a man Equiuocate , which is his principall proposition . And thus had his forme of reasoning byn good , according to the rules of Logicke , though in matter it had ●yn false , as now also it is . For that his first Maior proposition can neuer be proued , to wit , That the competency of God by whom we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare , that is to say , for so much as God by whom we sweare is competent Iudge of all , this maketh euery one to whome we sweare by God , to be our competent and lawfull Iudge , which is most absurd , euen in common sense . For that a man may sweare ( for exāple ) to a theefe or murderer by God , for sauing of his life , as also to a cōmon queane , yea , and to the dyuell himselfe , and yet this maketh not the murderer , the queane , or the diuell to be his competent , and lawfull Iudge , or giueth lawfull iurisdiction , so as he is bound to answere directly to whatsoeuer they demand , or sweare to their intention if he should be compelled by them . And the like in other such examples wherof euery man may frame infinte store vnto himself , at his pleasure : and the reason of this is , that albeit in euery oath God be lawfull and supreame Iudge , to discerne whether I haue a true meaning of mine Oath in my mynd : yet this doth not make the other to whome I sweare my lawfu●l Iudge , except otherwise he hath iurisdiction ouer me , for that this absurdity , among infinite others would follow , that if a King should sweare to his Kitchin-boy by God , he should therby make his said Kitchin-boy his lawfull and competent Iudge , and to haue Iurisdiction ouer him , both to examine and cōmaund him , and bynd him in conscience vnder sinne to answere him directly : which how great a folly and absurdity it is , ech man that hath reason will easily of himselfe consider . Wherfore hauing shewed this , let vs now heare and comtemplate ( if yow please ) how Tho. Mor. himself will proue his said Maior proposition , for it is like he will doe it substantially , it being the foundation of all his whole drifte . 54. The Maior ( saith he ) is true , for that our Sauiour in auouching truth , held Pilate a competent Iudge , though he did not proceed 〈◊〉 , but falsely . S. Paul in his cause appealed to Cesars tribunall-seate , who was a Pagan . Iacob did couenant with Laban an Idolatour : and the maid to whom S. Peter swore , was competent inough to heare a true oath , if he had bene as ready to sweare truly : and yet neyther the mayd , nor that Iudge did proceed iuridicè , for she was no lawfull examiner , and he was a partiall Iudge . So he . And this is his wise discourse , wherin the man descryeth himselfe fully what is in him , and that in truth , he doth not vnderstand the very termes in the subiect , wherof he treateth For we meane by a competent Iudge , or hearer , and so do all Deuynes and Lawyers , that vnderstand what they speake , a Iudge that hath lawfull iurisdiction ouer him that sweareth , & may compell him to sweare , and to vtter the truth sincerely vnder mortall synne . And when we say , that he must proceed iuridicè , it is vnderstood , that he must proceed according to forme of law , prescribed by Ecclesiasticall Canons or Ciuill Decrees . Now then according to this explication , to say that Pilate was lawfull Iudge vpon Christ , so as he was bound in conscience to answere all his demaunds , I maruaile how Thomas Morton will proue it : and yet were it nothing to the purpose , for that Christ is not read to haue sworne to Pilate . And as for S. Paules appealing to Cesar , which at that tyme was Nero , & Iacobs couenant with Laban an Idolatour , what doth it make to our purpose , for that heere is no swearing mentioned , nor do we deny , but that an Infidell , or Pagan may be a lawfull Iudge ouer faithfull people in secular causes , if otherwise they haue lawfull temporall iurisdiction . 55. But of all other iestes , is most pleasant his conceipt of the Maid , to whom S. Peter swore , or rather forswore his maister , that she was his competent Iudge , or hearer therin , if he had byn ready to sweare truly , though presently he contradicteth himselfe saying , that she was no lawful examiner , which is false , if she were a competent hearer or Iudge , which he seemeth to graunt , though he say she proceeded not iuridicè , that is according to forme of law , with S. Peter in his examination ; wherof ensueth that she had lawfull iurisdiction ouer him , though the execution therof were not iuridicall : & can any thing be more ridiculous then this ? 56. And yet all this notwithstanding hauing set downe so vaine and childish a discourse as this is , he assumeth vnto himselfe the person of a very graue wise man against vs , vsing these cōtemptuous words in the next paragraph ensuing : These our Equiuocators ( saith he ) do by their new subtilityes foolefy the honest simplicity of their ancient Schoole , the two eyes wherof Lombard and Aquinas saw 〈◊〉 in this kind of swearing an horrible prophanation of the sacred name of Almighty God. Heere yow heare him talke of foolefying , let vs see then his wisedome . First I aske him wherin we foolefy the simplicity of our ancient Schoole . He alleadgeth some sentences out of Peter Lombard , as also out of some others , to shew that fraud and deceipt is not to be vsed in an oath , as also out of S. Isidore , alleadged by Lombard , and the like out of S. Hierome to shew that fraud , deceipt or subtility is not to be vsed in swearing , which is plainly to be vnderstood when the Iudge is competent , and proceedeth competently , for vnto a theefe , murderer , pyrate , or tyrant yow haue heard before how 〈◊〉 hath determined that it is not fraus ; and in this very place of S. Thomas by Thomas Morton alleadged , the said Doctors wordes are : That if a Iudge , though otherwise lawfull , should require any thing which by order of law he cannot , the party accused is not bound to answere at all ( and much lesse directly to his meaning ) meaning ) but may either by appeale , or other meanes , deliuer himselfe by euasiō , though he may not speake a lye . So S. Thomas . And what wyse man doth not see , but that this maketh quite against Thomas Morton . First if it be lawfull vnto the defendant not to answere at all , euen to a competent and lawfull Iudge , when he proceedeth not according to forme of law , then much lesse is he bound to answere or sweare directly to his intention in that case , but may vse any lawful euasion by doubtfull speach or otherwise , which is directly against our aduersaryes conclusion , so little doth he discerne when he alleadgeth authorityes flatly against himselfe . 57. And now by the full discussion of this first proofe of his cōclusion , we may imagin what might be said , if with like diligence we would examine the other three that remayne , to wit from the end of an oath , à maiori , & à paribus , for as for the end of an oath , which is to put an end to contention , it is not hindred by the vse of Equiuocation , where law permitteth the same , and I do not doubt but that T. Morton hath egregiously abused both in this and other places , the Catholicke manuscript Treatise against which he writeth , by setting downe certayne palpable absurdityes , which is impossible to be there in the manner that he setteth them downe . And for that I fynd him to belye all kind of Authors commonly , which he cyteth , I must presume the same of this vntill we fynd the contrary by viewing the Treatise it selfe which I shortly hope for . 58. But now to his third argument à minore : That Iesuiticall 〈◊〉 is lesse honest then the doctrine of Infidels and Pagans , procedeth of lesse wit , I suppose , then malice , seing that for proofe therof he cyteth only this sentence of Emanuel Sà the Iesuite : Iurans redire in carcerem , &c. He that sweareth to returne into his prison ( except he were iniustly deteyned ) is bound euen with the perill of his lyfe to returne to the same prison , yea , and some are of opinion that albeit he were iniustly imprisoned , yet ought he to returne , except his oath were released by the Bishop . Marke this authority , whether it do proue the doctrine of Iesuites to be worse then that of Infidels and Pagās : the ministers malice in cyting this determination of Emanuel Sà Iesuite alludeth to the place of Cicero before mentioned , and is alleadged by him immediatly after in this place : but yow haue heard that Cicero is quite against him ; and fully maketh with vs , first that a man being iustly deteyned in prison , as those ten Romanes are presumed to haue bene that were let forth vpon their oath by Hannibal ( to returne if they could not effectuate their busines ) is bound in conscience to returne againe , which is the first parte of this speach of Emanuel Sà . 59. Secondly , that if he be iniustly deteyned , & made prisoner as by theeues , pyrates , tyrants , or the like , Cicero saith , he is not bound to returne , albeit he had sworne it . Sà the Iesuite saith , that some are of opinion , that he ought notwithstanding to returne , except his oath be dispensed by the Bishop . Heere then we agree fully with Cicero the pagā , adding also some further restraint as yow see , and now then is Morton so shameles as to say and put in print vpon this authority of Sà , that Iesuiticall doctrine in this matter , is lesse honest then the doctrine of Infidels or Pagans ? Is this honesty in a Minister ? but especially in him , that professeth himselfe a Minister of simple truth ? but such is his truth , and such is his simplicity , as in his Ministry . Let vs draw to an end . 60. His last argument à paribus wherby he compareth vs to the heretike Arius , and vnto his dissimulation in Religion , may better fall vpon himselfe and his fellowes who more neerly do follow the spirite and steppes of that and other ancient heretickes , and principally in this one point of varying one from an other and among themselues , and changing their opinions so often and frequently , as that which is noted by Tertullian in the heresies of his dayes , That euery yeare brought forth a newe faith . And this may be seene in the number of sects , that haue risen in this age from Lutber downward , which are come to be so many in effect , as scarcely they can be numbred , and a hard matter it is to bring them to any certainty of sentence , when they are pressed , but do dissemble , Equiuocate , and ly with such facility , as scarsely any thing can be proued against them , wherof among many others before mentioned , we haue had a good example of Tho. Morton himselfe in this and the precedent Chapters , and shall haue of some more of his fellowes in the next . 61. And yet as though he were a great , and sincere louer of truth , he entitleth the last paragraph of his Treatise thus : This our Apostolicall defence of Protestantes I will cōclude with the protestations of the Apostle , I say the truth , & lye not my conscience bearing me witnesse &c. And againe : God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ knoweth that I lye not . And yet further to his scholler Timothy : I speake the truth and ly not . And finally to the Galathians ; This that I write vnto yow , behold I witnes before God , and ly not . 62. And now consider heere I pray yow , Thomas Mortons Apostolicall defence by protestations , which more truly perhaps may be called Apostaticall , for that he who shall read the monstrous multitude of his malicious and wilfull lyes , which haue bene discouered , and layd open through out his booke , and especially in the second , sixt , and this Chapter , and withall heare him make these solemne protestations against lying , must needs thinke that rather the spirite of Apostacy then Apostleship doth possesse his tongue , pen , and harte , that speaketh , writeth , and protesteth so desperatly , and directly against his deedes , knowledge and Conscience : which thing that yow may the better vnderstand , I am content to adioyne also this next ensuing chapter for better proofe , and confirmation therof . OF TVVO SORTES OF EQVIVOCATION . The one true and lavvfull ; the other false , and synfull . And that Catholickes only vse the first in certayne cases , and with due circumstances , and limitations : But T. M. and his fellowes impugning the first , do vse ordinarily the second , which is false & lying Equiuocation indeed . CHAP. XII . HITHERTO we haue declared , and made manifest ( as I suppose ) that all Equiuocation is not lying , both for that the definition of a lye agreeth not ther vnto , & for that Christ himselfe , and many of his seruantes both in the old and new Testament haue vpon iust occasions vsed the same , and the common consent of Catholicke Deuynes and Lawyers haue allowed , and confirmed the lawfulnes therof in certain Cases , with due and iust circumstances , and considerations . 2. But now must we further distinguish the same into two different sortes or kyndes , the one proper , according to the true nature of Equiuocation before defyned , which though it may seeme to haue falsitie in it , and somtymes also hath in deed , in respect of the wordes only or vnderstanding of the hearer : yet alwayes hath it truth in respect of the speakers meaning . The other sorte is improperly called Equiuocatiō , for that no way it is true , & therfore his proper name in deed is a lye , though after a large & improper manner , it may be called also Equiuocation for the reason which after we shall declare . 3. Now then both of those kyndes of Equiuocation are subdeuided againe ech one into two sortes , for that true Equiuocation may be either verball or mentall , as before hath byn shewed . Verball is that , when any word or speach hath either naturally , or by peculiar custome of particular language , two or more significations , as out of Aristotle hath 〈◊〉 declared . Mentall Equiuocation is , when any speach hath , or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification , or composition of the wordes themselues , but only by some reseruation of mynd in the speaker , wherby his meaning is made different frō that sense which the wordes that are vttered do beare , or yeeld without that reseruation . And of both these sortes of Equiuocations that they are lawfull , and free from falsity , and may be vsed without syn in certaine cases before specifyed , we haue now layd forth so many examples out of Scriptures and Fathers in the precedent Chapters , as it were a needles worke to name them heere againe . 4. Wherfore all our speach in this place shall be about the second kynd of Equiuocation , which is false and lying , and therby also euer vnlawfull ; which though not properly , yet in a generall manner may be called Equiuocation , as I haue said , for that the hearer is alwayes wrongfully deceyued , or intended to be deceaued by some falsity , which is knowne to be such by the speaker , and consequently is playne lying : and for that lying hath byn shewed also before to be deuided into two sortes , the one a materiall lye , when the thing spoken is false in it selfe , but not so vnderstood by the speaker , the other a formall lye when the speaker doth know it , or thinke it to be false , and yet speaketh it . This kynd of Equiuocatiō which really is a lye , must haue also the same subdiuisiō , so as the one sort therof may be called a materiall lying Equiuocation , and the other a formall : and so much worse , as a formall lye is in it selfe ( which alwayes is sinne ) then a materiall ( which oftentymes may be without sinne of the speaker : ) by so much is a formall lying Equiuocation worse , then a materiall . We shal giue examples of both that shall make all playne . 5. If one should say to me that my Father is dead , thinking in deed that he is dead , though he be a liue , it were a materiall lye , as before hath byn declared , for that in deed my Father is not dead , though he perhaps that made the lye may haue said it without sinne , for that he thought it so : and I say ( perhaps ) for that in some case ignorance could not excuse him , if it were a matter wherof he were bound to know the truth , & might with diligence haue learned the same . But if he should say , my Father is dead , knowing in deed that he is not dead , and meaning to deceiue me therby , this is a formall lye and alwayes sinfull , either veniall or mortall , according to the importance of the matter , wherin the lye is made . And conforme to this may be the diuision also as is said of lying Equiuocation . 6. Examples of the first may be these , and other like : An Arian deliuereth to the people those wordes of Christ , Pater meus maior me est , My Father is greater then I , vnderstanding it heretically according to their meaning of the very Godhead : this is an Equiuocation , and in his sense is false , and consequently alye , for that the hearer is deceaued , and yet because the speaker thinketh it to be true , the lye is but materiall in the Arian , and not formall , and in that respect lesse synne then if it were formall : but yet is it damnable by another way , for that this error , as hath bene said , being wilfully defended against the Church is not excusable . The other sorte of false Equiuocatiō called formall , is when the hearer conceyueth any false thing vpon the speach of another , which other knoweth it also a be false , and so vttereth a lye against his owne knowledge , and conscience . As for example : If a preacher in England who in deed is no Protestant in harte , should preach Protestāt doctrine that is false , and himselfe should thinke it also to be false ( as diuers perhaps doe ) this were to Equiuocate both falsely and formally , which is the worst kynd of lying Equiuocation that may be , and this is that which I say that Thomas Morton and his fellowes , who inueigh bitterly euery where against true and lawfull Equiuocation , do vse almost at euery turne . 7. As for example when he saith , No one iota of Scripture , no one example in all antiquity , no one reason in the naturall wit of man , no one Author Greeke or Latin , no one Father , no any Pope Christian or Antichristian , doth make for Equiuocation as we defend it , or any color therof : neither did they so much as fancy any such thing . Heere is first seene a notorious vntruth of the assertion it selfe , & consequently it is a materiall lye , and materiall Equiuocation ; for that the matter deliuered is vntrue , aud secondly it is most probable that Th. Morton must needs know it to be a lye ; hauing seene so many Authors & reasons alleadged for it by the Catholicke Treatise , which he pretendeth to confute ; wherof it followeth , that it was a formall lye also , and a formall lying Equiuocation in the highest degree of deceipt and falshood . 8. And so in like manner in the former Chapter when he alleadgeth Azor , Dominicus Sotus , and Cicero directly against their owne meaning , words and drifte in the very same places , which he cyteth , and taketh words out of them for his pretēded purpose , he could not but see , and know that it was a lye , to cyte them to the contrary , and yet he thought best to do it , and tell his Reader that they were of a contrary opinion : this then is formally to lye and equiuocate in the worst and superlatiue degree of false Equiuocation . 9. About which poynt the Reader may be remitted to the second Chapter of this Treatise , and last paragraph therof , where he shall see diuers examples laid togeather ; as among other , that which he reporteth of the death of our English Pope Adrian choaked ( as he saith ) with a flye , and cyteth Nauclerus for the same , who though he mention , yet refuteth expresly that fable , which T. M. concealed , where he is shewed in like māner to corrupt notably a passage of Doctor Boucher , auouching him to say that which he expresly impugneth about the killing of a Tyrant by a priuate man , and priuate authority . And the like corruption he is conuinced to haue vsed in cyting Gratian the Collector of the Canon-lawes , and his Glosses , peruerting their wordes , and whole sense , as is there set downe , with sundry other examples , which shew that the man did not lye of error or ouersight , but meerely out of malice to deceyue the simple and credulous Reader , knowing indeed , that he did lye . And the same is demonstrated by many examples most apparent , and euident throughout the whole sixt Chapter of this booke , and other places : so as if we had no other proofe of this spirite , but in Tho. Morton himselfe , it were sufficient to proue our purpose , for that of all other lightly of his coate , he profesleth most innocency , simplicity , and sincerity in this behalfe , and by this doth principally proue our purpose , which is , that they equiuocate and lye , both wittingly and willingly , and then most of all , when they make greatest protestation of truth . 10. As when T. M. talketh of his naked innocency in his epistle to the Kings Maiestie , of 〈◊〉 Equiuocation from his soule , of styling himselfe A Minister of simple truth : and finally his vsurping of those protestations of Saint Paul before mentioned , That in all things he spake the truth , and lyed not , which Thomas Morton , as we 〈◊〉 haue proued before , could not choose but know to be a wilfull lye in deed , hauing seene & read the Authors which so manifestly he belyeth , as neuer in this he will be able to cleare himselfe . And herof we do finally inferre that he and his do equiuocate in the worst kind , which by vs & ours is neuer vsed : and so while he declameth against lawfull Equiuocation , and practiseth vnlawfull , he sheweth himselfe a playne preuaricator . And for that this matter is of so great importance for the Reader well to conceaue in these dayes of controuersies betwene vs , I meane to stay my selfe somewhat in this Chapter vpon this poynt , and to shew that indeed it is a substantiall signe , distinctiue betwene all Sectaries & vs , at this tyme , and that in matters of controuersy our writers shall neuer be found guylty in these kyndes of false lying & malicious equiuocatiōs , where not only vntruth is vttered , but it is wittingly also vttered , the writer knowing that he writeth vntruth , as often now hath bene said . Which manner of dealing inferreth two points ; the one that such a writer or speaker hath no conscience that vttereth things against his owne knowledge , and which God seeth to be false , and falsely meant in his harte , and the other that his cause hath no ground of substantiall truth , which cannot be defended without such wilfull lyes . 11. In this then if yow please let vs insist a while , and let Thomas Morton bringe forth any Catholicke Authors whatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestāts since these heresies began , that hath bene taken in this impiety , I meane , that hath set downe in print any such falsity , as cannot be excused eyther by ignorance , ouersight , negligence , error of print , translatiō , diuersity of editions , or the like , but that it must needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth , and yet would set it forth : of this kynd ( I say ) let him shew me but one example among all Catholicke writers of our tyme , and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust , and discredit the Author , whether it be another , or my selfe : But if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind I shal neuer be able to beleeue him more . And wheras the number and variety of Catholicke writers is so great as the world seeth , it were no great labour to shew it in some , if that spirite did raigne among them , as it doth in Protestant writers , out of whom great volumes might be framed of this one point , if a man would imbrace them all throughout all nations : But I meaning to speake of Englishmen , and those very few in respect of the multitude , and not hauing al their workes by meat this present , am forced only to vse some few notes taken heertofore out of their books , which notwitstanding shall suffice for this short view , which we pretend . And for better methode & memory , I haue thought good to reduce my Notes at this tyme to three sortes of men , that haue writen against vs. First Protestant Bishops ; then Ministers , and lastly Lay-men , but of good sorte , I meane , Knightes ; and of ech one of these shall we make our seuerall Paragraphes . The vse of Equiuocation in some Protestant English Bishops . §. 1. 12. AND first in this ranke may we worthily put in the first and chiefe place , M. Iohn Iewell called afterwards Bishop of Salisburie , who being the first and chiefest man that in the beginning of Queene Elizabethes raigne , tooke vpon him the publicke defence of Caluins doctrine in England , and was named by many for that respect , The Iewell and prim-rose of that Ghospell , had primitias spiritus in that behalfe , for cunning and artificial deluding of others by these kind of false , and deceyuing Equiuocations , as both by his wordes , workes , preachinges , and protestations , extant this day in print , is most manifest , and the conuersion of many men , from Protestant to Catholicke Religion , vpon sight and consideration therof , hath euidently couinced , wherof heere we meane to giue some briefe taste for examples sake . 13. He then , as wel in his Sermons at Paule crosse , and the Court , set forth afterward in print , and answered as well by Doctor Harding , as other learned men of the Catholicke party , did make such a generall and vniuersall chalenge against all Catholickes whatsoeuer , for proofe of 28. seuerall articles , framed out by himselfe , standinge in controuersy betweene vs , as he made the world to wonder at him , and diuers of his owne side that were more learned and discreete , to murmur at his rashnes therin ; but many more with great disdayne to condemne his hypocrisy . For thus he began . 14. O mercifull God , who would thinke there could be so much wilfulnes in the harte of man ! O Gregorie , O Augustine , O Hierome , O Chrysostome , O Leo , O Dionyse , O 〈◊〉 , O Sixtus , O Paul , O Christ ! if we be deceaued herein yow are they that haue deceyued vs : yow haue taught vs these schismes & diuisions ; yow haue taught vs these heresyes . &c. and that yow may the more maruaile at the wilfulnes of such men , ( the Papistes ) they stand this day against so many old Fathers , so many Doctors , so many examples of the primitiue Church , so manifest Scriptures , and yet haue they herein not one Father , not one Doctor , not one allowed example of the primitiue Church , I speake not this in vehemency of spirit , or heate of talke , but euen as before God by way of simplicity and truth , least any of yow should happily be deceaued , and thinke there is more weight in the other side , then in cōclusion there shal be found , and therfore once againe I say of all the wordes of the holy Scriptures , of all the examples of the Primitiue Church , of all the old Fathers , of all the ancient Doctors in these causes , they haue not one . Thus in that Sermon at Paules crosse , and in an other at the Court of the same subiect , which was the occasion and beginning of all the Combat that ensued afterwards betweene Catholicke men and him . 15. And in another Sermon to the same effect he vseth this speach for confirmation of his former protestation . Heere ( saith he ) the matter it selfe that I haue now in hand , putteth me in remembrance of certayne thinges that I vttered vnto yow to the same purpose at my last being in this place , I remember I layd out then before yow a number of thinges , that are now in Controuersy , whervnto our aduersaryes will not yeeld ; And I said perhaps boldly as it might then seeme to some man , but as I my selfe , and the learned of our Aduersaryes themselues do well know , sincerely and truly , that none of them all that stand this day against vs , are able or * shall euer be able to proue against vs , any one of all these pointes , either by Scriptures , or by example of the primitiue Church , or by the old Doctors , or by the ancient generall Councells &c. 16. And againe . Loth I am to trouble yow with rehearsall of such thinges , as I haue spoken before , and yet because the case so requireth , I shall desire yow , that haue already heard me , to beare with me in this behalfe , better it were to trouble your eares with twice hearing of one thing , then to betray the truth of God. The wordes I then spake , as neere as I can call them to mynd were these ; that if any learned man of all our Aduersaries , or if all the learned men that be aliue be able to bring any one sufficient sentence out of any old Catholicke Doctor , or Father out of any one old Generall Councell , out of the holy Scriptures of God , or any one example of the primitiue Church , wherby any of these ensuing articles , of priuate Masse reall presence , Primacy of the Bishop of Rome , setting vp and honoring of Images , Common prayer in a strange language , offering vp Christ in sacrifice &c. may be proued , I am content to yeeld and subscribe &c. 17. And againe in an other place : My offer was this ( in my sermon at the Court : ) that if any of all those things that I then rehearsed could be proued by your side , by any sufficient authority , either of Scriptures , Councels , or by any one allowed example &c. I would yeald : now it standeth vpon yow to proue but one example to the contrary . And yet further in an other place in my Sermon ( saith he ) at Paules , and els where , I required yow to bring forth on your parte , either some Scripture , or some old Doctor , or some ancient Councell , &c. and if yow of your parte would vouchsafe to bring but two lines , the whole matter were concluded . And yet further , I protest before God , bring me but one sufficiēt authority , or one old Doctor , on your side , and I will yeeld &c. At least yow should haue alleadged Augustine , Ambrose , Chrysostome , Hierome , &c. I haue offered yow oftentymes bring me but two lines of your side , and the field is yours &c. O M. Doctor deale simply in Gods cause , and say yow haue Doctors when yow haue them indeed . 18. This and much more hath he to this effect , all tending to shew his rare confidence in the Protestant cause , which he defended : but yet that he did not speake as he thought , in these matters , and that his iudgement did not concurre with his tongue and pen , and consequently , that he did Equiuocate in this worse sorte of Equiuocation , many argumentes do mightely perswade me , and especially these halfe dozen that follow . Sixt argumentes of Maister Iewell his hipocrysy in this case . §. 2. 19. FIRST for that he cannot be presumed to haue beene so ignorāt , but that how soeuer he might thinke of the Scriptures , that by his priuate interpretations he could shifte them of , and deliuer himselfe from their Authority : yet that the Fathers could not so easily be dispached , wherof he had seene the profe but few yeares before , in the disputation held in Oxford with B. Cranmer , Ridley , and Latymer , vpon the 16. 17. and 18. dayes of Aprill in the yeare of Christ 1554. in which disputation , M. Iewell as Fox saith , was Notary among others , and saw so many most euident testimonyes , of auncient Fathers , both Greeke and Latyn alleadged there , and vrged against them , as they could no wayes answere , or handsomely shifte of , as yow may see in Fox himselfe , though neuer so partially related , but much more orderly & fully in a speciall Treatise , writen of late of that matter intituled , A Reuiew of ten publicke disputatiōs , about Religion , vnder the raignes of K. Edward and Queene Marie : which euidency of testimony did worke so greatly with M. Iewell himselfe , as after these disputatiōs ended , he subscribed publikly in S. Mary-Church of Oxford to the Roman Catholicke doctrine in that behalf , as M. Doctor Harding then present writeth to himfelfe , in a speciall Epistle prefixed before his Reioynder : which being so , with what conscience , could he say now so soone after ; Shew me one only Father , one Doctor , one place , one sentence , two lynes and the like ? for so much as lately before he had heard and registred so great a multitude of Fathers sentences , that are yet extant in those disputations ; wherfore this must needs be Equiuocation of the worst kynde , which could not be true , neyther in the meaninge of the speaker himselfe . 20. The second reason is , that M. Iewell could not be ignorant , that diuers ancient Fathers within the tyme by him limited , had not only many sentences for the Catholicke parte in these heades of controuersyes alleadged by him , and others , but whole discourses also , homilyes , sermons , chapters , and treatises , if not bookes therof . As for exāple about the reall presence , if he had read the Fathers he could not be ignorant of the mayne multitude of large Authorityes , alleaged in these our dayes aswell by Bishop Claudius de Sainctes , as Bellarmin and others about that matter , not out of single , or doubtfull sentēces , but of whole discourses , as hath bene said , and those as effectually writen by the Authors for the truth of the reall presence , as we can do in a manner now , as namely S. Cyprian , S. Hilary , both Cyrills , S. Ambrose , S. Basil , three Gregories , Saint Chrysostome , S. Hierome , and others downward . And the like multitude , or more , is alleadged for the Masse or dayly sacrifice of the Catholicke Church by the same Author . And further no man can deny , but that S. Augustine for example , hath many large discourses , treatises , or Bookes directly tending to the proofe of diuers poynts now in controuersie , betwene Protestants and vs , as De cura pro mortuis habenda . De libero arbitrio . De fide & operibus . De nuptiis & concupiscentia , & many others , where he doth largely , and of purpose impugne diuers Protestant opinions , and confirme ours both about the valour of the Masse , or dayly sacrifice for quicke and dead , merite of workes and the like , not only approuing , but prouing also the same by great variety of Scriptures . And the like doth S. Hierome against Iouinian and Vigilantius , and S. Epiphanius against Aërius , and other heretickes that held the same proposition that Protestants do now . All which authorityes , if M. Iewell had read or heard of them ( as may be presumed he had ) how then could he say with any conscience at all , Bring me one Author , one Father , one Doctor , one sentence , one place , or two lines , and the like , which he could not do without notable Equiuocation as yow see , himselfe knowing that he spake falsely in that behalfe . 21. The third reason is that M. Iewell could not but haue seene and considered the small accoumpt which other Protestāt writers more elder then himself had made , and did make of the ancient Fathers , when in any thing they were against their opinions , nay their reiecting of them with contempt , doth euidently shew that they held them for their aduersaries . As for example M. Iewell beginneth his chalenge , as yow remēber : O Gregory ! O Augustine ! O Hierome ! O Chrysostome ! O Leo ! O Dionyse ! &c. Now as for S. Gregory , Caluin giueth this generall sentence of him : Gregorius homo multis erroribus imbutus , Gregory a man corrupted with many errors : and Martyn Luther the Father of Protestants writeth of him : Gregorius admodum leuiter agnouit Christum , & verbum Euangelij ; Gregory did know Christ and his ghospell very sleightly : and then talking of S. Gregories famous workes and writing , so greatly esteemed by learned , and holy men , he saith of his sermons : Gregorij conciones ne teruncium quidem valent ; Gregories sermons are not worth a halfpenny . And then speaking of an other parte of his workes , or bookes called his Dialogues , saith : 〈◊〉 eum in Dialogo suo crassè decepit : The dyuell did grossely deceaue him in his Dialogue : and thus of him . 22. And as for S. Augustine , who is the second in ranke of his Apostrophe , albeit they do not reiect him with so great contempt as S. Gregory , yet when he maketh against them , they esteeme him little . Quisest Augustinus ? ( saith Luther against King Henry of England ) quis nos coget illi credere ? Who is Augustine ? or who shall compell vs to beleeue him ? but S. Hierome whome next M. Iewell adioyneth they handle much more spitefully . Quinte Hieronyme ( saith Luther ) conculcamus cum tua Bethlem , cuculla , & deserto : Know thou Hierome that we do tread thee vnder our feete with thy Bethlem , thy hood , and they desert . And againe in an other place . VVhat can be more carnally spoken , more wickedly , sacrilegiously , and blasphemously , then that of Hierome , Virginitas caelum , coniugium terram replet ? Virginity doth fill heauen , & marriage filleth the earth . And yet further , I know no man ( saith he ) to whom I am so much an enemy as to Hierome , for that he writeth nothing but of fasting , choise of meates , and of virginity , and in truth Hierome should not be 〈◊〉 among the Doctors of the Church for that he was an hereticke , &c. And Caluin saith of the same Doctor ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 natura fuit cauillator : Hierome was by nature a wrangler . But Beza worse then all , calleth him blasphemous , wicked , and impious , and iniurious to the Apostle . 23. Of S. 〈◊〉 whom M. Iewell calleth vpon in the fourth place , Luther writeth thus : Chrysostomum nullo loco habeo ; non est nisi loquaculus : I hold Chrysostome in no accompt at all , for that he is a brabling fellow . And the Magdeburgians in their historie say of him contemptuously , that he was , bonorum operum Encomiastes , & liberi arbitrij patronū agebat , a prayser of good workes , and an aduocate for freewill . So that yow see , that the cause of their reiection , and contempt is for that they are contrary in their doctrine . As for S. Leo named by M. Iewell in the fifth place of Fathers , it is easy to imagine of what credit he was among them , seing that in the very controuersy of the Popes Supremacy heere handled by him , both Caluin and Beza do note and cōdemne him of Ambition , for taking vpon him , and defending that authority . Constat ( saith Beza ) Leonem in epistolis Romanae Sedis antichristianae arrogantiam planè spirasse ; It is manifest that Leo in his Epistles doth clearly breath forth the arrogancy of that Antichristian Roman Sea , which in other wordes Caluin also Beza his maister , doth confirme : which being so and all this knowne to M. Iewell , I would aske , why he did call vpon these Fathers so earnestly , saying , If we be deceaued heerin , yow are they that haue deceaued vs , as though he had taught nothing but that they taught , and that their authority had byn his rule , as their aule was Paul and Christ ? Nay , why doth he himselfe afterward , expressely , and by name , reiect S. Leo in some of these very articles for proofe wherof he doth here call vpon him ? And namely about the Popes Supremacy and sacrifice of the Masse , saying : That there was no credit to be giuen vnto him , &c. Is not this double dealing ? Is not this pernicious Equiuocation on one side to call vpon him & on the other to reiect him ? 24. Nay why did he adde further , O Dionyse , O Anacletus , O Sixtus , as though he had followed their doctrine also , or admitted their authority ? wheras neither himselfe , nor other Protestantes are knowne to admit any booke or worke of theirs now extant , but to reiect , and rayle against them all . Dionysius Areopagita , ( saith Luther ) nihil habet solidae eruditionis . Dionysius Areopagita hath no solide learning at all . Your counterfeit Anacletus ( saith M. Iewell to Doctor Harding ) doth not clayme all the Bishops throughout the world as belonging to his admission . And the like they say of the other , out of all with is euidently conuinced , that this Apostrophe of M. Iewell to these Fathers , O Gregory , O Augustine , O Hierome , O Chrysostome , O Leo , O Dionyse , &c. if we be deceaued yow haue deceaued vs , was an hypocriticall Equiuocation to deceaue the hearer , contrary to the knowledge , and conscience of himselfe , that vttered the wordes , for he could not be ignorant , but that they were against him , and his doctrine , for that otherwise they had neuer byn so reiected and discredited by him , and his . 25. The fourth reason is , for that the said ancient Protestantes , Maisters of M. Iewell , and from whome he tooke his learning and spirite , did in sundry of the Articles heere by him named , reiect & contemne the ancient Fathers as contrary vnto them , and their doctrine ; and how then could M. Iewell so confidently call vpon them in the same . Let any man read Martin Luther in his booke de Captiuitate Babylonica , about the Sacrifice of the Masse , and he shall fynd , that he reiecteth all the Fathers in that controuersy . Si nihil habetur ( saith he ) quod dicatur , tutius est omnia negare , quàm Missae Sacrificium esse concedere . If there be nothing to answere to the Authorityes of the Fathers , it is more safe to deny all , then to grant that the Masse is a Sacrifice . And in an other booke ; Profiteor inprimis &c. I do in the very beginning make this profession , against those that will cry out , that I teach against the vse of the Church and decree of Fathers heerin , that I respect none of these thinges . And yet further against King Henry of England : Dicta Patrum induxit Rex &c. The King bringeth in the sayings of Fathers against me , for his massing Sacrifice , and scoffeth at my folly , that I would seeme more wise then all they ; but this is that which I said before , that these Thomisticall asses haue nothing to bring forth , but a multitude of men . And then he goeth forward , saying : That if a thousand Augustines , and a thousand Cyprians stand against him in this matter , he careth not . And fynally in another booke : Non moramur , si clamitent Papistae , Ecclesia , Ecclesia , Patres , Patres &c. We care nothing at all if Papists cry out against vs , the Church , the Church , Fathers , Fathers , they are but the sayings or deeds of men , in so great a cause as this , we care nothing for them . And to the very same effect disputeth Caluin , though more cyuilly and cunningly about the same matter , saying : Non est cur vlla hominum authoritate , vel annorum praescriptione , &c. There is no reason why we should suffer our selues to be drawne a side from the doctrine we teach by any authority of men , or prescription of yeares . Where yow see , that he graunteth both antiquity of time , and authority of the ancient Fathers to be against him , in that controuersy of the Masse , and Sacrifice . And as we haue shewed the same in this article ; so might we in all the rest , if time and place did permit , but this is sufficient to proue , in my opinion , that the protestation of M. Iewell before mencyoned which so solemnly he made in the presence of almighty God , was feigned , and hypocriticall , when he saith , Not one father , not one Doctor &c. and then addeth for more asseueration , when I say not one , I speake not in vehemency of spirite or heate of talke , but euen as before God , by the way of simplicity and truth . For if M. Iewell did know that this his maisters and elders , Luther and Caluin were forced to reiect generally all the Fathers , or the most parte of them , for that they were against him for the sacrifice of the Masse ; then was it notable cosening Equiuocation to sweare & protest before God in simplicity , that no one did make for vs , either in this or the rest of the articles . 26. The fifth reason is , for that we see by experience that all other English Protestant writers , succeeding M. Iewell , and being as it were his schollers , and participating of his spirite , sense , and meaning , began presently to reiect , and cast of the Fathers , vpon euery occasion , wherin they were pressed , by their authority , as by the writings of Doctor Calshill , Doctor Humfrey , Fulke , Charke , VVhitakers , and others is euident , wherof I will alleadge only one example out of the last named , in steed of all , who being pressed with the consent of Fathers in a 〈◊〉 controuersy against him , answered in this wise . We repose no such confidence in the Fathers writinges , that we take any certain proofe of Religion frō them , because we place all our Faith and Religion , not in humaine , but in diuine Authority . If therfore you bring vs what some one Father hath thought , or what the Fathers vniuersally altogeather haue deliuered , the same , except it be approued by testimonyes of scriptures , auayleth nothing , it gayneth nothing , it conuinceth nothing . For the Fathers are such witnesses , as they also haue need of the Scriptures to be their witnesses . If deceyued by error they giue forth their testimony disagreeing from Scriptures , albeit they may be pardoned , erring for want of wisdome ; we cannot be pardoned if because they erred , we also will erre with them . So Doctor VVhitakers . Where yow see what accompt he maketh of ancient Fathers , and Doctors . Patres etiam simul 〈◊〉 , to vse his owne wordes , yea all Fathers put togeather without proofe of Scripture to Authorize them , it 〈◊〉 nothing ( saith he ) gayneth nothing , it conuinceth nothing . So as if M. Iewell had dealt plainly he might only haue called for Scripture at our hands , and not so often for Fathers , knowing by all probability , aswell as his schollers , that the Fathers were at least in many controuersyes against him ; and what Equiuocation then was this to call so often , and earnestly for ancient Fathers ; yea some one place or sentence , some two lines , for wynning of the field ? was not this singuler and extraordinary , yea hypocrisy , and lying Equiuocation in the highest degree ? 27. The sixt reason is the consideration of his earnest exhorting of Catholickes to answere his Chalenge . Now it standeth vpon yow ( saith he ) to proue but one affirmatiue against me , and so to require my promise of subscribing . And againe , If yow of your parte would vouchsafe to bring but two lynes , the whole matter were concluded . And yet further , Me thinketh both reason , and humanity would , that yow should answere somewhat , especially being so often and so openly required , &c. VVhy be yow so loth , being so earnestly required to shew forth but one Doctor of your side , &c. VVhat thinke you there is now iudged of you , that being so long tyme required , yet cannot be wonne to bring forth one sentence in your defence ? And yet againe more earnestly . I protest before God bring me but one sufficient authority in the matters I haue required , and afterward I will gently and quietly conferre with yow further at your pleasure . And therfore for as much as it is Gods cause , if yow meane simply , deale simply , betray not your right , if yow may saue it with one word : the people must needs muse at your silence , for thinke not that any wise man will be so much your friend , as in so weighty matters he will be satisfied with your said silence , &c. And not content with this , he concludeth in these wordes of earnest exhortation . Wherfore heere I leaue putting yow eft-somes gently in remembrance , that being so often and so openly desired to shew forth one Doctor , &c. Yow haue brought nothing , and that if yow stand so still it must needs be thought yow do it conscientia imbecillitatis , for that there was nothing to be brought . And heere once againe I conclude , as before , putting yow in remembrance that this long tyme I haue desired yow to bring forth some sufficient Authority for proofe of your party . Thus farre M. Iewell . 28. And would yow not thinke that this desire , this intreaty , this vrging , and prouocation did proceed from a great confidence in his cause ? Truly if the confidence were not great , the crafte and dissimulation was singuler : but what ensued ? M. Doctor Harding , and other learned men lying in Flanders being moued by zeale of Religion , and prouokd by these insolent eggings , began soone after to write bookes in answere of these challenges , and to lay open the vntruthes and vanities therof , which labours wrought so great effect with diuers of the discreeter sorte , both Catholickes , & Protestants in England , as M. Iewell thought it best to procure the publike prohibition of those bookes by the Magistrate , for which he had so earnestly called before , wherupō there were diligēt searches made to find out the same , both in the vniuersities , townes , cittyes , & portes of the Realme , as * one that was then a searcher among others , and a Protestant preacher in Oxford , but conuerted afterward by these very reasons , and by the vntruthes found in M. Iewell bookes , doth testifie at large in an answere of his written to M. D. VVhitakers , whose wordes I haue thought good to sett downe in this place . For hauing refuted a speach of M. VVhitakers who pretended to be very glad that the Rhemes English Testament was abroad in many mens handes , M. Reynolds writeth thus : With like phrase ( saith he ) and character of shamelesse vaunting , wrote M. Iewell to Doctor Harding , saying : VVe neuer suppressed any of your bookes , M. Harding , as yow know , but are very well content to see them so common , that as now children may play with them in the streets . Thus his face serued him co write then , when in the selfe same Defence , he by leauing out suppressed the very substance of that booke , which he then pretended to answere , and when by helpe of his fellow Superintendent , and other friends euery corner of the Realme was searched for those bookes , when the portes were layd for them , Paules Crosse is witnes of burning many of them , the Princesse proclamation was procured against them in the Vniuersityes by soueraigne authority , Colledges , chambers , studyes , clossets , coffers and deskes were ransacked for them , when not only children were forbid to play with them , but ancient men , and students of Deuinity were imprisoned for hauing of them , so that all this can be nought els , but a plaine example of palpable dissimulation , and affected lying . 29. So this learned and vertuous man , who was so moued by the said dissimulation , as it wrought his conuersion , and detestation of that doctrine , which could not be mainteyned but with such shiftes , and cunning lyings as afterward more largely , and particulerly yow shall heare him relate of himselfe , for that conforme to this generall entrance by singuler hypocrisy and equiuocation as hath beene declared , M. Iewell behaued himselfe also in particuler cases that did occurre , making no 〈◊〉 to affirme or deny any thing that serued for his purpose , though in his conscience he knew it to be neuer so false , wherof we shall heare touch some few examples proportionable to the 〈◊〉 of reasons before set downe , if not more ; in which is to be remēbred by the Reader , that all the forsaid circumstances must be obserued , to witt ; that the falshood cannot be excused by any probable error , mistaking , or ouersight of the speaker , nor by any default of the Printer , edition , translation , or the like , but that it must needs proceed of a 〈◊〉 will to deceyue wittingly , as before hath byn said . And with this preuention , and admonition shall we passe to the examples themselues . Six Examples of Maister Ievvells particuler Equiuocation . §. 3. 30. THE first example then shall be where M. Iewell going about to prooue in a certain sermon of his , that it was no synne to marrie after vowes made of Chastity , bringeth in this sentence of S. Augustine out of his booke * de 〈◊〉 viduitatis , to proue the same in these wordes : Quapropter nō possum dicere à proposito meliori 〈◊〉 si nupserint 〈◊〉 adulteria esse non coniugia : I cannot say that women which are fallen from a better purpose ( of continency ) if they marry , that their mariage is adultery and not mariage at all : and vpon this authority so alleadged , and so plainly seeming to make for the Protestants doctrine of Votaries mariages , yow must imagine how M. Iewell would exult , and make the Schollers of Oxford thinke that he had said much for his purpose ; but he that shall read ouer that shorte booke de 〈◊〉 viduitatis , of the good that is in wyddowhood , written to Iuliana a religious seruant of God , as S. Augustine calleth her , shall fynd that the whole drifte of this holy Father in that 〈◊〉 , is directly against M. Iewell , and his fellowes , prouing by many arguments , that 〈◊〉 marriage in them that haue made a simple vow of Chastity , or ( to vse S. Austines wordes ) that had a better purpose then mariage , be true mariage , and not adultery ( except there come afterward a solemne vow , which maketh it no 〈◊〉 : ) yet doth S. Augustine plainly proue , that the slyding backe from that good purpose and vow is damnable , not for that the mariage doth not hold , but for that they haue broken their first faith made to Christ according to the wordes of S. Paul , which S. Augustine affirmeth to haue byn meant to this purpose . 31. So then heere is great wilfull falsity , to alleadge S. Augustine as though he fauoured the marriages of Votaries , whereas throughout this whole booke he doth purposely impugne the same , yea that which is more , in the very next immediate wordes that follow in the same sentence before alleadged by M. Iewell S. Augustines expresse wordes do ouerthrow all that is alleadged for Votaries . For wheras he writeth , I cannot affirme that women fallen from a better purpose if they marry , that their marriages are adultery , and not marriage , it followeth immediately : Sed plane non dubit auerim dicere lapsus & ruinas à castitate sanctiori , quae vouetur Deo adulteriis esse peiores : but I do not doubt at all to affirme ( saith S. Augustine ) that the ruynes , and fallinges of from holyer chastitie , which is vowed to God , are worse then adultery ; which he proueth by many strong reasons , and arguments . And now let the Reader consider what Equiuocation this might be in M. Iewell , and whether it be possible to imagine that he was so occupyed , and distracted , as he did read the one halfe of the sentence , and not the other , or that he was so simple as he did not vnderstand , what was the whole drifte , and argument of S. Augustine in that booke : and if he did , and yet alledged him to the contrary , yow see what ensueth . And thus much of this first example . 32. The second example is taken out of M. Iewells defence of the Apologie of England pag. 176. where taking againe in hand to proue that priests and Votaryes may marry ( for he was very frequent and copious in that matter , it importing them much in that beginning to draw priests and fryers vnto them by this bayte ) he alleadgeth an example of a certayne noble man called 〈◊〉 of Caesarea in Cappadocia taken out of Cassiodorus the historiographer in these wordes . At that tyme they say that Eupsychius the Bishop of Caesarea dyed in martyrdome , hauing marryed a wyfe a little before , being as yet in manner a new marryed man &c. and he cyteth for this in the margent Cassiodorus in the tripartite historie . And in an other place he alledgeth the same example to the same purpose , out of Nicephorus ; but aswell these two authors , as Zozomenus are witnesses against him , of a notable wilfull falsification in this behalfe ; for that neither of them do say that Eupsychius was a Bishop or priest , but only that he was Patritius Caesareae in Cappadocia that is to say a noble man , or Senators sonne of Cesarea in Cappadocia : and the falsification is so playne to him that shall read all the foresaid Authors , and places by him cyted , as no modest man can but blush to see M. Iewell alledge , and vrge this forged example twice in one booke of his with such apparant falsitye : nor can any of the foresaid circumstances of ignorance , error , or negligence probably excuse or defend him . 33. The third exāple may be that of M Iewels slaunderous speach cōcerning the holy man Augustine sent by S. Gregory to conuert our nation to the Christian faith , which Almighty God wrought by him so myraculously , as both the said S. 〈◊〉 and S. Bede after him , and all other ancient historiographers , as Malmesbury , 〈◊〉 , and the rest do call him our English Apostle , of whose many , and great miracles wrought in that worke , not only the said Authors , but S. Gregory himselfe doth write a speciall narration to Eulogius Archbishop of Alexandria : yea 〈◊〉 Fox himselfe in his Acts and Monumentes , albeit not a little imbued with M. Iewels spirit , against this holy man , for that he planted Catholicke Romane Religion in England , yet writing the story of the conuersion of Ethelbert our first Christian English King , he hath these words at lēgth . When the King had well considered the honest conuersation of their life , and moued with their miracles wrought through Gods hād by them , he heard them more gladly , and lastly by their wholsome exhortations , and example of Godly life , he was by them conuerted , and Christened in the yeare of Christ aboue said 596. and the six and thirtith of his Reigne . So Fox . Whervnto I may add a testimony of much greater credit , out of S. Bede , that liued neere vnto his time , & recordeth the very Epitaph remayning in his dayes written vpon S. Augustines tombe in these wordes . 34. Heere lyeth Blessed Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury , who was sent hither , by S. Gregory Bishop of Rome , and strengthened of God by working of miracles , who conuerted King Ethelbert , and his Realme from the worshipping of Idolls to the faith of Christ. And thus much of the sanctity of this blessed man out of their testimony that liued with him , or not long after him . But now what writeth M. Iewell of him , and with what truth and conscience ? He was a man ( saith he ) as it was iudged by them that saw him , and knew him , neither of Apostolicke spirite , nor any way worthy to be called a Saint , but an Hypocrite , a super stitious man cruell , bloody , and proud aboue measure , and for proofe of all this , he cyteth only in his margent 〈◊〉 of Monmouth , in his history of the Britans , which Ieffrey dyed in the dayes of King Henry the 2. very neere 600. yeares after S. Augustine , and almost 500. after S. Bede , and writeth no such thing at all of S. Augustine as heere is set downe by M. Iewell , but rather much in his commendacion with note of the emulous dealing of the British Bishops against him , for the hatred they bare to the English nation , and their conuersion . 35. So as heere now M. Iewels assertion is not only false , and impious against so venerable a man as Augustine was , but must needs be also against his owne conscience , & this in diuers pointes . For first he knew that there was no Author extant that wrote in his dayes , saw him , and knew him , but only S. Gregory , who writeth 〈◊〉 in his commendations , as yow haue heard . Secondly he knew that S. Bede who liued in the very next age after him , and all other English Authors succeeding for the space of eyght or nine hundred yeares , till our time , did highly cōmend him in their workes , and especially the forenamed Malmesbury & Huntington that liued with Ieffrey Moumouth . And lastly he knew that this only witnes , the said Ieffrey , had no such thing . And what then will yow say to this Equiuocation ? may not M. Mortons Epithets of hellish , heathenish , impious , and sacrilegious , haue place heere ? 36. The fourth example may be those wordes of M. Iewell in the Apology of England , writing against the Pope . Let him in Gods name ( saith he ) call to mynd , let him remember that they be of his owne Canonists which haue taught the people , that fornication betwene single folke is not synne , as though they had fetched that doctrine from 〈◊〉 in Terence , whose words are : It is no synne , belieue me , for a yong man to haunt harlotts . And for this he cyteth in his margent Io. de Magistris li. de Temperantia . And who would not thinke but that this accusation were sure , for so much as it is so opprobriously vrged and insulted vpon ? But now I pray yow considerthe particulers , and therwithal what a conscience this man had . 37. First then Io. de Magistris was Martinus de Magistris , not a Canonist , but a Schoole - deuine , that wrote a Treatise De Temperantia & Luxuria , so as it seemeth that he that gaue this charge eyther had not read the Author himselfe , which I suppose M. Iewell will not confesse , or else meant to dazle the eyes of his Reader by naming Iohn for Martin . Secondly this Author in his said Treatise , as the fashion of Scholemen is , propoundeth this question : Vtrum simplex fornicatio sit peccatum mortale ; whether simple fornication be a mortall synne ; and according to vse of Schooles , saith : Arguitur quòd non . It is argued or reasoned for the negatiue parte thus , and so 〈◊〉 downe some arguments for that syde by way of obiections , which afterward he solueth , and cometh to conclude absolutly in the affirmatiue parte by six conclusions , that simple fornication is not only synne , but mortall synne ; for that it is forbidden by Gods law , and excludeth from the Kingdome of heauen , as S. Paul affirmeth . And now lett any man consider of the conscience of him , that auoucheth in print the other slaunder : Would Maister Garnet or M. South-well , or any other Catholicke man accused for lawfull Equiuocation , euer haue made so notorious a lye against their owne consciencies ? Let our aduersaryes bring forth but two examples . 38. The fifth example shall be also out of his wordes in the same Apologie , writing against the reading of Saincts lyues in the Church : The old Councell of Carthage ( saith he ) commaundeth nothing to be read in Christs congregation , but the Canonicall Scriptures , but these men read such things in their Churches , as themselues know to be starke lyes , and fond fables . So he . But now let vs see , whether it be more probable , that we know to be lyes those thinges which we read in our Churches or that he knew to be a lye that which heere he relateth and printeth in his booke . For if he read the Canon it selfe which he mentioned , which is the forty and seauenth of the third Councell of Carthage , wherin Saint Augustine was present , then must he needs know that he lyeth indeed egregiously , for that the Canō beginneth thus : Item placuit , vt praeter Scripturas Canonicas nihil in Ecclesia legatur sub nomine diuinarum Scripturarum ; sunt autem Canonicae Scripturae , Genesis , Exodus &c. 〈◊〉 , ludith , Hester , Machabaeorum libri duo , &c. It hath seemed good to this Councell , that nothing be read in the Church vnder the name of diuine Scripture , but only such as be Canonicall Scriptures in deed , as are Genesis , Exodus , &c. The two bookes of the Machabees , Tobias , Iudith , Esther , and the rest . Wherby we see that in alleadging these words , that nothing be read in the Church but Canonicall Scriptures , is guylfully cut of the other clause that expounded all , sub nomine diuinarum Scripturarum , vnder the name of diuine Scriptures . And secondly , that in relating which are diuine Scriptures , the bookes of the Machabees , Tobie , Iudith , and others excluded by him and his , from that number , are set downe for Canonicall . And thirdly which maketh the falfification most notoriously wilfull , is , that in the selfe same Canon there followeth these wordes : Liceat etiam legi passiones Martyrum cùm 〈◊〉 dies eorum celebrantur : It is lawfull also to read in the Church ( besides Canonicall Scriptures ) the passions of Martyrs , when their yearly festiuall dayes are celebrated : which wordes do cleerly decide the controuersy , and proue M. Iewell a wilfull lyer , and that he did know that he did lye , as nothing can be more cleare or euident . And besides , they decyde two seuerall controuersies against them as yow see , the first , that the books of Machabees were held for Canonicall by this Councell in S. Augustines tyme : and the second that the festiuall dayes of Saincts were celebrated 〈◊〉 yeare publikely in the Church , and the histories of their 〈◊〉 read in those dayes . 39. The sixt and last example in this place ( for I haue promised to passe no further ) shall cōteyne two or three cases togeather , the first out of Leo the great . Pope Leo saith M. Iewell in the Apologie ) holdeth , that vpon one daye it is lawfull to haue but one massem one Church , but these men say dayly in one Church commonly ten masses 20. or 30. yea sometimes more . So M. Iewell . But he that shall looke vpon the place it selfe in S. Leo , shall find the quite contrary decreed , and sett downe by that holy man , for thus he writeth vnto the Archbishop or Patriarch of Alexandria : Vt in omnibus obseruantia nostra concordet , illud quoque vloumus custodiri , &c. That our vse or obseruance may agree in all poynts ( as well in Alexandria as heere ) we will haue this also to be kept , that when any more solemne sestiuity shall call togeather a more aboundant meeting of people , and that the multitude of the faithfull shall be so great as the Church or Chapell cannot hold them togeather , that then without doubt of further deliberation , the oblation of the sacrifice be iterated , or celebrated againe , least otherwise if they only which came first , should be admitted vnto this deuotion , they which came afterward might seeme to be excluded , wheras it is conforme both to piety and reason , that so often as the presence of new people do fill the Church wherin the solemnity is exhibited , so often also should the sacrifice be offred , for that otherwise it must necessarily fall out that some parte of the people should be depriued of their deuotion , if the custome of saying one masse only being reteyned , none could offer sacrifice but such as came in the first parte of the day . 40. These are the wordes of S. Leo , by which yow see that he doth determine & decree the plaine contrary to that which M. Iewell affirmeth , to wit that as 〈◊〉 as any multitude of people should come to the Church ; so often the sacrifice of the masse should be reiterated for their deuotion . In which wordes though among Catholiks there may be some question about S. 〈◊〉 his meaning , to wit , whether he meant of more then one chiefe or solemne masse , to be said in one Church or Chappell , or that one and the selfe same Priest in such cases might reiterate his owne masse and sacrifice , if there were no other Priest present , as Strabo and Dur and do interpret him : yet in this controuersie there can be no doubt or question , but that he saith the quite contradictory to that which M. Iewell affirmeth him to say , who telleth vs , that Pope Leo saith , that it is not lawfull to say vpō one day mere then one masse in one Church ; wheras S. 〈◊〉 saith , it is both lawfull , expedient , and necessary to be done . What Equiuocation then call yow this in M. Iewell ? And furthermore S. Leo in this place as supreme Bishopp , prescribeth and giueth order in Ecclesiasticall rites as yow see , to Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria , for offering and iterating the sacrifice of the Masse , wherby is euident , that in these two articles at the least of Supremacy & the Masse ( which are of the first and principall that M. Iewell setteth downe ) S. Leo was against him , and flatly for vs : so as it may please him now to leaue out of his Apostrophe , O Leo ! if we be deceaued , your haue deceaued vs , &c. And this for the first case . 41. The second case may be that of M. Iewell in the defence of the Apologie pag 131. where talking of the most excellent man Pope Celestinus that sarte in the Sea before Leo , he saith of him thus : Pope Celestinus was a Nestorian heretike ; but cyteth no Author at all for it , and the assertion is so strange , and so contrary not only to truth and reason , but also probability , as of no man he could haue spoken it more falsely and absurdly : for that it was Celestinus that condemned Nestorius , and all his heresyes : it was Celestinus , in whose place Cyrillus the Archbishop of Alexandria sate President in the third generall Councell at Ephesus , where Nestorius was accursed , and condemned . Of this Celestinus the learned Bishop Prosper , who then 〈◊〉 writeth : Nestorianae impietati praecipua Alexandrini Episcopi industria & Papae Celestini repugnat authoritas : The speciall diligence of the Bishop of Alexandria , and the Authority of Pope Celestinus resisteth the impiety of Nestorius And yet is Pope Celestinus a Nestorian . Who would say so , but M. Iewell , who careth not what he saith ? 42. The third Case is somwhat more pleasant , though no lesse malicious , for wheras it had byn obiected vnto M. Iewell for the 〈◊〉 of S. Peter , in feeding & gouerning , that Christ had said to him alone : pasce oues meas , pasce agnos meos , feed my sheepe , feed my lambes ; M. Iewell to 〈◊〉 this priuiledge , alledgeth a sentence of Christ out of S. Markes 〈◊〉 , quoted in the margent : Quod vni dico omnibus dico : What I say to one , I say to all , therby inferring that the foresaid wordes of Christ to S. Peter , as a so the other , Thou art Peter or a rocke , and vpon this rocke will I buyld my Chruch , and other such like speaches , were equally meant also of the rest , wheras in deed , Christ neuer vsed these wordes , Quod vni dico omnibus dico noris it to be 〈◊〉 out of Scripture ; but rather our Sauiour hauing made in S. Marks Ghospell a large Sermon about the day of Iudgement , and the terror therof , and exhorted all sortes of people to be watchfull , extended the same also vnto those that were absent or should liue in succeeding ages saying : Quod vobis dico , omnibus dico , vigilate . That which I say to yow heere present I speake to all both absent , & to come , be watchfull : which last words M. Iewell leaueth out of purpose , to couer and conceale the meaning of our Sauiour , and addeth of himselfe , quod vni dico , which our Sauiour hath not . And thirdly he peruerteth wholy the meaning of Christ , which was to perswade attention , and watchfulnes about the day of Iudgement , and applyeth it against the preheminence of S. Peter his Authority , which he well knew to be farre from our Sauiours meaning . And moreouer there ensueth an other most grosse absurditie , which is that our Sauiour speaking to all & euery one of them that were present , when he saith , vigilate be watchfull , it followeth ( I say ) that in M. Iewels sense , and application of his wordes , euery one to whome the word vigilate apperteyneth , which are all sortes and sexes of people both there 〈◊〉 and absent should haue as great spirituall authority ouer the Church of God , as S. Peter ; quia quod vni dico , omnibus dico , whatsoeuer I say to only Peter , to wit , that he must feede , that he is the rocke , and the like , I say to all men . And now let any indifferent man consider with what conscience M. Iewell could feigne Christ to say as he alledgeth . For either he had read the place in S. Marke which he cyteth , or had not . If not , it was great negligence , the matter , and subiect being so weighty as it was : and if he did and yet alledged it quite otherwise then there it is found , what shall we say of this 〈◊〉 dealing . What of such lying , and perfidious Equiuocation ? who in this can excuse or defend him for a man of any conscience at all . 43. And yet was he ( forsooth ) the Father and chiefe maister of all 〈◊〉 Caluinian doctrine in Englād , which was first established by Queene Elizabeth at her entring ( for that Zuinglianisme had bene only admitted in King Edwardes dayes ) & he was not only held for the chiefe preacher and teacher therof ; but for the publicke Champion also to defend it , and therfore as the doctrine was false ; so must he haue a more speciall eminent gift of cunning and falshood to beare it out , then other men , for that others were to take 〈◊〉 eius , of his fulnesse in that science . And albeit he had diuers brethren also at that time , that did participate with him of that spirite in their writings , as M. Horne Bishop of VVinchester by name , and some others ; yet were they esteemed farre inferior to M. Iewell in this point , especially in the elegancy of cōueyance , though in will and substance they might be equall . And so if yow looke vpon six hundred fourescore and ten vntruthes , which Doctor Stapleton gathered out of one worke of the said M. Horne written against Doctor Fecknam about the oath of the supremacy , yow shall fynd as many , and grosse lyes , as any lightly , of M. Iewell , but not so sleightly 〈◊〉 , nor smoothly faced out . 44. As for example where he auoucheth flatly that the cōuersion of our King 〈◊〉 of Britanie and of his whole Realme , & establishing therof was done without any knowledge or consent of Pope Eleutherius is so grosse alye , as it is refutable by all historyes from that tyme to ours ; yea by Iohn Fox & Bale themselues , who were greatest enemyes to all Popes : So as this matter was not handsomely carryed . And againe in the same worke M. Horne pretending to alledge some temporall lawyers to his purpose against the Popes Ecclesiasticall preheminence in England , cyteth one Broughton , as saying : That the king 〈◊〉 Supreme in his Kingdome , and saffereth no equall or superior ; and other such pointes which are not denyed when speach is of temporall men and affayres , and he leaueth out diuers other passages in the very same Author , and place , which he cyteth expresly , affirming that in spirituall , affayres the Pope & Bishops are to Iudge , & not temporall men , which is the very decision of the Controuersie . 45. And in this kind I might alledge an excefsiue multitude , both out of the one , & the other Bishops workes , but that the repetition therof would be ouer tedious ; albeit it fell not out , without Gods speciall prouidence in that beginning , that so notorious falsityes should be vttered and published to the world by these chiefe ring-leaders : for that sundry principall Protestants , that were curious to read these books in that 〈◊〉 entrance of heresye , were conuerted & made Catholicke by this speciall and principall motiue , that they 〈◊〉 so many notorious and inexcusable vntruthes vttered by these principall men in their writinges at that day : wherof I my selfe knew sundry , & in some other place haue named three ; one in the vniuersity of 〈◊〉 , M. VVilliam 〈◊〉 , a learned and zealous preacher of the Protestant doctrine : the other in the court , Syr Thomas Copley ( made afterward Lord by the King of France ) a great follower of my Lord of 〈◊〉 , and feruent in the new profession , as being extraordinarily well seene for a man of his calling in controuersies himself : the third in London M. Doctor Stephens Secretary to M. Iewell and well seene at that time in Deuinity and the learned tongues : all which made change of their Religion , though to their great temporal losses vpon the great auersion they tooke at the discouery of the wilfull falshood of these chiefe teachers of new Religion , whervpon the first of the aboue named three , maketh this marginall note in a booke of his written against M. Doctor VVhitaker : The incredible lying ( saith he ) and falsisication vsed by the 〈◊〉 writers of our time , are a great motiue to the Catholicke 〈◊〉 . And then in the text he declareth the matter further in these wordes . 46. I know many ( saith he ) who hauing byn brought 〈◊〉 not in Catholike Religion , but in heresie with M. 〈◊〉 and continuing a long tyme in the same , and 〈◊〉 it with all their hartes ; yet comming afterwards to better iudgement through the grace of God , vpon consideration of such lying writers , as 〈◊〉 VVhitakers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , Maister 〈◊〉 , Maister Horne , &c. haue byn so altered , as they haue detested his ghospell , euen to hel gates , of which number I confesse my selfe to be one . So he . 47. And surely if we consider the speciall learning and vertu of this man , and how he had read exactly all writhers that could be gotten of the Protestants side of what sort or sect soeuer , as by his writings doth well appeare , as also with what singuler patiēce , humility , and contentement of mynd he lyued for many yeares after in voluntary banishment , and pouerty for loue of the Catholicke Religion , wheras by accommodating himselfe to the current of the tyme , he might haue receyued great prefermēt in his country , and was in the way towards them when he lefte the same ; he will say , that this motiue of lying Equiuocation in Protestant writers , had made deepe and strong impression in him in deed . And thus much for the Bishops : now let vs looke into the like spirite of Ministers in this behalfe . The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestant-Ministers . §. 4. 48. AS for this sort of men , though it might be sufficient which before we haue noted and set downe out of the writings of this one Minister T. M. for proofe of our 〈◊〉 ; yet to shew the conformity of spirit in others also of the same profession , & coate ; we shall briefly heere alledge some few more examples , and those of the chiefest English Ministers ( for to talke of forraine were infinite ) that haue writen against Catholike Religion in these our dayes . 49. And with whom in this poynt may we better begin , then with Iohn Fox himselfe ( not vnfitly called by some , the Father of lyes ) in his huge Volume of Acts and Monuments , who , as he was one of the first that tooke vpon him , in our language to set abroad the prayses of that Protestant Church by way of history , so did he by deedes leaue a document what liberty the writers of that professiō do take vnto themselues in this kynd of Equiuocation , that auoucheth falsities , well knowne to be such to the vtterer . For that not only throughout his whole worke doth he vse the same vpon euery occasion ; but euen in the very first lynes , and tytle also of his booke , promising to set downe , The continuance , and succession of his said Church , from the beginning to our dayes : but indeede neuer meant to performe any parte therof , as well knowing that he could not , as by a special Treatise hath byn these years past most euidently made manifest , & that the said Fox towards the end of his said volume was enforced to begin his broken succession , & cōtinue the same with notorious condēned heretiks from Berengarius downeward , as in that Treatise is largely declared ; & manifold exāples are layd forth of his voluntary falshood in almost infinite points by him recorded against his owne knowledge , and conscience , as may be seene in the Table or Index of that booke vnder the word Fox . 50. And finally the same Author in the end of the third parte of the said worke , doth in one Chapter conuince him of aboue an hundred and twenty wilfull lyes vttered by him in lesse then three leaues in his said Acts and Monuments , and those such , as no wayes they may be excused , eyther by ignorance , error , or other such circumstance , which before we haue touched , but must needs proceed of voluntary fraud and malice , himselfe knowing , that it was false which he related . One only exāple will I cyte heere out of all the said 120. lyes , wherby yow may make a ghesse of all the rest . 51. The Papists do teach ( * saith he ) most wickedly , and horribly , saying , 〈◊〉 Christ suffred for Originall synne , or synnes going before baptisme , but the actuall synnes which follow after baeptisme must be done away by mans merits . And this assertion of ours he putteth downe in a different letter , as though they were our owne very wordes , and sense , which is most false , for that we hold them neyther in wordes nor sense , so as the are rather two wicked , and horrible lyes of his , then any wicked , or horrible doctrine of ours . 52. For first we say not , That Christ suffered only for Originall synne , but for all synnes , both originall & actuall , precedent and subsequent after our baptisme . S. Thomas his wordes are cleere for our common doctrinè in that behalf , part . 3. q. 1. art . 4. Certum est , &c. It is certayne ( saith he ) that Christ came into the world to blot out not only originall sinne , but all sinnes , &c. And this is the common doctrine of all Deuynes amongst vs. The secōd poynt also , That actuall sinnes after baptisme cannot be done away by mans merit , but by the merits of Christ , and by the grace , and vertue of his said passion , is no lesse euident in all our writings , as you may see in S. Thomas for all 1. 2. q. 114. art . 7. where he saith : Nullus potest mereri sibi reparationem post lapsum , &c. That no man can merite his rysing againe after synne , but that it must needs proceede of the only grace of God , and merite of Christ. And the same teacheth the Councel of Trent sess . 6. cap. 14. & 16. &c. So as these are two not orious lyes , in re grauissima , in a matter of most moment , as yow see , and cannot be imputed to error , or ignorance with any probability . And of the same kynd are the other hundred and odde , which before we haue mentioned , and are vttered , as hath byn said , within the compasse of three leaues and therby we may take a scantling of Iohn Fox his Consciencie in this kind of lying equiuocation when it may make for his aduantage . And this shall suffice for the first example . 53. The second example shall be out of an other Minister , that liued ioyntly with Iohn Fox , to 〈◊〉 , Doctor Calfhill of Christs Church in Oxford , who was a speciall great defender of M. Iewells chalenge in those dayes of the primitiue English Protestant Church , to wit , That no one Doctor , no one Father , no one Councel , no one Anthority could be brought for our doctrine , &c. But when a litle after there were certaine ordinarie 〈◊〉 appointed euery Saturday in a seuerall isle of the said Colledg-Church , for triall of Controuersies , and for some 〈◊〉 of the Protestants confidence therin , those may remēber that liued in the vniuersity at that tyme , that M. Bristow , and some other 〈◊〉 students in Deuinity , repayring thither to dispute , forced M. Calfhill that was the moderator , to deny or 〈◊〉 to shifte of so many Fathers , Doctors and other ancient authorities , as most men langhed to heare it : and his owne friends were ashamed at the matter . And when a litle after he wrote a very irreligious , and prophane answere to a certaine Catholike Treatise writen by M. Martiall of the Holy Crosse of Christ ; he was oftentymes dryuen to the same follies , eyther of open reiecting , or ridiculous shifting of the same Fathers : As for example when S. Ambrose writing of the necessity of 〈◊〉 signe among Christians , and especially in Churches 〈◊〉 ; That a Church cannot stand without a Crosse , no more then a shippe without a mast , &c. He answereth that it cannot stand without a 〈◊〉 beame , or crosse 〈◊〉 , or one piece of tymber shut into another : And do yow imagine that he did think as he said ? 54. Againe in the same booke where it is obiected out of S. Athanasius words against the Gentils , That infinite miracles were wrought by the signe of the Crosse , as casting out dyuels , and the like : yea , and that S. Athanasius did prouoke the Gentils to come and make proofe therof and Christians to vse the same , saying : Vtatur signo , vt illi dicunt ridiculè , Crucis &c. Let him vse against all inchauntments the signe of the Crosse which Pagans call ridiculous , and he shall see the Diuels to be put to flight by 〈◊〉 , southsaying to cease , Magicke and poysoning destroyed , &c. So 〈◊〉 Athanasius : Whervnto Calfhill answereth thus : If yow gather ( saith he ) that the vse of the Crosse is commendable , because of myracles done ; by the same reason the 〈◊〉 and thiefe may defend and maintayne their vnlawfull doinges , because as great or greater miracles be wrought by them . So he . And do yow not thinke that he knew himselfe heere to lye , and egregiously to Equiuocate in the worst sense ? And yet 〈◊〉 wheras the ancient Father S. Cyrill writing against Iulian the Apostata , that obiected to Christians the vse of making the signe of the Crosse vpon their forheades , and setting vp the same vpon their doores , answered : That such speach of the Apostata proceeded of wicked thoughtes and sauoured so extreme ignorance , and that the said Salutare signum , healthfull signe of the Crosse ( so are his reuerend wordes ) was made by the Christians in remembrāce of Christes benefites , exhibited in his sacred 〈◊〉 , &c. M. 〈◊〉 teacheth his hearer , that this was spokē by S. Cyrill , to excuse the Christians and couer their fault , as though in deed S. Cyrill had bene of the same mynd with Iulian the Apostata and had misliked the making of that signe as he did , which is manifestly false , and a great slander to the said holy Father . And what then will yow say of this Ministers Equiuocating spirite in the worst kynd of 〈◊〉 ? 55. The third example we shall take out of the writings of Meridith Hanmer , and M. VVilliam Charke , Ministers , who being charged with a certayne pernicious doctrine 〈◊〉 Martyn Luther whom they earnestly defended , and not being other wise able to escape , vsed both of them a notorious Equiuocation in this kynd of lying : The doctrine of Luther was this , That if any woman ( saith he ) cannot , or will not proue by order of lawe the insufficiency of her husband , let her request at his hands a diuorce , or els by his consent let her priuily lye with his brother , or with some other man. And this doctrine being obiected to these two ministers , Hanmer thought best ( yow may imagine by what Equiuocation ) vtterly to deny the thing , as neuer written or spoken by Luther , inueighing greatly against Catholickes for raising such a slaunder vpō him : but Charke doubting least he should be conuinced with Luthers owne booke and Edition of VVittenberge , durst not stand to this Equiuocation , but deuised another farre worse , to wit , that Luther gaue this Counsell , when he was yet a Papist , and therfore , saith he , if any shame be in this doctrine it lighteth vpon yow and not vpon vs. 56. But two things do conuince this of a notable wilfull vntruth . The first for that the tyme and yeare being considered wherin Luther wrote this Sermon , it appeareth euidently that he had left long before the Catholicke vnion : though yet himselfe said in this place , that he remayned still with some feare and dread of Antichrist , which he meant in respect that it was yet doubtfull vnto him , whether the Protection of the Duke of Saxonie would be sufficient for his defence , against the Pope , Emperour , and other Catholicke Princes that sought to haue him punished : but when in Processe of time he perceyued in deed that he was secure , then he said he would giue other counsell . Consilium tale iam tum impertij ( saith he ) cum adhuc me detineret pauor Antichristi ; nunc verò secùs longè animus esset . I gaue such Counsell , when I was yet vnder some feare of Antichrist ; but now my mynd should be to giue farre other counsell . And heere VVilliam Charke breaketh of , and leaueth out the wordes of Luther that immediatly follow , and do solue the case , which are these : Talique marito , qui adeò mulierem deludat dolis , vehementius * lanificium , immissa manu , conuellerem , &c. That laying my handes vpon the lockes of such a husband , that should so craftily deceyue a woman , I would vehemently shake or pull him by the lockes . So he . And what will yow say now of the craftie Equiuocation of these two Ministers ? which of them had least conscience , either he that knowing it to be so , yet denyed that Luther had any such wordes , or the other that confessing the wordes , wittingly peruerted the sense , by cutting of that which should make all cleare ? 57. And I might cyte also an other like deceiptfull Equiuocation of VVilliam Charke , not farre from the same place , where being pressed with sundry arguments that proue concupiscence in the regenerate , to be no sinne , if consent be not giuen thervnto , and namely by the Authority of S. Augustine , saying : Concupiscentia non est peccatum , quando illi , ad illicita opera , non consentitur ; Concupiscence is not sinne , when consent is not giuen thervnto , for working thinges that be vnlawfull ; he to auoyd this authority of S. Augustine , forgeth a place of the same Doctor to the contrarie , thus : S. Augustines place ( saith he ) is expounded by himselfe afterward , where he saith , Concupiscence is not so forgiuen in baptisme , that it is not sinne ; but that it is not imputed as sinne : and cyteth for his proofe the same booke of S. Augustine De nuptiis & concupiscentia . Cap. 23. & 25. But if yow looke vpon the places , yow shall fynd that the Minister hath heere of his owne foysted in the chiefe word , that maketh or marreth all , to wit , peccatum , sinne , for that S. Augustines wordes are these : Ad haec respondetur , dimitti concupiscentiam carnis in baptismo , non vt non sit : sed vt in peccatum non imputetur , quamuis reatu suo iam soluto , maret tamen , &c. To this is answered ( saith S. Augustine ) that the Cōcupiscence of the flesh is forgiuen in baptisme , not so that it is not : ( or remayneth not ) but that it is not imputed vnto sinne , it remayneth still though the guylt therof be taken away . So he . And was not this a subtile Equiuocation to make in a trice S. Augustine to be contrary to himselfe . 58. The fourth example shall be of an other Minister VVilliam Perkins , who though he wrote since the other , yet in diuer , points hath he out-gone them , as well in this of false Equiuocation , as in the deepe humour of phantasy , by which he hath writen and published many bookes with strāge tytles , some of them conteyning matter , that neyther he , nor his reader ( I 〈◊〉 say ) do vnderstand , as namely about the Concatenation or tying together of causes of mans prodestination or reprobation , and the like : but among other his pretiest fancy was , to write a booke calling it , Areformed Catholicke , which was in deed that which by Logitians is tearmed Implicatioin adiecto , An implicancy or contradiction of the one word to the other , for that he which is a Catholicke ( if we speake of 〈◊〉 belonging to doctrine and beliefe , and not to manners ) cannot be reformed , the essence of Catholicke Religion consisting in this , that all and euery point of the receyued Christian faith be belieued and nothing more , or lesse , so as if any point must be added , taken away , altered or reformed , it is not Catholicke , and consequently A reformed Catholicke in matters of faith must needs be A deformed Catholicke , such a 〈◊〉 , as Perkins in deed describeth , that admitteth one , two , three , foure more or lesse points of the common Catholicke receaued Religion : and yet starteth from the fifth or sixt , as himselfe best liketh , and this calleth Perkins A reformed Catholicke , when the belieuer chooseth to belieue , or leaue what points do please him best : which choise we say , is properly heresy , for that an Hereticke is a Chooser , as the Greeke word importeth : and this heresy or choice in matters of beliefe doth Perkins professe to teach his hearer , saying : That he will shew them how neare they may come vnto the Romane faith , and yet not iumpe with it , which is a doctrine common to all hereticks , and heresies that euer were , for that all haue agreed with the Catholicke faith in some points , for that otherwise it should be Apostacy and not heresy if they denyed all : yea the Turkes and Mores at this day do hold some points of Christian Religion with the Catholickes ; but for that neither they nor heretickes do hold all , therfore they are no true Catholickes , but such Reformed Catholickes as VVilliam Perkins would teach his disciples to be , to wit , properly Heretikes by their choise of religion . 59. And to the end we may see not only the mans folly in choosing his argument , but his falshood also in prosecuting the same , I shall lay forth one only example out of his very first Chapter that beginneth with his ordinary argument of the VVhore of Babylon , and by this one example , let the reader iudge , whether he be not a fit Chaplyn for that honest woman , iflying , cosenage , and calumniation be propertyes of her profession . For that hauing spent many impertinent wordes to shew that the impieties prophesied by S. Iohn of the said VVhore of Babylon , and Saincts of God to be slayne by her ; was not meant of the persecution of Rome vnder the Pagan Emperors , but of the Church of Rome now vnder the Christian Bishopps and Popes , he hath these wordes . 60. This exposition ( saith he ) of the Apocalips besydes the Authority of the text , hath also the fauour and defence of ancient and learned men : Bernard saith , They are the Ministers of Christ , but they serue Antichrist . And againe , the beast spoken of in the Apocalips to which a mouth is giuen to speake blasphemies , and to make warre with the Saints of God , is now gotten into Peters Chaire as a lyon prepared to his pray . It wil be said , that Bernard speaketh these later wordes of one that came to the Popedome by intrusion , or vsurpation . It is true in deed , but wherfore was he an vsurper . He rendreth a reason therof in the same place : bycause the Antipope called Innocētius , was chosen by the Kings of Alemaine , France , England , Scotland , Spaine , Hierusalem , with consent of the whole Clergy and people in these nations , and the other was not . And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict , that not only this vsurper , but all the Popes for this many yeares are the beast in the Apocalips , because now they are only chosen by the Colledg of Cardinals , &c. Thus he . 61. And now how many 〈◊〉 decepts , and falsities there be in this litle narration is easie for any man to see , admyre , and detest that will but looke vpō the places of S. Bernard by himselfe quoted . For in the first place out of his 33. Sermon vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he saith : They are the Ministers of Christ , but do serue Antichrist , he speaketh against the vices of the Clergy , especially of France where he liued in his dayes . And that it is not meant particulerly of the pope , S. Bernardes owne words do shew in that ve y place , saying : They will be and are Prelates of Churches , Deanes , Archdeacons , Bishopps , & Archbishopps : so as this is falsely brought in to proue any speciall thing against Rome , or the Pope , and much more wickedly alledged to proue Perkins his exposition of the Apocalips , against Christian Rome to be true in S. Bernardes sense , which he neuer thought of , or by any least cogitation admitted , as by the whole course of his writings to the contrary is euident : no man more extolling the dignity of the Pope , and Sea of Rome , then he , euen then , when most he reprehendeth euill lyfe and manners . 62. But the other that followeth is much more fraudulenty alledged : For if S. Bernard complained greatly that in his tyme one Petrus Leonis , an vsurper and Antipope , being chosen by the 〈◊〉 lesse number of Cardinals voyces , did by violence notwithstanding thrust himselfe into the Chaire of Peter , and playe therin the parte of Antichrist , what was this in preiudice of the true Pope Innocentius the second , whome Saint Bernard doth call Christs Vicar , and highly commendeth him as lawfully chosen by the maior part of the Colledge of Cardinals , and exhorteth all Christian Kings to obey and follow him , as their high and true lawfull vniuersall pastor ? So as heere 〈◊〉 Perkins maketh a notorious lye in saying , that Innocentius by S. Bernards iudgement was an Antipope , wheras he proued him expresly in the places heere alleadged to be the true Pope and Vicar of Christ , and Petrus 〈◊〉 to be the Antipope . Numquid ( saith he ) non omnes Principes cognouerunt , quia ipse est verè Dei electus ? Francorum , Anglorum , Hispanorum , & postremò Romanorum Rex Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt & recognoscunt 〈◊〉 Episcopum animarum suarum ? Do not all Princes know , that Innocentius is truly the elected of God ? The Kinges of France , England , Spaine , and 〈◊〉 do receyue Innocentius for Pope , and do acknowledge him to be the singular Bishop of their soules . 63. Secondly he lyeth much more apparantly , when he saith , that Innocentius was chosen by the said Kings of Alemaine , France , England , &c. wheras S. Bernard saith not that he was chosen by them , but that he was accepted , followed , & obeyed by them , as true Pope after his election : Alemaniae ( saith he ) Angliae , Franciae , Scotiae , Hispaniarum & 〈◊〉 Reges cum vniuerso clero & populis fauent , & adhaerent Domino Innocentio , tanquam filij Patri tanquam capiti membra . The Kings of Germany , France , England , Scotland , Spaine , and Hierusalem togeather with their whole Clergy and people do fauour , and adhere to Pope 〈◊〉 ( he doth not say they choose him ) as children to their Father , and as members to their head . 64. Thirdly , Perkins lyeth most desperately of all in his last conclusion , 〈◊〉 : And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict , that not only this vsurper , but that all the Popes for 〈◊〉 many yeares are the beast in the 〈◊〉 , because now they are only chosen by the Colledge of Cardinals . This ( I say ) is a notorious lye ; for that S. Bernard giueth no such verdict , but alloweth well the election of Innocentius by the said Cardinals , saying : Meritò autem illum 〈◊〉 Ecclesia , cuius & opinio clarior , & electio sanior inuenta est . nimirum 〈◊〉 & numero vincens , & merito : Worthily doth the Church admit him ( to wit Innocentius ) whose estimatiō is more renowned , & whose election is found to be more lawfull as passing the others election both in number and merit of the choosers . And so in these few lynes we see how many wilfull lyes , and falsifications this Minister hath vsed , which cannot be excused , eyther by ouersight , ignorance , or error , but must needs be ascribed to wilfull malice , and expresse purpose of deceyuing his hearer . And so though I might alledge diuers other places to like effect , yet this shall 〈◊〉 for one example ; yea for all them of that sorte in this behalfe . For albeit examples without number may be alleaged out of these mens workes : yet by these few , 〈◊〉 may be made of the rest . I shall therfore adioyne some three or foure examples more of lay-men , to shew the conformity of their spirits to their spiritual guydes , and so make an end . The vse of Equiuocation in Lay-men and Knightes . §. 5. 65. OF this sorte of men I will alledge only three in this place that in these later dayes haue written against Catholicke Religion ; but yet such as are more eminent amōg the rest , they being Knightes all three , whose honorable condition , & state of calling , ought to haue obliged them to defence of truth , and that also by true meanes , and not by sleightes of this worst kynde of Equiuocation , as heer yow shall see them doe . The first is Sir Francis Hastings that wrote the iniurious VVatchword some yeares past , aga nst Catholickes : The second is Sir Philip Mornay , Lord of Plessis , that hath written many workes much respected by those of his partiality in Religion . The third is Syr Edward Cooke late Attorney of his Maiesty , now a Iudge , and writer against Catholicks . And albeit the second be a French-man borne , yet for that he hath liued much in England , and wrote some of his bookes there , and all or most parte of them are 〈◊〉 to be in the English language , I may well accompanie him with English Knightes in this behalfe . 66. For the first then which is Syr Francis , I may be the briefer with him , for that his aduersarie , or Antagonist hath in his Answers to the said VVatchword , and Apologie therof , often put him in mynd of his 〈◊〉 against truth , euen then , when himselfe must needs know it to be so , and consequently , that it was not only voluntarie , but witting also and wilfull 〈◊〉 , wherof I might alledge many particulars , but two or three shall be ynough for a tast . 67. In his defence of the VVatch-word pag. 74. he treating against the abuse of pardons , auoucheth out of sundry Chronicles , as he saith , the storie of the poysoning of King Iohn by a Monke named Symon , and this vpon dispensatiō first obteyned of his Abbot to do the fact without sinne , which historie being taken by him out of Iohn Fox his Actes and Monumentes , who affirmeth that most of the ancient Historiographers of our Country do agree in this matter , both of them are conuinced of wilful vntruthes , for that they could not be ignorant , but that of all the old Historiographers that liued in the time of King Iohn , or within two hundred yeares after , no one did euer affirme the same , but rather the quite contrarie , setting downe other particuler causes & occasions of King Iohns death . And further they could not but know , and haue read Iohn Stowes Chronicle printed anno . 1592. who hauing made diligent search about this matter , out of all authors of antiquity , could fynd no such thing : and so he testifyeth in these wordes . Thus ( saith he ) haue I set downe the life and death ( though much abbreuiated ) of King Iohn , according to the writinges of Roger 〈◊〉 , Roger Houeden , Rad. Niger , Rad. Cogshall , Matthew Paris , and others , who all lyued when the King raigned , and wrote for that tyme what they saw or heard credibly reported &c. 68. Now then if this Chronicle of Stow was out , and in euery mans hand some yeares before Syr Francis wrote his VVatchword , and that hereby is euident according to all ancient writers , that the foresaid poysoning of King Iohn by a monke , was neither written , nor reported by any in those dayes ; with what Conscience could 〈◊〉 Francis and Fox alledge the 〈◊〉 againe 〈◊〉 a truth ? Was not heere wilfull deceipt , nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will and desire of deceauing ? 69. The same is layed against Syr Francis in cyting of sundry others as namely the Authority of S. Hierome , for proofe of common prayer in a vulgar tongue , Tota Ecclesia ( saith S. Hierome ) instar tonitruireboat Amen , The whole Church like a mighty thunder doth sound out 〈◊〉 , inferring therof that all by liklyhood did vnderstand the language wherin publicke seruice was then celebrated , for that otherwise they could not so answere : But marke the fraudes that are in this allegation . First the Knight doth not explicate in particuler what Church it was wherof S. Hierome spake , nor vpon what occasion , nor to whome , and secondly he doth conceale the wordes ' that immediatly went before & followed after , for that they made al against him . For first S. Hierome spake of the Church of Rome in particuler , where the latin tongue being in vse so commonly in his dayes , that it was , as it were , their naturall language , no maruaile though the common people could sound out Amen , they vnderstanding for the most parte the latin tongue : for we see also that in other Catholicke Countryes where the latin tongue is not so commonly in vse , the common people by vse and practice can , and do with common voyce sound out Amen in Letanies , and other partes of latin seruice ; wherfore this circumstance was fraudulently concealed . 70. As that other was in like manner , that S. Hierome wrote these wordes vnto two vowed virgins , Paula , and Eustochium , to whom he dedicated his said second booke of his Commentaries vpon the Epistle to the Galathians , commending vnto them the faith and deuotiō of the Church of Rome aboue other Churches , and yeelding a reason why the Apostle S. Paul did so highly commend the Roman Christians in his time , both for their faith and obedience , saying of the first : I do giue thankes to my God by Iesus Christ for yow all , sor that your faith is divulged throughout the whole world : and in the end of the same Epistle , he saith of their obedience in liuing according to their faith : Your obedience is divulged into euery place of the world , wherfore I take ioy in yow , &c. Vpon which testimony of the Apostle S. Hierome writeth thus : Romanae plebis laudatur 〈◊〉 , &c. The faith of the Roman people is praysed by the Apostle , for in what other place of the world is there such cōtinuall concourse vnto Churches , and vnto the Sepulchers of Martyrs as in Rome ? In what place do they so sound out the word Amen , to the likenesse of a certayne heauenly thunder ? Not for that the Romanes haue any other faith , but that which all Christian Churches haue , but only that there is greater deuotion in them , and greater simplicity to beleeue . 71. These are S. Hieroms wordes , which if Syr Francis had set downe wholy and simply as the lye in him , he saw how they would make against him in diuers poynts , and therfore he willingly and wittingly cut of both the beginning and ending , as yow haue heard , & applied the midst to a wrong sense , neuer thought of by the Author himselfe . And the same is proued against him in the allegation of many other Authors , as of S. Augustine pag. 18. of S. Bede , and Arnobius pag. 34. & 35. and of S. Chrysostome pag. 52. all to one end corruptly and fraudulently alleadged for some shew of proofe that publike seruice ought to be in vulgar tongues only : which yet being truly examined make nothing for his purpose , but quite contrary . And thus much in this place for the first Knight . 72. As concerning the second Knight Syr Philip Mornay his case is notorious , that hauing published a great booke full of authorities against the Masse vpon the yeare 1599. seeming to shew great learning therin , the same was fond afterward to be so full of deceipts and wilfull falsifications , as a very learned man Monsieur Peron then Bishop of Eureux , and now Cardinall made publike offer to proue aboue fiue hundred such wilfull falsifications to be in that booke , requesting also , by humble suite , his Maiesty of France to command publike triall with his presence , as at length it was effectuated in the presence of the King and great parte of his 〈◊〉 , and other learned men on both sides , vpon the yeare 1600. and 4. of May , as appeareth both by the Kings owne letter extant in print , as also by the publike Acts set forth by the approbation of the said King and his Counsell . 73. In this Conserence of tryall , fiue hundred wilfull falsifications being obiected , as I said , to this Knight , and when the tyme grew neere , three score 〈◊〉 exhibited vnto him by the said Bishop out of which to make his choise for the first dayes tryall , the said Syr Philip Mornay choise 19. of those , which he thought himselfe best able to defend or excuse , and of this number also he placed in the first ranke such as seemed to him to be of least enormity , wherof notwithstāding , the straitnes of tyme permitting only 9. to be handled , he was conuinced publikely in all , and euery one of them , and had sentence geuen against him , by the Iudges , as well Protestants chosen of his side , as the other that were of the Bishops Religion : the summe wherof I shall briefly touch in this place . 74. The first was that he had falsified the Schole-Doctor Ioannes Scotus , alleadging him as though he had doubted of the Reall-presence , for that hauing proposed the question , whether Christ were really in the Sacrament , vnder the formes of bread and wyne , he did according to the fashion of Scholes , make arguments to the contrary , saying : Videtur quòd non , it seemeth that he is not so there , for these and these reasons , which afterwards he solueth and holdeth the contrary position for true , and Catholike , to wit , that Christs body is really there , wherupon the sentence of the Iudges was , that Mōsieur Plessis in this matter had taken the obiection of Scotus for his resolution . 75. The second falsification wherof he was conuinced was that he had alledged Bishop Durandus an other Scholasticall Author very fraudulently about the controuersie of Transubstantiation , affirming him to say , and hold for his owne position that which he cyteth only as an obiection out of an other , and answereth the same . The third and fourth falsifications were , that he had corrupted plainly S. Chrysostome in two seuerall places by him alledged about prayer for the dead , producing two particuler testimonyes out of him quite contrary to his owne meaning , and expresse wordes . The fifth was out of S. Hierome about praying to Saints . The sixth out of S. Cyrill about honouring the holy Crosse. The seauenth out of the Code or Imperiall lawes about painting or keruing the signe of the said Crosse. The eight out of S. Bernard about honouring our blessed Lady . The ninth and last of an authority of Theodorete about Images . 76. All which places being diligently examined , and Syr Philipp Mornay suffred to say , and alledge what he could for his defence or euasion , he was conuinced manifestly by the said Bishop of Eureux , and sentenced by all the Iudges to haue committed falfification , and vntrue dealing in them all . And the like would the said Bishop haue shewed , & declared in all the rest to the number of fiue hundred , if the said Mornay could haue byn brought to haue continued the combat , which he would not , as yow may see in the said publike Acts printed in French vpon the yeare 1601. with approbation of the King himselfe . And he that will see more particulers of this in the English tōgue , may read a Treatise , or relation therof set forth in the yeare 1604. taken out of the foresaid French publike Acts of the said tryall . And so this shall serue for this French Knight , wherby yow may see the conformity of spirit in them all , when occasion is offered to Equiuocate in the worst sense . 77. Our last example then shall be of S. Edward Cooke lately the Kings Attorney , who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to be both a sharpe writer , and earnest actor against Catholiks , seemeth therwith to haue drunke also of this spirite in such aboundant measure , as he is like in tyme to ouer-runne all the rest , if he go forward , as he hath begonne . For that being admonished not long agoe by one that answered his last booke of Reportes , of diuers notorious his excesses committed in this kind , he is ( men say ) so farre of from correcting , or amēding the same , as he hath not only in a late large declamatiō against Catholicks in a charge giuē by him at Norwich repeated and auouched againe the same excesses , but hath 〈◊〉 others also therunto of much more apparant falsity . As for example , he was admonished among other points , that it was a notorious vntruth , which he had writen and printed , that for the first ten yeares of Queene Elizabeths raigne no one person of what religion , or sect so euer did refuse to go to the Protestants Church and seruice ; which the Answerer confuteth so clearly , and by so many witnesses , as a man would haue thought that the matter would neuer haue byn mencioned more for very shame ; and yet now ( they say ) that the Attorney being made a Iudge , hath not only repeated the same , but auouched it also againe with such asseueration in his foresaid Charge , as if it had neuer byn controlled , or proued false . 78. Nay further they write , that he adioyned with like asseueration diuers other things no lesse apparātly false then this : as for example , that Pope Pius Quintus before he proceeded to any Ecclesiasticall Censure against Q Elizabeth , wrote vnto her a letter , offering to allow and ratifie the English Seruice , Bible , and Communion-booke , as now it is in vse in that Kingdome , if she would accept it as from him , which she refusing to do , he did excommunicate her ; by which tale he acquitteth notwithstanding Catholicks ( if yow marke it ) from procuring that excommunication for rebelliō , which els where he often obiecteth most odiously against them . For if vpon this cause she were excommunicated , what parte had Ca holicks therin ? But yet I must needs say , that the sictiō is one of the most vnlikely things . and the most impossible in morall reason , that any man can deuise . For that Pope Pius Quintus , albeit some man would imagine him to be so good a fellow as to care for no religion ( who is knowne to haue byn most zealous ) yet had he aduentured his Popedome by making such an offer , for he should haue allowed of diuers points in the Communion-booke , which are held by the Catholike Church for heresy , and so condemned by the Councell of Trent , and other Councels : and now yow know it is a ground among vs , that a Pope that should be an hereticke , or approuer of heresie , therby ceaseth to be Pope ; how improbable then is this of Pius Quintus his offer . And why had not this letter in so many yeares byn published to the world for the credit of rhe English seruice , and discredit of the Popes ? And yet the voice is , that the Lord Cooke did so earnestly auouch this matter , as he pawned therin not only his credit & honesty bv expresse termes of protestation : but euen his faith also to God and man : A great aduenture no doubt . And for that I assure my selfe 〈◊〉 the greater parte of the auditory being discreet men , did imagine it to be quite false , as I , and others in effect do know it to be ; it must needs be a great blemish to my Lordes credit at the beginning of his Iudgeship , that in other thinges also he be not belieued . 79. But I vnderstand that the booke of this speach , or charge now printed is expected shortly togeather with some other appertayning to the same man , and then it may be that some body will examine matters more particulerly ( especially those that appertayne to the iniuring of Catholickes ) and afterward returne with the aggreuances to the Iudge himselfe ( seing he is now a Iudge ) to giue sentence of his owne ouersightes : albeit I must confesse that as well my selfe , as diuers other men haue lost great hope of his Lordship by this accident , for before we did thinke that his ouerlashing in speaches when he was Attorney did proceed in great parte of the liberty of that office , and that when he came to be iudge he would reforme his conscience ratione status , in regard of his state of life ; but now it seemeth that he is farre worse , though this ( I say ) shal be lefte by me to others to be discussed vpon the sight of the foresaid printed bookes . 80. My speach at this time shall be only about that which passed in his booke of Reportes , while he was Attorney , and which hath byn disputed these monethes past betweene him , and a Catholicke Deuine of our partie , in his answere to the said Reportes , which answere is in England . And albeit therby may easely be seene the talent which M. Attorney had while he was Attorney in this kynd of worst Equiuocation ( notwithstanding his often declamations against the other sorte , that with due circumstances we haue proued to be lawfull : ) yet will I heere adioyne one example more , but such a one as is worth the noting , & bearing away . And it is this . 81. That wheras in answering of dyuers lawes , 〈◊〉 and ordinances which the Attorney alledged out of the raignes of sundry ancient Kinges , to proue that they did exercise spirituall authority , and iurisdiction , the Deuine somtymes not hauing the law-bookes by him , out of which the said lawes or authorityes were cyted , supposing the allegations to be ordinarily true ( for who would suspect lawyers to be false in their cytations , that were wont to be accompted most exact in that point ) did answere the same with that sincerity of truth and reason , as to a man of his profession appertayned , though somtymes also he was forced to suspect some fraud , and thervpon requested such as had commodity in England to see the bookes , that they would pervse the places , and take them out verbatim , which some haue done , and haue found such store of Equiuocations , and false dealing in the alleadging therof , as neuer could be imagined in a man of his calling . I shall only set downe one example and it shall be the first that is cyted by him in the whole booke , to wit , of the Charter of King Kenulphus of the VVest-Saxons , vnto the Abbey of Abindon in Barkeshyre , which Charter M. Attorney set downe with this preface : To confirme ( saith he ) those that hold the truth , and to satisfie such as being not instructed know not the ancient , and moderne lawes , &c. these few demonstratiue proofes shall serue . 82. And then beginneth he with the said Charter of King Kenulphus before the Conquest , meaning to proue therby that the said King did giue vnto the said Abbey of Abindon spirituall Iurisdiction , by vertue of his temporall Crowne , exempting the same from all Authority of the Bishop , which in deed was done by the Pope , and so the Charter it selfe doth plainly expresse , if it had byn truly related by M. Attorney . And for that the Case is not long , I shall set it downe verbatim , as the Attorney hath it in his booke pag. 9. only putting into English that which is recyted by him in latin , and left without any translation to make the matter more obscure : and then shall wee lay forth also the true case wherby will be seene how true a dealer M. Attorney is in those his writinges , and protestations , which after we shall more largely consider of . Thus then beginneth the Charter . 83 Kenulphus Rex &c. per literas suas patentes , consilio , & consensu Episcoporum , & Senatorum gentis suae , largitus fuit Monasterio de Abindon in Comitatu Bark . & cuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij &c. quandam ruris sui portionem , id est , quindecim mansias , in loco qui à ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam cum omnibus vtilitatibus ad eandem pertinentibus-tam in magnis , quam in modic is rebus , in aeternam haereditatem . Et quod praedictus Kuchinus , &c. ab omni Episcopali iure in sempiternum esset quietus : vt inhabitatores eius nullius Episcopi , aut suorum officialium iugo inde deprimantur ; sed in cunctis rerum euentibus & discussionibus causarum , Abbatis Monasterij praedicti decreto subijciantur , ita quod , &c. Thus goeth the Charter as M. Attorney alleageth it , which in English is as followeth . 84. King Kenulphus , &c. by his letters patentes with the counsell , and consent of the Bishops , and Counsellours of his nation , did giue to the 〈◊〉 of Abindon in Barkshire , and to one Ruchinus Abbot of that Monastery , a certayne portiō of his land , to wit , fifteene Mansians , in a place called by the country-men Culnam , with all profittes , and commodityes great and small , appertayning thervnto for euerlasting inheritance . And that the foresaid Ruchinus , &c. should be quiet from all right of the Bishop for euer ; so as the inhabitantes of that place , shall not be depressed for the tyme to come by the yoke of any Bishop , or his officers , but that in all euentes of thinges and controuersyes of causes , they shall be subiect to the decree of the Abbot of the said Monastery : so as , &c. And then doth M. Attorney continue his speach thus : This Charter was pleaded in 1. H. 7. and vouched by Stanford , as at large appeareth ; which Charter graunted aboue . 850. yeares sithence , was after confirmed per Eduinum Britaniae Anglorum Regem & Monarcham anno Domini . 955. by which appeareth , that the King by this Charter , made in Parliament , ( for it appeareth to be made by the Counsell , and consent of his Bishops , & Senators of his Kingdome , which were assembled in * Parlament ) did discharge and exempt the said Abbot from the Iurisdiction of the Bishop &c. And by the same Charter did grant to the same Abbot Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction within his said Abbey : which Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction being * deriued from the Crowne , continued vntill the dissolution of the said Abbey in the raigne of King Henry the eight . So he . 85. And by this yow may see what an important conclusion he doth inferre of the Kinges supreme iurisdiction in spirituall affayres at that time . Whervnto the Deuine comming to answere , and supposing that M. Attorney would not falsity or belye his Authors , hauing protested most solemnly fol. 40. of his his booke , that he had cyted truly the very wordes , and textes of the lawes , resolutions , iudgmentes , and actes of Parlament , all publicke , and in print , without any inference , argument , or amplification , quoting particularly the bookes , yeares , leaues , Chapters , and other such like certayne references , as euery man at his pleasure may see and read them , &c. The answerer I say ) hearing this formall protestation , and supposing besides that the man would haue some respect to his credit and honour in this behalfe , granting all as it lay , answered the same , as yow may see in his booke : but now vpon better search , it falleth out , that this whole 〈◊〉 was falsely alledged by M. Attorney in the very point of the principall controuersy in hand about the Kinges spiritual Iurisdiction , for that whatsoeuer the Charter did ascribe expresly to the Pope , & his Authority , the Attorney suppressing the true wordes , relateth it , as proceeding from the King , & temporall authority of his Crowne . For proofe wherof I shall set downe the very wordes of my learned friends letter out of England about this point , after view taken of the law-bookes themselues , and then let any man say how farre M Attorney is to be credited in any thing he writeth , or speaketh against Catholickes . 86. As concerning ( saith he ) the Charter of King Kenulphus for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , yow must know that M. Attorney hath egregiously abused his Reader in that and other points . For the Case standeth thus . That in the first yeare of King Henry the 7. Humphrey Stafford was attainted by Act of Parlament of high 〈◊〉 , and tooke Sanctuary first in Colchester in Essex , & after fled to Culnam , and tooke Sanctuary in the Abbey of Abindon , and being taken from thence brought vnto the Tower of London , & from thence brought vnto the Kings-bench , he pleaded , that he was drawne by force out of the said Sanctuary of Culnam , and prayed his Counsell to plead that poynt , which by all the Iudges of both benches was graunted vnto him . And so they pleaded in this manner 87. Idem Humphridus per Consilium suum dixit , quod Kenulphus Rex Merciorum , per litteras suas patentes , consilio & consensu Episcoporum & Senatorum gentis suae largitus fuit Monasterio de Abindon , ac cuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij illius , quandam ruris sui portionem , id est , quindecim Mansias in loco qui a ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam , cum omnibus vtilitatibus ad 〈◊〉 pertinentibus , tam in magnis quàm in modicis rebus in aeternam haereditatem . Et quod praedictus Ruchinus ab omni Regis obstaculo , & Episcopali iure in sempiternum esset quietus , vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis aut ministrorum suorum , Episcopiue , aut suorum Officialium iugo inde deprimerentur , sed in cunctis rerum euentibus , & discussionibus causarum Abbatis Monasterij praedicti decreto subijcerentur . 〈◊〉 quod , &c. And heere ceaseth M. Attorney leauing out as yow see in his recitall , the wordes that go before , ab omni Regis obstaculo , &c. that the monastery should be free from all obstacle of the King , as also these wordes , vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis , aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deprimantur , that the inhabitants be not opprest with any yoke of any King or his ministers . wherby is euident that the King in his Charter did for his part giue exemptions from temporall & royall power : but especially the fraude is seen by cutting of the wordes that do ensue , which decyde the whole controuersy , which are these : Et etiam allegauit vltra quod Leo tunc Papa concessit dicto Abbati dictas 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 . Et quod Eduinus tunc Britaniae Anglorum Rex , & Monarchus concessit , quod praefatum Monasterium omnis terrenae seruitutis esset liberum , quae 〈◊〉 praedecessoribus suis Catholicis , videlicet à dicto Sancto Leone Papa & dicto Rege Kenulpho &c. Et quod virtute litter arum & bullarum praedictarum , & tempore confectionis earundem , eadem villa de Culnam fuit Sanctuarium , & locus priuilegiatus &c. Which in English is thus . And moreouer the said Humphrey Stafford by his Counsell alledged furthet for himselfe , that Pope Leo had graunted vnto the said Abbot the said immunityes and priuiledges , & that K. Edwin then King & monarch ouer all the English in Britany had graunted that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , which by his Catholike predecessors , to wit , the said holy Pope 〈◊〉 , & the said King Kenulphus , was graunted ; and that at the tyme of the making of the foresaid letters patentes and Bulles , the said village or towne of Culnam was a Sanctuary , and priuiledged place by vertue of the said patents and Bulles . 88. This is word for word the very plea of Humphrey Stafford for the Sāctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , as it was pleaded by his learned Counsell in law , euen as it is recorded in the reportes of the yeares of King Henry the seauenth , as they are printed by Pinson the law-printer in the tyme of King Henry the eight before the Protestant religion came vp . And the Lord Brooke in his Abridgement of the law , in the tytle of Corone , placito 129. doth accordingly sett downe the same case , with mencyoning of the Bulles of Pope 〈◊〉 for the said immunities and priuiledges . But all the Protestant editions in the tyme of the late Queene Elizabeth printed by Tottell and 〈◊〉 - wert haue committed a notable tricke of falsificatiō in leauing out altogeathcr these markable wordes : That Leo then Pope did graunt the said immunityes , and priuiledges , and also those wordes of King Edwyn , which of his Catholike 〈◊〉 S. Leo & King Kenulphus were granted , &c. And againe , By force of the letters , and Bulles aforesaid the said village of Culnam was a Sanctuary , and place priuiledged . 89. And hereby allois euident that the King did not by his Charter in Parliament ( for it appeareth to be made by the Counsell and consent of his Bishops and Senators & not by Parlament , as M. Attorney doth misreport it ) neyther was there any Parlament held at that tyme in the land , or many hundred yeares after ( for as it appeareth by Holinsheds Cronicle pag. 34. the first vse of Parlament in England was in the tyme of King Henry the first ) it is cleare ( I say ) that the King did not discharge and exempt the said Abbot from Iurisdiction of the Bishop , nor did graunt vnto the said Abbot Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction within the said Abbey , neyther had that Abbot any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction deriued from the Crowne : But as it appeareth by the authenticke reporte of the Case , the Pope and the King did both ioyne in making the said Sanctuary , according vnto their seuerall powers & authorityes . So that the exemption from Episcopall Iurisdiction did proceed duely from the graunt of Pope Leo ; as likewise the exemption from all regall and temporall Iurisdiction proceed from the Charter of King Kenulphus . Note also that King Edwins grant was only that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , and toucheth not any spirituall immunities , or iurisdiction at all . 90. Thus farre my friend out of England . And by this now yow may see how well M. Attorney hath obserued his foresaid protestation , that he had cyted the very wordes , and textes of the lawes , without any inference , argumēt , or amplification at all . And this being my friends aduertisement from England , with like obseruation of many other places cyted by M. Attorney , with like fidelity , I thought good to produce this one amongst many ( being the first in order ) for a taste in this place , reseruing the rest to a fitter , or at leastwise to a second Edition of the foresaid answere of the Catholicke Deuyne , where euery thing may be referred to his due place . And with this will I end both this Chapter and the whole Booke . THE CONCLVSION OF THE VVHOLE VVORKE , VVith a briefe exhortation vnto Catholickes , not to use the liberty of Equiuocation , euen in lawfull cases , but where some urgent occasion induceth them therunto . CHAP. XIII . AND now , gentle reader , hauing brought this Treatise to an end , and iustified ( as I hope ) our Catholicke doctrine in the eyes and Iudgments of all indifferent men , from the two odious imputations of Rebellion and Equiuocation , iniuriouslie cast vpon the same by the malice of Thomas Morton ; there remayneth nothing , but that I conclude this our small labour , with an exhortation to all Catholicke people , not only to abstayne from the first , which is vtterly vnlawfull ( I meane the attempting of any thing contrary to their loyall dutyes in subiection , be their pressures neuer so great : ) but also from the practice , and frequent vse of the second , though in some cases most lawfull as abundantly hath byn 〈◊〉 ; except some vrgent occasion , or obligation , either of defence of innocency , secresy , right , iustice , or the auoyding of open wrong , do force them to the contrary . For as the holy Apostle in two seuerall places affirmeth to the Corinthians in cases not much vnlike to this about matter of scandall : Omnia mihi licent , sed non omnia expediunt : All thinges are lawfull vnto me ( touching meates , and other such thinges ) but all are not expedient to be practised . And againe : Omnia 〈◊〉 licent , sed non omnia edificant ; All things are lawfull vnto me , but all things do not edifye : So I say in this case , that albeit a man may without breach of truth , or offence of almighty God in certayne cases , equiuocate , or vse a doubtfull speach for a good and necessary end , either in oath , or out of oath , though the hearer doe not alwayes vnderstand it , or be deceyued therwith , and that many holy men haue done the same , yea Christ himselfe , that is the example , and paterne of all holinesse and truth in speach , as by many examples before at large hath byn declared : yet considering the tymes , and condition therof , wherin Catholicks at this day liue in England , the offence , and scandall which Protestants , and some others , that vnderstand not the lawfulnes therof , or will not vnderstand the same , do receyue , or raise thervpon ; my wish and counsell to Catholickes should be to vse the benefit of this liberty most sparingly euen in lawfull thinges , and neuer but vpon great and vrgent 〈◊〉 , and occasions . 2. And the reasons of this my wish and counsell are principally the two already touched : The one the auoyding of scandall euen with the Aduersary himself : and that as Catholicke Religion is the only true in doctrine , so the practice also therof in conuersation ; should not only be in all truth , and sincerity re ipsa , in very deed ; but in opinion likewise , and estimation of others , in so much as the word of a Catholicke man ought to weigh more then the oath of an other , and the oath , or promise of a Catholicke , more then any band , or obligation of an other , which for the most parte I doubt not , but is so already taken in England . For that albeit by this doctrine before declared about Equiuocation , men do know that Catholickes in certayne cases may vse the same : yet know they also that the said cases are straitly limited with many exceptions , and that in common conuersation , as in buying selling , traffique , and the like , Equiuocation may not be * vsed to the 〈◊〉 , or preiudice of any man : and that in Iudgments and tribunals , where most vse therof doth fall out , all lawyers , Iudges and Magistrates do know in Catholicke Countryes , wherin the 〈◊〉 may vse Equiuocation , & wherin not , and consequently truth & Iustice can suffer no wrōg therby . And moreouer they know , as before hath byn said , that the obligation of a Catholicke man , is so great to auoyde all kynd of lyes , whether veniall , or mortall , as for the gayning of a world no one is wittingly and willingly to be committed : which accōpt I doubt whether men of other sectes and Religion do make or noe . So as though already I perswade my self , that Catholicke people stand in good conceipt with all sortes of men , for their truth in concionable and vpright dealing ; euen with those which endeauour most in this point to slaunder them : yet would I wish the same to be confirmed more daylie by factes in respect of this new calumniation raysed against them of the liberty of Equiuocation . And this of the first reason . 3. My other reason is , as before hath byn insinuated , in regard of the tyme present , which being a tyme of tryall & persecution , requireth at Catholickes hands , a more perfect Confession of their faith , and of all matters belonging thervnto , then at other tymes . And albeit in the former Treatise among the Cases reserued , wherin Equiuocation may not be vsed , confession of faith be expresly and in the first place excepted , so as therin no doublenes or doubtfulnes may be vsed : yet no man can deny but many factes and cases may fall out , concerning matters of Religion not tending to confession ( 〈◊〉 in tyme of persecutiō ) wherin a man may or perhaps also must by obligation , if otherwise he cannot auoyd the wrong & violence that is offred to himself or others , vse Equiuocal speaches , for concealing of that which in conscience he cannot vtter . But whersoeuer this obligation is not , there my wish is , as now I haue said , that Catholicke people , but especially Priestes , whose example must instruct the rest , should yeald also of their right for encrease of their merite , and crowne in heauen , and vse all playnesse , and sincerity in speach , and free discouering , not only of their religion , but also of their state , where it is hurtfull to none , but to themselues : which yet I speake in that sense , and with that limitation , which the holy Apostle did , when he said : That he gaue counsell of himselfe , but no precept of our Lord. And for that this whole Treatise of Equiuocation hath proceeded vpō that question so often before repeated , VVhether a Priest being taken , may deny himselfe to be a Priest , or no , I shall 〈◊〉 downe dyuers circumstances , and considerations of the Case , wherby also shal be made more playne , what my meaning is in this behalfe . 4. When a Priest commeth first into England with full intent and resolution to offer his life if there be need , for the confession of Catholicke Religion , and is taken afterward , & brought before the Magistrate , either he is taken in some mans house , of whose ouerthrow he must be the cause if he confesse that he is a priest , or be being taken forth of any house ; yet hath he cause to suspect , and perswade himselfe , that it may be knowne afterward by cōfession of others , that are also taken , or may be taken , that he belongeth to such , or such a house ; & in these two cases there is no doubt but that if he thinke , that his denying of himselfe to be a priest , may saue them from hurte , he is bound to deny the same with some kynd of lawfull Equiuocation , but without telling a lye , as * before at large hath byn declared . But if this priest should be taken in the port , as he entreth , or soone after in the high way or otherwise , and brought before a Magistrate , so as his confessing himselfe to be a priest could not preiudice any other , and presupposing that he is vnlawfully demaunded that question , against law , reason , and religion , heere is he at his owne liberty to deny or confesse himselfe to be a priest , and no man can absolutly determine , what were best for him to answere , but the spirite of God that speaketh within him , to whome Christ hath promised to imparte such wisedome , as is necessarie for that tyme and action : yet if he were not a man of such great extraordinary talēts , as by his losse or restraint , Gods cause were to leese much , or that he were not sure by his denyall to procure his liberty , or that he might iustly doubt that he should quickly come to be knowne in prison , and therby some scandall to arise to the simple , or yll affected by his denyal ; In al these Cases I would thinke it more meritorious and of greater perfection and edification to confesse himselfe a priest without further denyall , or declination , which I speake not to condemne them , or their doinges that being taken haue done , or shall do the contrary , for that they vse but their owne right , as hath byn declared : but rather I speake it for information of others that may doubt of the Case . Nor do we intend heere to preiudice the most holy doctrine of S. Athanasius , and other ancient Fathers of the lawfulnes of flight and escape in persecution , councelled by Christ our Sauiour , and authorized by the example of the Apostles themselues , and namely of S. Paul , when he fled , and escaped out of a window , and at an other tyme deluded the enuious pursuite of his enemyes by an Equiuocall speach to the Pharisies , and Saducies , as before hath byn declared : but rather to shew that cleare confession is somtymes also most commendable , and that in such a tyme of tryall , and of Crownes offred to Catholicks , and especially to Priests for the said confession of the Catholicke faith as now is ; no lawfull occasion is to be left for acquiring the same . 5. And this is so much as in this matter I had to aduertise Catholickes in the Conclusion of this my answere , not meaning to discend into further perticulers of actions & obligations that may fall out , which heere are hard to be determined ; but only by the present circumstances of the tyme , place , and matter in hand , with regard and respect vnto the two principall vertues that must gouerne vs in these afayres , to witt , Truth , and Iustice. Truth , that all manner of falsity and lying be vtterly auoyded : and Iustice , that no iniury be done by vs to Gods cause , our selues , or other men , which is the lawe of a iust man , and true seruant of God , to be obserued , whatsoeuer temporall hurtes , or damages may ensue therof . 6. And wheras my Aduersary Thomas Morton , doth conclude the very last lynes of his booke with a fynall Charge againe renewed of our Antichristian doctrines of lying , and treason , and threatning vs for the same , not fancyed fyre of Purgatory ( saith he ) as for wood and strawe , but vnquenchable hell-fyre , as for pitch , and tarre , sulphur , and pouder ; we shall more charitably conclude with him , wishing that his offences of malice , 〈◊〉 , and deceipt discouered by vs in this our Answere , may be wood and straw , and that the fyre prepared by Gods Iustice for punishing the same may be a purging fyre , and not a consuming 〈◊〉 , or rather a consuming fyre , and not an vnconsuming fyre , as that is of hell , which he threatneth to vs , but in deed purchaseth to himselfe , by the course he hitherto holdeth . 7. And to this wish and prayer for him , I doubt not but to drawe not only all good , and pious Catholicks that vse it 〈◊〉 for their enemyes , and persecutors , but the very Iesuites also , against whome he rageth most bitterly , euen in the next precedent lynes before his said conclusion , calling them the Theologicall Alchimists of our tyme , that can extract aurum ex carbone , and the Monopolists of all 〈◊〉 in whome notwithstanding he saith , no art to be singuler , but that of Equiuocation , and other such like intertaynments of his vnciuill Vrbanity , wherby he would seeme to his Reader pleasant and ingenious ; but in deed maketh himself ridiculous . For that all men know now , or at least wise his Reader will by this our Answere , that the doctrine of Equiuocation in certayne Cases , and with due circumstances , is not Alchimy of the Iesuites , but the ignorance of Morton , and his fellowes , who ascribe that vnto them , as the chife Authors , which was in vse many hundred years before they were in the world . And as for the Monopolie of artes , if he vnderstand therby , their teaching aboue others of liberall Artes , and sciences in their schooles throughout Christendome , it is true in a certayne sorte , that this kynd of Monopolie , or preeminent labour may be granted vnto their endeauours of their Godly instruction & institution of youth . And happy had it beene for Tho. Morton , if he had beene brought vp vnder that Monopoly , for it is like he would haue had , if not more grace , yet more witt at least and vnderstanding , then to haue obiected vnto them , as heere he doth , that no art is singuler in them but that of Equiuocation , wheras the doctrine of Equiuocation , as Catholickes hold it , and we before expounded it , is no art , but a sound position in Deuinity , belonging to the direction of a good Conscience , against lying , wherof Morton and his fellowes haue so learned the art , and confirmed the habit therof by repetition , and multiplication of so many actes , as it floweth now from them with as great facility in euery occasion , as the notes , and tunes of singing do from him , that hath made a long habit therin , or as the fingers of a musition , that without deliberation , or thinking of the player do runne their stoppes and performe their perticuler motions by vertue of the habite before made and confirmed . 8. For proofe of all this I referre my selfe to that which hath byn set downe in the former Chapters , and especially in the sixt , and so will heere shut vp all this Treatise , adding only some few lynes of aduise and admonition , as wel vnto myne Aduersary , as also vnto them whome he by his iniurious and slaunderous sycophancy , hath sought to draw into hatred and danger of the State ; and so to him I say , let him remember what the Iustice of God doth menace , and threaten vnto false accusers of their brethren , as haue wrongfully traduced so many innocent persons , as this fellow hath , both in his Epistle to the King , and Preface to the Reader , and throughout all his virulēt and spitefull Treatises , being three or foure in number against all sortes of Catholickes , and the 〈◊〉 body therof , accusing them of most heynous rebellions , and heathenish Equiuocations , and for blood-thirsty men , and speakers of lyes without conscience : and himselfe ( forsooth ) to be a Minister of simple truth , naked innocency , and to hate all lying and equiuocating euen from his very soule . But these things we haue sufficiently I suppose layd open before throughout this worke , and haue shewed him ( if I be not deceyued ) to be one of the foulest , and most frequent lyers , that euer ( perhaps ) set pen to paper in these our dayes . 9. And now at this very instant hauing written hitherto , cometh to my handes the Catholicke Treatise it selfe of Equiuocation before mēcyoned , against which Morton frameth his answere , and promiseth A full satisfaction in the tytle of his booke ; of which Treatise not hauing byn able to procure the sight vntill this tyme I fynd so much occasion of new matter giuen therby against the shifting falshood of this Minister , as I might dilate my selfe to the making of a newe Treatise , if I would pursue the particulers of his said deceipts and abuses therin offred . For wheras he professeth A full answere , and satisfaction , as hath by r said , which importeth as much , as that he would answere it wholy and truly to the full satisfaction of euery indifferent Reader , he is so farre of from performing that , as he hath not touched , or so much as mencyoned the tenth part therof in his answere , albeit the whole 〈◊〉 it selfe be not large , nor conteyneth aboue 8. or 9. sheetes of written paper : nay he doth not so much as name or mencion diuers whole Chapters therin , and those which he doth touch , he doth it with such art and subtility , skipping hither , and thither , forth and backe , at length , and crosse-wise , taking heere a sentence , and there an other , as though his principall care had byn not to be vnderstood , or at leastwise not to be found out where he walketh , wherof I shall giue heere some short tast , or note , as it were , with the finger , wherby the rest may be coniectured . Stand attent then gentle Reader , and marke his manner of answering . 10. First then to begin his confutation pag. 48. he layeth hands on the first wordes or tytle of the Preface , alledging therof six lynes for his purpose , as for the ground of his whole workmanship , and then in the same page he steppeth from the Preface to the fifth Chapter of the Treatise , and taketh thence three lynes : then pag. 53. he recoyleth backe to the second Chapter cyting seuen lynes from thence : & pag. 55. he aduaunceth himselfe forward againe to the third Chapter , and produceth an eleuen lynes : and then in the very next leafe in two seuerall tymes he draweth from the same Chapter some 9. lynes ; and after some ten pages of silence , cyteth 4. lynes more from the said third Chapter of his Aduersaryes Treatise , from whence presently in the next leafe pag. 70. he giueth a large leape to fetch 3. lynes out of the tenth Chapter , which is the last of all , and from thence in the next 〈◊〉 pag. 72. he runneth backe againe to the 4. Chapter , and alleageth but 7. lynes only : & pag. 73. fiue lynes more ; & pag. 78. 7. lynes more out of the said 4. Chapter : and then geuing a stryde to the 8. Chapter pag. 80. he bringeth thence 〈◊〉 3. lynes to worke vpon ; then pag 85. giueth a skipp backe to the 4. and 7. Chapters and out of them both draweth some 6. or 7. lynes towards his buylding ; and from hence againe pag. 88. he stretcheth himselfe to the tenth Chapter for some 3. or 4. lynes to helpe himselfe withall ; and pag. 93. and 99. for some 9. or 10. lynes more , and with this endeth his whole answere . 11. And now consider prudent Reader what manner of full satisfaction this is , that in so little a Treatise leaueth out so principall partes vnanswered , as that of ten Chapters he omitteth wholy three without mencion therof , which are the first , sixth , and ninth Chapters , and then in the other examineth the matter so slenderly , as that out of the whole fifth Chapter he handleth only three lynes , & out of the 7 scarse other three , and out of the second , but seauen , and none of all these Chapters are handled by him either in order or methode as they lye , or as they haue connexion togeather by designement of the Author ; but with skypping and leaping hither and thither , as hath byn shewed . And the chiefe and principall points therof , which are very learnedly hādled by his Aduersary , are either left out , and suppressed , or so weakly touched , the difficultyes also so dissembled , and the reasons and authorityes alleadged by his Aduersary so omitted or concealed , as a man may see that the Minister durst not in deed come within the lystes of lawfull combat , though as before yow haue heard he vaunted greatly that he would . 12. And by this yow may take some scantling of Thomas Mortons worth , what it is , without 〈◊〉 entrance into particulers of this Treatise , which are ouer long for this place . If he reply , we may then perhaps examine the matter more largely . Now I will conclude with him only with that admonition before mentioned , that he consider how odious a matter it is , both in the sight of God and man , to be so publicke a calumniator of his brethren , as he hath shewed himself to be . 13. And as for the Catholickes against whom his calumniations are , smal exhortation may serue to beare it patiently , and make their benefit of it , for so much as all the whole streme of holy Scriptures , & exhortations of the holy ghost doth runne aboue all other pointes to this end to comfort godly men in this case , when lying lippes , wicked tongues , slaūderous pennes opprobrious calumniations , and spitefull contumelyes do most insult against them . For then is properly that tyme , and occasion wherof the Apostle speaketh : Cùm id quod in praesenti est momentaneum , & leue tribulationis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 modum in sublimitate aeternum gloriae pondus operatur . When that which in this present mortall life , is but momentary and light tribulation ( for what is more light and momentary then the darts of wicked tongues , that passe with the wynd ? ) doth worke notwithstanding ( being patiently borne ) an eternall weight of glory in heauen : Whervnto almighty God bring vs all , and our enemyes also , if it be his holy wil. Faultes escaped in the Printing . Page Line fault Correction . 25. 20. my his . 74. 13. prison poyson : 82. 1. Reipublicae Respublica . 168. 4. our manner our name . 225. 18. assert assent . 252. 15. Faciendum Fatendum . 276. 30. dele way . 311. 28. fisted foisted . 317. 28. adde dicitur . 385. 32. hominem hominum . 396. in titulo lege defend . 414. 25. refuge refuse . 436. 16. liues lyes . 445. 4. is true is not true . 486. 16. abe to be . 497. 29. aule rule . Other lesser faultes , it may please the gentle Reader himselfe of courtesy to correct . A TABLE OF THE PARTICVLAR MATTERS CONTEYNED IN THIS BOOKE . A ADRIAN the fourth Pope , an Englishmā by byrth , cap. 2. nu 46. Egregiously abused by Thom. Morton , ibid. Adultery vvhen and hovv it may be concealed by 〈◊〉 . cap. 20. nu . 37. Alexāder Halensis his rigour against lying . cap. 7. nu . 40. S. Ambrose abused and his text imbezeled by T.M. cap. 6. n. 17. Amphibology how it differeth from Equiuocation . cap. 8. n. 10. Ananias and Saphyra their fact discussed . cap. 11. n. 28. & 29. S. Anselme his distinction betwene Truth and Falsity , cap. 8. num . 46. Approuers of Equiuocation in certaine cases , who they be ? cap. 7. n. 12 & cap. 10. num . 15. Their qualities and holynesse of lyfe . ibid n. 16. & 17. & cap. 9. n. 11. 12. 13. & deinceps . Archbishop of Canterbury 〈◊〉 testimony of the Primitiue English Geneuians , cap. 1. n. 19. Archisynagoges daughter raised by Christ , cap. 9. 〈◊〉 . 28. Aristotle his definition of Equiuocation , ca. 8. n. 4. 5. 6. & 7. Aristotle Thomas Mortons Oracle of Logitians , cap. 8. n. 6. Abused by him afterward , ibid. n. 5. 6. 7. & deinceps in aliis . locis . Arrianisme whether fauoured by Caluin or noe , cap. 6. part . 3. per totum . Diuers Arrian speaches vsed by Caluin , ibidem nu . 77. S. Augustines definitiō of Catholicum , Prefat . n. 16. His moderation about Hereticks , and their belieuers , cap. 2. n. 18. His seuere sentēce against them ibidem nu . 54. His explication about heresy consummated in the vnderstāding and not in the will , cap. 6. n. 45. His definition of Truth , cap. 8. nu . 40. Item of a lye , ibid. n. 47. His authority alleadged by F. Garnet at his arraignement for the lawfullnes of Equiuocatiō , cap. 9. n. 52. & 54. His further authority for Equiuocation , cap. 10. n. 17. His case about a sickeman , cap. 11. n. 31. Abused notably by M. Ievvell , cap. 12. n. 30. & 31. & 34. Authors discourse against Cathol . without name or truth of argument , Prefat . n. 13. 14. & 15. Azor the lesuite falsified and corrupted by Thom. Morton . cap. 6. n. 48. & cap. 11. n. 18. His discours about Equiuocation in an oath . cap. 10. n. 29. B D. BARKELEY his writings against Protestants cap. 5. nu . 30. Bellarmine notably abused by the Minister Morton . cap. 6. n. 27. 28. & 71. & alibi 〈◊〉 . S. 〈◊〉 abused by Perkins cap. 12. n. 61. 62. & 63. Betulia deliuered by the 〈◊〉 of Iudith , cap. 7. n. 27. Bishop of 〈◊〉 somtymes temporal Lord also of that Citty . cap. 4. n. 43. Bookes writen by Protestants without name of Author or truth , Prefat . n. 13. 14. & 15. S. Boniface an Englishman , Author of the Canon Si Papa . cap. 5. n. 55. Falsified and abused by Tho. Morton , ibid. 43. D. Boucher calumniated and abused by T. Morton , cap. 2. n. 24. & 47. Buckanan & Knox their wicked doctrine & reuell in Scotland , cap. 4. n. 24. C CALVIN whether he denyed Christ to be God of God , cap. 6. n. 53. His manner of speach therin condemned by Bellarmine , ibidem , n. 56. 76. & 77. VVhether he fauoured Arrianisme , or noe ? cap. 6. part . 3. 〈◊〉 totum . Diuers Arrian speaches vsed by him , ibidem n 77. His inuectiue against the Ancient Fathers , cap. 12. n. 23. Caluinian doctrine about obedience to Princes , cap. 1. n. 10. 11. 12. & postea . The pactice therof by Protestants , ibidem . Carerius a Lawyer abused egregiously by Th. Morton . cap. 5. n. 5. 6. 7. & cap. 6. n. 90. Cassander the hereticke his doctrine confuted , cap. 6. n. 67. Cases particuler of Equiuocation , cap. 20. per totum . Catholicks tolerable in a Protestant state , cap. 1. per totum . Cause of setting forth this present booke . cap. 3. per totum . Celestinus Pope abused by M. Ievvell , cap. 12. n. 41. Censure of Thomas Mortons writings , cap. 3. n. 17. Charge of the Lord Cook against Catholicks at Norvvich , cap. 12. n. 79. & 80. Charge of heresy against Protestants by their owne side , cap. 4. n. 11. Charke and Hanmer their Equiuocations , cap. 12. n. 55. & 56. & deinceps . Their Bookes against F. Campian , ibidem . Charter of K. Kenulphus falsified by the Lord Cooke , cap. 12. n. 81. 82. & deinceps . Choyse or election maketh heresy , cap. 2. n. 20. Christ his tēporall Kingdome , cap. 5. n. 18. Christ how he is our Iudge , and how not , cap. 8. n. 26. How he did feigne to go further then the castle of Emaus , cap. 9. n. n. 98. 72. & 73. His denyall to ascend to the festiuall day , ibid. n. 59. Cicero his doubtfull answers , cap. 9. n. 33. & 34. Commotion of VVales anno 1605. and for what cause , Pref. n. 7. & 8. Comparison betwene the disobedience of Catholickes and Protestants , cap. r. n. 27. Conference betwene two shamelesse Ministers . cap. 4. n. 47. Confession and the secret therof , cap. 10. n. 2. & 3. Equiuocation lawfull for not reuealing matters heard in Cōfession , ibidem . Consent of Emperours necessary for gathering of Councels in oldtyme , & why , cap. 6. n. 33. Contention about the expulsion of K. Ozias of Israell , cap. 6. n. 8. 9. 10. & 11. Contumacy defined by Sayer the Benedictine , cap. 6. nu . 51. Couētry case about the plague cap. 10. n. 31. B. Cunerus abused by Thomas Morton , cap. 6. n. 47. 59. D DAVID Q. Maries Secrecary of Scotland murdered , cap. 1. n. 21. Definitiō of Cōtumacy , c. 6. n. 6 Definition of Truth by S. Augustine , cap. 8. n. 40. Item of a lye , ibidem nu . 47. Deposition of Princes by the liuely word of God , cap. 4. n. 34 Deuinity deducted from age to age , cap. 9. n. 5. Increase therof , ibidem nu . 6. Schoole-Deuinity & positiue their beginninges , ibid. nu . 7. Deuinity speculatiue and morall . ibid. n. 8. Difference of contumacy and pertinacy , cap. 6. n. 52. Disagreement betwene Protestants & Caluinists , cap. 2. n. 13. Dignity of Priesthood aboue Regalty , cap. 5. n. 4. 5. & deinceps n. 10. 11. & 12. Discourse against Catholicks without name of Author or truth . Prefat , n. 13. Disobedience cōpared betwene Catholicks and Protestāts , cap. 1. n. 27. Disputation of Plessis Mornay with the Bishop of Eureux , cap. 12. n. 53. & 54. Dissimulation when it is lawfull and when not , cap. 11. n. 17. Doctrine and practice of rebellion whether more in Catholickes than Protestants , cap. 1. n. 7. 8. 9. & deinceps . Dolman author of the Succession egregiously abused by Th. Morton , cap. 2 n. 23. 34. & 35. E ECCLESIASTICALL Supremacy in temporall causes , how it is to be vnderstood , c. 6. n. 22. Syr Edvvard Cooke his booke of reportes against Catholicks , Pref. n. 9. & 10. His Paradox of English Kings , ibidem . His false and odious assertions against Catholicks , Ibid. n. 11. His Equiuocations , ca. 12. n. 77. vsque ad finem capitis . His notable fiction against Pius Quintus , ibid n. 78. His Charge against Catholicks at Norvvich , ibid. n. 79. Emperours consent necessary for gathering of Conncells in old tyme , and why , cap. 6. n. 33. England her pittifull state at this day Prefat . n. 2. Equity of Catholike doctrine tryed by the effects , cap. 4. n. 13. Equiuocation & the doctrine therof , how and when it is lawfull , cap. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. & 12. per totum . How the same is defended , ibi . cap. 7. n. 2. 3. 4. The vse therof receyued for 400. yeares . ibid. n. 8. 9. 10. 11. & deinceps . The necessity therof in certain cases , ibid. n. 20. 21. & deinceps . Equiuocation vsed by S. Paul , cap. 7. n. 51 , & alibi in diuersis locis . Equiuocation what it is , cap. 8. per totum . Equiuocation of two sorts . ibi . num . 2. The definition therof by Aristotle , ibid. n. 5. 6. & 7. How it differeth from Amphibology , ibid. n. 10. Equiuocation mentall & verball , cap. 8. n. 3. & 12. Equiuocation defended by all foraine Cath. writers , cap. 9 n. 11. 12. 13. & deinceps . & cap. 10. n. 15. Equiuocation by reason and instinct of nature , cap. 9. n. 81. Equiuocation preiudiciall to common conuersation , cap. 10. num 23. Equiuocation in an oath , how and when it is lawfull , cap. 10. n. 29. & 30. Equiuocation in Protestantes starke lying , cap. 12. per totum . Equiuocall and ambiguous speaches of our Sauiour , cap. 8. n. 13. & 14. & cap. 9. n. 26. 27. 28. & 61. Examples of false dealing of Thomas Morton , cap. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. & 12. per totum . Exasperations in Englād what they cause . Prefat . per totam . The inconueniences that ensue therby , ibidem . Exemption of Clergy-men & Th. Mortons notorious false dealing therin , cap. 6. n. 13. 14. 15. & deinceps . Experience of tyme a good proofe , cap. 7. n. 9. Extrauagant of Pope 〈◊〉 the eight falsified by Th. Morton , cap , 6. n. 43. F MY FATHER is Greater then I , hovv ancient Fathers do vnderstād the same , cap. 6. n. 100. & 101. Footinges of Protestants in periodes of antiquity , c. 5. n. 40. Fox his huge volume of Actes and Monumentes . cap. 12. n. 48. Hovv he is called the Father of lyes , Ibid. The same confuted , Ibid. n. 50. & 52. Syr Francis Hastinges his Equiuocations , cap. 12. n. 66. 67. 68. & deinceps . His vvillfull vntruth about the poysoning of K. Iohn . Ibid. His abuse of S. Hierome , Ibid. n. 69. Fraud and Fallacy vvhat they be , cap. 8. n. 48. 49. & deinceps . Fraud and deceipt of Thomas Morton in alleaging all sortes of Authors , cap. 2. n. 23. & 24. & cap. 5. nu . 5. 6. 7. & 49. & 53. & per totum Caput Sextum , & deinceps per totum librum . G F. GARNET his alleadging S. Augustine for the lavvfulnes of Equiuocatiō , at his arraignment , cap. 9. n. 52. & 54. Genesius Sepulueda his opinion of Equiuocation , cap. 9. n. 57. Abused notably by Tho. Morton . Ibidem . Giges-ringe one of Thomas Mortons signes , cap. 11. n. 39. Gilby the Minister his doctrine and immodest speach of K. Henry the 8. cap. 4. n. 35. 〈◊〉 Cassander vvhat he vvas and his doctrine . cap. 6. n. 69. The same condemned by English Protestātes . Ibid. n. 69. & 70. God cannot deceaue or cooperate to an vntruth , cap. 7. n. 38. God hovv he permitteth men to be deceyued , cap. 8. n. 54. & cap. 9. n. 77. Gods Ordination oftentymes ioyned vvith his permissión , cap. 9. n. 78. Goodman , and other English Protestantes of Geneua their doctrine , cap. 4. n. 16. 17. & 34. Gratian Collector of the Canon-lavv , cap. 9. n. 9. Gratians text corrupted and falfifyed by Thomas , Morton , cap. 2. n. 49. & 52. S. Gregory his authority for the lavvfulnes of Equiuocatiō , cap. 10. n. 18. Gregory de Valētia his Charge against Caluin for Arrianisme , cap. 6. n. 78. His authority for Equiuocation , cap. 10. n. 16. H HAMMOND his booke of the Cōmotion of Papistes in Herefordshire an . 1605. Pref. n. 7. Hanmer and Charke their bookes against F. Campian , cap. 12. n. 55. Their Equiuocations . Ibidem . n. 56. & 57. & deinceps . Hanniballs ten prisoners their case set dovvne by Cicero , cap. 11. n. 33. Heape of falsityes togeather committed by Thomas Morton . cap. 5. n. 57. & 58. Henry the fourth Emperour his submission to Pope Hildebrand at Canusium , cap. 6. n. 38. K. Henry the 8. of England his Supremacy impugned by diuers Protestantes , cap. 4. n. 35. Heresy vvhat it is , cap. 2. n. 19. Who is an hereticke , Ib. n. 20. Heresy consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the vvill , cap. 6. n. 44. Heresy cannot be decreed in the Cath. Church by Popes , as Popes . cap. 6. n. 63. M. Horne his Equiuocations . cap. 12. n. 43. D. Hunnius his booke against Caluin , cap. 6. n. 78. 80. His protestation and prayer against Caluinistes , Ibid. n. 98. His opinion about 〈◊〉 vvryting against Arrians , Ibid. n. 103. I IACOB vvhether he lyed or noe in saying he vvas Esau , cap. 9. n. 34. B. Iansenius his discourse about the feigning of our Sauiour to goe further then Emaus , cap. 9. nu . 73. Ievvell Bishop of Salisbury his notable lying-Equiuocation , cap. 12. nu . 12. 13. 14. & deinceps . His abusing & rayling against S. Augustine , Ibid. n. 30. 31. & 34. His Apostrophe in his sermon at Paules Crosse , Ibid. n. 12. Impiety of Porphyrius the Apostata , cap. 9. n. 66. Incertainty of Saluation dependeth on our partes , cap. 11. n. 24. Inconueniences of exasperation and despayre , cap. 1. nu . 3. Insolencies vsed tovvardes K. 〈◊〉 of England by Protetestant-Ministers in Scotland , cap. 1. n. 24. Insurrections against lavvfull Princes by New-Ghospellers in our dayes , cap. 1. n. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. & deinceps . Intention to deceyue , a principall clause in a lye , cap. 8. nu . 47. & 56. S. Iohn Baptist his mentall Reseruation , cap. 9. n. 18. 19. 20. & 21. His ansvvere compared to the ansvvere of a priest in Englād , cap. 9. n. 23. & 24. Iohn Caluin vvhether he fauoured 〈◊〉 or no ? cap. 6. part . 3. per totum . His diuers Arrian speaches , Ibid. n. 77. Whether he denyed Christ to be God of God , Ibid. n. 53. His manner of speach condemned by Bellarmine , Ibid. n. 56. 76. & 77. His extreeme pride and impiety , cap. 6. n. 97. Whether , and hovv he impugned the Arrians , cap. 6. n. 102. Iosue his stratageme in taking the Citty of Hay by Gods appointment , cap. 7. n. 25. Ironicall speach a kind of Equiuocation , cap. 8. n. 16. K KING Kenulphus his charter for Abindon-Monastery notably falsified by the Lord Cooke , cap. 12. n. 81. 82. & deinceps . Keyes hovv they may signify authority both temporall and spirituall , cap. 5. n. 37. King Iames of Great-Brittany his speach in his Proclamation & Court of Parlamēt , Prefat . n. 16. His moderation therin . ibidem . His affliction and molestation by Protestants in Scotland , cap. 1. n. 23. 24. & 25. His iudgement of English ministers notes vpon the Bible , cap. 4. n. 25. Kingly power or Priesthood in Christ whether greater , cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. & 14. Knox his pestilent and wicked doctrine against the soueraignty of Princes . cap. 2. n. 48. His Reuel and cruelty in Scotland against Catholicks . cap. 4. n. 24. & 33. L LAMBERTVS Scasnaburgensis abused by Thomas Morton , cap. 6. n. 37. S. Leo notably corrupted by Thomas Morton , cap. 6. n. 19. 20. & 21. Lord of Salisbury his booke and answere to a threatning letter sent him anno 1605. Pref. n. 18. & 19. The scope therof , ibid. n. 20. 21. 22. & 23. How he was deceyued by his Deuyne , ibid. n. 20. & 21. Luthers wicked opinion of the ancient Fathers when they make against him , cap. 12. n. 21. 22. & 23. Lying and dissimulation how different from Equiuocation . cap. 7. n. 34. S. Thomas his seuerity against lying , ibid. n. 35. Item of the Maister of Sentēces ibid. n. 36. Lying defined by S. Augustine , cap. 8. n. 47. The essence therof , ibidem . Item by S. Thomas of 〈◊〉 , ibid. n. 56. & 57. M MARTINVS de Magistris abused by M. Ievvell , cap. 12. n. 36. Mentall reseruation proued in S. Iohn Baptiste his answere , cap. 9. n. 18. & 19. Ancient Fathers their expositions for the same , ibid. nu . 20. & 21. Mentall reseruation in diuers speaches of our Sauiour . cap. 8. n. 13. 14. & cap. 9. n. 26. 27. 28. & 44. & 58. 59. 61. & cap. 11. num . 45. Metropolitan of lying Metropolis , cap. 10. n. 33. Miters how they be aboue Crownes , cap. 5. n. 25. Murder of the Lord Darley K. of Scotland by Protestants , cap. 1. n. 21. Murder of Dauid Secretary to the Q. of Scotland , cap. 1. n. Ibid. Mysterious speaches how they be Equiuocall , cap. 9. n. 35. N NATVRE of heresy and pertinacy , c. 6. n. 41. Necessity of Equiuocation in some cases , cap. 7. n. 20. 21. 22. & deinceps . Necessity not required to perfection in many thinges , cap. 7. nu . 5. O OATH vvhat it is , cap. 8. num . 50. Oath of Supremacy in Englād and T. M. his iudgment therof , cap. 6. n. 24. Obedience to Princes and doctrine therof deliuered by Caluinistes , cap. 1. n. 10. Obstinacy necessary to make heresy , and vvhy ? cap. 6 n. 43. Offers , and kind Offices of the Sea of Rome , tovvards K. Iames of Great Brittany , cap. 2. n. 41. Old-Testament a figure of the nevv , cap. 5. num . 6. Opinion of Catholickes for restrayning of euill Princes , cap. 5. n. 45. Opinion of forraine vvryters for the lavvfulnesse of Equiuocation , cap. 10. num . 15. Oracle of Logitians , cap. 8. num . 6. Orders of Religious men that defend Equiuocation , cap. 9. num . 14. Otho Frisingensis abused by T. Morton , cap. 8. num . 36. Ozias King of Israell his expulsion , and contention therabout , cap. 6. n. 8. 9. 10. & 11. P PARLAMENTES their first beginning in Englād , cap. 12. num . 89. Perfection requireth not necessity in many thinges , c. 7. n. 5. Perkins the Minister his equiuocations , cap , 12. n. 58. 59. 60. & deinceps . His falsifying of S. Bernard , ibid. n. 60. 61. & 62. Plessis Mornay his Equiuocations , cap. 12. n. 72. 73. &c. His disputation with the Bishop of Eureux in France , ibid. n. 74. 75. His falsifying of Authors , ibid. Ponderations about the vncertainty of Protestants doctrine , cap. 6 part . 3. § . 4. per totum . Popes may and must be deposed for heresy . cap. 5. n. 53. & cap. 6. n. 62. & 63. Pope lesse dangerous without Superior , then many Princes , cap. 5. n. 61. Pope Pius Quintus abused by the Lord Cooke , cap. 12. n. 78. Pope Hildebrand slaundered by Th. M. cap. 6. n. 33. & 34. The Emperours submissiō vnto him at Canusium , ibidem . Porphyrius the Apostata his impiety , cap. 9. n. 66. Princes how they must deposed by the liuely word of God , cap. 4. n. 34. Prior Iames of Scotland made Earle of Murrey , and Lord Protector of that Kingdome , cap. 1. n. 20. & 21. Priesthood & the dignity therof greater then Regalty , cap. 5. n. 32. & 33. Two principall points therof , ibid. n. 17. Priesthood and Kingly power in Christ whether greater on earth , cap. 5. n. 10. 11. 12. 13. & 14. Proofes for the lawfullnes of Equiuocation , cap. 9. per totum . Prophesyes corrupted and eluded by Iohn Caluin , c. 6. part : 3. § . 3. per totum . Propositions reserued , how they be equiuocall , and how not , cap. 11. n. 14. Protestants their bookes and writinges against Caluinistes , cap. 2. n. 12. 13. & deinceps . Protestant-Princes many of them neuer molested by the Pope . cap. 2. n. 40. & cap. 3. n. 8. Protestant-People more perillous then Popes . cap. 2. n. 44. Protestantes in what cases they may be subiect to the penaltyes of heresyes ; cap. 3. n. 9. Protestants charged with heresie by men of their owne profession , cap. 3 n. 12. & cap. 4. n. 5. 6. 7. 8. & 9. Protestants footings in periods of Antiquity , cap. 5. n. 40. Puritans condemned by Protestants and Protestants by them , cap. 4. n. 9. Q QVEENE Maries of Scotland mother & daughter their afflictions by Protestants cap 1. n. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. & 23. Queene Mary of England her gouernmēt impugned by Protestants , cap. 4. n. 28. 29. & 30. The conspiracy of Syr Thom. VViat against her , ibid. n. 37. Queene Elizabeth her gouernment cōtradicted by some Protestants at the beginning . cap. 4. n. 25. Quality and holynesse of such men as haue admitted the vse of equiuocation for lavvfull , cap. 7. n. 16. & 17. R REBELLION & doctrine of Protestants about the practice therof , cap. 1. n. 6. Rebellions against Q. Marie of England how they be ansvvered by Tho. Morton , cap. 4. n. 29. 30. 31. & 32. Rebellions in Flaunders and Germany by Protestāts against their lawfull Princes , cap. 4. n. 48. 50. 51. & 52. Reseruations mentall in Christes speach , cap. 8. n. 13. & 14. & cap. 9. n. 26. 27. 28. & 44. Circumstances necessary to find out mentall reseruations , ibidem . Reseruations mentall in Saint Iohn Baptist , ibidem nu . 18. 19. & 20. M. Reynoldes boke of Caluino-Turcismus . cap. 2. n. 6. His collectiō of moderne heresyes , ibid. n. 8. Abused by Th. Morton , 〈◊〉 num . 27. Royardus the Franciscan abused by Th. Morton , cap. 7. n. 59. S SSACRIFICE of Christians ceased in Alexandria , cap. 6. n. 20. Salmeron the lesuite egregiously abused by Tho. Morton , cap. 5. n. 7. & cap. 6. n. 4. Sayer the Benedictine falsified and corrupted by . Th. Morton cap. 6. n. 50. & 51. His Discourse about Equiuocation in an oath . cap. 10. n. 30. Scarres of infirmity in Tho. Morton , cap. 9. n. 39. Scottish-Ministers their absurd positions & doctrine . c. 4. n. 23. Secretary Dauid barbarously murdered in Scotland , cap. 1. num . 21. Secret of confession , cap. 10. n. 2. 3. & 4. Secretes of the Cōmon-welth , ibidem . n. 6. & 7. How Equiuocatiō may be lawfull in defense therof , ibid. n. 8. Sheep byters not tolerable in a Common-welth , cap. 1. n. 4. Sociabylity in doctrine vvith Protestants not sufferable . cap. 2. n. 5. Sotus the Deuyne abused and falsified by Th. Morton , cap. 10. nu . 34. 35. & 36. D. 〈◊〉 abused by Tho. M. cap. 2. n 25. Stratageme of Iosue in taking the Citty of Hay , cap. 7. n. 25. Also of Eliseus the Prophet , ibidem , n. 26. Of Iudith in 〈◊〉 Holofernes ibid. n 27. Supremacy impugned by diuers Protestants in the beginning and vvhy ? cap. 4. n. 36. Sutcliffe Deane of Excester and his notable shifting , cap. 4. n. 9. & 10. His testimony of Protestants doctrine for deposing of Princes , ibid. n. 44. His full and round Ansvvere to the Three Cōuersions of England , hovv vaine and impertinent , cap. 5. n. 54. T S. THOMAS of Aquin his seuere sentence against lying , cap. 7. n. 35. Alledged by T. M. against himselfe , cap. 11. num . 56. Syr Thomas VViat his pretence against Queene Mary , cap. 4. num . 37. Thomas Morton his booke against Romish doctrine , Pref. nu . 12. His maine drift and seditious scope therin , cap. 1. nu 1. 2. 3. & deinceps . The same confuted , Ibid. & alibi sapè . His reasons against the disloyalty of Catholickes confuted , cap. 2. per totum . His egregious abusing of all sortes of Authors , sacred and prophane , cap. 2. nu . 23. 24. & 28. & cap. 5. num . 5. 6. 7. & nu . 49. & per totum librū deinceps . A Catalogue of his corruptiōs cap. 2. n. 57. & cap. 5. nu . 57. His lending and borrovving of the Lord Cooke , cap. 3. n. 2. His fond florishes , Ibidem . n. 5. & per totum librum . His bad protectorshippe of Protestantes , cap. 3. nu . 13. His silly deuise of flattery about the deposition of Kinges , cap. 4. nu . 26 , & 27. Thomas Morton not able to defend his Religion from heresy against his ovvne Protestant brethren , cap. 4. num . 12. His Treatise of the Popes Supremacy as head of Rebelliō , confuted , cap. 5. per totum . His great hypocrisy , cap. 5. num . 50. & vbique deinceps . His impudency , Ibid. num . 58. His impertinent Reasons confuted , cap. 2. per totum . & cap. 5. num . 59. His conceipt of the Oath of Supremacy in England , cap. 6. n. 24. & 25. His notable abuse of ●ardinall Bellarmine , cap. 6. n. 27. & 28. Item the like of Cardinall Tolet , Ibid. nu . 49. & alibi . His ten lyes at a clap , c. 6. n. 64. His Oracle of Logitiās , cap. 8. num . 6. His detestation of Equiuocation , but not of lying , cap. 8. num . 20. His Socraticall demaundes , ca. 9. num . 22. His scarres of infirmity , cap. 9. num . 39. His Wanton and lasciuious speaches , Ibid. num . 60. His abuse of Doctor Genesius Sepulueda , cap. 9. num . 57. His Couentry-case about the plague . cap. 10. nu . 31. His egregious impudency and abuse of authors 〈◊〉 . Ib. nu . 32. & 33. His lying Metropolis , Ib. n. 33. His booke against Equiuocatiō examined and ansvvered , cap. II. per totum . Hovv he impugneth himselfe , Ibidem . num . 13. His abusing of Azor , cap. II. n. 18. & 19. His Punica fides about falsification , cap. II. nu . 36. His egregious Cosenage , Ibid. num . 38. His absurd syllogismes , cap. II. num . 50. His Apostolical defense against lying , cap. II. num . 61. & 62. Truth defined by S. Augustine cap. 8. nu . 40. Three sortes or degrees therof . Ibid. nu . 41. Tumultes against lawful Princes practized by Protestantes , cap. 1. num . 13. 14. 15. & deinceps . Tumultes in Scotland , cap. 1. n. 20. 21. 22. 23. & 24. Tyranny and Tyrantes of tvvo sortes , cap. 5. nu . 47. V VALENTIA the Iesuite his Charge against Caluin for Arrianisme , cap. 6. n. 78. His authority for the lavvfulnes of Equiuocation , c. 10. n. 16. Vanity of Thomas Mortons vaunt of Truth , cap. 6. n. 2. Vasquez his discours about pertinacy , cap. 6. n. 43. Venetians their disagreement vvith Pope Paulus Quintus . cap. 5. num . 41. Vncertainty in Protestantes doctrine , Cap. 5. nu . 46. Vse of Equiuocation receyued by Cath. Doctors for 400. yeares , cap. 7. nu . 8. VV VVHITTINGHAM deane of Durham his doctrine , cap. 4. num . 35. D. VVhitaker his absurd ansvvere to Doctor Sanders , about the authority of Ancient Fathers , cap. 12. num . 26. VViat his practice and conspiracy against Q. Mary of England , cap. 4. nu . 35. M. VVilliam Reynoldes his booke of Caluino-Turcismus , c. 2. n. 6. His collection of moderne heresyes , Ibid. num . 8. Abused by Tho. Morton , Ibid. num . 27. VVitnesses hovv , and vvhen they are obliged to speake the truth , cap. 10. nu . 25. & 26. Y YESTVVERT the Printer his falsification in printing the Charter of K. Kenulphus , cap. 12. nu . 88. Z ZVINGLIVS the chiefe styrrer of Rebellion in the Cantons of Zuitzerland , c. 1. num . 14. Slaine . Ibid. Zuinglianisme impugned by Luther , cap. 2. nu . 15. & 16. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09111-e330 The Authors first intention . 4. Reg. 18. Esay . 36. 〈◊〉 of hearers . Reasons of the dedication . Sundry heades vvherin Equiuocation is touched both in Lavv and Deuinity . T M his app●ale to his Maiesty Epist , ● . initio . The conformity of T. M. A Minister of simple truth . Epistle to the King. A sayned march against his Maiesty . A 〈◊〉 march against his Maiesty . Vāguard 〈◊〉 CathoIicke Gentlemen suffering for his Maiesties title . 〈◊〉 accused for their deuotion to the title of Scotland . * Gen. 11. 7. & 9. The vanity 〈◊〉 T. M in deuidinge our tongues . A fond vaunt of T. M. refated . Epist. ad Regem . A false and malitious obseruation of T. M. against Popes refuted . Hovv T. M. his bookes are so published as not published . Epistle to the King against Equiuocation . T. M. his idle Epistle to the deceaued brethren . 1. Tim. 2. The diffi culty of 〈◊〉 . M. hovv men may knovv vvhat is done 〈◊〉 they are a sleepe resolued . Iohn . 11. Priesthood of the old Testamēt derided by T. M. greatly honored by Christ and his Apostles . Act. 23. Heb. 7. 1. Thes. 2. False calumniations . Baron . tom . 2. anno 100. sub finem & in tom . 8. anno . 604. fusè . The defence of the bodily assumptiō of the B. virgin . See S. Bernard in his 5. Sermons of the Assumption of our B. Lady & alibi . Miracles vvrought by God for the cōuersion of the Indians scoffed at by T. M. Act. 4. Marc. vlt. The contumely of T. M. about S. Francis louse . Notes for div A09111-e5790 * Anglicanos . * Flemus . Plus quàm ciuilia . The pittifull 〈◊〉 of Englād . Iusque datum sceleri . Populumque potentem in sua , &c. Mat. 12. Exasperations . Psal. 136. Malitious extension . Of bookes and pamphletes . Commotion of vvales . In the Epistle of T. H. 22. Iunij 1605. * Auant false and lying Varlets ( saith one ) your vvordes are vaine , and your hopes are more vaine . Sir Edward Cookes booke against Catholicks . His argument . M. Attorneyes paradox of English Kings . * Novv I heare it is answered . False & odious 〈◊〉 of M. Attorney . The booke of T. M. about Romish doctrine A discourse vvithout name of Author or truth of argument . Another Treatise . Two other furious bookes . * Now they are passed . The Princely moderation of his Maiesty in his speach . VVhat is Catholicum according to S. Augustine . VVhich is the best sort of Catholicks My Lord of Salisbury his booke . Against my Lord of Salisburies Deuine . The first question about authority ouer Princes . The second questiō . The third questiō . Sess. 15. About the doctrine of Equiuocation . The law fulnes , necessity , and circumstances of Equiuocatiō . The argument of the ensuing booke against T. M. Notes for div A09111-e7340 The 〈◊〉 drift and seditious scope of T. M. The maine propositiō of T. M. censured . Cicero lib. offic . Inconueniences of exasperation and despaire . Sheepe-biters not to be tolerated in a Common vvealth . His vniuersall proposition improued by diuerse particulers . 10. Reasons . About doctrine and practice of Rebellion . 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. An impor tant consideratiō , Caluinian doctrine about obe 〈◊〉 to Princes . Archb. of Cant. in the first Booke of dangerous positions . cap. 4. & 5. and 〈◊〉 in the Suruey of pretended discipline . Forraine vvriters of Protestantes pernicious doctrine against Princes . Launay in Replique Christienne . lib. 1. c. 9. 6 n. 1566. & Belfor . lib. 6. cap. 〈◊〉 . fol. 1565. A ' markeable point . Practice of the Protestant doctrine for tumultes against Princes . The Rebellions vpon Luthers doctrine . The Smalcaldian associatiō . Multitudes of insurrectiōs against true Princes by the nevv Ghospel . North. South . In the East . In the VVest . France . Flanders . England . Scotland . See the Histories of Scotlād 〈◊〉 by Bucchanā , and Knox and by Holinshed , and my Lord of 〈◊〉 . his booke of dangerous Positions , cap. 2. 3. 4. &c. 〈◊〉 afflictions and death of Q Mary Regent of Scotland . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proceeding against his Maiesties Mother . A brief summe of matters fallen out in Scotland . 〈◊〉 . Holinsh. 〈◊〉 supra . Prior 〈◊〉 made Earle of Murrey . 1563. 1566. The barbarous murther of the Secretary Dauid . The murther of the King. The barbarous dealing against his 〈◊〉 Mother . VVhat the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath suffered at Protestats handes in 〈◊〉 of disobe dience & Rebelliō . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Intollerable insolencies of Ministers against the King. A vveighty consideratiō 〈◊〉 Princes . Streyned 〈◊〉 against Catholickes . The comparison betvveene the disobedience of Catholicks and Protestāts . Notes for div A09111-e9820 A decalogue of T. M. his reasons hardly streined Hovv T. M. proueth his assertions . Iurginicius . M. VVright . M Reinoldes . D. Gifford 〈◊〉 . No sociability in doctrine but in cōuersation there may be . Perkins Catholick The harde speeches against Caluinistes ansvvered . CaluinoTurcismus of M. Reinoldes . Maister VVrights speeches . D. Thomas 2. 2. quaest . 5. art . 3. Ibidem quaest . 10. art . 6. Hovv heinous a sinne heresy is . * See Tertull . li. de pudicitia . Cypr. li. 4. ep . 2. Athan . ser. 2 contr . Arrian . Aug. li. de gratia . Hier. con . lucifer . &c. Tit. 3. M. Reinoldes collection about moderne heresies . Franciscus Stancarus Minister epad Regem Poloniae . Conradus Schlusselburgius in l. de Theologia Caluinistarū impress . Francof . 1592. l. 2. art . 13. 〈◊〉 Schulz . lib. de 50. 〈◊〉 lit . A. 6. lit . Q. 〈◊〉 . Tilmanus Heshusius AEgidius Hunnius . fol. 181. Apo. 12. Many bookes of the learneder Protestantes against Caluinistes . Ioannes Modestus . 1587. Ioannes Matthias . Albertus Grauerus Refutatiō of his second medium . Luther . contr . art . Louanien . Thes. 27. Luther , de Caena Dotomo 2. Ger. f. 182 & 190. Concerning the penalties incurred by Heresy according to the Canons . The moderation of S. Augustine vvillingly admitted . Aug. lib. de vtilitate credendi ad Honoratum Manichaeum . VVho is an Hereticke . lib. 4. de bap . contra Donatistasc . 16. Euery one that belieueth heresy is not properly an Hereticke . Choice or election make Heresy . Dol. par . 1 pag. 13. cyted in Discouery pag. 9. Dolemās text abused in vvordes & sense . D. Bouchier p. 36. cyted in Disc. pa. 8. His cauillation against D. Bouchier . Buchan . l. de iure regni . p. 13 Stapleton in Dydimo pa. 261 cyted in Disc. pa. 8. Peeuish vvrāgling against D. Stapletō . Buchanan li. de iure regnip . 61 Reginaldus de iusta Reip. auctoritate &c. c. 1. cited in Disc. pa. 8. 1. Pet. 2. M. Reinol des discourse . M. Reinolds abu sed by T. M. The secōd charge ansv vered about the Popes authority . The ansvver to S. Edvvard Cooke . T. M. putteth his fictions for our positions . Calumniation 〈◊〉 cōuinced . Catholick Princes successiōs resisted by Protestāts . Calumn̄ia tiō against Doleman . Doleman part 1. pag. 216. T. M. 〈◊〉 bad dealing . A rabblement of false illations . Iniurious dealing of T. M. The 〈◊〉 authority strained to many brāches of 〈◊〉 . Many 〈◊〉 Princes neuer molested by the Pope . Kinde offices of the sea Apostolick tovvardes his Maiesty of great Britanny . See Thynnes addition to Holinshed pag. 446. & the booke of dangerous positions p. 26 Pope Gregor . 13. Tvvo Protestant Princes only censured by the Sea Apostolicke in our age . Q. Elizabeth . K. of Nauarre . The happy successe in the K. of France . Protestant people more pe rilous thē Popes . Examples of bad dealing in T.M. Disc. p. 31. Naucl. p. 〈◊〉 gener . 39. Our English Pope Adrian egregiously abused by T.M. Disc. p. 23. A notable corruptiō about Doctor 〈◊〉 . 1. Pet. 2. Consil. Constan. Sess. 15. Catholick moderation tovvardes censuring of Princes . Knox 〈◊〉 hist. p. 372. Knox appel . fol. 33. Disc pa. 4. Another cosenage about a text of Gratian. Apud Gra. causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. gloss . A doubt proposed & solued . See of this History of the Disputation before the King of France annexed to the confut . of the first 6. moneths of Foxes Calendar . Another fraudulēt case out of the Canon lavv . Decret . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . de Haer. tit . 7. c. 〈◊〉 . Theseuere sentence of S. Augustine against Hereticks . August . l. de 〈◊〉 Cath. Deut. 13. Hier. contr . vigilant . eit . a 〈◊〉 caus . 23. q. 〈◊〉 . c. legi . A Catalogue of cor 〈◊〉 . The very first text of Scripture alledged by him most corruptly . Notes for div A09111-e15270 T. M. his nevv Reply . T. M. lendeth and borrovveth of S. Edvvard Cooke . T. M. my Lord of Canterburies Chaplaine The Ministers manner of dealing . Fond florishes of T. M. 〈◊〉 T. M. 〈◊〉 our Catholick Authors . Iob 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 lib. Prior. 〈◊〉 Protestant Princes troubled by Popes in our daies . Hovv Protestantes vvere denied by the Ansvverer to be subiect to the penalties of Heresy . Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more moderate follovved by the Ansvverer . Moderate Ansvvere cap. 1. §. 〈◊〉 . Reply c. 4. 5. 6. &c. Greg. de val . to . 3. disp . 1. q. 12. de Apostas . 〈◊〉 . 2. para . 4. T. M. vvill needes proue Protestantes to be held for Heretickes . T. M a bad Proctor for Protestantes . The imputation 〈◊〉 Heresy vnto Protestantes 〈◊〉 brought in by T. M T. M. an example of Equiuocation . The Authors Cēsure both of the Ansvverer & Replyer . Notes for div A09111-e16470 The Ministers Sleightes . Marke these consequences Aug. de fide Cathol . citat . apud Grat. tit . 7. de Haereticis c. 2 First charge of Heresy laied vpon Protestantesby men of their ovvne pro fession . Moderate Ansvver . pag. 14. In praefat . & cap. 1. 2 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. &c. Reply pag. 17. His sleight 〈◊〉 not satisfying the doubt . Stanc l. de Trinit . & medi. Lut. li. contr . Sacra . & epist. ad Marchio . Pruss . Ansvverer pag 15 The secōd charge of Heresy frō Puritanes . Admonit . 2. to the Par. pa. 25. & suppl . vers . 36. Hovv T. M. doth shift of the Censure of the Puritanes . The notable shifting of Deane Sutcliffe . Sutcliffe in his full ansvvere , part . 1. C. 1. pag. 14. A third charge of Heresy against Protestantes by one of their ovvne . Moderate Ansvver . pag. 14. M. Hugh Broughtō . Reply c. 7. T. M. cannot defend his Religion from Heresy against his ovvne people . Aug. l. de vera Relig . cap. 7. The equity of our doctrine tried by the effects The contrary effects of Protestant doctrine . The vanity of this Reply . Moder . Ansvverer cap 4. The doctrine of Goodman and other English Protestāts of Geneua Goodman pa. 94. 119. 203. &c. Cap. 1. Full satisfaction , part 2. pa. 103. Dang . posit . l. 2. c. 1. A shameles assertion of T. M. denying a manifest truth . The B. of Cant. his testimony of the primitiue English Geneuiās . dan. posit . pag. 218. 219. 220. 221. In his preface to Goodmās booke . An euasiō taken avvay . Their sedicious do ctrine against Q. Elizabeth . Dan. posit pag. 18. 133 〈◊〉 . suppl . to the gouernour of VVales p. 16. 36. 37. 38. Mod. ans . cap. 4. Positions of Scottish Mininisters . Knox in Hist. p. 372 item to Engl. and Scotland f 78 Buechanan de Iure Reg. p. 13. 25. 40. 58. 61. Cap. 2. §. Contrarywise . Hovv fully T. M. ansvvereth matters & giueth satisfaction . Reply 〈◊〉 . 107. To the obiection about Knox & Buchanans doctrine . Reply pa. 103. To theobiection of his Maiesties iudgmēt about the English Ministers notes 〈◊〉 the Bible . Marke his poore shift . 2. Par. 15. Not only Kings by Gods lavv appointed deposers as the Minister T. M. saith . Reply pag. 101. To the Rebelliōs against Q. Mary vvhat he ansvvereth . Stovv , Holinshead , & others in their Cronicles Many cleere exāples to cōuince T. M. Stovv . an . 1554. May 18. 〈◊〉 other insurrections . 〈◊〉 & conspiracies by Ministers . More exāples of Ministers treasons against 〈◊〉 . Mary . Knok in his 〈◊〉 . to the Nobility fol. 63. & 77. Goodman in his booke , hovv Superiours ought to be obeied . c. 〈◊〉 . fol. 54. Princes to be deposed by the liuely vvord of God. M. VVhittingham in his preface to Goodmās booke . Gilby in Admon . pag. 69. Gilbyes immodest speech against K. Henry and the supremacy . Fox in an . 1554. pag. 1289. The 〈◊〉 of Syr Tho. VVyat . 〈◊〉 . l. 2 de Schis . p. 332. Reply 〈◊〉 . 107. No substantiall ansvvering to any thing . Dang . posit . l. 1. c. 6. To the examples of France . Vide Lodouicum Richome in expost . apolog . ca. 94. A vaine shift . To the examples of Geneua Reply pa. 116. Ibid. pag. 119. Reply pa. 19. Mod. Ansvver . c. 9. Great hypocrisy in the demaund of T. M. Bishop of Geneua vvas Lord 〈◊〉 also of the Citty . Caluin to Sadolet . p. 171. Bodinus l. de Repub. pag 353. Sutcliffe in Suric . pag. 14. D Sutclifs testimony of Protestants doctrine for deposing of Princes Full satisfaction pag. 119. A 〈◊〉 conferēce be tvveene Sutcliffe & Mortō . The absurd false dealing of tvvo Ministers togeather . Sundry other Rebellions of Protestāts . Seely ansvveres or rather shiftings of . Reply pa. 124. Notes for div A09111-e22040 The title of T. M. his 〈◊〉 Treatise . The cause of this seuerall Chapter . Confut. pag. 1. To his first cauillation . Math. 4. To his second cauillation . Pag. 2. Carerius li. 2. Rom. Pontif. ca. 18. & Sander . in visib . monarch . The dignity of Priesthood proued to be more then Regall . False dealing against 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 2. Carer . l. 2. c. 1. Salmeron Disp. 12. in 〈◊〉 Paul. Carer . l. 2. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Hebr. 4. Hovv the old Testament vvas a figure of the nevv . 1. Cor. 9. Deut. 25. 1. Cor. 10. 〈◊〉 . p. 3. 〈◊〉 of T. M. Conf. par . 3. pag. 3. A Sophisticall fallacy in steed of a demonstratiue argument . Reply par . 3. pag. 54. VVhether Christes Priesthood or Kingly povver vvere grea ter vpon earth . 〈◊〉 . l. 3. de Sacerdotio subinitio . Chrys. ho. 5. de verb. Isaiae . Ibid. Naz. orat . ad ciues timore 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . l. 3. de fid . c. 5. Aug. l. 1. de consensu 〈◊〉 . cap. 3. Psal. 2. Ibid. & Hebr. 1. Psal. 8. 〈◊〉 . 28. Phil. 〈◊〉 . Gen. 14. Hebr. 7. 〈◊〉 . 109. Hebr. 2. Hebr. 3. Hebr. 4. The dignity of Priesthood in Christ aboue his Kingly authority . Hebr. 7. The auncient Fathers inferēce about Priesthood . Tvvo prin cipall partes of Priesthood . Christ a spirituall King by his Priesthood but not a temporall . Dan. 7. Of Christes temporall Kingdome . Almain . l. de potest . Eccl. c. 8. Turrecr . l. 2. sum . c. 116. Nau. in c. Nou. de iudic . * D. Tho. l. 1. de reg . Prin. c. 11. D. Anton. 3. par . ti . 3. cap. 2. Luc. 12. 〈◊〉 . 18. Luc. 25. Zach. 9. * Ita tenet Abulensis . q. 30. in Math. 21. VValdens . l. 2. de doctrina . ca. 76. & 77. Victoria velect . 1. de potest . Eccl. q. 5. Sotus l. 4. de iustitia q. 4. art . 1. Armacan . l. 4. contr . 〈◊〉 . c. 12 Burgensis in Scrutinio 〈◊〉 P. 1. dist . 7. Inferēces vpon the premises about the preheminence of Priesthood aboue temporall Kingly authority . Pag. 〈◊〉 . The folly of T. M. his discourse . 1. Cor. 3. Chrys. l. 3. de 〈◊〉 . A list of Kings and Princes deposed or slaine , impertinently brought in by T.M. 4. Reg. 19. 1. Reg. 15. 4. Reg. 12. Conf. P. 4. 5. Hovv myters are aboue Crovvnes . The true State of the Question . Tvvo prin cipall pointes to be cōsidered in these examples of Kings punished . The true controuersy . Supr . c. 1. 4 Cuner . ep . Leouard . D. Barkley Prefac . ad Henr. 4. Gall. Reg. Catholiks principall vvriters for the safty of Princes . D. Boucher . See Boucher l. 3. c. 16. Sess. 15. VVarnvvord Encounter 2. ca. 3. n. 〈◊〉 4. The comparison of Priesthood and Kingly authority in the old lavv . Conf. p. 13 〈◊〉 . de of . Princ. c. 7. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 4. Reg. 14. 2. Par. 24. A 〈◊〉 made 〈◊〉 T.M. Pag. 14. An example expressing the state of the question . See before cap. 2. Aug. l. 1. contr . 〈◊〉 . cap. 2. 〈◊〉 . pag. 15. That keies may 〈◊〉 authority both spirituall and temporall . Conf. p. 17 The poore footings of Protestantes in periods of antiquity . Carer 〈◊〉 . 2. depotestate Pont c. 19. & 20. Bell. 〈◊〉 . de Rom. Pon. Sande . l. 7. de Monar . Bozius l. 5 de temporali Eccl. Mon. &c. The cause of the Venetians . * Now they haue obeyed . Pag. 14. Extrauag . communium de maiorit . & obed . §. Vnam Sanctam . The Extrauagant of Bonifacius ● . falsely alleadged . Addit . ad comen . Extrauag . de maior . in c. 1. ad finem . The great force of the former 〈◊〉 . Pla. Dial. 1. de repu . Aristot. 2. Polit. Cicer. 3. de leg . Bart. lib. de Tyrannide . The Catholicke opinion & moderation about restraining euill Princes . 〈◊〉 vncerteinties . 〈◊〉 . pag. 35. The first ansvvere . B Cunerus drift 〈◊〉 T. M. 〈◊〉 alleadgeth him . Tvvo 〈◊〉 of tyranny and tyrantes . Cuner . l. de officio Principis cap. 8. Great fraude and corruptiō in mangling Authors . The secōd ansvvere . Rom. 11. 1. Cor. 12. 2. Cor. 12. Dan. 3. Great hypocrisy . The third ansvvere . Confut. p. 35. & 36. Bellar. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 26 Carer . l. 1. de potest . Pont. c. 〈◊〉 . Azor Inst. l. 5. c. 14. Fraudulent dealing in T. M by concealemēt . The 〈◊〉 may and must be deposed for heresy . Math. 23. Shameles facing of vntruthes . A note of M. Sutolifs manner of ansvvering . VVarn-word , Encounter 2. c. 13. num . 18. 19. 20. &c. The error about S. 〈◊〉 the English martyr . A heape of 〈◊〉 . Great impudency . His fourth ansvvere . Confut. p. 3. & 36. Impertinent reasons . Math. 5. Rom. 13. Much lesse dangerous to haue one Pope vvithout all Superior , then many Princes . Notes for div A09111-e28410 The fraud of T. M. The vanity of T. M. his vaunt of truth . A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deuise of T. M. 〈◊〉 braggeth . The first example . Pag. 2. Salmer . disp . 12. in Epistolas Pauli in gen . §. sed contra . August . l. 19. contr . 〈◊〉 . e. 31. in princ . 2. Corruption about the meaning . * Disp. 12. pag. 324. & 325. Leuit. 4. 〈◊〉 . 17. Num. 27. Philo l. de victimis par . 2. circa mediū Ioseph . 3. Antiquit. cap. 〈◊〉 c. 2. Corruptiō about the vvordes . Sundry 〈◊〉 . 3. Corruptiō about the translation . Confut. pag. 2. Malitious interpretations to make vs odious . The secōd example pag. 7. 4. Reg. 15. 2. Par. 26. A contention about the expulsion of K. Ozias . Barkleius l. 5. c. 11. Bell. l. 5. de summo Ponti . c. 8. 2. Par. 26. Leuit. 13. Dealings of a make-bate . Enumeration of falsities . Ibid. c. 11. Ozias hovv he vvas separated by the high Priest. The third example pag. 16. 〈◊〉 . de Victoria relect . 1. de potest . Ecclesiae Sect. 4. Variety of corruptiōs Victoria his propositions about exēption of Clergy men , and T. M his corruptiōs therin . Changing of nominatiue cases . The 4. example pag. 18. 19. 20. Fraudes vsed out of the ancient Fathers and Cath. vvriters . pag. 24. Barkleus l. 3. cap. 5. Ambros. l. 5. Ep. 33. A cleere authority of S. Ambrose imbezeled by T. M. The fifth example . Pag. 26. Many falshoods . Leo ep . 75. ad Leonē Augustū . Ibid. c. 5. The Christian sacrifice ceased in Alexādria . Notable corruptiō of S. Leo his meaning . About Ecclesiastical supremacy in temporall Princes . Pag. 26. T. M. his cōceipt of the oath of 〈◊〉 in England . Answere to Syr Edward Cooke c. 2. & 3. Statut. 〈◊〉 26 Hen. 8. cap. 1. ann . 〈◊〉 1535. Statut. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 6. 〈◊〉 1547. Stat. 1. Eliza. 〈◊〉 . 1559. Hold takē on the offer of T. M. about the oath of Supremacy . S. Leo 〈◊〉 ep . 34. 46. 62. 81. 87. Serm. 1. de nata . Apostolorum Petri & Pauli . 〈◊〉 . l. 4. instit . c. 7. §. 11. The sixt example of Cardinall Bellarmine . A childish insultatiō of T. M. ouer Cardinall Bellarmine . Barkleius l. 6. aduers . Monarch . c. 26 Bellar. l. 1. de Conciliis ca. 13. §. habemus ergo . Diuers sortes of corruptiō . The sūme of Cardinall Bellarmines discourse 〈◊〉 by T. M. Bellar. l. de Concil . cap 13. §. Habemus ergo . Athan. in ep . ad solitar . vitam agentes . Fovver causes vvhy Emperours consents vvere necessary for gathering of Councells in olde time . See ff . de Coll. ill . & l. conuent . de Episc. & Presbyteris . Euseb. l. 3. de vita Constant. Theodor. l. 1. Histor. cap. 16. The 7. exāple out of Otho Frisingensis . Frisin . l. 6. hist. c. 32. Otho Frisingensis abused . 〈◊〉 . l. 6. c. 36. The 8. example of Lamb. Scafnaburgensis . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . in histor . Germaniae an . 1077. sub finem . The submission of the Emperour Henry the fourth to Pope Hildebrand at 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 vbi 〈◊〉 . A comparison expressing the fraud of T.M. The first example of corruptions . Vasq. disp . 126. c. 3. In 1 tomo . About the nature of heresy and pertinacy . Ibid. c. 1. Valentia in 2. 2. qu. 〈◊〉 . punct . 1 〈◊〉 . 4. summa par 2. c. 1. & Doctores omnes 4 d. 13. & D. Tho. 2 , 2 art . 2. Vide etiā Clar. 24. q. 3. Can. dixit Apostolus , & Can. Qui in Ecclesia . Obstinacy necessary to heresy . Vasquez his discourse about pertinacy . Hovv 〈◊〉 is cōsummated in the vnderstāding and not in the vvill . Aug. l. de vtil . credend . ad Honor. Aug. l. 4. contr . Donat . c. 16. S. Augustines explicatiō of the vvhole matter . 2. Example about true Religion . Cuner de offic . Princip . cap. 13. S. August . in Psa. 54. in verba Psalm . In multis 〈◊〉 mecum , & Epist. 48. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 egregiously peruerted . In his Epistle to the King. 3. example pag. 4. De iusta pun . Haer. l. 1. c. 10. Azor corrupted . 4. example Tolet abused . Lib. 1. Iust. Sacer. c. 19 〈◊〉 . example Sayer . in casib . cons. l. 1. c. 9. §. 30. A notable falsificatio of Sayer . The definition of cōtumacy . The difference betvveene cōtumacy and pertinacy . Manyfalse shiftes . Pag. 4. 6. example Pag. 20. VVhether Caluin denied Christ to be God of God. Bellar. l. 2 de Christo cap. 19. Bellarmins vvor des fraudulently alleadged . Caluins manner of speech 〈◊〉 by Bellarmine . 7. example Pag. 30. 31. 34. 〈◊〉 . Serm. 1. in Domin . 1. Aduent . Royard . Serm. 2. in Domin . 23 post Pentecost . Royardus & Cune nerus abused . 〈◊〉 . 25. Cap. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . example Pag. 14. Carerius corrupted 9. example Pag. 38. Bellar l. 4 de Rom. Pont. c. 2. Carer . l. 1. cap 〈◊〉 . Azor. 〈◊〉 . 5. cap. 14. Gratian. Canon Si Papa . dist . 40. that Popes may fall into Heresy & be de posed for the same . Gregor . de Val. analys . l. 8. c. 3 Salm. com . in Gal. 2. disp 24. Canus l. 6 Loc. Theo c. 8. Stap. doct . Princ. l. 6. initio . Coster . de Pontif. in Enchirid cap. 3. Though Popes may fall into Heresy yet shall they not be per mitted to decree it . Pag. 38. Ten lies made at one time . 〈◊〉 . Example . Pag. 55. Bellar. l. de Laicis cap. 19. Cassand . l. de 〈◊〉 pij viri . Euseb. 5. Hist. c. 13. Euagr. l. 3. Hist. c. 14. & 30. Cassander vvhat māner of mā he vvas . Index expurg . in 〈◊〉 . Cassand . De officio pij vi ri . fol. 314. Bellar. l. de laicis cap. 19. Cassanders iudgment not allovved by English Protestāts . The 〈◊〉 tes of his English 〈◊〉 . Bellarmines opinion falsified . The conclusion . Pag. 17. Tolet. com . in Ioan. 14 & Mald. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 locum . Bell. praef . 〈◊〉 . de Christo §. Sed iam . & l. de notis Eccles. c. 9. & de Chri sto media . c. 3. & 8. * Greg. de Valent. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnit . & trinit . c. 9. Diuers At 〈◊〉 speeches of Caluin . Caluin . l. cōtr . Gentilem in Conf. 10. proth . Calu. l. 2. Instit. c. 14 the charge of Gregory de Valentia against Caluin . Ioan. 10. Caluin . l. 2. Institut . cap. 14. Disp. Alban . actio . 2. 2. dici . D. Aegidius Hunnius his booke of Caluin . An. 1593. VVittenberg . apud viduam Mathaei VVelaci . 1. example Gen. 1. Hunn . in Calu. Iudaiz . pa. 9. 2. example Gen. 19. 3. example Gen 35. Hun. p. 17. 4 example Psal. 2. Heb. 1. & 5 Pag. 21. 22 5. example Psalm . 33. Hun. p. 25. Pag. 28. 6. example Psalm 45. Hebr. 1. Caluin . in com . in c. 1. ad Hebr. 7. example Psalm . 67. Pag. 35. 8. example Esa. 6. Pag. 42. * Seni'em & venerandā canitiem petulanter vellicat . 9. example Mich. 5. 10. Example . 〈◊〉 . 10. 11. Exāple . Ioan. 10. & 14. Hun. p. 53. Comm. in c. 14. Ioan. 12. Exāple Ioan. 17. Pag. 45. 13. Exāple . 1. Ioan. 5. Pag. 59. 14 Exāple . Colos. 1. Pag. 61. Hebr. 1. Pag. 62. 63. Pag. 〈◊〉 Pag. 6. 15. Exāple . Gen. 3. Caluinus Com. in c. 3. Genesis . Pag. 71. Cal. Com. in 3. ad Galatas . Pag. 74. 16. Exāple Hier. 31. Pag. 75. 17. Exāple . Agg. 2. Pag. 81. 18 Exāple . Isa 40. Pag. 91. The corruption of 〈◊〉 . Prophesies more omitted for breuities sake . Psal. 22. Pag. 135. Pag. 136. The extreme impiety and pride of Caluin according to D. Hunn . Pag. 184. D. Hunnius protestation and praier against Caluinistes . The conclusion to M. Mortō . The Returne to the Reply . Pag. 17. In vvhat sense ancient Fathers doe vnderstād the vvordes My Father is greater then I to be vnderstood also in a certaine sorte as Christ vvas God , and the second person in Trinity . Hovv and vvhether Caluin did impugne the Arrians . 〈◊〉 de notis Ecclesiae c. 9. Pag. 187. D. Hunn . opinion about Caluins vvriting against Arrians . Pag. 190. Pag. 193. Cases con cerning secrecy . Aug. l. qu. 6. qu. 10. Gratian. in causa 23. q. 2. §. Dominus . Iof. 〈◊〉 . The stratageme of Iosue . 4. Reg. 6. The stratageme of Elizeus . Iudith 11. The stratageme of Iudith . Tob. 〈◊〉 . Other examples of Scriptures concerning Equiuocations . Ioan. 2. Math. 27. Ioan. 7. Hebr. 7. Some Equinocations vsed by S. Paul in his ansvvere to the vniust Ievves . Act. 〈◊〉 August . in Psal. 5. 22. quaest . 2. Psal. 5. 〈◊〉 . 38. 5. Hovv farre the allovvers of Equiuocation are from approuing of lies . D. Tho. 2. 2 quaest . 110 art . 1. 3. 4. Reply par . 3. Pag. 62. Vasq. disp . 53. 〈◊〉 . 22. D. Tho. 2. 2 quaest . 111. art . 〈◊〉 . & 4. The seuerity of S. Thomas against lying and dissimulation . Mag. Sent. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . dist . 38. & 39. The Maister of the Sentences doctrine 〈◊〉 lying . Aug lib. de mend . ad cons. c. 14. Thomas Mortons toyes . Read in 2. 2 quaest . 1. art . 3. Gregor . de Valent . Duran . in 3. dist . 24. quaest . 2. 〈◊〉 . in 3. q. 14. Canus l. 2. de locis cap. 3. Greg Arim . in 1. dist . 42. q. 2. & alios . 〈◊〉 . 83. q.q. vltima . God cannot deceaue or cooperate to an vntruth . Alex. Halens . 2. p. summe Theolog. q. 122. Aug super illud 〈◊〉 . 1. Bene ergo fecit &c. Aug. lib. contra mend . cap. 20. The rigorous sentence of Halensis against lying . Nau. com . 2. in com . in cap. humanae 〈◊〉 res . 22. q. 5. p. 453. Ludouic . Lopez in Instructorio consc . c. 42. de iu ramento : §. quanquam . Caetan . Comm. in 2. 2. q. 791. art . 3. A man may sinne mortally in 〈◊〉 truth . Conf. p. 48 All the for mer 〈◊〉 against lying and periury approued by Popes . Cansa 22. q 2. c. 8. §. Primum est . Conf. p. 48 Cap 9. Ex Aug. de verbis Apostoli serm . 31. Cap. 10. ex Aug. tract . in ●oa . 43. Caus. 22. q. 5 cap. 1. Ibid. c. 4. Causa 22. q. 5. c. 5. Ex Aug. ser. 11. de sanctis . The Conclusion of this consideration . Aug. in Enchirid. cap. 18. & cont mēd , cap. 5. Notes for div A09111-e46040 Conf. p. 〈◊〉 Pag. 50. Conf. p. 48 Tvvo sortes of Equiuocation . Arist. 1. Ele●ch . c. 3 Verball Equiuocatiō no ly . Three sortes of Equiuocation out of Aristotle . T. M. maketh his oracle to erre in Logicke . Pag. 53. Conf. p. 54 Homonymia ' estìn &c. Arist. l. 1. Elench . c. 3 ' Eisì dè trêis trópoi tôn 〈◊〉 tèn homony mian , kaì tèn ' amphibolian . hêis mèn &c. Arist. l. 1. 〈◊〉 . c. 3 T M his 2 conclusion . Equiuocation both mentall & verball shevved out of Scripture . Math. 17. Marc 11. Math. 11. Ioan. 2. Math. 26. Marc. 14. Ioan. 12. Ambiguous and Equiuocall speaches of our Sauiour . Ioan. 11. Luc. 12. Homónyma légetai , hôn ' ónoma mónon koinon , hò dè katà t'óunoma lógos tês ' ousias , héteros &c. Of Equiuocation and amphibology hovv they differ . 〈◊〉 lib. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 7. c. 9 Pag. 49. T. M. first cōclusion . Psal. 1. 1. Cor. 15. Quint. l. 〈◊〉 . inst . orat . cap. 6. About the vvordes hoc est cor pus 〈◊〉 vvhether they conteine Equiuocatiō or not . Quint. l. 7. inst . orat . cap. 1. 1. Cor. 4. Ironicall speach a kind of Equiuocation . 〈◊〉 . Paral. 9. Pag. 54. Thomas Mortons soule detesteth Equiuocation , but not lying . Arist. l. 2. Elench . c. 8 T. M. his erroneous account of generations . Math. 1. The foolish insolency of T. Mortō . Arist. l. 1. Prior resolut . c. 1. Prótasis mèn ' estì lógos kataphatikòs , ' è ' apophatikòs , tinòs katá tinos . Lib. 1. Topicor . c. 12. Diuersdiuisions of propositions . A mentall proposition . Math. 5. Arist. l. de interpretat . cap. 1. ' Estì mèn tà ' en tê , phoonê . tôn ' en tê , psychê , pathemátoon symbola kaì aà graphómena tôn ' en tê phoonê . Fovver sortes of externall propositions . Diuers 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 of mixt propositions . In morall : matters there may be mixt Propositions . Lib. Periher . c. 4. An obiection ansvvered . Conf. p. 56 Lib. de interp . c. 4. & prior . lib. 〈◊〉 . c. 1. Lógos ' apophātikòs ' en hô , tò aleetheúein ' eè pseúdest hai hypárchei . Three internall operations of the mind . 1. Perihermen . cap. 1. That a mixt 〈◊〉 ued proposition is 〈◊〉 . Luc. 〈◊〉 . Math. 13. Ibid cap. 16 & 17. Marc 4. & 6. Luc. 2. & 8. & 18. VVhether a mixt proposition be one only proposition . Ioan. 10. Proued by logicall reason to be one proposition . Tvvo doubtfull ansvvers of Cicero . See Quint. l. 6. Instit. Orat. c. 4 , & Donat. in comēt . in Adelphos Ter. Ego Coque tibi iure fauebo . Virgil 〈◊〉 . 1 Diuine examples . Psal. 1. 1. Cor. 15. Math. 〈◊〉 . The conclusion of this paragraph . Pag. 49. The definition of truth . Aug. lib. 5. & deinceps c. 36. Ioan. 13. D. Tho. 1. quaest . 16. art . 1. Halens . 1. part . 〈◊〉 q. 15. par . 3. 〈◊〉 . Sortes or degrees of Tiuth . Arist l. 1. topicor . c. 8 3. Sortes of 〈◊〉 . Aug. ser. 28. de ver . Apostoli . Ansel. in dialogo de veritate cap. 2. Aug. l. de mend . c. 4. & l. cont . mend . c. 12 2. 2. q. 110. art . 1. Arist. 4. Eth. c. 7. Ambr ser. de Abrah . Lib. 3. dist . 38. The essence of a ly . Aug. li. de mend . c. 5. D. Tho. 2. 2 q. 110. ar . 1 VVhat deceipt , guile , fraud , and fallacy is . Aug. li. 2. de doctrina Christiana c. 3. D. Tho. 2. 2 q. 55. art . 4 Aug. li. de mend . c. 14 & in verba Psal. 5. Perdes Omnes qui loquuntur mendacia . VVhat an oath is . See Tolet. l. 4. 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . 21. Ier. 4. The appli cation of the former definitions to our proposition . Of this see S. 〈◊〉 . 2. 2. q. 69. Siluest . verbo accusatio cap. 13. & verbo cōfessio cri minis q. 1 Sotus l. 〈◊〉 . de iust . q. 6 art . 1. & 2. Gabr. in 4. dist . 15. q. 6 art . 2. Angelus verbo cōfessio secreti . Nauar. in manuale c. 18. n. 57. &c. 25. n. 36. Bannes , Arragon & Salon comentar . in . S. Tho. 2. 2. q. 69. & many others . * This doe hold all the foresaid Authors and others related by Petr Nau. l. 2. de restit . cap. 4. part . 2. Mich. Sal. 2. 2. q. 69. art . 2. controu . 11. Petrus de Arragon & Petrus Bannes vpon the same place & others , as the cōmon consent of al. Aug. q. 10. in Iosue . Iosue 8. * See Henriq . quodl . 15. q. 16. Adrian . in 4. de restit . §. Sed nunc . Victor . relect . de iure belli . nu . 37. and others . D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 4. art . 3. Ambros. li. de offic . cap. 29. Though God deceaue not yet permitteth to be deceaued . The first clause of a definition of a ly excluded from our proposition . The exclusion of the second clause in like manner . August . in Psal. 5. v. perdes omnes &c. & li. 22. contra Faust. c. 33. & 36. & quaest . 26. in Genes . Grat. caus . 22. q. 2. Gen. 12. D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 111. art . 1 D. Tho. 2. 2 q. 110. art . 3. ad 4. Aug. li , de mend . c. 10 VVhether in our pro position there be intention to deceaue Ioan. 11. Ioan. 2. Notes for div A09111-e52270 A large folly . Pag. 71. An idle Phantasy . The deduction of Deuinity from age to age . The encrease of Christian Deuinity . The beginning of Schoole-Deuinity . Positiue Deuinity . Maister of the sentences . Speculatiue and morall Deuinity . Gratian Collector of the Canon lavv . Canō lavv Ciuil lavv . A consideration of moment . Learned men of France & Flanders that defend Equiuocation . In Italy & Sicily . In Spaine and the Kingdoms therof . The titles vnder vvhich Equiuocation is ordinarily handled . Different orders of religious men concurring all in one . Ioan Gen. 〈◊〉 Pag. 48. A cleere example out of S. Iohn Baptist his ansvvere . Ioan. 1. Luc. 1. Math. 11. 〈◊〉 7. S. Iohn had a men tall reseruation . Chrys. ho. 5. yr l. 1. in o. c. 14. Orig. tom . 7. Theoph. Euthim. & 〈◊〉 in Graeca 〈◊〉 . Deut. 〈◊〉 . Aug. tract . 4. in Ioan. Gregor . homil . 1. Rupertus in hunc locum . Expositiō of Fathers for mētall . reseruatiō . Pag. 52. Socraticall demaundes of T. 〈◊〉 . The comparison of S. Iohns ansvvere vvith the ansvvere of a Priest. Mortons errour discouered . Ioan. 1. Math. 11. Pag. 48. & 49. Ioan. 8. Ioan. 5. Act. 10. Rom. 14. 2 Cor. 5. Hovv Christ is our Iudge and hovv he is not . In bune locum . Ioan. 〈◊〉 . Diuers reseruations sought out by the Fathers . Ioan. 3. Marc. vlt. Math. 9. Marc. 5. Luc. 8. The exam ple of Christ raising the Archsynagogues daughter . Aug. serm . de verb. Domi. 44. Christ his ansvvere conferred vvith ours . 〈◊〉 . 6. Iob 16. Iac. 4. Marc. 16. Other examples . Math. 28. Io. epist. 〈◊〉 . Iocl . 2. Math. 7. Isa. 38. Tvvo 〈◊〉 out of she old 〈◊〉 . Perer. in c. 27. Gen. dis . 4. & 5. VVhether Iacob did ly or no in saying he vvas Esau. Aug. q. 74. in Genes . & l. 16 de Ciuit. Dei. c. 37. & l. contra mend . c. 10 That mysterious speeches are Equiuocall . Hier. in c. 2. ad Gal. Chrys. ho. 53. in Gen. Greg. ho. 6. in Ezec. & lib. 17. Mor. Theod. q. 80. in Ge. Ambr. lib. de Patria . Iacob . Isid. Beda . & Ruper . in 27. Gen. Grat. cau . 22. q. 2. c. Quaeritur . Hal. 2. parte q. 139. Mag. in 3. d. 38. D. Tho. 2. 2 q. 110. ar . 3 The secōd example . Num. 32. Conf. p. 70 The mode rate Ans. cap. 10. T. M. his ansvvere refuted . Pag. 71. 1. Cor. 10. Aug. l. cōt . mend . c. 9. T. M. his scarres of infirmity . The first place of the nevv Testamēt . Ioan. 15. Ioan. 16. A comparison expressing the case . Pag. 72. Aug. l. cōt . mend . c. 19 Pag. 〈◊〉 . The confutatiō of his ansvv . Circumstances to find out mentall reseruations . Leont . Chrysost. Theoph. Euthim. in hunc locum . Aug. tract . in c. 15. 10. & Ep. 57. & lib. de Agon . Christ. c. 9. Beda in hunc locū . Ioan. 14. Diuers reseruations in Christ his speech Pag. 73. About the day of iudgmēt . Marc. 13. Math. 24. Supra point 2. Colos. 2. Pag. 49. Dam. l. de Haeresib . haer . Agnoetae . Amb. l. 5. de fide c. 8. Orig. tra . in Mat. 24 Epiph. haeres . 69. Chrys. 〈◊〉 de trin . Atha . ser. 4. 〈◊〉 Aria Am. 〈◊〉 . 5. de fide 4. 8 Naz. Orat. 4. 〈◊〉 Theo. Cyr. l. 〈◊〉 . de thesau cap. 4. Theod. An. cont . Cyr. Aug. l. 8. q. 6. & l. 〈◊〉 . de trin . c. 1. & l. de Gen. contr . Manicheos c. 23. Chrys. hom 78. S. Greg. li. 8. Regist. cap. 42. Th. Mortō brought to great straites . S. Augustines authority alleadged by F. Garnet examined . The definition of Equiuocation as heere it is vnderstood . F. Garnets alleadging S. August . at his arraignmēt . Aug. vbi suprà . 1. Cor. 2. S. August . authority vvholy against T. M. that alleageth the same . Shiftes confuted . Of Doctor Genesius , Sepulueda Genes . Sepulu . l. de rat . dicend . testim . c. 3. Genesius much abused by T.M. Hovv Christ did feigne or dissemble . Luc. vlt. ver . 28. Cap. 9. About our Sauiours deniall to ascend to the festiuall day . Ioan. 7. Pag. 78. VVanton and vndecēt speech of T. M. Ioan. 7. Cap. 9. Diuers expositions of the Fathers about Christes mentall reseruation . A cleere argument . The Catholicks 〈◊〉 not the Greek text vvhere it 〈◊〉 more probably be follovved . Pag. 79. 〈◊〉 vaine vaunt of T. M. óuk 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diuers 〈◊〉 to proue that ' oupoo 〈◊〉 vvas not in the more ancient 〈◊〉 truer Greeke copies . Tvvo strōg argumēts . 〈◊〉 2. cōtra Pel. The impiety of Porphyr . T. M. his manhood in his flight . Pag. 80. Pag. 〈◊〉 A reserued proposition may be vnderstood by the 〈◊〉 rers and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg li. 26. 〈◊〉 . c. 7. The abuse of S. Gregory by T. M. Pag. 82. Pag. 48. Pag. 82. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 55. About the fictiō of our Sauiour at the Castle of Emaus . Luc. 24. 〈◊〉 . 28. Prosepoiêito 〈◊〉 éroo poréuesthai . Iansenius comment , in 〈◊〉 . Euang. c. 146. The discourse of B. Iansen . about Christes fiction . 〈◊〉 . 16. Application of our case vvith this of our Sauiour . Supra . c. 7. Permitting an other to be deceaued is not to deceaue . Tolet. li. de sept . peccat . c. 46. Maldonat . coment . in cap. 24. Luc. v. 28. D. Thom. 2. 2. q. 1. ar . 3. Bannes Valētia & alij in eumdē locum . Psalm . 72. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iob. 12. Cap. 22. 〈◊〉 God cōcurreth to deceit 〈◊〉 permission . 〈◊〉 . 13. Isay 63. Ezechiel . 14. Rom. 1. * See S. Hier. epist. ad Helio . quaest . 10. S. Gregor . li. 13. moral . cap. 16. Damascen . li. 4. Theolog. cap. 14. D. Tho. li. 3. contrae gentes c. 162. & lib. 12. quaest . 79. Dominicus Bannes . in 2. 2. q. 1. ar . 3. dub 2. ad 7. Gods ordination ioyned 〈◊〉 vvith his permissiō . Arist. li. 4 Ethicor. cap. 7. August . li. cont . mendac . cap. 15. & in Enchirid . c. 22. Equiuocation by 〈◊〉 & instinct of nature . A peculier case proposed to Thomas Morton . Stratagems of vnreasonable creatures . Plini . li. 9. cap. 42. Solin . cap. 38. Cicero li. 1. de natura 〈◊〉 . VVherein equiuocations may not be vsed . An other case proposed . Notes for div A09111-e62040 * D Thom. in 4. d. 21. q. 3. & 2. 2. q. 70. art . 1. ad 2. Caiet . ibi . in 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ib. concl . 5. Arag . ib. in solut . ad arg . 2. S. T. Palu . 4. d. 21. q. 3. ar . 1 〈◊〉 . 1. & ar . 3. cōcl . 1 Scot. ibi . 2. §. de ista qu. cōcl . 1. & 2. Ant. p. 2. ti . l. c. 19. §. 7. in fi . Sot. li. 5 de iust . q. 7 ar . 1. ad 1. & in rel . de tegen . secreto . 〈◊〉 . 1. q. 2. Syl. verb. Testis . q. 8. versu Secundū . Nau. in m. c. 18. n. 51. & 52. & in caput interverb . 11. q. 3. cōc . 6. 〈◊〉 . 64. num . 707. & alij omn. * lib. 5. c. 66. Genes Sepulueda de rat . dicendi testim in causis occultorum 〈◊〉 cap. 3. Genesius against T. M. Tolet. lib. 3. de instruct . Sa erdot . cap. 〈◊〉 . Nauar. comment . in cap. human : aures 22. q. 〈◊〉 . & de paenitent . dist . 6. cap. Sacerdos . nu . 〈◊〉 . Tolet ibid. 〈◊〉 . cap. 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 omnis vtriusque sexus de 〈◊〉 . & rem ssione . Sotus relect . de tegendo secreto memb . 〈◊〉 . 9. 4 Conclus . 6. L. omne delictum ff . de re militari . Sot relect . mem . 1. q. 1. & . 2. Sot. ibid. memb . 1. q. 2. conclus . 4. Hovv a man may vse equiuocation or amphibology for defence of publick secrets . * See D. 〈◊〉 . 2. 2 q. 69 in corp 〈◊〉 . i. id . 〈◊〉 2. ration . Set. de tegen secr . 〈◊〉 2 q. 2. & latius 〈◊〉 . 7. q. 1. & 2 & 5. lib. de 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 6 art . 2. 〈◊〉 . 2. Cordu . lib. 1 q. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 du 3 Nau 〈◊〉 . 25. Sum lat n. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 scip in d ca. interverb . n. 725. Et reuera ita tenet & n. 814. & nu . 822. Couar . in 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 23. n. 5 Ga. br . in 4 d 15 g. 6 a. 2 cō . 6 R sel. v. 〈◊〉 . paragr . 1. Palud . in 4. d. 19. q. 4. n. 7. Henriq . guodl . 1 q. 33. ex Iuri 〈◊〉 . Grego . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 7. tit . 29. l. 4. At 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 quod dicitur 〈◊〉 q 2 〈◊〉 inl . Marcel lus . ff . de actionib . rerū amotatū 〈◊〉 . de paenitentib . parag . 7. 〈◊〉 . 19. Roder. Suar. l. 〈◊〉 . ti . 12. de las iuras . lib. 2 〈◊〉 um . Ant. Gom. to . 3. var. re sol c. 12 n. 15 Bernat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 6. 118. 〈◊〉 . in sum . lib. 1 6. 14. nu . 35 Cap. 2. nn . 37. & 38. Extra . de accusationibus . cap. aequaliter & cap. inquisitionis . VVhen a man is not boūd to ansvvere D. Th. 2 , 2. q. 69. ar . 1. Sot. lib. 5. de Iur. iustit . q. 6. ar . 2. Genes . Dialog de rat . dicen . testim . cap. 17. Hovv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cōcurreth vvith the rest . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 . Psal. 51 Coment 〈◊〉 aures 〈◊〉 . nu . 9. a Lib. 3. c. 58. instruct . b coment . in 2. 2. q. 69. art . 2. c Ibidem . d 〈◊〉 . 3. disput . 5. q. 13. 〈◊〉 . 3. e lib. 11. inst moral . 〈◊〉 . 4. f li. 12. c. 17. Clau. reg . g Relatus à Bannes h li. 8. de matrim . disput 25. nu . 15. The first reason giuen by Gregory de Valentia . S. 〈◊〉 authority . Li. contr . 〈◊〉 , cap. 10. S. 〈◊〉 his authority . S. Greg. li. 26. 〈◊〉 ral . cap. 〈◊〉 A rule for iustification of Equiuocall propositions vvith due circumstances . Bannes & Salon com . in 2. 2. q. 69. art . 3. Nauar li. 11. cap. 4. Ians . c. 9. punct . 3. Hovv and vvith vvhat circūstances the accused may deny to haue done that vvhich he is not bound to vtter . Supra cap. 8. Vse of 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 to cōmon 〈◊〉 . D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 70. art . 1. 〈◊〉 . Salon . Petrus de Aragon , Bannes in 〈◊〉 locū . Halens . part . 3. q. 43. memb . 1. S. Antonin . p. 2. tit . 1. c. 19. Sotus l. 1. de iustitia cap. 7. & alij . Obligatiō of vvitnesses to speak the truth . Hovv vvitnesses may deny or 〈◊〉 ansvvering . See supra cap. 7. & 8. * See about this matter Alex. Halen . p. 3. q. 31. m. 〈◊〉 . Nauar. in man ca. 12 nu 8. Sot. lib. 8. de Iust. q. 〈◊〉 . art . 7. D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 〈◊〉 . art . 7. ad 4. Caie . & Aragō ibi . Sylu. v. Iuramē . 3. q. 2. Cos. Philiar . de offic . Sacerd. p. 2 lib. 〈◊〉 . c. 14. Pedrazza in explic . 2. praecepti § 〈◊〉 . Tolet. insum . li. 4. ca. 21. & others . Azor. li. 11 〈◊〉 . c. 4. The discours of Azor , about Equi uocation in an oath Sayer lib. 5. Clau. Reg. ca. 4. nu . 〈◊〉 . The discours of Sayer to the same effect . * Supra cap. 8. Tho. Mortons case of Couentry . Azor. lib. 11. inst . c. 4 §. Primo quidem . Azo . ib. §. 〈◊〉 regula . Syl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q. 2. 〈◊〉 . in ma 〈◊〉 . c. 12. 〈◊〉 . 19. Tolet in Instruct. Sacer. c. 21 lib. 4. Roder in sum map . 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . concl . : 4. Cosmus Phil. p. 2. lib. 3. c. 14. Sayer lib. 5. c. 4. nu . 22. Egregious impudēcy of T. M. Diuerse grosse vntruthes of T. M. T. M. Metropolitan of his lying Metropolis . Pag. 59. Sotus li. 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 . q. 6. art . 2. Sotus falsly abused by T. M. Mar. 13. Sotus 〈◊〉 impugneth T. M. Lib. de tegen . secreto m. 3. q. 3. Conclus . 4. Tho. Mortons Doctor Genesius refuted by Sotus . The case of secret 〈◊〉 . a Nauar com . in 〈◊〉 . humanae aures . q. 2. nu . 9. b v. iuram . q. 2. c p. 1. c. 42. d de offiic . p. 2. li. 3. cap. 14. e v. 〈◊〉 . 4. distin . 1. f in expli . praecep . 2. §. 3. g li. 4. 〈◊〉 . c. 21. notab . 2. h li. 10. instit . c. 4. The cōclusion of all this Chapter . Notes for div A09111-e67100 Confut. pag 1. Pag. 97. Pag. 47. Childish rayling . Pag. 49. Tvvo propositions the groūds of his booke . Pag 50. His first argumēt 〈◊〉 . Lib. 〈◊〉 . dis . stinct . 38. 2. 2. q. 111. art . 1. Lib. de mend . c. 5. & ser 28. de verb. Apost . & abud D. 〈◊〉 . 2. 2. q. 98. art . 1. * Supra Cap. 9. Pag. 51. Pag 54. His secōd ansvvere confuted . Ibidem . Arist Elench . li. 1. cap. 4. Pag. 55. T M impugneth himselfe . Homonymia ' estìn hótan ho lógos e'e t'óunoma kyrioos seemainei pleioo . Arist , lib. Elenc . c. 4. * Cap 〈◊〉 . Hovv reserued propositions are equiuocall & hovv not . ' Suprà cap. 8. Aug. li. de mendacio c. 〈◊〉 . & 5. His third argument confuted . Suprà c. 8. & 9. 〈◊〉 the 6. Case . Supr . 〈◊〉 . 9. The confutation of his 4. argumēt . Exod. 20. Ierem. 4. Pag. 60. & 61. Azor notably belyed by T. Mortō . lib. 11. c. 4. §. Quintò 〈◊〉 . Azor. lib. 11. c. 4. §. Primo 〈◊〉 VVilfull and persidious dealing . Heb. 6. Supra Cap. 7. Rom. 〈◊〉 . Pag. 62. Hovv reserued propositions are true and cert eyn in themselues . Iocl . 2. Matth. 7. Incerteinty of saluation not on Gods part but on ours . Matt vlt. 〈◊〉 . Ep. 〈◊〉 . cap. 2. 3 , 4. His argument 〈◊〉 from the Deuill . 〈◊〉 . 3. Supra cap. 8 VVhat dissimulation is vnlavvfull and vvhat not . Aug. lib. contra mendacium c. 12. in fine . Marc. 5. Ioan. 11. Gen. 27. Gen. 42. 1. Regum 〈◊〉 . Supra Cap. 7. The fact of Ananias and Saphyra discussed . Acto . 5. Pag. 64. * Chrys. 〈◊〉 . 12. in Acta Apostolorū Hier. epist. 8. ad Demet . August . ser. 27. de verbis Apost . Fulgētius epist. de debito cōiugali c. 8. Grego lib. 1. epist. 33. 〈◊〉 . Oecū enius Arator , Rabanus , Lyra , & alij in hunc locum . Pag. 65. The vvomans examination by S. Peter . Lib. cont . mend . c. 18. S. Augustines case about the sick man. Supra . c. 7. Supra c. 7. & 8. The secōd case of S. Augustine about B. 〈◊〉 vvhoe vvould neither ly nor betray . Aug. li. de mend . cap. 13. 〈◊〉 . Cor. 15. 1. Cor. 9. Pag. 90. The case set dovvn by Cicero of prisoners let forth vpō their oath by Hanniball . Lib. 3. Officio . §. Regulus . Cic. lib. 3. Offic. §. Regulus & §. 〈◊〉 si . T. M. much pressed vvith Punica fides , about falsification . Cicero most plaine against T. M. and for Catho like Doctrine . T Morton conuinced of egregious cosenage . Pag. 〈◊〉 . The first signe 〈◊〉 against himselfe . Three vayne signes taken for argumentes by T. M. Pag. 85. Socrates , Sozomen , & alij . Act. 23. Gen. 42. T. M. 〈◊〉 to ansvver to 〈◊〉 equiuocation vsed in an oath . 〈◊〉 . 2. Ioan. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 5. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 4. 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 of scripture that allovv as vvell verball as mentall equiuocation . Examples of equiuocation svvorne by our Sauiour . Matth. 〈◊〉 . Tolet lib. 4. Instruc . cap. 20. A false principle and generall proposition . Pag. 〈◊〉 . The absurd 〈◊〉 of T. M. neither true in forme nor 〈◊〉 . Arist. lib. 1. Prior. Resolut . 〈◊〉 . 1. The faultes of 〈◊〉 . Mortons syllogisme Pag. 53. The syllogisme of T. M. brought into forme VVho is a lavvfull Iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vvith authority . Pag 〈◊〉 . Lomb. 3. d. 39. lit . K D. Th. 2. 2. q. 69. ar . 1. Isidor . 2. de summo bonoca . 13. Hier. in . 7. Ezech. S. Tho. alleaged by Tho. M. against himselfe . To his other 3. arguments for his second conclusion . Pag. 59. Eman. Sà in Aphor. tit , suramentum . Cic. 3. Offic . 〈◊〉 sup . To his last argument . Tertul. li. de praese . cont . haereses . Thomas Mortons conclusion and Apostolicall defence by protestations against lying . Rom. 9. 2. Cor. 11. 1. Tim. 2. Galat. 1. Notes for div A09111-e74460 Tvvo 〈◊〉 of Equiuocations 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 . Cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . False and lying Equiuocatiō 〈◊〉 c. 7. Ioan. Materiall false 〈◊〉 . Formall false equiuocation vvhat it is . Formall lying equi 〈◊〉 in T. M. T. Mortōs talents in lying equi uocation . M. Iohn Ievvell B. of Salisbury . Maister Ievvells chalenge and hipocriticall apostrophe in his printed sermon . Fol. 41. Singuler 〈◊〉 . * Yet aftervvards he denyeth diuers Doctors that make against 〈◊〉 . All the learned men aliue cannot bring one sentence . In his first ansvvere to Doctor Coles letter fol. 4. In his second ansvver to D Cole fol. 13. Ibid. fol. 〈◊〉 . Ibid. fol. 26. In his reply to D. Coles last letter fol. 44. Ibid. fol. 65. Ibid. fol. 112. The first reason . See in the end of the second parte of the examē of Fox his Calender parag . 5. The secōd reason . See Bellarm . lib. 2. de Eucharisti● . The third reason . Caluin ad c. 2. Habac. Luther . ad c. 49. Gen. Luth. in 〈◊〉 Germ. fol. 499. Luth. cōt . lib. Reg. H 8. de 〈◊〉 . Luth. ad c. 22. Gen. Lib. de seruo arbitrio . In colloq . conuiual . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theol. Calu. adc , 4. loan . v. 14. Beza adc . 13. Act. Luth. in colloq . con 〈◊〉 . c. de Patribus . Magd. 〈◊〉 . 5. cap. 1. Beza in confes . Geneuen . c , 7. § 12. Calu. li. 4. instit . c. 7. §. 11. Ievvell in defence of the Apology pa. 111. Luth ad 〈◊〉 . 7. Deut. Ievvell Ibidem pag. 130. The 4. reason . Luth. de Capt. Babyl . c. 〈◊〉 . Lib de abroganda missa initio . Lib. contr . Reg. Angl. Libr. de 〈◊〉 priuata . Calu. lib. 4. instit . 〈◊〉 . 18. §. 12. A strange kinde of simplicity vttered vvith duplicity . The fifth reason . D. VVhitakers ansvvere to D. Sanders demonstrat . pag. 21. The 〈◊〉 reason . Ievvell in his 2. ansvvere to D. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 desire of M. Ievvell to haue his vvritings ansvvered . The bookes so earnestly called for procured by M. Ievv ell to be forbidden . * M. VVilliam Reynoldes . M. VV. Reynoldes in the refut . of M. VVhi tak cap. rs . pag. 460. The first 〈◊〉 . * Cap. 10. M. Ievvel 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 at S. peters in Oxford in obe Lent. S. August . egregiously abused and falsified . 1. Tim. 5. The secōd example . Cassiod . li. 〈◊〉 . cap. 〈◊〉 . Hist. trip . lib. 6 c. 14. Niceph. l. 10. hist. 〈◊〉 . 10. Zozomen . l. 5. c. 11. Pag. 176. & 514. The third example . Greg. l. 7. Epist. 30. indict . 1. Fox act . & 〈◊〉 . pag. 105. col . 2. 〈◊〉 . S. August . Epitaph . Beda lib 2 cap. 3 hist. Anglorū . M. Tevvlls rayling against S. Augustine in his Reply pag. 〈◊〉 . The 4. example . Ievvel in the Apol. 〈◊〉 part . Martinus de Magistris shamefully abused . 1. Cor. 6. The 5. example . The 6. example 〈◊〉 3. cases . Leo epist. 8. ad 〈◊〉 . Leo epist. 81 ad Dioscorum 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 - pis . ca. 2. Strabo de rebus Ecclesiasticis cap. 21. Durand . lib. 2. de ritibus Ec clesiasticis cap. 7. Pope Celestinus egregiously calumniated by . M. Ievvell . Ioan. 2. Ievvell defence of 〈◊〉 108. Marc. 13. Christes vvordes egregiously abused by . M. Ievvell . A dilemma about M Iuells equiuocation . M. Hornes equiuocations . M. Horne to 〈◊〉 pag. 9. Horne pag. 89. Broughtō . li. 1. cap. de Papa . Archiepis . & aliis Prelatis . M VVill. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . of VVhitak . pag. 475. First example of Iohn Fox . The Treatise of 3. Conuers . of Engl. part . 2. c. 2. 3. 4. * Fox pag. 22. nu . 35. See the ex amen of the last 6. monethes of his Calendar ca. 19. n. 17. Confutation of Iohn 〈◊〉 his lyes . 2. Exāple . D Calfhill . S. Ambr. Serm. 55. Calfhill 〈◊〉 . 78. Athan. li. 2. de 〈◊〉 . Calf hill fol. 〈◊〉 . Cyril . lib. 6. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Calf hill 〈◊〉 . 172. The 3. Example Meridith Hanmer & VVilliam 〈◊〉 . Luther sermone de matri . tom . 5. VVittenb . fol. 120. Hanmer & Charke in their bookes against F. Campian . Charke in his ansvv . to the Censure . * Lanificium is heer much more modestly translated , then Luthers meaning seemeth to beare . Charke in his ansvv . to the Cēsure . art . 2. Aug lib. 1. de nupt . & concup . cap. 23. The 4. example . VVilliam Perkins . VVhat is properly Catholick , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Perkins in his 〈◊〉 . Cath. c. 1. Apoc. 17. Serm. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 33. Epist. 124. Diuers falsifications of S. Bernards vvordes . Bern. epis . 124. Vbi 〈◊〉 . Epist. 〈◊〉 . ad 〈◊〉 . Perkins in reformed Cath. c. 8. 〈◊〉 . epist. 〈◊〉 . The 〈◊〉 of Syr Francis 〈◊〉 . A vvilfull vntruth . Iohn 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉 in the life of K. Iohn . Defence of the 2. Encount . pag 18. S. Hier. in proem . lib. 2. Comen . ad 〈◊〉 . Rom. 〈◊〉 . Rom 16. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . 99. vvarn . Bed. & Arnob. ibib . Encont 2. fol. 14. & . 5. Chrys. hom 13 in 2. ad Cor. vvarn . En ont . 1. 〈◊〉 63. En ont . 1. fol. 67. 〈◊〉 of Sir Philip Mornay . Actes de la Conference tenue entre le Sieur Euesque d'Eureux , & le 〈◊〉 du Plessis , &c. a Foūtain-bleau le 4. de May. 1600. Imprimez chez Anthoine le Marié . In the french printed Actes fol. 34. Printed actes fol. 52. Act. fol. 46. Act. fol. 52. & 58. See in the 3. 〈◊〉 . 3. p in the end of the first 6. mo neths of Fox his 〈◊〉 . Equiuocatio 〈◊〉 Syr Edvvard Cooke . See the ansvver of the Cath. Deuine to the 1. p. of Syr Edvv. Cookes Reportes . cap vlt. A notable fiction against Pius Quintus . Decret . p. 1. dist . 40. ca. 6. Si Papa . The Lo. Cookes charge against Catholickes . The Deuine deceaued by the subtil ty of the Lavvyer . King Kenulphus his charter notably falsyfyed by M. Attorney . Report . fol. 9. The charter as M. Attorney alleadgeth it an . 755. Stanford . lib. c. 9. fol. 1012. Marke M. Attorneyes Inference vpon his ovvne falsification . * This is false . * This also is false . M. Attorneyes so 〈◊〉 protestation falsifyed . Report . fol. 40. The relation sent 〈◊〉 of England about the true charter of K. Kenulphus . This decydeth the vvhole Controuersy and therfore vvas fraudulently cut of by M Attorney . 1. Hen. 7. printed by Pinson & Brooke tit . Cor. pl. 129. A falsification of protestat printers . VVhen Parlamēts beganne in Englād . The conclusion of all . Notes for div A09111-e85410 Lavvfull causes of the vse of Equiuocation . 1. Cor. 6. 1. Cor. 10. The reasons vvhy Catholickes ought to vse the liberty of Equiuocation sparingly . * See of these thinges before & namely Cap. 7. Consid. 1. Hovv a Priest may somtymes yeeld of his right vvith more merit . 1. 〈◊〉 . 7. Diuers cases falling out in the examinatiō of priests . * Supra cap. 7. 8. 9. 10. Luc. ●● . Diuers consideration● . Lib. de fuga sua . Math. 10. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 11. Act. 23. The tvvo mayne vertues to be respected , Truth , and Iustice. Conf. pag. 103. Mortons scoffs against Iesuits reiected . The facility of lying in T. M. by habit . The 〈◊〉 behauiour 〈◊〉 T. M. The Catholicke Treatise of Equiuocation 〈◊〉 to sight . A note vpon the Ansvvere of T. M. to the Catholicke Treatise of 〈◊〉 . A consideration vpō Mortons methode of ansvvering . To the Catholickes . 2. Cor. 4. 
A09106	----	A quiet and sober reckoning vvith M. Thomas Morton somewhat set in choler by his aduersary P.R. concerning certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T.M. in a treatise of P.R. intituled Of mitigation, some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large preamble to a more ample reioynder promised by him. But heere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified, and confirmed, & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe: so as finally the reconing being made, the verdict of the Angell, interpreted by Daniel, is verified of him. There is also adioyned a peece of a reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke, now L. Chief Iustice of the Co[m]mon Pleas, about a nihil dicit, & some other points vttered by him in two late preambles, to his sixt and seauenth partes of Reports. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1609 Approx. 1543 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 387 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09106 STC 19412 ESTC S114160 99849388 99849388 14530 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09106) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14530) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 898:2) A quiet and sober reckoning vvith M. Thomas Morton somewhat set in choler by his aduersary P.R. concerning certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T.M. in a treatise of P.R. intituled Of mitigation, some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large preamble to a more ample reioynder promised by him. But heere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified, and confirmed, & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe: so as finally the reconing being made, the verdict of the Angell, interpreted by Daniel, is verified of him. There is also adioyned a peece of a reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke, now L. Chief Iustice of the Co[m]mon Pleas, about a nihil dicit, & some other points vttered by him in two late preambles, to his sixt and seauenth partes of Reports. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. [40], 688, [16] p. Printed at the English College press] Permissu superiorum, [Saint-Omer : M.DC.IX. [1609] Dedication signed: P.R., i.e. Robert Parsons. In part a reply to Morton's "A preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation". Identification of printer from STC. Includes index. Reproduction of the original in Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. -- Preamble unto an incounter with P.R. the author of the deceitfull treatise of mitigation -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Coke, Edward, -- Sir, 1552-1634. -- Reports. 6-7 -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Catholics -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A QVIET AND SOBER RECKONING VVITH M. THOMAS MORTON somewhat set in choler by his Aduersary P. R. CONCERNING Certaine imputations of wilfull falsities obiected to the said T. M. in a Treatise of P. R. intituled Of Mitigation , some part wherof he hath lately attempted to answere in a large Preamble to a more ample Reioynder promised by him . But ●eere in the meane space the said imputations are iustified , and confirmed , & with much increase of new vntruthes on his part returned vpon him againe : So as finally the Reckoning being made , the Verdict of the Angell , interpreted by Daniel , is verified of him . Daniel 5. vers . 27. Appensus es in statera , & inuentus es minus habens . You haue byn weighed in the ballance , & are found to want weight . There is also adioyned a peece of a Reckoning with Syr Edward Cooke , now L. Chief Iustice of the Cōmon Pleas , about a Nihil dicit , & some other points vttered by him in two late Preambles , to his sixt and seauenth Partes of Reports . Permissu Superiorum . M. DC . IX . THE STATE OF THE QVESTION handled in this Booke . MAISTER Thomas Morton vpon the yeare 1606. tooke vpon him to write a malicious Dis●o●erie against Catholicks , and their doctrine about Rebellion presently vpon the powder-treason : and the Pamphlet was soone after confuted and returned vpon himselfe by the Moderate Answerer : he replyed with a discourse intituled , A full Satisfaction : adding therunto another Treatise against Equiuocation . To this opposed himselfe P. R. Author of the Treatise tending to Mitigation : and handled in the same both the one and other subiect , charging him further with many foule faultes of witting falsehood ; wherunto M. Morton hath exhibited now lastly a large new Preamble , with promise of another booke to follow in time , that is to say , he hath presented a great head without a body ; and this with no small signes of extraordinary impatience . For pacifying wherof P. R. hath takē the paines to reuiew o●●er againe the accompts , and findeth him farre more faultie then before . For that in lieu of clearing old debts , he contracteth new , and in excusing former falsities , he multiplieth many other . So as now , The chiefe question commeth to be , Whether M. Mort. ( in the cause he defendeth ) can write truely or no : & whether his falshood therin be volūtary or necessarie , or rather both : that is to say , voluntary in respect of himselfe , that might haue omitted them : and nec●ssarie in regard of his cause , that could not be defended without them● and consequently in different respects , both voluntary and necessary . In which point M. Morton holdeth the negatiue , I the affirmatiue . The Reader shall see the proofes of both sides . A BRIEF NOTE OF THE CHAPTERS VVHICH ARE set forth more largely in the end of this Booke , with their seuerall Paragraphes . THE first conteyneth the Answere to M. Morton his first Inquiry , about the VVit , Learning , Memorie &c. of his Aduersary P.R. 2 The second answereth the secōd Inquiry , about some points touching the subiect of Rebellion and Equiuocation . 3 The third hādleth a part of the third Inquiry about many falsities obiected by M. Morton against Cardinall Bellarmine . 4 The fourth discusseth like imputations of falsities obiected by him against his Aduersary P. R. 5 The fift examineth how substātially M. Morton endeauoureth to ●●●are himselfe from many wilfull vntruthes , obiected against him by P.R. 6 The sixt layeth forth a great number of vntruthes , obiected to M. Morton , which he pretermitteth without answere or mention . 7 The seauenth , wherin are hādled diuers other sorts of voluntary omissions of M. Morton , aswell in defending himself , as the credit of his Clients commended vnto him ; and namely of Syr Edward Cooke , now Lord Chiefe Iustice. 8 The eight treateth diuers seuerall points with the sayd Syr Edward Cooke , about two new Prefaces of his lately set forth in print . 9 The ninth , returning to M. Morton againe , layeth togeather another choice number of new falsities and falshoods made in excuse of the old . 10 The tenth and last handleth twelue new Challenges made by M. Morton , after the Victory lost . There is added for an Appendix in the end , a Case of Equiuocation newly written from England to be resolued , about the false Oath of two Ministers : VVherin there is mention also made of D. Kings Sermon at the Court , vpon the fi●th of Nouember 1608. Cyprian . lib. 4. Ep. 9. A pud prophanos & extra Ecclesiam positos , esse aliud non potest , nisi mens praua , & fallax lingua , odia venenata , & sacrilega mendacia . Idem lib. 1. Ep. 3. ad Cornelium . Haec est verè dementia , non cogitare , nec sentire , quòd mendacia non diu fallant ; noctem tamdiu esse , quamdiu illucescat dies : clarificato autem die , & sole obo●to , luci tenebras & caliginem cedere . Hilarius lib. de Trinit . Haeretici cùm stultè mentiantur , stultiùs tamen in mendacij sui defensione sapiunt . THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY TO THE VNIVERSITIES OF ENGLAND . MVCH more then one yeare is not yet past ( learned Coūtry-men ) since I presēted vnto you a Treatise , intituled of Mitigation , in answere of an other most bitterly writtē by M. Thomas Morton Mini●●er , about Rebellion & Equiuocation . In which Treatise of myne , besydes the two said poynts of principall argument handled at large ( especially the later , as more capable of varietie in the Treatise therof ) a great multitude of falsities were layd open , as vttered by M. Morton ; and those so frequent , grosse , and palpable , as they must needes be thought to haue beene both willfull and witting : the censure wherof notwithstanding , I was content to remitt vnto yow , as presuming more of the integrity of your iudgments in poynts of learning , and matter of fact , then distrusting the sequele of your vnequall , affections , by reason of our difference in religion . 2. This Treatise M. Morton perusing & fynding himselfe , as it seemeth , not a litle strayned therein , was carried therby into so great & exorbitant a streame of passion , as neyther he could stay himsel●e from answering somewhat out of hand ( therby to preuēt the Readers preiudice , as himselfe confesseth ) nor yet daring to ioyne yssue vpon my booke and argument therof as it lay ; did after a strange new fashion● deuise to set forth a Preamble ( for some present remedy ) accompanied with a promise of a larger booke , & Reioynder to ensue afterwards . And I do call this a strange deuise , not only , for that I haue not seene the same often practized by any writer lightly , except Syr Edward Cooke ( who perhaps by this mans imitation hath answered of late with a Preface of lesse then foure leaues in quarto , his Aduersaries booke of more then two hundred against him : ) but also for that in this Preamble , which inlargeth it selfe to aboue two hundred & twentie pages , there is not the tenth part bestowed vpō the two chiefe Questions of Rebellion , & Equiuocation , but rather vpon other matters & subiects framed by himselfe of n●w , whe●of th● most may ius●ly be de●med wholy impertinent . 3. As for example , to p●●termitt his two ●pistles , the one to my L. of Salis●urie , the ot●er to my selfe ( wherof I may chance to haue occasion to speake more in my next ensuing Epistle to him ) he d●uideth this whole Preamble into three seuerall parts , which he termeth Inquiries . I do deuide ( saith he ) this Preāble into three Inquiries : The first is , what sufficiency & excellency there is in P. R. to make so great an insultatiō : the second , whether he may be thought a sufficient Proctor in this case or no : the third , whether he hath sufficiently performed his taske , eyther for the defence of his cause , or iustification of his cōscience ; with a Challenge against him for them both . 4. This is the diuisiō of his Worke , wherby I doubt not , but you will discouer also the vani●ie , though I should say nothing therof . For ●hat he being pressed with a Worke of such ●eight , as the argument of my former booke did import , & vrged therin , not only with an ouerthrow of his whole cause , but charged furthermore with a monstrous number of playne wilfull vntruthes , not possible , as they seemed , to be answered , or excused ; the iudicious Reader will easily consider , whether this were a tyme to tryfle as he doth , making himselfe an Inquisitour ( without commission ) & to ●rame his first Inqui●y of the sufficiency & excellency of his Aduersarie , and to spend eyght whole Paragraphes , as he doth , therin : Inquiring first of his witt , then of his memorie , thirdly of his learning in Logicke , fourthly of his skill in Greeke & Hebrue , fifthly of his kind of charitie , sixtly of his modestie , with other like poynts , spēding large discourses vpon euery one of them . Is there any man ( I say ) so simple or sottish , as not to see the impertinency of this manner of proceeding ? 5. His other two Inquiries are as wisely imploied , and prosecuted as this . For that the second , Whether P. R. may be iudged a competent Aduocate or no , is but a silly discourse , conteyning not full two leaues in all : and the argumēt therof is a ridiculous Dialogue feigned between the Mitigator , and the Answerer● The third cōprehēdeth the rest of the booke ( which is , of foure partes , three ) which may be not vnfittely deuided into the termes of offensiue and d●fensiue warres . For that first to impresse some opinion of manhood in defending himselfe from the imputations layd against him of wilfull falshoods , he taketh vpon him ( quite from the argument of the controuersy in hand ) to impugne others of like dealing , as namely Cardinall Bellarmine , my selfe , and others : and then hauing made this florish , he cōmeth lastly to his owne defence , in fourteene vntruthes layd against him , and culled by himselfe out of more then fourty obiected by his aduersary , and no one of them well dissolued by him , as after will appeare . And after all ●his , he imagining the feild to r●mayne wholy to himselfe , he concludeth all with a new vaunt and fresh Challēge in the ninteenth , and last Paragraph of this his booke , phantasying himselfe to haue had the victory in euery thing that he hath taken in hād to treat . And this being the sūme of M. Mort. new worke , I shall breifly lay forth to your iudgment the methode which I haue thought good to vse for his confutation . 6. First I haue bin content to follow him into those follyes of his first Inquiry , about my wit , memory , learning ; skill in Logicke , and the like , confessing willingly the mediocrity therof in all things : but yet shewing by the substance of the po●nts handled , if I be not de●eyued , that if M. Mortons wit had byn excel●ent , or learning eminēt , he would neuer haue ●yn drawen to haue leapt ouer grauer matters , to handle such light toyes as these be . For what ●mporteth me the disestimatiō , which M. Mort. ●rofesseth of my wit , memory , or learning ; for ●o much as the things themselues that are handled ( wherin wit and learning are to be shewed ) will be better witnesses , and of more credit with the prudent Reader , then eyther his or my bare wordes or vaunts ? Wherfore to them I remit me . 7. In the second place , I haue had pacience in like manner ( for without pacience it could not be done ) to peruse ouer his second Inquirie consisting of a meere idle fancy and fiction of a Dialogue ( as hath bene said ) deuised betweene me , & his Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , as though he had fallen out about answering his booke : and me he bringeth in speaking very rudely and vnciuilly thus : Nay , I haue not beene arrogant , but thou hast beene rash and pr●cipitant . For is thou by thy former Answere mig●test haue beene thought sufficient for a reply , what needed such posting to me beyond the seas , for a supply of a more exact , and learn●d Reioynder ? Thus goeth his fiction , and it is a very fiction indeed . For the truth is , that when I began my Treatise of Mitigation against M. Mortons fi●st exasperating discouery , I knew of no other that was in hand to answere the same : as more largely I haue shewed in the third Chapter of my sayd Treatise . 8. Moreouer he feigneth vs to reason togeather about itching and scratching , as though the Moderate Answerer had vsed these wordes : I thinke yow are troubled which the dis●ase of s●me of our Catholicke lawy●rs , of whome you haue said , they itch to be doing and answering M. Attorney : this was also my disease , but I after found a scratch , and so may you . Wherby he seemeth to insinuate as you see , a certayne threat of scratching his aduersarie , w●en other weapons of more force do faile him . But this I haue answered afterwards in due place , & shewed , that aswell these scratches ( meant perhaps of those scolding skirmishes before mentioned about witt , m●morie , learning , and the like ) as also deeper wounds of conuiction of falshoods , and manifest impostures , are like to fall vpon himselfe : and that in so euident a sort , as all the standers by may cleerly see it , and take compassion on him , and of his māner of fight : wherof I am content to make your selues also , my learned Countrymē , both Iudges and vmpires . 9. Wherfore fynding so litle substance in these two former Inquiries ( for what is added and brought in by me in the second , which are but two particuler cases only concerning our subiect and argument of Rebellion and Equiuocatiō , was borrowed frō the third to make vp some matter wherof to treate : ) I do passe to the said third Inquirie , wherin one only exploit being requi●ed on M. Mortons behalfe , two are attempted , ●ut with very euill successe in them both . The ●xploit required was , that for so much as M. Morton in this his last Preamblatory reply by abā●oning the principall argument and subiect of ●ur former controuersy , had changed the whole state of the Question by occasion of great multitudes of witting vntruthes obiected against him , he should now haue gone roundly to the matter , and directly , plainly , & substantially haue answered the said imputations : but I foūd him to take a farre other course , allowing to himselfe a more large feild to walke and florish in . And this was first , to seeke out , what likelihood or appearance of falsities he could fynd in any Roman writer whatsoeuer : then of what Popes in particuler ; then of Councels , & their Interpreters : after this againe , against Cardinall Bellarmine , and that in diuers kindes , as namely for calumniating his aduersaries for false allegation of the Fathers , for differing in his opinions frō sundry writers of his owne religion , wherof notwithstanding no one can be proued as after you will see . 10. Fynally then after all this , he falleth vpon my selfe , pretending to shew that in fourteen seuerall poynts at least he hath taken me tardy , which if he could proue , ( as in no one he can ) yet all this while , as you see , he walketh without the list of our controuersy cōcerning the defence of his owne falshoods , which he driueth of as long as may be , according to the fashion of those that hauing many deepe woundes are loath to discouer them , or haue them handled . Wherfore this poynt of his owne defence or excuse , which was first in his intention ( for this was the cause that made him so hastily to shape out this Preamble ) was the last in execution , as least gustfull vnto him : and so he dispatcheth it only in one Paragraph , of ninteene , that he hath in this Preamble , to wit the eyghtenth only : and by all liklyhood would haue pretermitted it wholy if handsomely he might . 11. But perhaps you will imagin , that he hath holpen somewhat his cause by seeking these diuerticles frō the purpose , in that he hauing weakned first his aduersaries credit may find better passage to the defence of his owne . But indeed this reckoning falleth not out so , but rather the quite contrary , for that not being able when it commeth to the tryall to fas●en any one vntruth vpon his aduersary , I meane in that nature that it may be thought witting and willing , which is our only question ; he commeth by cōsequence to confirme , and authorize extraordinarily the credit of their integrity in their writings , who haue not giuen place to any least touch of iust reprehension in that behalfe : and by this meanes contrary to his meaning he becōmeth their Encomiast or Prayser , who endeauored to be their calumniatour , rectum ab errore , as oftentimes by Gods prouidence it falleth out . ●2 . Wherfore I seeing M. Morton take this ●ourse , after I had examined the first two In●uiries in two seuerall Chapters of mine , I was ●orced to bestow seauen or eight more vpon his ●hird . Wherfore the first is to answere all the ●articuler obiections , which he hath against other Catholick writers , namely Card. B●llarmine and others . The second , for answering the like obiections , and calumniations made by him against my selfe in fourteene seuerall imputations layd against me . The third , how insufficiently M. Mort. defēdeth himself in other fo●rteen charges produced against him , which he thought good to choose out as defensible amongst a farre greater nūber . The fourth how he pretermitteh more then other twice fourteene , farre more vrgent and eminent then the rest , without euer so much as once mentioning them . The fifth contayneth sundry other important omissiōs or pretermissiōs of his , aswell in slipping ouer matters belonging to himselfe , as to the defence of sundry Clients of his , whome he ought to haue defended , especially Syr Edward Cooke now L. Chiefe iustice of the Cōmon Pleas : with whome there is made a peece of a ●euerall reckoning in like manner in a seuerall Chapter , aswell about some things of his set forth before , as also concerning two new Prefaces lately published and prefixed to the sixt and seauēth parts of his Reports . The seauenth , how in place of clearing himself from aboue fourty old imputatiōs of falshood , he is cōuinced of more thē fifty new , superadded to the former . And fynally , my eyght Chapter , ( which is the tenth and last as they lye in order ) doth handle new strange vauntes and challenges of M. Morton , after all this battery , as though nothing had byn sayd against him : wherin I can commend nothing , but his courage , remitting the rest to your better discretions , when ye shall haue read both parts , this being the summe of our whole Concertation . 13. There remayneth to say a word or two , cōcerning the reason of the tytle of this my Answere , which is , A quiet & sober Reckoning : wherof I know that your Wisedomes will easily ghesse the cause , but much more will haue seene it , if ye haue perused ouer this Preāble of M. Morton which is so bitter and sharpe , and ouer eager in many places , as doth easily shew that the man was in great choler when he wrote it . And though I could alleage many exorbitāt speaches of his to this effect throughout the whole booke , yet the beginning and ending shall only serue for proofe therof : the beg●nning , for that he bestoweth seauen or eyght whole Paragraphs of his first Inquiry ( as already I haue sayd ) to examine my wit , memory , skill in Logicke , ignorāce in Gre●ke and H●brue , modes●y , charity , and the like , which hardly could p●oceed but from impatience . The last Paragraph also of his new challenges declareth the same more aboundātly where he auouching me first to be a man without all conscience , lame in hands , dumbe in ●peach , dead in sense & feeling of all cōtrition ; ●e passeth on to the most extrauagant , and ridi●ulous termes of impatience , that euer I read in ●y Author , that valued his owne credit , or you eyther perhaps . For he saith , that if he do ●ot manifest me to be so malignant , as if the Capital letters P. R. did iustly betoken Princeps Rabularum : and so vayne , as if they signifyed Phormio Romanista : so dissolute in my cause , as if they might be interpreted Praeuaricator Rasus : so impudently vniust , as that they might import Persidiae Reus : then is he content that his Treatises be purged with fyre , and himselfe challēged to a Recantation . And will ye not take pitty of this mans passion ? Or can ye meruayle , why I tooke this tytle of A quiet and sober Reckoning ? 14. Truly , if I should haue suffered my selfe to be c●rryed away with the same passion , & with the like impatience haue returned him an Answere in his owne veyne , & character of writing ; you do easily see , wherunto this contention would haue growne : but I haue thought best to endeauour the pacification of M. Mortons choler , by a more moderate kynd of conferēce , if it may be , where heat of wordes layd asyde , the truth of matters may peaceably and more calmely be cōsidered . Wherin ( as before I said ) though I may haue iust cause to suspect your affections : yet can I not distrust your iudgements in a matter of such apparent euidency , as this is , now committed vnto you . Wherin Christ Iesus direct you , to the discouery of that truth in Religion , which only can saue vs all . And so to his protection I commit yow , this 19. of December , 1608. Your louing Countreyman , wishing you all good , that is truly good . P. R. THE EPISTLE ADMONITORY TO M. r THOMAS MORTON . IF your self had not giuen me the example ( M. Morton ) by wryting to me a seuerall Epistle , termyng it Preamblatorie , it is likely I should not haue troubled you with this Admonitory of mine , as hauing wrytten sufficiently in my precedent Dedicatorie to our two Vniuersyties , concerning the subiect of this our whole Cōtrouersy . But for so much as you doe fyrme & subscribe your said letter thus : Yours to warne , and to be warned , Thomas Morton , and haue put in execution the first part therof by warning me , I presume you wil be content , the second part be put also in vre , and that you be warned by me . To which ●ffect I haue thought best to style this my Epistle an Admonitorie . Now then to the matters that are to be handled therin . The pointes wh●rof you haue warned me be two : which you call two Romish maladies . The one , the trāscendent Iurisdiction of the Pope ( to vse your wordes ) troubling or subuerting all Princes , & people of contrarie Religion : the oth●r ; our professed art of mentall Equiuocation , which by your Mynisteriall phrase you t●rme , the ●aude to all Rebellion . But h●w vayne and ●riuolous this aduertis●m●nt is , and fyt only to fyll vp paper without s●nse , euery m●ane capacity will ●as●ly conceiue , and witn●ss●s are at hand . For who doth not see , that Prot●stant Princes and people of diff●r●nt S●ctes haue byn now in the Christian world for almost an hundred years , both in Germany , Dēmarke , Swe●land , Scotlād , Englād , France , Flanders , & yet no subu●rsion ●●m● vnto th●m by the Popes transcendent authoritie ; Who doth not know in like mann●r , that the gr●at●st Rebellions that haue fallē●ut in this age haue not byn procured by Equiuocation as the ●aude , but by Heresy as the Harlot h●r s●lf , & that by craftie d●ceipts & lying shifts , which ys quite opposite to the nature of Equiuocation , that allwai●s sp●ak●th truth , though allwaies not so vnd●rstood by the ●ear●r . But for that of these two heades of Rebellion and Equiuocation I haue spoken aboundantly in my f●rmer Treatise , & s●mw●at also in this , ●specially in my second Chapter to y●ur s●c●nd Inquiry , w●●re you insert some f●w pages about the same ; I will leese no more tyme in rep●ating th●rof , but r●mit th● Reader thither , only adu●rtis●ng him by the way , that whereas you make a florish in this your Epistle Preamblatorie with two authorities of S. Augustine , noted in the margent , the one against Petilian , the other against Rogatiā , both of them Donatists , who feygned clemencie and practized crueltie where they durst against Catholikes ; let him but take the paynes to read the pla●es in the Author himself , and compare their cause with the cause of M. Morton and his fellow Protestants in these daies ( aswell in making and following Schisme against the generall body of the Catholike Church as in particuler actions recounted by Optatus and others : to wyt , in breaking downe Altars , & casting the B Sacramēt to dogges , in cōtemnyng holy Chris●●e , & breaking the sacred vessells wherein yt was ●ept , in prophaning Chalices , in scraping Priests ●●ownes for hatred of sacred vnction ; in persecuting ●onkes , in letting out Nunnes of their Monaste●●es , and the like , which proceeded from their parti●●ler spirit of pretended perfection ) and he will see ●●ether they agree more to Protestāts or Catholicks ●our daies : & consequently whether you M. Mor●●n did aduisedly , in bringing in mention of these 〈◊〉 , and of their contention with S. Augustine , ●●out the true Church , and manners both of here●●ks & Catholicks . Wherin they are so like vnto Pro●estants , both in words & actions , & S Augustine 〈◊〉 a Papist , as that there needeth nothing but the ●hange of names to distinguish , or agree them with ●ou , or vs , at this tyme. I would wish also the said Reader to cōsider the last ●art of this your Epistle , where you say that you do conuince me out of my owne Confession , granting , that there is an Equiuocation , which no clause of mentall reseruation can saue from a lye : and you set yt downe in a different letter , as though they were my wordes . But if the said Reader go to the place , where I do handle this matter , both in the second and seuenth Chapters of this my Answere , he will fynd , that I say no such thing , either in word or sense , but rather the quite contrarie : to wyt , that there is an externall speach ( as that of Saphyra in the Actes of the Apostles , for therof was the question ) which no mentall reseruation can iustify from a lye , and consequently nor make properlie an Equiuocation , for that it is false in the mynd of the speaker , and so cannot stand with the nature of Equiuocation ( that allvvayes must be true ) as hath byn largely demonstrated in our Treatise of that matter . Which point being once well noted & pōdered by your Reader , he will wonder at your strange vaunting illation made hereupon , that is to say , vpō your owne fiction , when you wryte : That this one Confession of myne is sufficient to conuince all mētall Equiuocators to be apparāt lyars . And yet further : That by this you haue obtayned your whole cause in both qu●stiōs , of Rebelliō & Equiuocatiō , which is a short & compendicus Conquest , if it be well cons●d●r●d , & such as ●u●rie man may frame vnto himself by ●alse charging his Aduersary . And this shall suffice for aduertisement to your Reader in this place , & vpō this your epistle to me . For albeit sundry other things might be obserued , yet is the studie of breuitie to be preferred : & what remayneth to be aduertised to your self , wil be common also to your Reader , vntill I returne vnto him againe , as a little after in this Epistle I meane to doe , to the end not to weary you ouer much with so manie admonitions to your self . Now then shall I passe to the principall pointes , wherof I thinke you to be admonished . Among which , the first & chief is , that you se●me greatly to mistake my meaning , or at leastwise my affection in writing against you , as though it were malignāt , contemptuous , despitefull , & full of hatred & auersiō of mind : which Almighty God ( I hope ) knoweth to be far otherwise : and that I do loue you in Christ Iesus with all my hart , wishing you all good in him & for him , but especially the best good for the saluatiō of your soule : for which I would be cōtent to vndergo any paines or perill whatsoeuer ; esteeming also ( as they deserue ) your good parts & talents , if they were rightly imploied by you to the aduancemēt of Gods truth , as hitherto they seeme to me to haue ●in to the cōtrarie . And if in our contentiō about this matter , I haue se●med sōtimes to haue bin ouer sharp ●r earnest in my writing , I do assure you , that it proceedeth not from hatred or contempt of your person , but rather from some griefe or indignation of mind , to see you so greatly deceiued , or endeuour to deceiue . Three things also I must confesse to haue b●ne the speciall causes of this griefe and indignation s●metimes conceiued . The first , to see a yong man ( as they say you are ) so lately come from the Schooles , so lightly furnished , and so little exp●rienced in greater studies , as scarsely you could haue life or leasure to looke at the varietie of Bookes & Authors that haue written therof , especially concerning the Catholick religion for a thousand yeares togeather , which you grant to be ours , to come forth as it were in his hose and dublet , & challeng the whole Church of God and the whole ranke of profound learned men therof , whose bookes for deep learning , iudgement and varietie of reading , you can not but confesse in truth and modestie , that you are not able to beare after them . And fynallie they are thousands , and you are but one : thy were ould , you are yong : their beards were hoarie and gray , yours is yet red : they wore out their ages with studie , you haue yet but lately begone : they haue had the continuance of many ages , the wit , learning , experience , diligence of all Christian Nations that held the same Religion with them , your prescription of tyme is small , your association of fellowes , Fathers & Doctors , or Councells lesse . For if you goe out of the little Iland of Britany , where all that professe themselues Protestants , in all things are not wholy with you ; you shall fynd abroad all the rest in most things against you . And yet do you so confidently tryumph and insult euery where , as though you alone were able to ouercome and vanquish whatsoeuer was established before you in our Religiō different from yours , saying euery where , with contempt , when you speake of this ranke of learned men , and when any thing displeaseth you in them , your owne Bishops , your owne Doctors , your owne Coūcells , your owne Fathers , your owne Popes say this or that : yea though they were neuer so ancient and holie . As of three Popes togeather Zozimus , Bonifacius , & Celestinus , that liued with S. Augustine , and were highly commended by him aboue twelue hundred yeares agoe , you speake so contemptuouslie , as if they had byn some three petty Ministers of your owne ranke . And this I confesse to haue byn one principall cause of my sharpe wryting against you : which yet if you would once amend on your part , you should qui●klie fynd correspondence on myne . And so I suppose ●ou will perceaue , that I haue begone in this Booke ; ●hough whiles you perseu●re in your old vayne of pre●●mption and insolencie , you are like to drawe forth ●nsweres nothing pleasing your owne humor : which ●ing of pryde , as in all Sectaries as accust●med to be , 〈◊〉 liketh humility and patience in all people , but only 〈◊〉 themselues . Another cause was the circūstance of tyme , when 〈◊〉 wrote your first . Discouerie against Catholikes . 〈◊〉 not being contented to haue set abroad diuers ●●●tings of yours in Latin , touching f●ygned absurd●●●es and contraries of d●ctrine f●und , as you pre●●●● , in their wrytings ( wherof you are like shortlie ●heare out of Germany , & to receiue the said ab●●●dities and falshoods doubled vpon your self , as ●●u will perceiue by that piece of the latyn Epistle ●●itten from thence , which I haue imparted with ●●u in the last Chapter of this my r●●koning : ) not ●●ntented ( I saie ) with this iniurie offered vs , ●ou watching a tyme of pressure and tribulation , & fynding the same to fall out in full measure by the hatefull accident of the powder-treason , you rāne as the Rauen to the fallen sheep to picke out her eyes : that is to say , to adde exasperation to exasperation , affliction to affliction , calumniation to sycophancy against all sortes of Catholicks . And then came forth in hast your litle infamous bloudie Lybell without a name , which out of your charitie would needs make all Catholiks Traytors in the very roote of Catholicisme it self , that is to say , in the fundamentall doctrine of their Religion . So as euerie one of them must be forced to denie his faith in that Religiō , or else acknowledge himself trayterous in his duty of temporall allegiāce and subiection . Which paradox to make somewhat probable , you were forced to accompanie with so manie fraudulent shiftes , deceipts and falsities as haue byn conuinced against yow , in my former Treatise , & cōfirmed now in this : which though of it self it moued no small indignation , to see so many manifest falshoods , so bouldly auouched and ratified againe by you afterwards , as in this fynall reckoning will apeare : yet must I confes●e that the forsaid circumstance of time did principally mooue me to be more sharpe in my Cōfutation . And it made me also to remember a certaine historie , that I had read in old Lactantius Firmianus in his first booke , intituled De Iustitia , which I shall recite as I fynd it in hym : yow may apply vnto your self so much therof , as yow maie thinke to fit you . The storie is of a certayne heathen Philosopher , who in tyme of persecution tooke occasion to write against Christian religion . Ego ( saith Lactantius ) cùm in Bithynia Oratorias litteras accitus docerem &c. When as I being sent for , taught Rhetoricke in Bithynia , and the Churches of Christians ( by the Edicts of Diocletian & Maximinian ) were commanded to be ouerthrowne , a certaine chief Philosopher taking the occasion of that tyme , nescio vtrum superbiùs an importuniùs iacenti atque abiectae veritati insultaret , did insult ouer the truth of Christes Religion oppressed and trodden vnder foot , I know not whether with greater pryde or importunity &c. And then he describeth at large the manners of this Philosopher , which were ouerlong to repeate heere . I meane of his Lybertine life , of his good fare , of his ambi●ion with the Magistrate and Princes . And fy●ally he saith of him : Disputationes suas moribus destruebat , & mores disputationibus arguebat : ipse aduersus se grauis censor & acer●imus accusator : He ouerthrew his disoutations ●ith his manners , and condemned his owne manners by his disputations : being a graue Censurer and most sharp accuser against himselfe . And thē saith further : Eodem ipso tempore quo iustus populus nefariè lacerabatur , tres Libros euomuit contra Religionem nomenque Christianum . In the very self same time , that the innocent Christian people were impiously torne in pieces by the persecutor , he cast forth three Bookes against the Religion and name of Christians . And Lactantius add●th , that alb●it he was effusus in Principū laudes , and flattered the Emperors then liuing ( no l●sse th●n M. Morton hath done ours : ) yet all sortes of men , aswell H●athen as others , did mislyke and detest his cruell deuise , to wryte against them● when as they lay vnder so heauie a yoke of present persecution . Id omnes arguebant ( saith he ) quòd illo potissimùm tempore id ope●is es●et agressus , quo furebat odiosa crudelitas . All sortes of men did condemne this , that he had taken in hand to put forth his bookes at that speciall time , when odious cruelty raged against all Christians . And then immediatly addeth : ô Philosophum adulatorem , ac tempori seruientem ! O flattering Philosopher and tymeseruer ! A fit encomium for such an enterprise . And with the same will I leaue you M. Morton , and ●nd the relation of this history , permitting vnto your self , or to your Reader , to apply so much thereof vnto you , as the likenes of your cases and factes doth deserue . Only I must say , that the malice in taking hold of the circumstance of tyme s●●meth so very lyke and cōforme , as I cannot dou●t , but that as many H●athen men then , otherwise modest and morally honest , tooke compas●iō of the afflicted Christians , and detested the afflict●r : so many Protestants in our case would do the same , wherof my selfe can be witnesse of some . And thus much for this second point . The third thing that excited me to be more sharpe sometimes with you , was your manner of writing , so exorbitāt in diuers respects , as I neuer lightly read the like : but especially in professing sinceritie with great vehemencie , when you could not but probably know , that you had , or did , and would deceiue ; wherof there are so many examples , as there are witting falsities couin●ed against you in this subsequent Worke. Your ●auntes in like manner are wonderfull extraua●ant and prouocatory , as we haue now heard out ●f your new Challenges , repeated in part in the recedent Epistle . I will pretermit diuers other excesses and ●erlashings in your booke , which cannot but ●timulate your Answerer to some sharpnes in ●●iting . As for example , where pag 29. yow ●ite of me thus : I do professe vnfeignedly , ●t I neuer found any writer of any profes●●n whatsoeuer , who hath vsed such shame●●l frau● in answering : and ●et except you haue 〈◊〉 your selfe , you haue found one of your owne p●●fession , I m●ane your selfe , that hath vsed n● tymes more : you being most euidently con●●cted thereof in this my re●ly , and no one fraud 〈◊〉 fa●●hood in all the worke being able to be veri●●ed against m● , as experience will teach him , ●●at will take the paynes to peruse these our Rec●onings . Againe , pag 43. you begynning to speake ●f the lye of Saphyra which she made to S. Peter in the Actes , of the Apostles , and supposing yt to be an Equiuocation , which I deny ; you say in the title of the Paragraph , that I my selfe do flatly ouerthrow therby my whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , which ( say you ) is made so euident , as no wit of man can possibly excuse it . And yet when the matter commeth to be tried , euery meane wit may easely perceaue , that you vnderstood not , or mistooke of purpose the question , as afterward in this Answere is declared . And yet do you insult strangly saying : Where is now P.R. &c. where is this Man , the new select Aduocate for this cause ? May he not say hereafter , I was ashamed , and therfore hid my selfe , so naked doth his deformity appeare . And yet further you say : He being pressed with this example out of Scripture ( to wit of Saphyra her speach to S. Peter ) is driuen into such a vertigo and giddines , that euen when he would defend his art of Equiuocating from a lye , he is by consequence from Gods word forced to confesse , that there is an outward speach , which noe clause of Reseruation can saue from a lye : wherby his owne Magi , I doubt not , wil be brought to acknowledge , that Digitus Dei est hic , this is the power of Gods truth . This is the adoe you make , M. Morton , about this example of Saphyra , adding also presently , that by this , you haue obtained your whole cause . But in truth you haue obtained to make your selfe ridiculous therby , as you handle it . For what is there in this matter that should cause me to runne away , and hyde my selfe , as you do feigne , and not dare to appeare , when you call so earnestly vpon me ? What haue you proued ? What haue you conuinced against me ? You say that her words to S. Peter ( I haue sould it for no more ) was no lesse an Equiuocation , then to say , I am no Priest. But I deny it , and do say it was a lye , and no Equiuocation . For that she had obligation to vtter the truth to S. Peter that was her lawfull Iudge , and so hath not the Priest , that is demanded by him , who is not his lawfull Iudge . You say that , I being pressed with this example out of Scripture frō Gods Word● am forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . Wherto I answere , that no force of example frō Gods Word is needfull for this . For euer it was graunted , and so must be , that there be infinite outward speaches , which no mentall reseruation cā saue from lyes , if there be obligation to tell the truth , as in the case of Saphyra there was . And therefore for you to bring in the Magi wondering here at the power of God inforcing me to such a vertigo , is both Comicall and ridiculous indeed . And yet by the way I must further put you in mind● that you do deliuer me heere from a contradiction , and inuolue your selfe in a falshood vnanswerable in reciting of these words of mine . For that before in your Epistle to my selfe you recite my Confession thus : That there is a mētall Equiuocation which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . And here you say : I am forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye . Betweene which two recitalls there is great difference , as before we haue shewed , & no lesse then betweene truth and falshood . So as if you write truly heere , you spake falsely before : and if truly before , then falsely now . And thus much haue I byn inforced to admonish you of at this time , by the peruersity of your owne words and manner of writing . Many other things I should haue to warne M. Morton of , in this point concerning his māner of stile in writing , sed nescio an possit portare modò : I would be loath to be im●ortune , & he is to heare them afterwards in the cōbat and concertatiō it selfe . Only I cannot omit to say a word or two about his Epistle Dedicatorie to the Earle of Salisbury , and therewith make an end of this admonition . He beginneth his narration thus . I therfore esteemed it my dutie in presence of your Honour , by this Preamble to sponge out such vile imputations , wherewith my Aduersary indeauoured , through me ( alas ) one of the least of the Prophets , to distaine both my Mother and her Sister the famous Vniuersities , and those Honorable Persons , vnto whose care and prouidence they ●re committed . So he . Wherby you see this lit●le Prophet will needes interpret the imputations ●f false dealing laid against himselfe , by , & through ●im , to fall vpon the two Vniuersities , his Mot●er ●nd Aunt , and other Honourable Persons that ●aue the care and gouernment of them : which is ●ot needfull at all . For that , as the Scripture ●ith : The Sonne shall not beare the iniquitie of ●●e Father , nor the Father of the Sonne , but e●●ry one must answere for himselfe : let vs se●●●en , how M. Morton doth performe this point . ●●en then ( saith he ) when I was in greatest ●●●lousie of mine owne myscarriage , I concei●●d a double matter of comfort . First from ●● selfe , that knowing I durst present my ●●plications vnto the Iudge of the secret ●●ughts of all hartes , I doubted not but that ●ng able with true confidence to appeare ●ore God , I should not greatly feare the ●●sure of man. This is one defence more Rhetoricall then reall . 〈◊〉 how could he dare with such confidence appeare before God , with the burthen of so many ●ntruthes , as afterward you will see conuinced ●●ainst him , especially in the three last Chapters ●f this our Answere ? And if he be not able to ●efend them before man , how will he iustifie thē●efore God ? Let vs see his second defence , for this first standeth only vpon his owne confidence . Secōdly ( saith he ) from my aduersary , tooke I matter of comfort , presuming that he that would write in defence of mentall Equiuocation , would be found to equiuocate in writing also . This you see is but a presumption , and that a very poore one . For as a man may write of warre and yet not fight ; and of Agriculture or husbandry , and yet neither plow nor sow : So may he write of Equiuocation , and yet not Equiuocate , and Equiuocate also and yet not lye . So as this could be but a silly comfort for M. Morton to presuppose and hope that I would Equiuocate in writing of Equiuocation , which was not needfull . And if I had ; yet might I do it without lying : and so nothing therby haue relieued his case , that was so deeply charged with that fault . And finally , if I had bene able to be conuinced of any point in that kind ( as afterward you will see that I was not : ) yet S. Augustines rule is , Quod societas peccantium auget potiùs quàm excusat peccatum : Fellowship in sinne increaseth rather then excuseth the fault . Though truly it may se●me that M. Morton would highly esteeme this fellowship with me , if he could bring it about , and thinke himselfe well defended , if he could attaine it . Which I am lead to belieue , not only by his labour , diligence & solicitude therin , but by the last Conclusion of his for●named Epistle to my self , which he endeth thus for an vpshoot . I may thinke ( saith he ) the Scripture verified vpon you , where it is thus written : Therfore art thou inexcusable ( O man ) whosoeuer thou be , that iudgest : for doing the same thinges , by iudging an other , thou condemnest thy selfe . Out of which text of the Apostle M. Morton would proue , that I doing the same things with him ( in this point of fraud and false dealing ) I cannot condemne him , without condemning also my selfe : which consequence I grant , but deny the antecedent . Which I assure my self M. Morton will neuer be able to proue in any one point of moment , throughout this whole concertation of ours ; himselfe being taken faultie almost at euery turne , as you will see . And yet doth he vaunt , as though his integritie were extraordinary in this behalfe , telling vs , that as the Greeke Cōmaunder being in appa●āce mortally wounded , demanded of his souldiers , whether the Citie were safe ? whether his ●uckler or shield were sound ? and being sa●isfied in them , receiued health , and after be●ame victorious : So he vnder so ghastly woūds ●f my penne , hauing generally inquired , & ●prightly answered himself , that his cause was ●afe and his conscience sound , began more resolutely to confront me . Thus you see , that he hath cleared himselfe , & is become victorious vpon a suddayne by force of a similitude only . And in truth the tale is pretily told by him in wordes , but let vs come to the substance of the things . If M. Mortons cause be so safe , and his conscience so sound , how do there stand togeather afterward in the sixt Chapter of this my Answere , aboue thirty vntruths , pretended to haue bin wittingly pretermitted by him in his last Preamblatorie Reply , as vnanswerable ? & now aboue fiftie more newly added out of the said Reply , which are set downe in my seauenth Chapter ? If these can be really defended by him , he doth somewhat . And for diuers of them , he ought to haue done it before . But if they cannot ( as I assure my selfe without making of more new , they cannot ) then is neither M. Mortons cause safe , nor his conscience sound in this behalfe . Nay his sheild and buckler is vtterly broken , and his Cittie of refuge quite ouerthrowne . But he promiseth vs a more forcible Encoūter to ensue , after he hath discharged his part in another taske of more importāce , in the Answere of the Catholicke Apologie , which , saith he , by this calumnious Treatise of P. R. his Mitigation , as by an aduerse tempest , hath receiued some interruption . And by this you see , that M. Morton is still doing , whether well or euill , God knoweth . I maruaile he feareth not the scratch due to his ytch , wherof he speaketh in his Preamble . For if out of Germanie there come that multitude of scratches , that is threatned by him whose letter I haue mentioned in the latter end of this Answere , & do ioyne themselues with these scratches of myne , both old and new , that do march togeather in this my answere against him , they are like to make a great squadron And M. Morton will haue his hands full in defending himselfe from them , and in procuring , that of scratches and scarres they do not be●ome deeper wounds vnto his credit . But indeed I do not exp●ct any such new Encounter as he promis●th . For if he had reallie meant it , and had seene himselfe able to performe it , he would haue answered substantially , in this Preamble , some of the chiefest difficulties that were laid against him , to the end to make his Reader belieue , that he would be able to satisfie the rest in the said promised Encoūter . But not doing this , but shewing rather his extr●me weaknes in clearing any one point obiected against him , it seemeth but a iest to talke of a new Encounter to come . And as for answering the Catholicke Apo●ogie , which , he saith , he is in hand withall , as 〈◊〉 taske of more importance , I do easely graunt 〈◊〉 , if he can performe his taske well . But M. Morton well knoweth the Topicall place , à ma●ori ad minus , & è conuerso : If he haue not ●yn able to performe lesser matters , nor defend the things by himselfe written either in Latin or English , but by so many vntruthes as haue bin exhibited against him , what will he be able to do in another mans worke , especially of such moment & difficulty , as the said Apologie is : where he must answere to other mens sayings , especially Protestāts , out of whose testimonies the Author of that Apologie doth so clerely con●ute their Religion and con●irme the Catholicke , if I mistake not the worke , as neuer any booke written in our language hath more ●ff●ctually done . And cons●quently the confutation of this booke would r●quire an impugn●r of more substance and strong●r s●n●wes , then those of M. Morton , though oth●rwise I vnd●rstand , that God be thanked , his bodily cons●itution be neither weake nor feeble . But to come to an end , let vs see how he con●lud●th his Epistle to the Earle of Salisbury . If by this brief Preamble it be not manifest ( saith he ) that P. R. hath in this Treatise preuaricated in his whole cause , both in the question of Rebellion and Equiuocation , betraied his Countreys State , disgraced the Romish Schooles , and strangled his owne conscience : I refuse not , that to the crimes obiected against me by him , this may be added , that I durst affi●me so much before your Lordship . To which Rh●toricall and florishing conclusi●n I know n●e better answere th●n to acc●pt of the of●er . And for triall th●rof to referre me to the Booke h●re in hand , which treateth euery thing punctually and ●x●ctly : inuiting by this occasion the Honourable Personage h●re nam●d to t●e r●ading and p●rus●ng th●rof . For though the dif●●r●n●e of our cause be disfauourable vnto me with his Lordshippe ; y●t dare I c●nfide in the equanimitie of his Iudg●m●nt , in a case of such quality , as h●re is s●t downe , about preuaricating in my cause , betraying my Countrey , disgracing our Schooles , and strangling my owne Conscience . All which depending vpon our māner of proceeding in the ensuing pointes of this Booke , his Lord●hippe will easily discouer with the quicke ●ye of ●is Iudgment the truth of things , though it were ●gainst himselfe . And therefore I do willingly ●ay hands vpon the last clause of this Challenge of ● . Morton , to wit : that if he proue not all ●hese things here obiected against me , and cleere ●imselfe from all imputations of wilfull vntruthes ●yd against him in my Treatise of Mitigation , 〈◊〉 is content to haue this added also , as the grea●●st sinne of all the rest , that he durst affirme ●●e same vnto his Lordshippe . Wherin I could conuince him pres●ntly , if I ●ould , without further dispute . For that he ta●●ng vpon him in this his Pr●amble to answere ●●ly 14. vntruthes , of more then 40. obiected ●●ainst him , it is euident , that he ●lear●th him●●●fe not fr●m the rest t●at hee pretermitted . ●nd then la●ing vnto this that in the said 14. he 〈◊〉 found not to haue cleared hims●lfe substantially ●●om any one of moment , but to haue adioyned ●boue 40. or 50. more , as is declared in the ●ubs●quent Treatise , how can he defend hims●lfe b●fore my L. of Salisburies Honour , from open preuaricating in this his Challenge ? But I will not pr●sse him any further heere : let the ensuing Combate disc●rne & try betweene vs. And so returning to talke with M. Morton againe , whome for a time I haue left , and spoke● in the third person , to the end I might not seeme to obiect to his face so many important defaultes together : I do saie , Syr , that now you see , that I haue bin bould to vse the lib●rty that you gaue me in the subscription of your Letter , when you saie , that you are myne , to warne , and to b● warned : I haue r●ceiued your warning and returned mine . I beseech allmightie God , it may●be to his greater glorie , and both our goods , or at leastwise of other men , that shall read or heare the same . Yours , Wishing you all good , in the author of all goodnes , P. R. Faultes escaped in the Printing . ●pist . Dedic . pag. 6 lin . 4 for he , read wee , ●pist . Admon . pag. 4● lin . 13 for nor , read not ●ag● Line Fault Correction 〈◊〉 24 in latin in relating 〈◊〉 27 heares hearers 〈◊〉 18 vse the vse 〈◊〉 23 impawing impawning 〈◊〉 vl● . competèt competent 〈◊〉 28 stuly study 〈◊〉 ● some all 〈◊〉 Ibid. Equiuocation be Equiuocation or lying be 〈◊〉 28 said say 〈◊〉 31 indeed , though indeed my father is not dead though & ● . 〈◊〉 18 euident euidently 〈◊〉 26 is in 〈◊〉 14 one owne 〈◊〉 2 had had he had had 〈◊〉 34 begin being 〈◊〉 35 pertracta pertractata ●●2 10 Clemens , Alexāder , Clemens Alexandrinus ●●7 ● these are these ●01 29 Chapters Charges 314 28 quod quid ●●1 28 verue vertue ●01 5 answere Answerer ●11 27 these those 427 25 the law , the new spi - the new law , the spirituall &c. 434 5 ouer euer 462 11 which with 477 3 is as 540 7 to do 640 16 obiection : others obiection of other● 642 14 Chap. 5. Chap. 3. 648 4 fourth Chap. fifth Chap● THE FIRST CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO THE FIRST OF ● . THOMAS MORTONS three vaine Inquiryes , concerning the Witt , Memorie , Learning , Charitie , Modestie , and Truth of his Aduersarie P. R. THE PREFACE . THE very title of this M. Morton● first Inquiry , about the insufficiency of his aduersary , doth plainly shew , that he was in choler & passion , when he wrote it : for that otherwise in so graue and weighty controuersies , as are betweene vs , he would ueuer haue rifled so manifestly , as by leauing the matter to rūne ●o the person , and fall a scolding and scratching , ac●ording to his former threat . For what are these per●onall impugnations , but scratches , whereof you shall haue heere store , to witt , some seauen or eight whole Paragraphes ; which yet are such , as draw noe bloud , nor doe scarre any man , but the scratcher himselfe , as by further examination it will appeare . For first , what doth he gaine to his cause , if he could prooue indeed , that his Aduersarie had scarcitie both of witt , memorie , learning , Greeke , Hebrew , Logike , and other abilities heere mentioned ? Were not his victorie the lesse in ouercōming so weake an aduersarie ? And were not his shame the greater , yf he should be ouercome by him ? Yes truly . 1. Moreouer M. Mortons intention being , or ought to be , principally to satisfy the charges and imputations of falshood , and vntrue dealing , layd vnto him in the Treatise of Mitigation ; ( for hastening whereunto , for that they raysed great scarres in the readers eye , he omitted to handle any thing at all of the chief argument of that Treati●e ) it seemeth veri● impertinent , that he should leese so much time , and spend so much paper in premising so manie skirmishes , as are these Paragraphes , about the sufficiency or insufficiency of his aduersarie , before the maine battaile it self : but the reason is conceaued to be the small comfort he had to come to the said battaile ; and therefore as schollers , that are truants , doe seeke occasions to loyter and linger , and ●ntertayne themselues in euerie corner of the streete , thereby to prolong their iourney : so M. Morton in this affayre . For albeit he pretend and professe his purpose to be● to cleare himselfe from the sayd imputatios ; yet knowing how little able he is to doe it , and how small cōfort he is to receyue therein , whē he cometh to the point , he differreth the matter as lōg as he can , which is , to the verie last end of his booke , spēding first in this first Inquiry eight or nine Paragraphes , as hath bene said , to inquyre of my sufficiency : and then some other about the title of my Treatise , pretermit●ing the whole substance ; then manie other to prooue ●hat diuers Catholicke wryters , Popes , and Coun●ells haue vttered also some falsities and contradi●tions ; then that Cardinall Bellarmine hath donne ●he like ; and then that I haue my part also in such ●anner of dealing : All which serueth , as you see , to ●●are of from coming to the mayne point of clearing ●imselfe . And this course he holdeth vnto the verie ●●st cast of his booke , to witt , to the 18. Paragraph , ●hich is next to the conclusion . And finally whē he ●●teth vpon the matter , & pretendeth to satisfy four●●●ne imputatiōs of aboue fourtie laid against him , 〈◊〉 doth it so weakly and insufficiently , as ech man 〈◊〉 see , why he was so loath to come vnto the tryall : 〈◊〉 this will you also see , by the view of the worke 〈…〉 lfe , yf you please to take the paines to looke it 〈◊〉 . M. MORTONS Impugnation of P. R. his VVitt examined . § I. THis Paragraph is sett downe by M. Morton in these words : 1 An argument of P. R. his kind of witt , ●●●ch may seeme to haue beene in a slumber , when he made his 〈◊〉 . And againe in the table of his Inquiries & Pa●●●raphes , he frameth a title thus ; An argument , that ●● R. his witt was in a slumber in answering to the point of the ●●●eping souldiers : wherby it appeareth that he argueth 〈◊〉 to haue little wit ( as indeed without follie I ●annot presume of much ) and the cause why he ta●eth all wit from me , is , for that in my Epistle dedi●atory to the Vniuersities of England I reprehended ●s idle and impertinent in his Epistle , to our deceyued brethren ( as contēptuosly he called thē ) his cēsure , that it was against common sense , that the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalem should be able to tell , that our Sauiours disciples had stole● him away , while they were asleepe : to which end he citeth heere in this Paragraph my words at length though leauing out some in the beginnyng , which make to the explication of the matter , and therefore must heere be added by me . Thus then they lie , which I shall sett downe by way of Charge , as M. Morton himselfe ordinarily doth , and therupon afterward shall we see his discharge and so friēdly make vp th● reckoning . The Charge of P.R. 3. As for the other ( Epistle ) say I , which scornefully he directeth to our deceyued brethren , it is so short● fond , and idle a thing , that it deserueth noe answer at all ; the principall point , wherupon he standeth therein , being this , that Catholick people are seduced by their Priests , who will be Doctors ( sayth he out of S. Paul to Timothie ) and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor whereof they assirme . But whether this description of fond presumptuous doctors touched by S. Paul , doe agree rather to Protestant ministers , or to Catholicke Priests , will appeare in great part , by reading ouer this booke , especially the 5.8 . and 10. Chapters , yf by Thomas Mortons errours and ignorances , a scantling may be taken of the rest . But now lett vs see , how he doth goe about to prooue , that our priests are such bad doctors as S. Paul speaketh of . 4. This chief proof consisteth in a certayne comparing of th●m with those Iewish priests of the old law in Christs time , who taught the soldiers that watched at the s●pulcher of our Sauiour , to say , that ●hilst they were sl●●●ping his disciples came and stole ●im away . Comm●n s●ns● ( sayth he ) might haue r●ply●d , how could you t●ll ●ha● was donne , whē you were all asleepe ? but mindes enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring Priesthood ( which confirmed that answer ) could not possibly but erre with their priests : such alas , is the case of all them &c. Doe you see how substātially he hath prooued the matter ? Let vs examine the particulers : first the storie , then the inference . 5. About the storie S. Matthew recounteth in the 28. Chapter of his Ghospell , how Christ our Sauiour being raised miraculously from death to life , with a great and dreadfull earthquake , and descent of an Angell , so as the souldiers , that kept the Sepulcher were astonished and almost dead for feare , some of them ranne and tould the chiefe Priests therof : who making a consultation with the Elders , deuised this shift to giue them store of money , and to bid them say , that in the night , when they were asleepe , his Disciples came and stole him away , and so they did . And S. Matthew addeth , that this false brute ranne currant among the Iewes , euen vntill that time , wherin he wrote his Ghospell . This is the narration ; what hath now Thomas Morton to say against vs ? for therunto is all his drift . 6. First he saith , as you haue heard , that this deuise was improbable and against common sense it sel●e . Common sense ( saith he ) might haue replied ( to the souldiers ) what could you tell what was donne , when you were all asleep ? See heere the sharpnesse of Tho. Mortons witt , aboue that of the Priests ; Scribes , & Pharisies . But what yf one of the soldiers had replyed to him thus : wee saw it not , when we were asleepe , but afterward when we were awakened , we perceyued that he was stolen away ; what r●ioynder would our Minister make ? As for example , yf Tho. Morton were walking with a cōmunion booke vnder his ●●me through a field , and wearied should lye downe to sleepe , with his booke by his side , and at his awaking should see his booke gone , were it against common sense for him to say , that his booke was stolen from him , while he was asleepe ? or is not this an assertion fit for one of those doctours , wherof S. Paul talketh , that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme ? But this will better yet appeare by the second part , which is his inference : wherfore we must a little also examine that . 7. But mindes ( sayth he ) enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring priesthood ( which confirmed that answer ) could not possibly but erre with their Priests : such , alas , is the case of all them &c. The malicious man would deface Christian priesthood by the Iewish priesthood , and our priests by theirs : but consider how farre he runneth from the marke in both . Minds enthralled ( sayth he ) in the opinion of a neuer-erring priestood , which confirmed that answere . &c. Did the priesthood of Iewry cōfirme this answer ? who sayth so ? wee read that the priests with the Elders did deuise this answer , and they knew they did euill and lye therin : and so did the soldiers also that published the same . 8. But this was a matter of fact , not a determination of faith . Neyther among the Iewes , nor Christians , was there euer opiniō that Priestes or Priesthood could not erre in matters of fact , life , or their manners . How then is this to the purpose ? Or doth not this also prooue him to be one of those forenamed Doctors that vnderstand not what they say , or wherof they affirme ? How much more modestie , and pietie had it bin in Tho. Morton to haue followed the example of Christ and his Apostles , who though persecuted by those Priestes , yet both thought and spake reuerently of their Priesthood . The Reckoning vpon the premisses . 9. Thus much I wrote in my former Treatise of Mitigation , and this discourse of myne is the argument wherby M. Morton concludeth against my witt , as you haue heard , and in his answere calleth this my speach two or three times wittlesse . But for that I respect not so much witt , as truth in this affaire , I am cōtent to remit my selfe to the Reader , who perhaps is wyser then vs both , and will see what folly it is so vnwisely to contend about the commendation of our wittes . But let vs friendly & soberly ( M. Morton ) see your discharge and make the reckoning according to reason : You say that I haue shewed my selfe by this inference both shameles and witles , shameles to impute ●hat for absurditie to you , which I might haue knowne to be the ●ise and learned inference of ancient Fathers &c. And who ●re those ancient Fathers Syr ? You name only S. Au●●stine in his tenth Tome , whose words are as you al●edge them : O euill and most wicked men , either you were awake , or asleepe , and knew not what was ●one &c. intimating this Dilemma ( say you ) that ey●her you were awake or asleepe ; if awake , then cō●esse what was done , Christ is risen out of the graue ; ●f a sleepe , then you knew not what was done . Thus ● . Augustine . ●0 . Whereunto I answere , that S. Augustine ar●ueth well against the souldiers ; that if they were a●eepe when Christ did rise from death they could not ●now by any certaynty that Christ his disciples came and stole him away , and therfore they did both fondly and wickedly in auouching and testifying the same for certayne and true . But S. Austine doth not say as you say , that the deuise was against common sense , for then it would not haue ben belieued so generally for so many yeares after , as S. Matthew insinuateth that it was vnto his tyme when he wrote his ghospell ; nor would the Priests , Doctors , and principall Iewes of the Synagogue , which had not only common sense but worldly wisedome also , eyther haue deuised this shift , or haue gyuen money to haue it published , or would they haue suffered the same to haue bene proposed to their Gouernour Pilate for contēting him , who being a Romā & a wise worldly man , would neuer haue harkened vnto it or admitted the same , if the proposition had bene against common sense & reason , as M. Morton affirmeth . 11. Besides this , if some of vs , euē the wisest amōg vs should imagin our selues to haue bene with the Iewes and Gentils in Hierusalem at that time , and wanting the light of faith , should haue heard a company of watch-men affirme vnto vs , that a certaine man estemed and followed by many in his life time , and afterwards slaine , buried , and watched by them at his Sepulcher , and at the third day to haue bene sodenly gone from thence , & not to be found ; What would worldly reason ( that neuer dreamed of resurrection ) haue suggested in this case , but that some of his followers amongst so many as Christ was knowne to haue had in his life time , had come and secretly taken him away ? Had not this bene probable in such a case to mans discourse ? had this bene against common sense to haue alledged this excuse ? who will say so , that is indued with common sense ? But ( sayth M. Morton ) the soldiers could not know at leastwise if he were stolne away his disciples had done it ; which I grant that they could not know it for certaine , but by probability only , which probability notwithstanding was very great , for that his enemyes would not haue aduentured to do it with so great danger , ergo , it is likely they were his frends and followers , schollers and disciples . And is not this probable ? is this repugnant to common sense and reason , as M. Morton affirmeth ? 12. But it was ( saith he ) a lie : I grant , & that many lyes are more probable then some truthes ; the questiō then is , whether it were a probable lye , or else so absurd , as it repugned to common sense ? The former I affirmed , the later is M. Mortons position , who houldeth me for witlesse , for saying the contrarie : for so he writeth againe a little after the former : Howsoeuer ( sayth he ) it be , sure I am P.R. hath shewed himselfe very ●●i●les herein &c. And a few lynes before this againe , ●he accuseth me for houlding with the souldiers , and allowing the inference to be good against Christes resurrection , and maketh this note in the margent , P. R. grossely ignorant in Diuinitie , and further saith , that 〈◊〉 hopeth that my fayth is not so farre asleepe , as to preiudicate ●he chief article o● our Christiā faith ( about the resurrectiō of ●ur Sauiour ) by this assertiō : All which is strange that 〈◊〉 will repeat heere agayne , for so much as my ●ordes are playne in my booke before recyted , affir●ing , that the Iewish Priests with the Elders did deuise this ●●swere , and they knew they did euill , and lyed therin ; and so ●●●d the souldiers also that published the same . But yet I hold ●hat this lye was not senseles , or against common sense 〈◊〉 M. Mort. fondly affirmeth it to be . Agayne I sayd that 〈◊〉 is false which he wrote in his other booke of full sa●●sfaction that the neuer-erring priestood of the Iewes did ●onfirme this answere , of the souldiers , as a truth ; for ●hat they knew it was a lye as hauing feigned and de●ised it themselues , but yet thinking it a probable shift 〈◊〉 delude the people withall for the present . 13. Wherefore I come now to the conclusion and vpshot of all this Reckoning which M. Mort. knytteth vp thus : Euen so yt falleth out ( sayth he ) with my aduersary P. R. who hath bewrayed his singuler sottishnesse in the inference wherin he meant to giue vs a speciall argument of his witt . This is somewhat sharp , as you see , but I pardon easily the passion : some words must be allowed to leesers : lett the summe of the Reckoning be this , that wheras we all doe agree , that the soldiers speach was false , M. Morton holdeth further , that it was senselesse and against common reason , and my selfe witlesse for affirming , that it had any sense or probabilitie therin . Lett the prudent Reader iudge , where the witt lieth . M. MORTONS Obiection against P. R. his Memorie . §. II. 2 AFTER the impugnation of my Witt , M. Morton taketh vpon him to disgrace my Memorie , intituling his second Paragragh thus : An argument of the rare Memorie of P. R. bewraying his free will to lying ; & then beginneth he the sayd Paragraph in these words : To make me seeme ridiculously cautelous ( sayth he ) as intending wheresoeuer their equiuocating forgerie was to be spoken of , to keepe the clause of mentall reseruation vnder a latin locke , and not Englished , least weak-ones might learne to practice that Magicall art , P. R. sayth , that Thom. Morton , though he promised to put it downe alwaies in Latin , so as it should not be vnderstood by the vulgar Reader , yet hath he not ( to his remēbrāce ) set downe the said clause of reseruation in Latin , but once through all his booke of full satisfaction , and that in foure wordes in the second page therof , the said reseruation being mētioned in English more perhaps , then fortie tymes . Out of which words of mine , M. Morton indeauoreth to inferre manie falsities , and absurdities against me , both of bad Memorie and worse Will : for that , as he sayth , the said Clause of Reseruation is foūd to haue bene set downe by him in Latin , not onely once , as I say , but more then twentie tymes in his Treatises of equiuocation . Whereunto I answer , that albeit , that all this were granted ; yet is the matter idle , and of no importance , yea a meere cauill , for ●o much as I say ( perhaps ) as presently shal be shewed . 15. But first of all before we answer to this charge ●gainst my bad Memorie , we must shew him to be contrarie to himself ( which argueth noe good Memorie ) in that he contradicteth in his foresayd Epi●tle dedicatorie to the King , that which heere in his Preamble he writeth , to witt , in a●firming heere , as ●ou haue heard , that he had no intention to keep the clause of ●entall reseruation vnder a latin lock , and not English it , least ●eake ones might learne &c. VVhereas in his said Epistle ●o his Matie . he promiseth otherwise , and his words ●re these : Notwithstanding least that the publishing ●f this cursed art might in respect of the more carnal●● minded aedificare ad gehennan , edify vnto hell ( as that ●euerend Bishop of Chichester and learned Father 〈◊〉 our Church hath said ) I haue framed this dispute , ●hat it may seeme ( I hope ) to be like to Aristotles Bookes ●f Naturall Philosophie , so published as not published , be●ause the clause of mentall reseruation ( the tayle of ●his serpent , wherin the whole poyson lyeth ) is all●ayes deliuered in Latin phrase , to his end , that onelie ●he guiltie partie by his sensible coniecture may per●eyue his errour confuted , and yet the ignorant , though ●esirous to touch pitch , may not be de●iled . ●6 . Where you see , that he promised to his Maiesty 〈◊〉 deliuer allwayes in Latin phrase the clause of mentall reserua●ion , in such sort , as the ignorant of the Latin tongue should not vnderstand the same , and consequently that he would shut it vp vnder a Latin lock : And yet now in this his Preamble he sayth , that I goe about to make him seeme so ridiculously cautelous , as to intend to keepe the sayd clause of mentall Reseruation , vnder a Latin lock , least weake ones might learne &c. Are not these two plaine contradictory assertions out of one mouth ? to witt , that he will keepe the clause of Reseruation vnder a Latin lock , and that he neuer meant to locke it vp ? Where was his Memorie , when he wrote this to impugne my Memorie ? 17. But yet further it may please you to note the word ( allwayes ) when he sayth in his former Epistle to the Kings Ma. ●y that allwaies the sayd clause of Reseruatiō was deliuered in latin , and yet he confesseth in this verie place , that 3. or 4. tymes he setteth it downe in ●nglish . And was not this a slipp of his Memorie in like māner , to say and promise to his Ma.ty that he would set it downe allwayes in Latin : and yet presently to confesse , that sometymes he did it in English ? Thirdly , he saith , as you haue heard , that he hopeth , his booke of Equiuocation so to be published as Aristotles naturall Phylosophy , to witt , so published , as not published , in respect , that the vnlearned should not vnderstand him . And how could he thinke this , if sometymes at leastwise ( as he confesseth ) he vttered all in English , and this to English men ? Can these things stand togeather ? Where was his Memorie , when he wrote this ? 18. So as hauing now shewed M. Mortons Memorie not to haue bene good in all these 3. points , I shall passe to speake of mine , which willingly I confesse to be bad : wherevpon he triumpheth against me , for that I say ( as before you haue heard ) that the clause of Reseruation to my remembrance was not set downe in Latin , but once throughout all M. Mortons book● , though in English the said Reseruatiō were mētioned more ( perhaps ) thē fourtie times . Against which assertion of mine he stormeth excedingly , and quoteth in his margent for cōfutatiō thereof , diuers & sundry places where the said clause is set downe in latin , as where it is said , He knoweth not any thing so , vt teneatur detegere : or I know it not so , vt tibi dicam , vel , vt tibi reuelem &c. and sundry other like places he alledgeth , where albeit the externall part of the proposition be set downe in English , ●et is the Reseruation or mentall part , put downe by ●im in Latin , and then presuming to haue taken me ●t a great aduantage , for that I sayd I found it but ●nce , he insulteth exceedingly saing : VVhat this so open ●ing might portend , I know not , except he felt his VVit wax ●●mewhat blunt , and therefore meant ●o deserue the whe●stone . ●ut I will not heere examine the coherence of this ●●ason , and whether a blunt VVit be more apt to lye ●r gayning a whetstone , then a sharp : for if it be not , ●●en vsed not M. Morton an apt similitude , nor will I 〈◊〉 drawne to idle contumelious speaches , whatso●●er the prouocations be ; my purpose in this place be●●g ( according to the title of my booke ) that this rec●●ning betweene M. Morton and me , shal be quyet and ●●●er , what exasperation soeuer he giue me to the ●●●trary . To the matter then , I say , that albeit in my ●●●tle Dedicatorie to the Vniuersities , which indeed was ●●itten after the booke of Mitigation was sent away to 〈◊〉 print , I had mistaken the number of places wherin 〈◊〉 clause of Reseruation was in Latin , yet had it 〈◊〉 but an errour of Memorie , and that also sufficient●● excused by that clause by me put in ( to my remem●●●●ce ) and yet more by the other of ( perhaps ) where I 〈◊〉 that it was set downe in English more ( perhaps ) 〈◊〉 40. times : not affirming it absolutely , but by ●●esse . And further I might lay the errour vpon the ●●ribe or Printer , that sett downe 40. for 4. euen as ● . Mortons owne booke ( to witt this his Preamble ) ●y the same negligence of printer or writer hath twise ●n this place ●ourteene for fourtie : and yet do I not ●eeke to take aduantage against him for it , nor do tell him of the whetstone , I hauing more substantiall matters , wherby to whet my penne against his vntruthes , then these trifles , which haue no interest in them to draw a man to forge or lye . And yet to satisfye the Reader more fully euen in these trifles , that M. Morton obiecteth , I must say : 20. That the truth is , that my speach was according to the meaning of M. Mortons assertion , promising that he would allwayes so sett downe the clause of Reseruation in Latin , that the simple Reader should not vnderstand it , no more then simple men could vnderstand Aristotles Philosophy ; in which manner I found it put downe but once indeed , throughout his whole booke , to witt , in the place before mentioned , that is to say , wholy in Latin ; for thus he writeth comming to the said clause of Reseruation : Loquor enim Latine , ne Idiotae ansam sibi accipiant nequiter mentiendi , vt quis teneatur illud detegere , which wordes he Englisheth not , and consequently might be some veile to the ignorant , not to vnderstand him● but in all other places , though he put in often tymes , I knew not this , or that , vt tibi dicam , vt tibi reuelem &c. yet doth he so vtter in English all the rest of the cases proposed , as the simplest man way vnderstand the same ; and consequently I hold them for vttered in English & not in Latin , nor any way to be like therin to the Editiō of Aristotles Philosophy , whervnto for this pretended obscurity & depth , he compareth these his wise Disputes . So as in this his sense , I said truly , that I ●ound him to vtter the matter but once ( to my remembrance ) wholy in Latin , in such sort us the English Reader could not vnderstand him , & aboue 40. tymes ( perhaps ) in English : and this is more then needed in so trifling a cause . Let vs come to the conclusion . 21. The Reckoning of this accompt with M. Mortō must then be , that he hauing contradicted himselfe manifestly in three seuerall pointes of this Paragraph ( as before you haue seene ) and I in none , that he can proue , my Memory hath not beene so bad therin , ●s he would haue men belieue : and if it had byn ; yet ●ere it but errour of Memory , and not of VVill ; and cō●●quently without any malice or fraud , for that there ●as no interest . And so though M. Mortō could proue his errour obiected against me ( as he cannot ; ) yet is ●e farre frō prouing any thing to his purpose of wil●●ll and witting falshood , wherof is our principall ●●ntention , as a●ter shall appeare . And of this follow●●h agayne , that it is but lost time and labour to con●●nd about these trifles , which M. Morton bringeth in 〈◊〉 entertaine his Reader , as though he said somwhat , ●heras , in deed , he doth but fly the chiefe matter to handled , for the small confidence that he hath in 〈◊〉 cause . Now then let vs passe to an other skirmish 〈◊〉 small importance as this . AGAINST THE Learning of P. R. especially in Logicke . §. III. ●HE title of this Paragraph is set downe by M. Morton in these wordes : An argument of P. R. hi● 〈◊〉 of learning in Logicke , wherin he hath prouoked all Vniuersi●● in the world to laugh at him , in the point of Syllogizing . A ●●rnefull accusation as you see , and to frame this ar●●ment against my skill in Logicke , he hath made a ●●pe of aboue 240. leaues in my booke , from the for●er place of his precedent cauill against my Memory : and ●●e very title of the Paragraph it selfe doth shew ●hat he was in choler , when he wrote it , wherby 〈◊〉 hath bene drawne to bring that into iudgment of ●ll Vniuersities of the world ( about a certayn false Sil●ogisme of his ) which I remitted only to the iudgmēt of his owne Vniuersitie of Cambridge , both for the matter , and forme therof , neyther of them being defensible with any colour of truth ; and yet hath he taken the matter in hand with such eagern●sse , as he presumeth to make this generall appeale : I da●e presume to make a generall Appeale ( saith he ) to Cambridge , Oxford , Rhemes , Rome , and to all Vniuersities whether of Protestantes or Romanists , whether Christian or Pagan , yea vnto his owne hi●ling boyes & Sophisters , who P. R. sayth are able to make syllogismes in one moneth ( though the text in the Treatise of Mitigation by himselfe heere alleadged saith not one , but 4. moneths ) I do chalenge ( sayth he ) P. R. for his false syllogisme , willing , if he dare , that heerupon we venture our degrees , which we haue taken in the Schooles &c. Do you see the mans eagernes & choler ? But heere I do intreat him , if euer els where , that he stay himselfe , & that we make a quiet & sober reckoning of this matter , and then we shall see , who is like to lee●e or gayne by the accompt , and where the spirit of truth is foūd , which is , or ought to be the principall end of this Inquiry , and not vaunting & challenging . 23. First then that the matter may be vnderstood wherupon the controuersie grew concerning M. Mortons false argument & syllogisme ( which himselfe concealeth for the most part in latin , much lesse of my speach , then was necessarie fo● explication therof ) the Reader must know , that he taking vpon him to impugne all vse of Equiuocation both in speach & oath , setteth downe these two propositions , as the foundatiōs of his worke : the first , That euery equiuocation by a mentall reseruation is not a hidden truth , but a grosse lye . The second , That euery Equiuocation , whether mentall or verball , if it be vsed in an oath ( to any person whatsoeuer ) though it be no lye in it selfe , yet is it an abhominable profanation of that sacred institution of God. Of which two propositions the first is refuted largely by me throughout eyght Paragraphes together in my Treatise of Equiuocatiō , & this as well by euident testimonies of Scriptures as also practice of Saintes , and other manife●t proofes & reasons . The second is discus●ed in the 9. & other ensu●●g Paragraphes by like authorityes , examples , and arguments . After all which P. R. commeth to examine M. Mortons arguments which he vsed for confirmation of his said later proposition , which was ●ound to cōsist in this false principle , That euery man to whome we sweare by God , who is competent Iudge of all , is made also therby competent Iudge ouer the swearer , in such sort , as the said sw●ar●r is bound in conscience to sweare according to the intention of him , to whome the Oath is made , he being otherwise neuer so incompetent a ●udge , vio●ent or vnlawfull examiner : which being proued to ●e an apparant false conclusion ( for that otherwise e●ery thiefe that forceth a true man to sweare , by God , where his money lyeth , byndeth him also to sweare sincerely & directly to the sayd thiefes intention ) P.R. taketh in hand to examine M. Mortons first & principall argument touching the same . His Wordes are these , which I shall set downe as before by way of charge , and after we shall see the discharge , and so peaceably make vp the Reckoning , in the most frendly manner wee may . The Charge giuen by P. R. against M. Mortons Syllogisme . 24. The absurdity and folly of this second proposition ( say I ) appearing so manifestly in itselfe , as it doth ( by our precedent proofes ) what should we stād to examin the argumēts & reasōs that may be brought for it , by so fond a disputer , as now Thomas Morton is proued to be ? For so much as no reason can s●rue for vphoulding a paradox so ridiculous as this is , euē to common sense . And yet for that he putteth downe foure arguments , or reasons for the same as before hath byn said : let vs see breifly what they are . 25. His first argumēt for this cōclusion is drawne from the forme of an oath , set downe by vs before , and heere againe alledged by him out of Tolet and other Authors of ours ( for of his owne he seemeth to haue none , ) That an oath is a religious inuocation of God , eyther expresly , or by implication , ●or witnes of our speach , and the wordes explicitè or implicitè , expresly or by implicatiō , are added , for that whē we swear by creatures we sweare by them in respect of the truth of God that is in them , and so by God him selfe implicitè . 26. Now then out of this principle T. M. taketh vpon him to proue this proposition ; That whensoeuer , or to whomsoeuer we sweare , we are bound in conscience to answere directly , that is to say , to sweare to his intention , to whome we sweare : which we haue proued before by generall consent of Deuines and lawyers to be false , and Cicero him selfe hath so determined the case in like māner , as you haue heard , whē a man should be cōpelled to sweare to thieues : but yet let vs heare how T. Morton will proue this his new and strange Deuinitie . His Syllogisme is this in his owne wordes . The competency of God ( sayth he ) by whome we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges , and heares to whome we sweare . But by swearing by God whome we cannot deceaue , we religiously protest that in sweariug we intend not to deceaue . Ergo , Our deceiptfull Equiuocating is a prophanation of the religious worship of God. 27. This syllogisme I leaue to be discussed by Cābridge Logitians , where I heare say the man learned his logicke ( if he haue any ) for heere he sheweth very little or none at all , no boy being among vs of foure moneths standing in Logicke or Sophistry , which will not hisse at this argument , both for forme and matter . For as for forme , it is toto ridiculous , the syl●ogisme hauing no medium terminum at all , nor the ●onclusiō any coherēce with the premisses , nor with ●is chiefest purpose that he would proue : nay which 〈◊〉 most absurd , wheras according to Aristotle ( whome 〈◊〉 yow haue heard T. M. tearmeth the Oracle of Logi●●●ns ) a good Syllogisme hath only three terminos , ●herof the one is called Maior extremus , the other Mi●●● extremus , and the third Medius terminus , this syllo●●●me of his hath six terminos , and wheras the Medius ●●●●inus should be repeated in the Maior & Minor pro●●●●tions , & the conclusion should consist only of 〈◊〉 extremes , as if a man should say : Euery man is a liuing Creature : Peter is a man ; Ergo , Peter is a liuing Creature . ●eere the word , man , is medius terminus , & so repea●ed in the Maior and minor propositions ; Peter , & liuyng ●●eature are the two extremes , whereof is framed the third proposition or conclusion by connexion of the ●●id extremes , by vertue of the medius terminus that ●ath part in them both . ●8 . But now Thomas Mortons syllogisme hath no such ●edius terminus , nor any such connexion of his pro●ositions togeather , but euery one of them hath his extremes , to witt , his subiectū & praedicatum separatly , ●ot one depending of the other , and consequently it ●s no syllogysme or argument at all , concluding any thing in forme , no more then this syllogisme . Euery man is aliuing Creature : Euery oxe is a four-●ooted beast ; Ergo , Euery Asse hath t●o long eares . 29. Where yow see that there be six termini , as in Th● . Mortons syllogisme , without connexion , or dependāce one o● the o●her . And as much concludeth this as that . A●d now compare this his skill ( I pray yow ) with that brag of his in the beginning of this his Treatise against Equiuocation , when he said to his aduersary : Dare yow appeale to Logicke ? This is the art of arte● and the high tribunall of reason and truth it selfe , which no man in any matter , whether it be case o● humanity , or Deuinity , can iustly refuse : who would not thinke but that the man were very skilfull in that art , wherin he presumeth to giue such a Censure ? 30. But now let vs helpe him out to make his foresaid Syllogisme in forme . It should haue gone thus , if he would haue sayd any thing in true forme . The cōpetency o● God by whome we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare : But in euery oath we sweare by God , either expresly or implicatiuely : Ergo , in euery oath they are competent Iudges to whom we sweare . 31. And then by an other inference againe he might haue argued , that vnto euery competent and law●ull Iudge we haue confessed before , that a man is bound to answere directly , and to sweare to his intention , and not only to his owne , Ergo , in no oath to whomso●uer , may a man Equiuocate , which is his principall proposition . And thus had his forme of reaso●ing byn good , according to the rules of Logicke , ●hough in matter it had byn false , as now al●● it is . For that his first Maior proposition can ne●●er be proued , to wit , That the competency of God by ●hom we sweare maketh euery one competent Iudges ●o whom 〈◊〉 sweare , that is to say , for so much as God by who 〈◊〉 sweare is competent Iudge of all , this maketh ●●ery one to whome we sweare by God , to be our ●●mpetēt and lawfull Iudge , which is most absurd , ●●en in common sense . For that a man may sweare ●or example ) to a thiefe or murderer by God , for ●●uing of his life , as also to a common queane , yea 〈◊〉 to the dyuell himselfe , and yet t●is m●keth 〈◊〉 the murderer , the quean● , or the diuell to be 〈◊〉 competent & lawfull Iudge , or giueth thē law●●● iurisdictiō , so as the swearer is bound to answere ●●rectly to whatsoeuer they demand , or to sweare to ●●eir intention , if he should be compelled by them . ●nd the like in other such examples , wherof euery ●●an may frame infinite store vnto himself , at his ●leasure : & the reason of this is , for that albeit in euery oath God be lawfull and supreame Iudge , to discerne whether I haue a true meaning of mine oath in my mynd : yet this doth not make the other to whome I sweare my lawfull Iudge , except otherwise he hath iurisdictio● ouer me , for that this absurdity , among infinite others would follow , that if a King should sweare to his kitchin-boy by God , he should therby make his sayd kitchin-boy his lawfull and competent Iudge , and to haue Iurisdiction ouer him , both to examine and co●maund him , and bynd him in conscience vnder sinne to answere him directly ; which how great a folly and ab●urdity it is ●ch man that hath reason , will easily of himselfe consider . Wherfore hauing shewed this , let vs now heare , and contemplate ( if your p●ease ) how Tho. Morton himselfe will prooue his sayd maior proposition ; for it is like he will do it substantially , it being the foundation of all his whole drift . The maior ( saith he ) &c. The Reckoning vpon the Premisses 32. This is now the charge , that P. R. maketh vpon T. M. to proue his verie first and principall argument ( out of the cōpetencie of almighty God ) wheron all the rest is grounded , to be faultie and ruinous both in forme and matter . In forme , for that it is no lawfull syllogisme in Logicall moode or figure : In matter , for that the first or maior proposition is manifestly false . And how doth M. Morton now in this his Preambling Reply , endeauour to satisfie these two charges ? Truly vnto the last , about the vntruth of his maior proposition he saith neuer a word , which yet it seemeth he ought to ha●e done being the maine foundation of his impugning vse of all Amphibologie and Equiuocation : but to the first he maketh an extraordinarie clamour , as partly you haue heard , appealing & prouoking to all the Vniuersities and Schooles , as well of Christendome , as of Heathen countries , and impawing therin not onelie his reputation and credit , but degree of learning and schooles also , and to be degraded , yf he make not his partie good . And yet he that shall examine what he bringeth , shall find that in substance of truth he sayth nothing in effect for his owne defe●ce , but rather lesse then nothing : for that he intangleth himself further with affirming other such things , as he cannot stand vnto , they being euidētly false● and meere shiftes . As for example , he being pressed about his foresayd syllogisme , answereth thus : 33. P. R. calleth that a Syllogisme ( sayth he ) which ● named only in a more generall tearme , a Reason , & ●ot a syllogisme : now there be many formes of rea●onings , besides syllogismes : neyther did I indeed ●●tend to make an exact and formall syllogisme ●ut only such an argument , which by due inference ●nd deduction might prooue my conclusion good . ●o he . And is not this a strange euasion in him , that ●rofesseth such skill in Logike , yea to haue bene a ●ublike reader of Logike ? For that the art of Logike 〈◊〉 my knowledge , admitteth but foure kindes of ●easoning , to witt , Inductions●nd ●nd Examples : but this of M. Morton can be none of the ●ater three sortes , as himself ( I suppose ) will con●es●e , ergo , it must be the first , which is a syllogisme , ●nd consequently it is a meere shift to say heere , whē 〈◊〉 is taken trippe , that he called it not a syllogisme , ●ut a reason . ●4 . Secondly let vs heare ( I pray you ) his owne ●ords in his booke of ●ull Satisfaction where he brin●eth forth this argument : Our first argument ( sayth ●e ) is taken from the ●orme of an Oath , which is defined to be ● religious inuoca●ion ( whether it be expressely or implicatiuely ) 〈◊〉 God , as witnesse of our speach &c. Hence may we reasō●hus : The competencie of God , by whome we sweare , maketh ●uerie one competent iudge , to whome we sweare : But by swearing by God , whome we cannot deceyue , we religiously protest , that in swearing we intend not to deceyue : ergo , our deceiptfull Equiuocating is a prophanation of the religious wor●hip of God. The Maior is true : for that our Sauiour auouching truth , held Pilate as a competent iudge &c. 35. Heere now is euidently prooued , that which you ( M. Morton ) should haue bene ashamed to deny that you meant to make a syllogisme . For first you ●intitle it . An argument taken from the forme of an Oath ; thē you say , hence may we reasō thus , which is as much as ratiocinari in latin , that is , to r●ason , and is a word p●oper to schoole disputes , when they will argue in forme . Thirdly you set downe three distinct propositions in forme of an argument with ergo in the last , which is the forme of a syllogisme : and fourthly you con●esse , that the first of them wa● the maior , which inferreth allwayes a minor , & they both include a conclusion , and so doe make vp the perfect nature of a syllogisme . How then bl●sh you not to deny this ? And thus being beaten from one defence , you runne to another , saying , that P. R. con●esseth of your argument , that by a do●ble in●erence the rea●oning is made good : wh●r●ore ( say you● I cannot see what cause he had to be more o●●ended with me 〈◊〉 deliuering that in grosse , which being deuided into his pa●●● was good reason , no● more then a man may mislike two per●● because it is not a couple of single pen●e . 36. And is not this a p●easāt iest to escape by ? But it will not serue : for P. R. conf●sseth not of this your argument ( in the forme you frame it ) that by ● double inference it might be made good , but as he re●ormed the same . For that this of yours being neither in Logicall moode or figure , nor hauing coherence with 〈◊〉 sel●e , nor medium terminum , but rather six terminos in place of three , as hath bene said , it cannot by any double , triple , or quadruple inference euer be made good , except we change the forme and frame therof . Neither did I euer say that it could be made good more then the other absurd syllogisme set downe for example of like absurdity , to witt , Euerie man is a liuing creature , Euerie oxe is a ●ourefooted beast , ergo , Euerie asse hath two lōg eares : which in euerie poynt is like vnto the other : and yf not , why had not you , Syr , for your credit sake at least shewed some one reall difference or disparitie in the formes betweene yours and that , which indeed you could not doe , for that they are like , and ech one had three distinct propositions and euery proposition a distinct subi●ctum and predicatum without medius terminus , and consequently consisteth of six seuerall termini : for which cause I neuer said , nor could say , that this your syllogisme could be made good without the whole forme thereof were changed , and consequently this is now an absurd shi●t in you , to runne to my confession , which I neuer made . 37. My speach of another inf●rence was nothing to this purpose at all , as the Reader will see , yf he consider my wordes . For I spake of an inference that might be further made vpon your argument reformed by me , but not as it came from you : and this I spake also of the consequence of matter , and of the truth of the proposition in controuersie , but not of the forme , which being naught could neuer be made good by any inference , and therefore it is verie absurd that you say , that I am offended with you , for deliuering the matter in grosse , which deuided into his partes , was good reasoning ; for that neither in grosse , nor in partes can the argument be defended . And the similitude of two pence and two single pence , is not worth a half-penny for sauing of your credit in this behalfe , as the Reader will easily perceaue . 38. VVell then , hauing thus cleered the Reckoning about this principall point , that you cannot anie way defend the forme of your syllogisme , either by denyall , or by vnderpropping the same , with anie kind of shiftes , you bend your self wholie to finde some faultes in the reformation therof by me , as though it were a full iustification of you , if you could find out any ouersight in me , and therfore you note many poyntes of small , or no importance at all ; and the most of them meere cauills or against your se●fe , as now will appeare . For first I meaning to put in some order and forme your said syllogisme ( which your self heere dare not so much as take vpon you to defend ) rather then to make any new of myne owne , I reteyned your whole Maior proposition , which is this as before hath bene set downe : The competency of God by whom wee sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom wee sweare ; which proposition I do shew at large to be false in matter and substance , as in part yow haue heard : yet do I retayne it ( as I sayd ) wholy for the Maior proposition as it came from you , and in this Maior did I necessarily vnderstand the wordes ( expresly or implicatiuely ) for that your selfe had set them downe expresly in the same place , within 3. lynes before , out of the definition of an Oath ; so as the full meaning of this Maior proposition is , that the Competency of God by whome ( eyther expresly or implicatiuely ) we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges to whom we sweare . And then secondly for that your two other propositions of the same argument , to wit , the Minor & Conclusiō , had no coherence at all with this Maior , and consequently could inferre nothing therupon , as I did shew in my answere ; I was forced to change them wholy for bringing the argument to true forme of syllogisme , saying in the Minor thus : But in euery Oath we sweare by God , eyther expresly or implicatiuely ; ergo , in euery Oath they are competent Iudges to whom we sweare . 39. But against this reformation of myne you are so impatient , as maketh me take new compassion of you indeed : For it seemeth you care not much to wound your selfe , so it might be thought that therwith yow scratched also me . But let vs heare what you do obiect . First ( say yow ) th●re be fiue termini in this new syllogisme of P. R. namely , 1. Competencie , 2. God by whom we sweare , 3. euery one competèt Iudges to whome we ●weare , 4. in euery Oath , 5. eyther expresly or impli●atiuely , wheras according to his owne cē●ure ther● should be ●ut three . Wherto I answere with remēbrāce of that story of the enuious man , who being offered by a Iudge to haue double punishmēt decreed against his aduersary , for any that he would take vpō himselfe , chose to haue one of his owne eyes pulled out , so as his aduersary might leese both of his , which how far it may be applyed to this fact of M. Mort. the disapassionate Reader will discern . For heere to find out fiue terminos of this syllogisme ( which hath in deed but three ) he will needs assigne three in the only Maior proposition , which is verbatim his owne , and nothing changed by me , but set downe as I found it in him ; so as if this his maior proposition haue thr●e terminos , as heere he auoucheth , then did he with all his skill in Logicke , yea hauing byn a publicke Reader and Maister therof , make a Maior with three terminos , and a proposition with more then one subiectum , and one praedicatum , which is the grossest ouersight in Logicke that can be ymagined ; nor any meane scholler of foure moneths study in Sophistry indeed would commit the same , Aristotle hauing assigned , that one proposition can haue but two termini , which are subiectum and Praedicatum , in quos terminos ( tamquam extrema quibus clauditur ) propositio resoluitur , sayth he : & this is taught vnto Logicians , euen at their first entrance into that stuly . 40. So as to seeme to haue noted me of somewhat he is content to accuse himself of a grosse errour in deed , yea and that falsly also against himself : for that his maior proposition had not indeed , nor hath three termini , but only tvvo , as it should haue : to witt , one subiectā that goeth before the verbe or copula , and one praedicatum that followeth the same : for that the first part of his said maior , the Competency ●f God by whome wee sweare , maketh not two termini but one , as the other later part following the verbe or copula , to witt ( maketh ) euery one competent Iudges to whome wee sweare , is but one praedicatum . And M. Morton is grosly deceaued in appoynting out di●ferent wordes , for different termini : for if there were a dozen wordes or more going before the verbe , & as many following tending all to one affirmation or negation , they should all according to prescript of Logick be but two only termini . As for example , If I should say , Euery man in that he is indued with a soule , that is a spirit , adorned with reason , prouidence , freewill , and such other qualityes may be compared to an Angell &c. All these wordes going before the verbe make but one terminus , and consequently M. Mortons appointing the word Competency for one terminus , and God by whome we sweare for an other , which stand but for one subiectum in the maior propositiō , & do tend but to one simple af●irmatiō , cōmitteth more then a grosse error in Logick : as also he doth in that other obseruation of his , wherby he noteth the last wordes of the minor proposition ( eyther expresly or implicatiuely ) for a fifth seuerall terminꝰ , wheras in deed they are but a part of the medius terminus which was the subiectum of the former maior proposition , necessarily there vnderstood , and that out of M. Mortons owne wordes , as before is sayd . But yet let vs heare how he goeth forward to reprehend what he seemeth not to vnderstand well himselfe . 41. Secondly ( saith he ) these wordes ( the Competency ) being part of the medium , should haue beene repeated in the minor proposition . Wherto I answere that it is sufficient that they be necessarily , and vertually included , and vnderstood by the hearer , as they are in our minor : for when we inferre thus , but in euery Oath we sweare by God , though we omit to say , who is compe●ent Iudge of all , or , hath competency of iudgement ouer all , as in the Maior is expressed ; yet euery man will vnderstand and supply it by himself , as in the forementioned ●yllogisme , Euery man as he is indued with a soule , ●hat is a spirit , adorned with reason &c. may be compared to An●ells : but Peter is a man , ergo he may be compared to Angells . Is not this a good syllogisme ? And should it not be so taken in publicke disputations , though all the wordes of the former subiectum , or medius terminus were not repeated in the minor , but onely the word , Man , that includeth necessarie relation to all the rest , to wit , as he is indued with a soule & c ? I thinke yes . And so I suppose all Logicians in Cambridge would affirme against M Morton in this behalf . 42. Lastly then this third or finall quarrell against this reformed syllogisme is proposed by him thus : Thirdly ( saith he ) there should be but one minus extremum ; but with this , we sweare by God , he hath ioyned another , to wit , either expressely or implicatiuely , which wordes being a part of the minus extremum should not haue bene omitted in the conclusiō . So he . But M. Morton must be content we tell him heere friendly , that not to speake of skill or learning , he hath shewed at least much lesse attention , then in anie other point before about this matter . For that the words , VVe sweare by God , are not put by me for the minus extremum or subiectum of the minor proposition , but for a part of the praedicatum , & consequently for a part of the medius terminus of the whole syllogism● , as also the wordes expresly or implicatiuely are another part of this medius terminus , and therfore by law of a good syllogisme are well left out in the conclusion , which M. Morton inconsideratly reprehendeth . I will pretermitt heere manie scurill syllogismes which you ( M. Morton ) haue delighted your self to frame out of your owne imagination , about dronken penitentes , shauen crownes , and the like , which are not worthie the repetition : onelie we may not omitt for the vpshot of all , to see how your self do now reforme your former owne syllogisme after better deliberation had , & my admonitiō vnto you cōsidered . For finally you frame it thus : Euerie speach wherin we sweare by God , either expressely or implicatiuely , doth by the competencie of God , by whome we sweare , make the iudges competent , vnto whome we sweare : But euerie Oath is a speach , wherein we sweare by God , either expressely or implicatiuely : Ergo , euerie Oath doth by the competencie of God by whome we sweare , make the iudges competent to whome we sweare . 43. This is the last , & most absolute forme , whereunto M. Morton hath reduced finally his former argument : which yf you examine well , you shall find it to be the verie same in effect with mine . And first I would haue the Reader to note , that of the 3. propositions , which he sett downe in his former old syllogisme , he heere casteth away two , without so much as mentioning them , to witt , the minor and conclusion , which had in them , as before hath bene shewed , foure distinct terminos , that is , two subiecta & two praedicata , without anie combination or coherence the one with the other , whereof they being conuicted , M. Morton thinketh best now not onely not to defend them , but not so much , as to mentiō them in this his new and last reformed syllogisme , consenting thereby manifestly to their former reiection , and condemnation made thereof by me . And then secondly for his first or maior proposition , which I for his sake reteyned wholy in my reformation , as I found it set downe by him , he hath so altered the same here in this his last refining , and so charged it with so many new additiōs of wordes and clauses , as yf his owne new rule may take place , that euerie distinct clause must be held for a distinct terminus , ●t will not onely haue two , but 4. or 5. termim at least : and so will the Reader find by looking only vpon it . And I vvould prosecute the matter more at large , but I see vve haue spent to much time about these trifles : yet could I do no lesse , for that M. Mort. would needes take the matter with such eagernesse , as you haue heard , and appeale to all Vniuersities both Christian and Heathen , for tryall of the matter , yea impawne his hood , habit , degree and credit therein : by which occasion I haue bene forced to say more then otherwise I would , or thought the matter worthie . 44. The finall Reckoning then of this accompt is found to be this ; that notwithstanding all M. Mort. clamour and outcry in this matter , he hath not bene able to defend his former syllogisme either in matter or forme , but by shamefull denying ( in the later ) that which he cannot stand vnto , nor yet impugne my reformation therof , but by setting downe the verie selfsame in effect and substance , that I did before ; and that the faultes which he deuiseth , doe fal● vpon his owne syllogisme , as you haue heard demonstrated , wherby the Reader will see , in what danger his pawne lieth in the Vniuersity , yf rigour of iustice should be exacted . But yet will he not giue ouer nor cease , but hath another assault against me about a certaine diuision or rather subdiuision of Equiuocatiō made by me ( as he pretendeth ) against the lawes of Logike : which though it be of verie little importāce in respect of our cause ; yet wil we giue it also some place of examination among other his trifles proposed . ANOTHER VAINE CONtention brought in by M. Morton , about skill in Logike . §. IIII. HOVV ardent a desire M. Morton hath to find out some probable matter against me in this point or Logicall skill ( wherin himselfe presumeth much ) may appeare not onely by that you haue now heard him write about the defēce of his syllogisme ( which yet he defēdeth not ) but also by another trifling qua●rell , which within few leaues after the precedent he picketh at a certaine diuision and subdiuision I made in the last Chapter of my booke of Equiuocation , distributing the same first into two sortes , lawfull , and vnlawfull . Lawfull when the speaker hath a true meaning and lyeth not , though he be not alwayes so vnderstood by the hearer ; and that this sort only of Equiuocation is vsed by Catholikes vpō iust occasions : the other is vnlawfull , when the speaker lieth , and meaneth wrōgfully to deceyue his hearer ; and that this second sort is practized euerie where by Protestant wryters in England , by M. Morton , and his fellowes , as I doe shew by manie examples throughout that whole Chapter , which M. Morton leauing wholie vnanswered , taketh vpon him only to impugne the manner or forme of a certaine subdiuision made by me of this secōd kind of false Equiuocation , which there , I say , may be subdiuided againe into other two members of materiall and formall , according to the diuision of a lie in generall , which is so diuided , viz. into material & formall lying though differently in some point . For that albeit ●ome of these sortes of false Equiuocation be eu●l ; yet ●s the latter ( called formall ) much worse , for that ●n the materiall lie , the lyer knoweth not , that he ●ieth , but in the formall , he doth . Thus wrote I then . 46. And vpon this discourse of mine , wherein I prooued manifestly by manie examples taken out of M. Iuell , M. Horne , Ha●mer , Cha●k , Fox , Perkins , Syr Fran●i● Hastings , Syr Edward Cooke , and other Prote●tants in ●heir wrytings , that they did ordinarily vse & practise both these two later sorts of lying and vnlawfull Equiuocation , whilst M. Morton so eagerly impugned the former sort of true and lawfull Equiuocation in Catholikes : Vpon this , I say , though he take not in hand to defend anie one of the accused , nor so much as pretendeth to answer anie of the particuler accusations of lying layd against him , yet foundeth he a great quarrell against me , & my skill in Logick out of this place and matter , no lesse then before , about my reformation of his syllogysme , saying in effect , that by my diuision and subdiuision of Equiuocation , I do come to saie , That he who lyeth , knowing that he doth lye , doth lye , not knowing that he doth lye . And for the ground of his Charge he doth set downe a piece of my discourse , in these words , after my first diuision of Equiuocation into lawfull and vnlawfull . The Charge giuen by M. Morton out of my booke of Mitigation . 47. Wherfore ( said I ) all our speach in this place shal be about the second kind of Equiuocatiō , which is false & lying , & therby also euer vnlaw●ull : which though not properly , yet in a general māner , may be called Equiuocation , as I haue said , for that the hearer is allwayes wrongfullie deceaued , or intended to be deceaued by some falsitie , which is knowne to be such by the speaker , and consequently is plaine lying . And for that lying hath byn shewed also be●ore to be diuided into two sorts , the one a materiall lye , whē the thing spoken is false in it self , but not so vnderstood by the speaker ; the other a formall lye when the speaker doth know it , or thinke it to be false , and yet speaketh it . This kind of Equiuocation , which reallie is a lye , must haue also the same subdiuision , so as the one sort thereof may be called a mat●riall lying Equiuocation , & the other formall , and so much worse , as a formall lye is in it self ( which all wayes is sinne ) then a materiall ( which oftentimes may be without sinne of the speaker ) by so much is a formall lying Equiuocation worse then a materiall . Wee shall giue examples of both , that shall make all playne . 48. Thus farre it pleased M. Mort. to cite my words , excepting only the last , mentioning the examples to make all playne , which he thought best to suppresse , for that perhapps he desired not to much playnesse in this matter . Wherefore I haue thought good to supplie them here , to the end that the Reader may see the whole tenor of my speach , & therby conceaue how litle to the purpose this Cauill is , which M. Morton hath sought out to handle in this place . It followeth then in my booke . 49. If one should said to me ( quoth I ) that my Father is dead , thinking in deed that he is dead , though he be aliue , it were a materiall lye , as before hath byn declared , for that indeed , though he perhaps that made the lye may haue sayd it with out sinne , for that he thought it so : and I say ( perhappes ) for that in some case , ignorance could not excuse him , if it were a matter wherof he were boūd to know the truth , and might with diligence haue ●earned the same . But if he should saie my Father is dead knowing in deed that he is not dead , and meaning to deceaue me thereby , this is a formall lye , and alwayes sinnefull , either veniall or mortall , according to the importāce of the matter , wherin the lye is made . And conforme to this may be the diuision also ( as is said ) of lying Equiuocation , that the one be materiall , the other formall . 50. Examples of the first may be these , & other like . An Arian deliuereth to the people those wordes of Christ , Pater mens maior me est , my Father is greater then I , vnderstanding it heretically according to their meaning of the very God head ; this is an Equiuocation , and in his sense is false , and consequentlie a lye , for that the hearer is deceaued : and yet because the speaker perhappes thinketh it to be true , the lye is but materiall in the Arian , and not formall , & in that respect lesse synne then if it were formall : but yet is it dannable by another way , for that this error , ( as hath byn said ) being willfullie defended against the Church , is not excusable . 51. The other sort of false Equiuocation called formall● is when the hearer cōceaueth any false thing vpon the speach of another , which other knoweth it also to be false and so vttereth a lye against his owne knowledge , and conscience . As for example : If a preacher in England who indeed is no Protestant in harte , should preach Protestant doctrine that is false , and himself should thinke it also to be false ( as diuers perhaps do , ) this were to Equiuocate both falsely , and formallie , which is the worst kind of lying Equiuocation that may be : and this is that , which I saie , that Thomas Mort. and his fellowes , who inueigh bitterlie euerywhere , against true and lawfull Equiuocation , doe vse almost at ●uery turne . 52. As for example , when he saith , No one iota of Scripture , ●o one example in all antiquitie , no one reason in the na●urall wi● o● man , no one author Greeke or Latin , no one Father , not any Pope , Christian or Antichristian , doth make ●or equiuocation as we de●end it , or any colour thereof , ney●her did ●hey so much as fancy any such thing : Here is ●irst seene anotorious vntruth of the assertion itselfe , & consequently it is a materiall lye , and materiall Equiuocation , for that the matter deliuered is vntrue : and secondlie it is most probable that Tho. Morton must needes knowe it to be a lie , hauing seene so many authors and reasons alleadged for it by the Catholike Treatise , which he pretēdeth to confute : wherof it followeth , that it was a formal lye also , & a formall lying equiuocation in the highest degree of deceipt and falshood . 53. Hitherto did I write before , and my purpose was , as here is , euident to distinguish only two kindes of lying Equiuocation , the one most grieuous , which I call formall , the other lesse heynous , tearmed by me materiall , and both of them vsuallie practised by Protestants in their wrytings . And for so much as both of them are false , & in substance ly●s ( though in different sort , ) I said that they might haue the same diuision into materiall and fo●mall , which a lie hath , albeit it be not neces●arie that the members diuident be like in all and ●uery poynt , as now we shall declare after we haue considered of M. Mortons obiection , which is this in his owne words . 54. There is noe boy I thinke ( saith hee ) in his Colledge , but he can analyze the members of this d●uision thus : A lying Equ●uocation is that which is knowne to be such vnto the speaker , and this is to be subdiuided , for it is either a material l●e , which when the thing spoken is a lye in it s●lfe , but not soe vnderstood of the speaker : or a ●ormal lie , when the speaker doth kno●e it , and thinke it to be false , where he maketh a materiall lye , which not knowne of the speaker to be a ●p●cies or mēber of that lying Equiuocation , which is kno●ne ●o the speaker : As if he shou●● s●ie , Some her knoweth what ●e speaketh , wh●n ●e knoweth not what he speaketh . And could any say thus ●ut a ly●r ? Heere inded is Logicke , wherat the boyes of our Vniuersity may hisse , and the boyes of his Colledge may blush , yea any ●u●all boy ( if of any meane capacity ) may laugh ●y sight of the like . So he . And doe you se how he ●nsulteth ouer me , as though hee had gotten a great ●duantage , and how hee taketh heere his reuenge vpon me , for the shipwracke hee suffered before , ●n the matter of his syllogysme ? But let vs examine the thing somewhat more particulerly , and you shall find him to haue no better successe heere , then there , though his animosity in both places bee great and confident , as you see . The R●ckoning about the subdiuision of false Equiuo●ation . 55. First then where I doe say ( as you haue heard ) that this second kind of vnlawfu●l Equiuocation vsed by Protestants ( being alwaies a lye ) may bee diuided , like a lye it selfe , into a materiall lying Equiuocation and a formall , M. Morton omitting craftely the word Equi●ocation in the members diuident , diuideth the same into a materiall and formal lye , as though there were no difference at all betweene thē , & therof frameth this inference , that for so much as a materiall lye is when the lyer knoweth not that hee lyeth , as the formal lyer doth , it followeth that a materiall Equiuocator knoweth not when hee doth equiuocate : & yet , sayth hee , haue I defined this second kind of Equiuocation common to both membres , that it is then when the speaker knoweth that he doth falsly equiuocate , which definition must agree to both . 56. This then is a deceipt in M. Morton , that should haue diuided false Equiuocation into formall and materiall Equiuocation , and not into formall and materiall lying , for that albeit betwene materiall lying and materiall equiuocating ( for example sake ) there be some pointes , wherin they agree ( as namely and principally that in the substance of the matter vttered , the speaker thinketh that hee sayth a truth : ) yet are there some other points also wherin they differ , as namely in that a materiall lye or vntruth may be vttered sometymes without sinne or offence , as by the examples before alledged hath beene made euident . But a false equiuocation cannot , for that albeit the chief point , which this fa●se Equiuocator vttered , be thought by him to be truth ( as the Arrian before mentioned thinketh his heresy to be Catholi●ke and true doctrine : ) yet doth he equiuocate in concealing some circumstance , as not telling his hearer , that it is against the doctrine of that Church , which is commonly called Catholicke , or the like . 57. Another example may be , if a stranger not knowing our differences of Religion in England , should demand a Protestant which he meteth in the street , where he may go to the Catholicke seruice , & he should send him to S. Paules in London , for that he persuadeth himself that to be the true Catholicke seruice ; here the Protestant , if he do erre in his iudgment and if that be not the true Catholick seruice indeed , speaketh a falsity , but yet is it but a material falsity , for that he thinketh that he saith truth : but yet further doth he falsly also equiuocate in one thing , which is in not answering to the others true intention , for that he knew that the other meant the Roman Catholicke seruice . And so you see that materiall false equiuocation , hath somewhat more ●n it of malice then a material● lye , for that it doth wittingly alwayes conceale some circumstance , which ought to haue bene vttered , and wherby it may be said to haue some knowledge or guilt of de●eipt , which a meere materiall lye hath not . ●8 . Now then I would aske M. Morton whether he ●ad considered this or no , when he doth so reuell ●gains● me with his rurall boy ? For if he had not , he ●ay consider it now , with some reprehension of ●is owne inconsideration ; but if he had done it , why did he equi●ocate so fraudulētly with me , as to ●ake me to diuide false Equiuocatiō into formall and ●at●riall lying ? Wheras he should haue said into for●all and materiall Equiuocation , and so out of this fraud ●f his owne , to go about to inferre some shew of ab●urdity against me . Is this good dealing ? or is not ●his equiuocating in the worst sense ? ●9 . But it may be he will obiect my wordes against me , where I say , that this kind of Equiuocation 〈◊〉 which really is a lye ) must haue also the same subdiuision which 〈◊〉 lye hath : wherto I answere , that it must haue the ●ame subdiuision into the tearmes o● materiall and ●ormall , for that it is really and in substance a lye ; but yet not that the partes or members diuident must of necessity be altogether the same in the one and the other , in such sort , as a materiall false Equiuocation may containe nothing more then a materiall lye ; for which cause my wordes immediatly following are these , so as the one sort therof may be called materiall lying Equiuocation , and the other formall : I do not say a materiall and formall lye , for that ( as hath bene shewed ) a mate●iall equiuocation contayneth somewhat more malice then a bar● materiall lye , for that it contayneth the knowledge and concealing of some circumstance that ought to be vttered , which the other doth not . 60. But heere againe may be perhaps obiected , that this material equiuocatiō , if it hath any knowledge or malitious concealement ( as heere seem●th to be graunted ; ) then is it the same with that which we call forma●l equiuocation , and so consequently both members should be coincident & cōfounded ; and if it haue knowledge onely , and no malice , then is it no lye but lawfull Equiuocation● as he that saith to an incompetēt iudge , I am no Pre●st ( meaning , as obliged to reueale it to you ) knoweth that the iudge is deceaued , but yet without malice or sinne of his part , for that hee doth not any wrōge to the said iudge , as not holding himself bound to vtter the same to him . 61. To these two obiections is answered , first , that materiall equiuocatiō is when the speaker thinketh that which hee saith to be true , as the fornamed Arian doth , though he conceale some circumstance that he ought to vtter , which maketh it vnlawfull though nothing so grieuous as the formall equiuocatiō is , where the Equiuocator knoweth that the whole matter is false , which is sufficiēt distinctiō to make two seuerall members or degrees of false equiuocation in generall , & herby is my diuisiō iustified● 62. To the second I say , that a materiall false Equiuocation can neuer be lawfull , for that in charity the speaker is bound not to conceale the circūstāce wherby his hearer is wrongfully & iniuriously deceaued : as when the stranger demaunding , whither he may go to heare Catholicke seruice , and a Protestant directing him to S. Paules Church , though the Equiuocation be but materiall in him , in that he thinketh the seruice of Paules to be Catholicke seruice , yet knowing the other meaneth indeed the Roman Catholicke seruice , he was bound in charity to haue answered him truly to his sense and meaning . Nor 〈◊〉 the case of an incompetent Iudge , or other iniurious ●emaunder , whom we may lawfully suffer to be de●●yued , like in this poynt , for that the Iudge of●●reth iniury , and the other demandeth matters not ●●pedient to be vttered : but heere the demaund is ●●wfull & honest to informe himselfe of Catholicke ●●uice , and consequently the Protestant answerer ●●ould haue answered to his meaning & intention . ●● . And thus much haue I byn forced to wryte ●●hough in an impertinent matter ) for satisfying M. ●●rton and his Rurall boy about the diuision of false ●●lying Equiuocatiō , & whether it may be deuided into ●●teriall & formall , or no : the more importāt enterprise 〈◊〉 byn to proue , that he & his do not vse both ●●ndes , rather thē to impugne the forme of the di●●siō . But this we shall expect of him afterwardes ; for ●●ese are but certayne light skirmishes set out before 〈◊〉 mayne battaile , wherof there remayne yet some ●●ree or foure more to be hādled in this Chapter . ●HE CONFVTATION OF what M. Morton obiecteth against the skill of P. R. in Greeke and Hebrew . §. V. THIS Paragraph is set downe by M. Morton vnder this tytle , An argument of P. R. his kind of skill 〈◊〉 Greeke and Hebrew , wherby he hath gayned the opiniō of rare ●●norance . So he . And heerby styll it is seene that the good man was much troubled , and out of temper when he wrote these Paragraphes , and so fell to playne scratching in deed : for I disputed neyther of Greeke , Hebrew , nor Latin with him , but only alleadged the common latin text of a verse in the Prophet Esay ( which he had impertinently cyted for his purpose , and posie of his booke ) and I said that the Greeke and Hebrew texts were conforme to the said Latin text by me alleaged , & fondly applied by him , which thing I might easely do without ostentation of great skill in Greeke or Hebrew ; for so much as the late great Byble set forth in sundry languages hath euery thing translated into the latin tōgue , so as without any great knowledge of Greeke , Hebrew , Chaldy , or Syriake tōgues set there downe a man may by only the Latin tōgue , see what those other te●tes do contayne , so as this try●ling assault might haue byn pretermitted by M. Morton : but yet for that he will needes haue the matter treated heere agayne , and alleadgeth the Charge made against him out of my booke , I shall repeate also the same in this place briefly , which conteyneth only but a note made by me in the end of a Chapter , in these wordes . The Charge . 66. I cannot well pretermit ( for ending this Chapter ) one little note more of rare singularity in this man aboue others , which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes , and this is , that the very first wordes of Scripture alleadged by him in the first page for the posy of his Pamphlet , are falsely alleadged , corrupted , & māgled , though they cōtayne but one only verse of Esay the Prophet : and then may you imagine , what liberty he will take to himselfe afterward throughout his whole discourse . His sentence or Posy is this : Isay 29. vers . 9. But stay your selues , and wonder , they are blind , and make yow blynd , which he would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholiks . But let any man read the place of Isay it selfe , and he shall fynd no such matter eyther in ●ordes , or sense , but only the word wonder , to wit , ●bstupescite et admiramini , fluctuate et vacillate , inebriamini , & non à vino , mouemini & non ab ebrietate . And accor●ing to this are the Greeke & Hebrew textes also . ●o as what shoud moue T. M. to set downe so cor●uptly the very first sentence of his booke , and cite ●he chapter and verse wherin his fraud may be des●ryed , I know not , except he obserued not the last ●ause of the Prophets precept , Mouemini et non ab ●●rietate . And so much for this . ●7 . To this M. Morton answereth , saying , that this 〈◊〉 more then any man of a temperate sense would ●aue obiected . For let any man read ( ●aith he ) the English translation , and he shall find the same ●ords sett downe . Seing therfore that P. R. doth ●ntimate to his Reader that I forged a new text , and ●hat the words are by me falsly alledged , can there ●e a more false , yea ( and if wilfull rashnes do not ●ake the vpper hand of impudent boldnes ) a more ●hameles cauill then this ? So he . Where you see ●hat all goeth in choler , exaggerations , and pa●heticall speaches with M. Morton . For I do not say , ●hat he hath forged a text , but that the sentence of his posy against Catholickes pretended to be taken out of this place , to wit , out of the 29. Chapter , and ninth verse of Isay , is falsely alledged , corrupted , and mangled , the same not being found there , eyther in wordes , or sense . And vpon this let vs ioyne issue , and make the recknoing if you please , and see how he can iustifie his allegation of this text to the sense he alledgeth itaga inst Catholicke Doctors . The Reckoning of this Paragraph . 68. He first for his defence alleadgeth the English translation , to wit , that the Protestants English Bibles ( at least some of them ) haue it so ; but this is as good as nothing to me . For neither did I see , o● looke for their English trāslation ( hauing before me all the other originall texts out of which that English must be taken , if it be true : ) nor if I had , could it be of any great credit in this controuersie with me , who had read and se●ne the same Engli●h translation called in question , and accused of many wilfull corruptions by their owne Doctors , as namely by M. D. Broughton their chiefe Linguist in his Aduertismēts to the Bishops about such corruptions found , and obserued by him in the moderne English translation of the Scriptures , and M. Mort●● can not deny it ; and consequently it had byn impertinent eyther for me or others to seeke after that translation , for so much as the Authours thero● might as well be supposed to haue framed what ●ense they list out of this text of Esay by the same libertie that M. Morton doth . 69. Wherfore for your conuin●ment in this place , I meane to stand vpon the original texts them●elues , and the verse by you alledged , to see whether your poesy against vs may be framed therof . First then the Hebrew hath it thus , as both Pagnin●s , Vatabl●● , & others do set it down● : Be astonished and wonder , shut vp your eyes , & let thē be shut , be you drunke , but not with wine , do you reele but not with sicera . Or otherwise : They haue shouted and cried , are drunke , but not with wyne . And in the ●re●k● Septuagint thus : Do you faint , be astonished , you are drunke , but not with sicera , or wine . Th● Chaldean paraphrase hath it thus : Be astonished & wonder , you are ter●ified , and do maruaile , you are drunke , but not with wine . The old latin translation both of S. Hierome , and before him , speaketh thus : Be astonished and maruaile , wauer yee and reele , you are drunke but not with wyne , you are moued , but not with dronkenesse . 70. These are the ancientest textes both of He●rew , Greeke , Chaldy , and Latin , out of all which 〈◊〉 would pray M. Morton quietly & soberly without passion to forme and frame this his predominant ●entence against Catholicks , Stay your selues , and won●er , they are blind , and make you blynd . Is there any such ●hing in this verse ? He would fayne for shew of ●ome defence help himselfe also of the next verse fo●●owing which is the tenth , and sayth thus , as him●elfe trāslateth it : Because the Lord mingled for you the spirit 〈◊〉 slumber , he will shut your eyes , he will couer your Prophets ●nd chiefe-ones which see visions . But what is this to the ●urpose ? He cyted but the ninth verse , and ney●her in this nor in the tenth that e●sueth as you see , ●s conteyned his sentence , o● staying our selues , to see b●●nd men make other men blynd . And wheras he runneth to S. Hieroms Cōmentaries , and those of Hector Pintus where they apply some words of the later verse to the blindnesse of the Scribes and Pharisies , it is nothing to our purpose ; for they iustifie not his sentence and poesy taken out of the ninth verse , and much lesse do they go about to shew hereby ( as he doth ) that Catholickes are blynd in respect of Protestants , and do make other men blynd , which is his purpose to proue . And it is to be noted , that sentences prefixed for posyes ought to be cleare , & not so forced and wrested as this is , which was the cause that I noted it , and M. Morton can no way iustifie the allegation therof in reall truth and substance , as now you haue heard . Other contumelious speach●s of his I let passe , as meere scratchings and scoldings indeed , and shall take in hand the view of another complaynt against me , noe lesse feeble and impertinent then this . WHAT M. MORTON alleadgeth against the Charitie of P. R. §. VI. THE tytle of this Paragraph in M. Morton is layd forth in these wordes ; An argument of P. R. his kind of charity , attended with a triumphant falshood . And this he saith for that I had reprehended him in my booke of Mitigation for a place cyted out of a treatise of Alexander Carerius Doct. of the Canon law in Padua , which he wrote of late de Potestate Romani Pontificis , wherin after cyting of many other writers , whome he saith to be of his opinion , he addeth the testimony of one Celsus Mancinus , saying : Nuperrim● verò Celsus Mancinus in tractatu de Iuribus Principatuum &c. But last of al Celsus Mancinus doth hold the same opinion with vs in his Treatise of the Rights of Principalityes &c. Which wordes M. Morton alleadging and making his aduantage of them , he was noted by me , for two differences from the booke of Carerius printed in Italie , by direction of the Authour himself : first that after the title de potestate Romani Pontificis was added in M. Mortons booke , aduersus impios politicos et nostri temporis haereticos , which addition was not in my copy of Carerius owne booke . 72. The second , that he had Nuperrimè verè Celsus Mancinus , in steed of nuperrimè verò , which being contrary to the first edition which I had of Carerius his booke , and seing no reason why I should suspect it to be otherwise in any other later impression , I did lay it to his charge , especially for that I did see him abuse it ●gregiously to his aduantage ( as hath byn said ) as though Carerius had ridic●lously exalted his witnesse Mancinus by naming him verè Celsus , truly ●●fty , whereas his meaning was but only to say that ●elsus was his Christian name . And had I not rea●●n to note such a slippery shift deuised by M. Morton 〈◊〉 a scoffe against a Catholike learned Authour ? ●hat lacke of charitie can he find heerin ? ●3 But now M. Morton will cleere him selfe , and ●roduceth to this purpo●e another edition printed 〈◊〉 Cullen , that hath these points as he ●yteth them : ●hich edition though I haue not seene , nor heard 〈◊〉 before , yet do I thinke it meet to giue credit to 〈◊〉 affirmation , nor will I offer him that iniuri● 〈◊〉 to doubt therof , especially for so much as he saith , 〈◊〉 he hath shewed the same to many friendes of 〈◊〉 , naming also the yeare and forme in which it is ●●inted . All which being graunted , & that in this 〈◊〉 Cullen impression , the addition of contra haereti●●s &c. may haue bin added , which was not in mine : 〈◊〉 doth this inferre nothing against me , nor my ●haritie . For that , where I saw a defect , I noted 〈◊〉 , nor could I learne of any other edition , nor su●pect , that if there were , or might be , yet tha●●here would be cause to alter the title of his first edi●ion , which himselfe ouerlooked : so as this hath 〈◊〉 least scratch against me . 74. But now for the second point obiected of verè for verò , though M. Morton do alleadge in like māner for his excuse the Authority , or rather errour of his Cullē editiō ; yet can he not so easely discharge himselfe therof ; for that the very contexture of speach must needes argue to his conscience that it should be verò , and not verè , for that otherwise there should haue byn no apt sense , nor any coniunctiue particle to connect the testimony of Celsus Mancinus to the former . The great letter C. also in the beginning of Celsus ( if this be not in like manner altered in M. Mortons edition frō the original ) must needs haue shewed vnto him , that it was no nowne adiectiue , but a proper name of a man , and consequently must be ioyned with verò , and not with verè . 75. And fynally if the thing had byn doubtfull , or might haue byn ( as hardly it could to any indifferent or iudicious reader ; ) yet ought not he , nor could with a good conscience vse the same for an insultation & s●offe against two such learned men , as Carerius and Mancinus are , for these are his wordes : Carerius citeth another called C●lsus , by interpretation high or lof●y , and therfore ensignes him with verè Celsus , as truly so named , and so truly he may be , if wee iudge him by the loftines of his stile and Conclusion . Thus farre his scoffe : which for so much as to me it seemed to stand vpon the voluntarie mistaking of verè for verò ( and so it must still , albeit he fell vpon an erroneous print ; ) I had iust caus● to repell the said scorne , as I did with some acrimony of speach , but yet nothing comparable to the excessiue bitternes of M. Morton who condemneth me not only of Malice , but also of madnes for my reprehension , intituling his whole Paragraph , as you haue heard against my lacke of Charity for the same : yea making this questiō in the last lynes therof , How in so manifest impudency , any argument of modestie can appeare ? wherby we see the power of anger when it taketh possession of our tongue , what it can doe . 76. But this tempest of passion being past , you haue seene I s●ppose that we two haue quietly and soberly made vp this reckoning betweene vs ; the total summe wherof commeth to be this in effect , that as I had reason to charge M. Morton as I did , finding him so different from the Originall booke : so he , though he had lighted vpon an other edition , had no reason ( out of iudgmēt & discretion ) to vrge so manifest an escape of the print ( for so it must be taken ) to the exprobration of two worthy learned authours as Carerius and Mancinus are ; and cōsequently that M. Morton ( notwithstanding all his d●fence ) must needes be thought to haue dealt craftely , and to haue equiuocated eyther materially or formally in vrging so much verè for verò , & bringing the same in againe two or three times aft●rward , as you will see . Let vs passe then to some other poynt if you please of more importance . THE OBIECTION OF M. Morton against the Mod●stie of P. R. §. VII . TThe proper tytle of this Paragraph as it standeth in M. Mor●ōs booke is this : An argument o● P. R. his kind o● modestie , accompanied with a presumptuous falshood , and in the Catalogue of his Chapters , P. R. his presumptuous falshood in charging T. M. with falsi●ie in the allegation of the testimonie of Doleman . Where you see , that besides falshood , he chargeth me with pr●sumption , and thēce belike with lacke of modestie , for presuming to charge so vpright a man , as he , with falsitie . Wherfore let vs make the accompt friendl● , and see where the measure eyther of modestie , or truth , or want of both will be found . The charge given by P. R. 78. First I do shew in the former part of my Treatise of Mitigation , about Rebellion that M. Mo●ton leauing the questions of Diuinitie , & attending principally to sedition , exacerbation , & matters of meere sycophācie against Catholicks in generall , in resp●ct of their receiued doctrine to make them therb● diffident and odious to his Matie . of England , s●tteth downe this Minor proposition out of a calumnious syllogisme framed by him : But all Popish Priests vpon this pretended Supremacie and prerogatiue of Pope and people , do vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes : Ergo , And his ergo is to a good purpose , as you may as●ure your selfe . In which heynous slaunder , you may note first , that albeit he name heere only Priests , yet doth he meane it also of all lay-mē , that hold the same doctrine with Priests , & therby strik●th at all their throats at once , so rāke is his malice . 79. After this I shewed sundrie sortes of malignāt falsities , to be contayned in this minor proposition of his , That all Priests ( without exception ) vpon this pretended Supremacie , and prerogatiue of Pope and people , do vtterly abolish all title of succession in all Protestāt Princes . For first I shew that Catholicke doctrine giueth not Supremacie , or prerogatiue ouer Princes to the people ; but that this is rather the doctrine of the chiefest Protestants of our time , so taught , and so practised by them in all countryes , where they haue dealt against their Superiours , and especially in England and Scotland . 80. Secondly I do shew that for so much as no such prerogatiue of people is pretended by our doctrine it cannot truly be said that vpon this pretended prerogatiue all Popish Priestes do abolish &c. No nor vpon the supr●macie or prerogatiue , which we ascribe to the Pope himselfe : for that the right , or not right of Protestant Princes succession to Kingdomes dependeth not of the Popes prerogatiue , but of the Canons of the Church , and temporall Statutes of particuler Realmes and Kingdomes . Thirdly that it is an exaggeration to say as he doth , that all Priestes do vtterly abolish &c. in all Protestant Princes &c. And now you know that exaggerations in capitall accusations are heynous crymes , and shew great lack of conscience and charity in the accusers . 81. And to proue this to be an exaggeration , that all Priestes did vtterly a●olish the tytle of succession in all Protestant Princes , I alleadged contrary examples in all the protestant Princes that euer succeeded in England , since the beginning of the world , who are knowne to be but three in number , King Edward , Queene Eli●abeth , and King Iames , who were admitted both by Priestes and lay-men , ergo all Priestes do not vtterly abolish all succession in all protestant Princes &c. and consequently some moderation must be granted on our side against this odious exaggeration . 82 Next after this M. Morton bringeth in no lesse enuious and hatefull a proposition out of Doleman , saying , that Doleman doth pronounce sentence , that whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince , is a most grieuous and damnable sinner ; but the booke is examined , Dolemans wordes are found to be these only , that for any man t● giue his helpe , consent , or assistance , towardes the making of a King whom he iudgeth or belieueth to be faultie in Religion &c. is a most grieuous and damnable sinne in him that doth it , o● what side soeuer the truth be , or how good or bad soeuer the partie be that is preferred : which last wordes do shew M. Morton to be a calumniator in suppressing them , and affirming that to be spoken only against the succession of protestant Princes , which is spoken as well against Catholicks as Protestants , and meant more principally of election then successiō , as may appeare by these words , If any man shall giue his helpe to the making of a King &c. 83. Here now M. Morton runneth aside from the purpose , and to auoid the necessitie of defending himselfe directly alleadgeth out of M. Reynolds D. Stapleton , and Simancas diuers sentences , wherby they signifie , that in preferring of a Prince , religion ought to haue the first place in consideration , which he applying to vs , that do condemne Protestant religion will needes inferre therof , that , wee do vtterly abolish all ty●le o● succession in Protestant Princes . 84. But doth not the malicious man see , that the same inference may be made of all Professours of other Religions in like manner ? As for example : If Protestants were to admit a King in France , and it lay in their handes to preferre eyther a Protestant or a Catholicke , would any man doubt whome they would prefer , or whome they ought to preferre according to the rules of their owne conscience ? or will any learned , or honest Protestant , deny eyther that Religion in generall is chiefely to be respected , or that his one religion is not to be preferred before others if it lay in his power ? Let vs put the case that a King of England or France hauing diuers Princely Children , and one of them being taken by the Turkes or other infidells as he trauailed vpō the sea , & brought to Cōstātinople , should there be peruerted & made a Turke or Infidell , and that afterwards his parents and brethren dying , the right of succession should iustly fall vpon him , what learned coūsell would M. Morton giue in this case to the common wealth of England or France ? Will he thinke it lawfull to admitt him , notwithstanding the diuersity of his religion ? It may endaunger the whole state of Christianitie round about . Will he say it is lawfull to exclude him ? Then will it follow that succession may be resisted for Religion . I expect M. Mortons answere to this Dilemma . 85. Moreouer it is shewed by me in the booke of Mitiga●ion that the Protestants are not onely the first and chiefe in this doctrine , that Princes may be resisted for Religion , which I shew by manifold testimonies , but are the first also in practice therof , ●s all histories do beare witnes , as of the warres of ●he Hussites in Bohemia , and Albigenses in France , of more ●ncienter tymes , and of the Lutherans in Germanie , ●he Zuinglians in Switzerland , the Trinitarians in Tran●●luania , the Hugonots in France , the Caluinists almost in euery place where they put foote , to wit , in Holland , Zealand , Scotland , Hungarie , and els where . And as for princes debarred by them from their due succession ●pon difference of Religion , the examples of his Ma ties . Mother , notorious to all men , and the King ●f Polonia held from the succession of Sue●ia at this ●ay , being his naturall birth-right , do beare witnes ●o the world . The Reckoning of this accompt . ●6 . Wherfore to come to knit vp this reckoning briefly with M. Morton , we see first that he hath not beene able exactly to verify any one of his two former propositions out of his owne syllogisme , concerning Dolemans assertion , but that he hath vsed exaggeration , and calumniation in them both , and that whatsoeuer he hath vrged neuer so bloudily to incyte his Maiestie against vs , may with much more reason & force of argument be retorted against himselfe , and his , as well in England ( if the Puritans be his ) as in other Countryes against all sortes of Protestants . And when for ending of this Paragraph he frameth a syllogisme inuincible , as he pretendeth , to conclude against vs , saying , One syllogisme will assoyle the whole doubt , he setteth downe such a one , as may wholy be turned vpon himself , changing only the person of whome it is made . The syllogisme is this . Maior Euerie man is a dānable sinner who admitteth any to the Crown whom he thinketh faultie in Religon . Minor But euery Romish Catholicke thinketh all Protestant Princes faulty in Religion ; Ergo Euery Romish Catholicke who admitteth a Protestant to succeed in the Crowne , is a damnable sinner . 87. All this syllogisme , I say , is as well veryfied of Protestants as Catholicks , and consequently the force of his argument concludeth nothing at all against vs more then against himselfe and his . For as for the maior proposition , no Protestant of sense I thinke will but grant , that it is a damnable synne to admit any Prince ( if it lye in his hand to preferre or hinder ) whome he thinketh to be faulty in Religion , for that otherwise we must say that Protestants haue no conscience concerning Religion , if they will aduance wittingly any one that will in their opinion destroy the same . And then I make the minor , But euery true Protestant thinketh Roman Catholikes to be faulty in Religion : Ergo , euery true Protestant that admitteth a Catholicke Prince to succeed in the Crowne , is a damnable synner . And what then shall wee say of the Dolphin of France , when he commeth to yeares to succ●ed in that Crowne , after the death of the King his father ? will the Protestants receaue him or no ? And if there were some such busy seditious spirites among Catholike preachers there , as this of M. Mort. and some others sheweth it selfe to be in England , that would in all their sermons , and bookes raise quarrels , and contentions before hand about this matter , and procure his Christian Maiestie to enter into new doubtes and iealosyes , to propose new Oathes to his Protestant subiectes ; and not to belieue them when they haue sworne , but to giue care to such clamorous makebates as these are ; should he euer haue quiet ? Or his subiectes contentment ? ●his then may suffice that these wicked , and malig●ant calumniations against Catholickes to set them 〈◊〉 perpetuall iealosy and diffidence with the tempo●all Prince and state , in regard of their Religion & ●octryne , are both extreme malitious , and foolish . ●alitious , in grating cōtinually vpon this seditious ●●ference of treason from Religion : foolish & sottish ●●cause the same inf●rence may be made against ●●mselfe , or any Sectaryes whatso●uer as hath bene ●●●wed : and the factes of those of his side are so no●●●ious to the world , and continually in mens eyes , 〈◊〉 the very naming of this argument so often , con●●mneth him manifestly of both the vices before ●entioned of malignity , and imprudencie . Let vs 〈◊〉 passe to another Paragraph of this his first In●●irie , wherein he seeketh most to make some o●ten●●●ion of reason for himselfe , though he haue lesse 〈◊〉 in the former . AN ANSWERE OF M. Mortons calumniation about the Truth of P. R. impugned . §. VIII . THE wordes contayning the tytle of this last Paragraph in M. Morton are these : An argument of ●●R . his kind of Truth , full of triumphāt treacherie : but in ●●e seuerall Catalogue of his said Paragraphes , 〈◊〉 putteth it downe thus . P. R. his 4. malitious trickes of ●●lshood in obiecting a falsity concerning the testimonie of Frisin●●nsis . And then he beginneth his Paragraph with ●hese words : Though all the former arguments sayth he ) of P. R. his wit , memory , learning , and ●odesty , conteyne in them the liuely characters , and demonstrations of a lyer : yet haue I reserued to this last place of truth such an accusation from whēce one would thinke he had gayned a triumph . So he . And then he setteth downe my wordes of Charge against him , for abusing the testimony of Frisingensis , which presently we shall recite . But first we must admonish the Reader , that he which in wordes obiecteth heere vnto me so many characters and demonstrations of a lyer , hath not hitherto in fact shewed any one least signe at all of such proceeding but hath beene conuinced of many himse●fe , which if it had not bene made euident inough , by th●s● few Paragraphes hitherto handled , hauing mat●●rs● of lesse moment ; yet will it appeare more substantially and aboundantly afterward , when we come to examyne punctually the difference of vntruth●s obiected on both sides , especially such as be witti●g and willfull , and some tast therof will be giuen in the tryal of this very Paragraph , wherin he chargeth me with so many characters of lying . For if I do not make it heere manifest , that M. Morton hath dealt shiftingly , and with no sincere and vpright conscience in the matter obiected vnto him ; I am content that the Reader do condemne me , and ascribe vnto me all those odious characters , which M. Morton before hath layd to my charge . 89. And for more cleare conceauing the matter , you must know , that M. Morton , who in this his preamble would make some shew of probable defēce in some few accusations of many great and heinous layd against him for falsity , hath thought good to choose out this example of Otho Frisingensis from the midst of two other much more greiuous then this , the one of falsifying and abusing Cardinall Bellarmine immediatly going before , and the other of Lamber●us Schasnaburgēsis , immediatly following after ; wherof the ●ormer he attempteth not at all to answere , the o●her he seeketh to shake of afterwards , but in vaine , ●s you will see when we come to the place of exa●inatiō . And heere this being a speciall place cho●en by him for defending his truth , and impugning ●yne , he shoud haue touched them togeather , as ●hey lye togeather in my booke : but that as one ac●used , and brought before a Iustice for theft or fal●●ood will be loath to haue many matters disclosed ●●geather , but rather to answere one in one place , ●nd another in another , for that many ioyntly ●●geather would giue suspition , and credit the one 〈◊〉 the other : so dealeth heere M. Morton , not so much 〈◊〉 mentioning the first , and the third , which are the ●ore greiuous , but singling out that which lay in ●●e midst , which notwithstanding he can no way 〈◊〉 truth of plaine dealing defend , as now you shall 〈◊〉 . Thus then lyeth my Charge against him in ●y former booke . The charge by P. R. ●0 . In the very next page ( say I ) after the abuses ●ffered to Cardinall Bellarmines alleadged testimony , M. Morton talking of the great and famous contention ●hat passed betweene Pope Gregorie the 7. called Hilde●rand , and Henry the 4. Emperour of that name , ●bout the yeare 1070. he cyteth the Historiogra●her Otto Frisingensis , with this ordinary title , Of our Otto , for that he writeth , that he found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of ●is kingdome by any Pope , before that tyme , except ( saith he ) that may be esteemed for an excommunication which was done to Philip the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome , almost 1400. yeares agone , when for a short tyme , he was inter poenitentes collocatus , placed by the said Pope among those that did pennance , as that also of the Emperour Theodosius , who was sequestred frō entring into the Church by S. Ambrose , for that he had commanded a certayne cruell slaughter to be committed in the Citty of Thessalonica : both which exceptions ( though set downe by the authour Frisingensis ) this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose , which is no simplicity as yow see , but yet no great matter with him in respect of the other that ensueth , which is , that he alleageth this Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning , as though he had condemned Pope Gregorie the 7. for it , wheras he condemneth that cause of the Emperour , and commendeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious intolerable faultes of the said Henry . Hildebrandus ( saith he ) semper in Ecclesiastico vigore constantissimus suit ; Hildebrand was euer the most constant in defending the rigour of Ecclesiasticall discipline . And agayne in this very Chapter heere alledged by T. M. Inter omnes Sacerdotes & Romanos Pontifices praecipui zeli et auctoritatis fuit ; He was among all the Priestes and Popes that had byn of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority . How different is this iudgment of Frisingensi● from the censure of T. M. who now after fiue hundred yeares past , cōpareth the cause of Pope Gregory , to that of pyrates , theeues , and murtherers , and so cyteth our Otto Frisingensis , as though he had fauoured him in this impious assertiō ? Can any thing be more fraudulētly alleadged ? Is this the assurance of his vpright conscience , wherof he braggeth to his Maiestie ? 91. But the next fraud or impudēcie , or rather impudēt impiety is that which ensueth within foure lynes after in these wordes : Pope Gregorie the seauenth ( saith your Chronographer ) was excōmunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Simony , and other capitall ●rimes ; and then citeth for proofe heerof Lambertus Schafnaburg . anno 1077. As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approued by him ; & not rather as a slanderous ob●ection cast out by his aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour . ●2 . Hitherto I haue thought good to recite my wordes , which are some few lynes more then M. Morton cyteth in his booke , for that you should see the connectiō of things togeather , to wit , how these obiected falsities about alledging af Frisingensis●re ●re craftily culled out frō between the examples before cited of Bellarmine and Lambertus ; but yet in this place we shall handle onely that which M. Morton hath made choice of to be treated , and discussed , to wit ; whether my former Charge against him for abusing the Authoritie of Otto Frisingensis be rightfull and well founded or not , for that he that shall read this reply of M. Morton , will thinke that he hath iniurie offered him , for that I had guylfully vrged matters against him further then truth and reason would require , and therfore he noteth against me in his argument these wordes , Foure excellent trickes of falshood in one page , which after we shall discusse , and shew them to be rather fraudes and shiftes of his , then trickes of myne . Now then let vs come to the examination of this Charge , which of vs is to be found in falsity , and still I must aduise the reader that to the end he may receaue some vtility by this cōferēce , he haue an eye to the spirit of false dealing , and not so much to errours of ouersight , and this he shall easily descry , if he stand attent to the discussion . THE EXAMINATION OF this controuersie more at large . § IX . FIRST vnto my whole Charge before layd downe M. Morton answereth thus : In my full Satisfaction ( saith he ) parte 3. cap. 11. pag. 28. that which was intended to be proued was this , that not till 1000. yeares after Christ did euer any Prelat● or Pope attēpt the deposing of Emperours , and depriuing them of their Crownes . For proofe heerof I brought in the testimony of Otto Frisingensis from the witnes of Tolosanus lib. 26. de Repub. cap. 5. in these wordes : I read and read againe , & fynd that Pope Hildebrand in the yeare 1060. was the first Pope that euer depriued an Emperour of his Regiment , wherin now haue I wronged my conscience ? Is it because Otto Frisingensis is cyted cōtrary to his meaning ? yet could it not preiudice my conscience , because I cyted not the authour himselfe , but only Tolosanus a Romish Doctour , who reported that sentence of Frisingensis . 94. This is the first part of his answere , which is so full of wyles , sleightes , & shiftes , as doth easily shew the disposition of the writers mynd to beguyle . For first in the chapter by him named the intention was not only to improue the right of deposing Princes in the Pope , but also of excommunicating them , as appeareth by the tytle of the Chapter it selfe , which is this : That ●or more then 1000. yeares after Christ the Papall pretended iurisdictiō ouer Kings hath bene controlled . Now then this Papall pretended Iurisdiction ( as all men know ) contayneth as well excommunication , as ●eposition , the one being the efficient cause of the ●ther : so as for M. Morton to runne to onely deposi●ion of Princes , is guylfully to slyde from his mat●er , and from his owne Authours , for that both Fri●●ngensis , and Tolosanus haue as well the words excom●unicated , as depryued o● his Kingdome , though Morton●ath ●ath cunningly stricken them out in cyting their ●ords . ●5 . Secōdly his excuse of hauing alledged Otto Fri●●●gensis against his owne meaning from the witnesse 〈◊〉 Tolosanus cannot stand , or be cleared of deceiptfull ●●eaning , for in the English text which was writ●en for deceiuing the English common Reader , was ●othing said at all of Tolosanus , but thus , in disgrace ●f Pope Gregory the 7. I read and read againe ( sayth your Otto Frisingensis ) and I find that Pope Gregory the 7. ●●lled Hildebrand in the yeare 1060. was the first Pope that ●●er depriued any Emperour of his Regiment . And to this ●estimony he adioyneth Claudius ●sp●nseus a Parisian●octor ●octor , and writer in our time o● very small ac●ōpt , whome he calleth Bishop , but I neuer heard ●et of his Bishopricke , and to him he adioyneth ●ambertus Schasnalurgensis against his owne meaning , ●s he did this of Frisingensis . And with this only he ●ndeth all that Chapter instituted by him to improue all Papall authoritie of excōmunicating and deposing Princes . Onely in the margent he setteth downe in latin the wordes of Frisingensis , with citing ●he booke and Chapter , and then addeth , vt resert Tolosanus lib. 26. 96. Heere then I would aske whether ther were not fraud ( supposing Frisingēsis to be alleadged against ●his meaning ) to put downe his testimony in the English text without relation or mention of Tolosanus , & only in the margent , and in latin to make reference vnto him ? Would the currant English reader euer reflect vpon that , or mistrust that the wordes of Frisingensis were of doubtfull credit , and related only by heare-say ? Why had not M. Morton put downe that referēce in his English text which most imported ? But the truth is , that it was a double cunning shift , to let it runne in the text as he would haue it belieued by the Reader , as though Frisingēsis had testified against Pope Gregory the 7. and yet in the margent to haue some refuge vnder-hand when he should be pressed with the falshood of the allegation , as now he is . 97. I let passe as of small moment the erroneous parēthesis which he putteth in of the yeare ( 1060. ) which cānot be true , for that all English men know that VVilliam Conquerour vpon the yeare 1066. entred into Engalnd , with a hallowed banner sent him from Pope Alexander the second , who was predecessour to Pope Gregory the 7. and cōsequently Pope Gregory could not excommunicate the Empero●r Henry vpō this yeare assigned by M. Morton , for that he was not yet Pope for diuers yeares after , but this I impute to errour , and so insist not vpon it , but rather vpon other pointes of willing deceiptfulnes , which now I am to go forward in noting . 98. I cannot persuade my selfe but that M. Morton had read Frisingensis himselfe , for it were absurd to write bookes out of other mens notes , as afterwards vpon diuers occasions he doth confesse of himselfe , when otherwise he cannot auoid the obiection of falshood vsed : but howsoeuer this were , that eyther M. Morton related the words of Frisingensis , as he found them in himselfe , or in Tolosanus , he hath not faithfully related them , as Tolosanus did : for thus they lye . Lego ( sayth he ) & relego Romanorum Regum & Imperatorum gesta , & nusquam inuenio quemquā eorum ante hunc ( Henricum quartum ) à Romano Pontifice excōmunicatum , vel Reg●● priuatum , nisi sortè quis pro anathemate hahendum ducat , ●●òd Philippus ad breue tempus à Rom. Episcopo inter poeniten●● collocatus , & Theodosius à B. Ambrosio propter cruentam ●●dē , à liminibus Ecclesia sequestratus sit . I do read & read ●gaine the acts of the Roman Kinges & Emperors ●●d I do neuer find any of them ( before this Henry●●e ●●e 4. ) to haue bene excōmunicated or depriued of ●●s Kingdome , except perhaps some man will hold 〈◊〉 an excommunication , that the Emperour Philip●as ●as for a short time placed by the Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 og such as did pēnace , & Theodosius the Emperor ●as debarred the limits of the Church by S. Ambrose ●●ishop of Millane ) in regard of a bloudy slaughter cō●itted by his order . ●● . These are the wordes of Frisingensis related pun●●ually by Tolosanus as heere they lye , but it pleased 〈◊〉 M. Morton to relate them , eyther as they are ●●und in the one or other . And as for the first part ●●erof , the Reader will see the difference by that ●hich I haue already set downe , and in one poynt ●●e fraud is manifest , that where Frisingensis saith , ●●squam inuenio quemquam eorum excommunicatum , vel ●●gno priuatum : I neuer fynd any of the Emperours to ●aue byn excōmunicated or depriued ( by the Bishop of ●ome , ) he leaueth out the word excommunicated both ●n latin and in English , as though it made not to ●he purpose , and secondly he cutteth of both in la●in and English all exception of the Emperours Phi●●p and Theodosius , though both his Authors haue it . And could this be playne dealing ? ●00 . But heere now yow shal heare how he answereth this omission , I left them out of purpose I confesse ( saith he , ) otherwise I should haue bene like to your selfe in this & other such cauills , who desire to say much though nothing to the purpose : for to what purpose I pray you had this beene , seeing our question was not to shew what Emperors had byn excommunicated , but who being excommunicated had bene deposed from their regalityes . Yea ( Sir ) and will you escape so ? why then doth your Authour Frisingensis say that he fyndeth none excommunicated or depryued of his kingdome before Henry the 4. by Gregoy the 7 ? you see that he includeth both the one & the other , and so doth Tolosanus relate him also , and you haue strooke out the former from Tolosanus his latin text set downe in your margēt because it should not be seene : and then also both the foresaid exceptions of the Emperours Philip and Theodosius he cutteth of & suppresseth , as nothing to the purpose : and yet you know that depositiō of Princes is an effect of excōmunication , and can neuer happen by Ecclesiasticall authority , but where excōmunication hath gone before . And I would aske M. Morton in good earnest out of his Deuinity , when a Christian Prince is lawfully excommunicated and shut out from all society of Christian communion and he persist impenitent , how can he be head of a Christian cōmon wealth , for so much as he is no member , nor hath any place or part at all in the whole body , the headship being the chiefe part of all others ? 101. Much then it importeth to know the authority and antiquity aswell of excommunication as of deposition : from which cause the examples alledged by Frisingensis ought not to haue bene suppressed or imbezeled : and Tolosanus here alleadged by M. Morton produceth an other example both of excommunication and deposition aboue an hundred yeares before this of Frisingensis , saying : Antea quidem , Gregorius tertius &c. Before this , Gregory the third being made Pope vpō the yeare 759. did depriue Leo the third Emperor of Constantinople , both of his Empire , and the ●ommunion of Christians , for that he had cast holy ●mages out of the Church , and defaced them , and ●eld a wicked opinion against the B. Trinity : thus ●e . And that Tolosanus in this sayth truth , is testified ●●so by Zonoras a greeke historiographer in the life ●f the sayd Emperour Leo Isauricus . And before that ●gaine Pope Innocentius the first that liued with S. ●ugustine is read to haue excommunicated the Empe●our Arcadius , and the Empresse Eudoxia for their 〈◊〉 iust persecution of S. Chrysostome , though no de●riuation followed therof , but amendment rather ●f the fault , as is to be seene in Nicephorus . Heere ●en the ●uasion of M. Morton , by saying that the ●atter of excommunication pertayned not to his ●urpose is wholy impertinent , for so much as that 〈◊〉 the only immediate cause of deposition by Eccle●●asticall power . But now let vs passe to the other ●hiefe point to consider , whether Frisingensis was al●edged wholy against his owne purpose , or not . ●02 . M. Morton being pressed with my former an●weare , wherin I do shew that Frisingensis being alleaged by him to disgrace Pope Gregory , aliâs Hildebrand , ●s much wronged ( for that he cōmēdeth him high●y and his doings ) seeketh this shift now by saying , ●hat he alleadged him only in the questiō of antiquity , concerning ●he tyme when first any Pope did take vpon him to depose Emperors . But this is manifestly false , for he alleadgeth him to both endes , to wit for antiquitie and for disgrace but principally to disgrace him . For hauing shewed ( as he perswaded himselfe ) that Pope Hildebrād was the first that vsed such proceeding against Emperours , he addeth presētly , that it was a new act , & that it is naught also , will appeare ( saith he ) by the Actor , for Pope Gregorie the 7. ( as your Chronographer saith ) was excōmunicated of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolik● Sea by Symony , and other capital crymes . So he . And to this calumniation , he ioyneth the saying of Claudius Espencaeus in these wordes . Hildebrand ●as the first Pope ( saith your Bishop ●spencaeus ) who by making a new rent be●●ene Kingdome and Popedome , did rayse ●orce against the Imperiall diademe , arming himselfe , & by his example exci●ed o●her Popes against Princes excommunicate . 103. These two testimonies then of Espencaeus and Schasnaburgensis , being ioyned with the t●ird of F●isingensis ( which are all that M. Morton alleadgeth ) let the prudent Reader consider , whether they be not brought to disgrace Pope Hildebrand in his action against the Emperor Henry or not ; and yet do the first and last ( which are the more ancient Authors ) very earnestly commend the said Pope , and defend his action of deposing the Emperor , and consequētly are brought in by meere preuarication of M. Morton to disgrace him . 104. And as for the third which is Espencaeus , though he were neyther Bishop to my knowledg , nor otherwise of any great estimation among vs , yet is he handled heere no lesse iniuriously , & fraudulently by M. Morton then the other two , which I note now more especially then in my first answere , both for that his authority is named and vrged againe in this place , and for that I could not then get any sight of this his second booke of disgressiōs vpon the first Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy , though I had other bookes of his , but now hauing found the same , I haue discouered withall such fraud as was fit for such a spirit , as M. Mortons seemeth to be , that rarely vseth exact truth in citing of any thing ; for that these words alleadged against the Pope are not the wordes of Claudius ●spencaeus himselfe ( as in vntruly affirmed by M. Morton , ) but related by him out of a certaine angry and impatient Epistle , written 〈◊〉 certaine schismaticall Priests of Liege , that were ●●mmanded by Pope Paschalis the second to be cha●●sed by Robert Earle of Flanders , and his souldiers ●●wly come from Hierusalem about the yeare 1102. ●●r their rebellious behauiour , which Priests with ●enry their schismaticall Bishop wrote a very passio●●te inuectiue complaynt against this act and com●●ssion of Pope Paschalis , inueghing also against the ●●ing of Pope Hildebrand not long before dec●ased for 〈◊〉 like cause , all which M. Morton concealeth , and ●●eth the words of ●spencaeus himselfe : Your Bishop ●●●encaeus ( saith he ) writeth of Hildebrand &c. which he ●●ould not but know to be false , if he read the ●●oke and place by himselfe ci●ed , for that Espencaeus●oth ●oth not only in the beginning of his citation vse ●●is entrance , extat in 2. ●omo Conciliorū edit . Coloniensis , ●●leri Leodiensis ad Paschalem secundum querimonia , There 〈◊〉 extant in the second tome of Councells a complaint ●f the Clergie of Liege to Pope Pascali● the second , but 〈◊〉 the end also of all his speach which conteyneth a ●ong discourse , he concludeth thus . Hactenus Leodi●●sium & verba & sensa . Hitherto haue I related both ●he wordes & sense of those Priests of Liege , & pre●ently for himselfe saith , that he will not meddle with the controuersie of fighting betweene Popes and Emper●rs , though he proue by sundry examples both out of the Scrpture , Fathers and Councels that in some cases it is lawfull for Priestes to vse tēporall armes also : so as for M. Morton to come and ●uouch as he did in his former booke of full Satisfaction , that our Bishop Espencaeus affirmed this of himselfe against Pope Hildebrand , wheras he must needs know that he saith it not , but relateth it only out of others , without approuing the same , is to ad preuarication to preuarication , and neuer to make an end of wil●ull lying , especially seeing that i● this his last Preamblatory reply he is so farre of frō amending the matter , as that he turneth vpon the same agayne , saying : I produced Claudius Espencaeus , their owne Romish Bishop , that doth playnly auerre that Hildebrand was the first Pope , who without any example of antiquitie made a schisme be●wene Emperors and Popes &c. Good Syr , will you stand to this , that Claudius Espencaeus doth playnely auerre it ? Is this true ? Is this sincere ? And how doth he playnely auerre it , if he do not so much as affirme it of himselfe , but only relateth what others that were in schisme , choler , and passion did vtter in this behalfe ? Is this good dealing ? The summe of all this Paragraph , about Frisingensis , Tolosanus , and Espencaeus . 105. Now then to gather a briefe sūme of what hath passed in this reckoning , it seemeth M. Morton is so farre of from hauing iustifyed himselfe in this last combat , which he instituted for demonstration of his truth , and for blazing the characters ( as he calleth them ) of my falshood , that he hath intangled himselfe much more then before , as in part hath appeared by that we haue now discussed . It remayneth then that for a conclusion we examine his former foure tricks of falshood , which he saith to haue found in one only page of my writing . Let vs heare them as he setteth thē downe : He hath played me ( saith he ) ●oure malicious tricks in one page : one is to lay an imputation of falshood vpon me , as though I had cunningly pretermitted the exāples of Emperors excōmunicate , wheras the question was only concerning Emperors depriued of their dignities . But my answere is , that if there be any tricke at all in this , and much more any false tricke , it must needes rest on M. Mortons parte , who to deceaue his Reader concealed those examples of Emperours excommunicate , that were in his Authors . And in simple dealing he should haue ●●yd thē downe , & not fraudulent●y haue cut them 〈…〉 hath byn sayd , for that they greatly imported ●e matter it se●fe , as before hath byn declared : but ●ow to the second trike , which we shall relate in ●is owne words . The second caui●● ( sayth he ) is that ● . R. did not acknowledg the commenda●ion of Hil●●brand in ●t●o ●risingensis , when as I intended no● to pro●e 〈◊〉 of this Au●●or the equitie , but only the antiquitie of that prac●ice . Wher●● I answere , that you meant to proue the iniquity 〈◊〉 the said Pope , and of his fact , & therby to dis●●edit him : and to that end did you alleadg both ●●isingensis , ●spenc●us , and Schasnaburgensis quite against ●●eir meanings , as hath byn shewed : so as this secōd ●●icke was also yours , and not myne . The third trick ( say you ) in making me so perniciously enuious , as to condēne ●ildebrand without a witnesse , when as I produced your owne ●ishop Espencaeus to condemne him . But this tricke is also ●ours , for that now I haue shewed , that neither ●o I know him for a Bishop , as still you call him , ●or doth he condemne Pope Hildebrand : but you do ●se a foule false trick with him in making him to say ●hat which he doth not , but reciteth only out of o●her mens passionate speaches , as hath bene proued , which is a false tricke indeed . 106. The last tricke is ( saith he ) in charging me with a wilfull peruerting of the meaning of the Authour Otho Frisingensis , when as if it had beene so abused , yet not I , but their owne D. Tolosanus was the Authour of that report . This now is a poore trick , and scarce worthy the name therof , it being a simple shift by deniall , when the matter is euidently euicted by witnesse and manifest demonstration , for that Tolosanus related the wordes of Frising●nsis sincerely , and you corruptly , yea you corrupted also Tolosanus his report , and recitall of Frisingensis wordes , as hath byn shewed , so as yf Tolosanus his text had any error it was your fraud : & how thē can you for shame lay the fault vpon him , whose relation your selfe peruerteth ? What trick is this ? 107. And so , for so much as these foure poyntes , which you call trickes , are graue and serious charges truly laid against you , and so substantially proued , as you haue not byn able to auoid any one of them ( when now it imported you most for your credit to do it , ) I must inferre that all these foure excellent trickes of falshood , that you mention in your margent ( which are but consequences of the precedent euictions made against you ) do remayne wholy , and soly vnto your selfe . And for tryall I referre the reader to the proofes partly before set downe , and much more to such as are afterward to ensue . THE CONCLVSION , and generall Reckoning of all this Chapter , or Inquiry . §. X. AND hauing now passed ouer all these eyght or nyne Paragraphes of sundrie matters handled therin , you come at last ( M. Morton ) to conclude very confidently , as though the whole accompt had fallen out for you , and against me , and that I had remained chargable with much false dealing against you , for these are your last words . The view of all these , and other formerly mentioned wilfull and transparent falsities of P. R. togeather with some other like desperate calum●i●ations to be poynted at in this Preamble , causeth me iustly to present him with his owne Image , professing vnfaynedly that I neuer found any writer of anie profession whatsoeuer , who hath vs●d such shamefull fraud in writing . 109. This is a grieuous charge , as you see , of de●●erate dealing on my behalf ; especially for so much 〈◊〉 he protesteth to speak it vnfainedly . And it should ●equire in reason both of conscience & religion ma●e pregnant proofes : for that otherwise the stayed ●eader ( whether he be Protestant or Catholicke ) ●ust needes take the accuser for a light and passio●ate person , that would come to charge his aduer●●rie with so heynous crimes vpon small or light ●ounds . Let vs looke backe then ( if you please ) vpō●●l these mine heads or Paragraphes handled by vs ●itherto ; for that heereby will appeare , whether M. ●orton had iust cause to giue this rigorous censure a●ainst me , or not , about matter of false dealing . ●10 . In the first Paragraph about the sleeping soul●iers of Ierusalem there was not so much as anie one ●biection made against me for falsitie to my remem●rance , only this note is in the margent , P. R. grossely ●●norant in Diuinitie , for that I holde , that the deuice ●f the Iewish magistrates , in giuing out that our Sauiours bodie was stolne away ( though it were false ●nd a ly , and so knowne to themselues ) yet that the ●nuention therof in such a strayte , was neither against common sense ( as M. Morton auoucheth ) nor yet so absurd , as they who deuised it might be estemed senselesse , but rather craftie and guilefull . And finally in this Paragraph M. Morton professeth to deale against my wit only , and not against my truth , vntill he come to the last of all : so as heere he semeth not to haue discouered anie such grosse transparent falsities of mine● Let vs recall to memory the rest . 111. In the second Paragraph he impugneth my memory , and layeth to my charge , that I erred in numbering the tymes , that the clause of reseruation was expressed both in Latin and English , which I haue answered before . And if it had bene an errour , yet an errour had it bene of memory , or lack of attention , and not of malice , for that nothing could be gained therby . And albeit M. Morton in the heat of his exaggerations do call it a lye , and a multiplyed lye : yet if it had bene so , it could not be more thē a materiall lye , such a one as might happen by mistaking without any fault of mind , or sinne at all : for so much as the speaker not hauing any interest therby , cannot probably be imagined to haue forg●d it wittingly , I meane the errour in counting , if it had bene prooued , as it could not . 112. In the third Paragraph he hath so much to do to defēd his owne syllogisme ( which yet he cannot do ) as little leysure he had or occasion to obiect falshood against me , & lesse meanes to prooue it . He picked quarrells against my reformation of his syllogisme , as also against the diuisiō of equiuocatiō in the fourth Paragraph , but both were answered , as before you haue heard , without any great charges giuen ●f falshood on either side , the matter not offering occasiō ; so as neither heere can the exaggeration of desperate calumniations be found , which M. Morton in his heat obiecteth . 113. In the fifth Paragraph concerning the place of Esay cap. 29. vers . 9. cited for the posy of his booke , all the charge of falshood is against himselfe for alledging that out of Esay , which is not there : and his reply to me is against my skill in Greeke and Hebrew , which I professed not , though little might serue to conuince him in that behalfe . And the same may be sayd of the sixt Paragraph intituled , Against my Charity , for vrging so much the difference of verè and verò , out of the text of Alexander Carerius . And albeit that M. Morton in the title of this Paragraph do name a triumphant falshood to be proued against me : yet after when he cōmeth to the proofe , he hath nothing els to say , but that I did ●harge him wrongfullie for vsing verè for verò , for ●o much as he found it in a later editiō fo Carerius in Cullen print : which suppose it may be true , yet is it ●othing to me that reprooued him out of the first & ●riginall Italian edition . So as heere also , he and not 〈◊〉 was charged with falshood , ●14 . The seauenth Paragraph also hath a charge ●f falshood against him , and not me , for saying that ●olman doth pronounce sentence , 7 that whosoeuer shall ●●nsent to the succession of a Protestāt Prince , is a most grieuous ●●d damnable sinner , which Dolman saith not : for then he ●●ould hold it allso to be a damnable sinne in a pro●●stant to admitt a Protestant Prince ; for that the ●ord ( whosoeuer ) comprehendeth all sortes of men : ●ut Dolmans saying is , that it is sinnne for anie man to pre●●re one whome in conscience he thinketh to be contrarie in re●●gion to the truth , as now you haue heard : and M. Mort. ●ath not bene able to cleare himselfe of the charge . ●15 . As much lesse of the other charge about allea●ing the Chronographer Otto Frisingensis against his ●wne meaning in the eight Paragraph , 8 where the Reader hath seene him so intangled , while he strug●eth to rid himself of open false dealing , as he maketh his matter farre worse : but against me he hath ●o● one thing of moment obiected in that kind . ●nd the verie same may I say of the two other last ●aragraphes . ●16 . All which being so , I would gladlie see now in verie reall truth ( all passion set aside ) vpon what ground M. Morton can inferre this heinous accusation , of so manie willful and transparent falsities , desperate calumniations , shamefull fraud , and this more frequēt then in anie wryter , that euer he read of what profession soeuer , and that he professeth vnfainedly to haue found this to be true : I would gladly know ( I say ) vpon what groundes he maketh this so solemne protestation : For except the examples , which he can alleage be exorbitant , he woundeth greatly not only his conscience , but his credit a●so with all good men , in running into such superlatiue exces●es of false and contumelious speach . 117. And for that you protest heare so sollemnely ( M. Morton ) and vn●ainedly , that you neuer ●ound ●●ie wryter of anie pro●ession whatsoeuer , who hath vsed such shamefull fraud , as I haue donne : you force me besides this ci●●e & positiue defence of my selfe , to goe yet further , & to compare my behauiour in this behalf with some principall men of your profession , as namely with M. Iewell , who , was he not of your prof●ssion ? and haue you not read him ? yf you haue , and haue bene so diligent in noting him , as you would seeme to haue bene in my booke , and of what is obserued against him by his aduersaries , as you might haue bene , then may you remember that M. Doctor Harding in his first Reioynder to M. Iewells reply hath these wordes to the reader : The number of vntruthes vttered on M. Iewells part , noted & confuted by M. Doctor Sanders , by the author of Returne of Vntruthes , and by my selfe amounteth to a thousand and odde , and yet of his 26. articles onely 5. haue passed our examination . 118. M. Horne also , was he not of your profession ? and haue not you found in D. Stapletons Counterblast 690. vntruthes , as in my booke also I noted vnto you ? M. Fox in like maner , was he not of your profession ? whome I haue shewed in the foresayd Chapter of my booke to haue innumerable lyes vnanswerable , and aboue 120. within the cōpasse onlie of 3. leaues : wherof if you were now able to answer but ten for clearing of his credit after his death , I would say you were a man of great valour . I did set you downe also in the last Chapter of my booke of Mitigation manie other clere examples of a ●illful lying spirit in diuers of your profession , and ●●ose so plaine , as noe probable ex●use can be had , ●hy had you not answered them now , as in reason ●ou were bound , or had proued the like against me ●efore you had auouched so resolutely , that I had ●eeded all other writers of what profession soeuer in shamefull ●●ud in answering ? Or is your profession to speake , ●●u care not what ? Doe you respect what you vt●●● ? Or doe you not thinke that other m●n will c●n●●●●r what you speake , and vpon what groundes ? ●●9 . I haue heard of some men to be of such a ●●●ilitie in vttering vntruthes , that albeit they did ●●●tainely know , that within few daies or houres ●●●erwards their hearers would come to know , that ●●ey speake falsely : yet to gaine that little time , ●●ey would lye so confidently , as yf they had bene ●●re , that the truth would neuer come to light . ●nd so it seemeth to fare with you : for that we ●●ing to come within few leaues after in this booke 〈◊〉 examine what you are able to say against me , ●r matter of vntruth , and I against you ( which s 〈◊〉 principall subiect of this booke ) it will quick●● be manifest , how cleare I am from anie iust im●●tation of wilfull falsitie , and how guiltie you ●●d yours are : and yet wou●d you nee●es discredit ●our selfe with the iudicious Reader in this place 〈◊〉 impawning not only your estimation , but also ●our conscience , that you neuer found anie so faulty , for lying ●nd shamefull fraud , as my sel●e . But I appeale to the tri●ll , that hath allreadie bene made in part , and shal be more fullie afterwards in the ensuing Chapters , where I suppose that you will so be layd open be●ore your owne face and others , and my selfe so cleared , as , yf I be not deceyued , you wil● be ashamed of this your ouerlashing exaggeration . THE SECOND CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO M. MORTONS SECOND INQVIRY , WHETHER P. R. may be iudged a cōpetent Aduocate in this cause , which he hath assumed : and of some other pointes belonging therunto , especially touching the tytle , and argument of the Booke of Mitigation . PREFACE . WHEREAS M. Morton in th beginning of this his Preamble hath reduced the whole subiect therof to three heades , which he calleth Inquiryes ; the first , VVhat sufficiēcy there is in P. R ? the second , VVhether he may be thought to be a sufficient Proctor in this case or no ? the third , VVhether he hath suffici●ncy to performe his taske ? all impertinent and ydle matters as you see . And as the distribution is very vncleere and confused , euery member treating of sufficiency ; so is the prosecution therof much more deforme , for that the first Inquiry hauing had thirty pages allowed vnto it , the second hath but three or foure , and handleth no matter at all of any moment , but only a certaine feigned ridiculous conference , or colloquy deuised by M. Morton to be held vpon a stage by his two aduersaries , the Moderate Answerer , and the Mitigator , decyphering ( sayth he ) the dispositiō of both my aduersaries , by way of a dialogue , bringing them vpon the stage . 2. But Syr , is this agreeing to a graue Deuine , to take vpon him the part of a stage-player , and to answere your Aduersaries with scornefull fictions insteed of sound arguments ? Let vs heere some few passages of your play , if it like you . Thus beginneth the Moderate answerer to fall out with P. R. You haue bene altogether presumptuous ( sayth he ) to take vpon you this Answere , because residing out of England , you cannot be rightly experienced &c. ( P.R. ) I haue not beene arrogant , but thou hast beene rash , and precipitant , for if thou by thy former answ●re mightest haue bene thought sufficiēt for a Reply , what needed such posting to me beyond the seas & c ? ( M.A. ) Haue patience I pray you , I was inforced to take exceptions to all Authors out of Englād . ( P. R. ) Thou hast done well &c. ( M.A. ) I thinke Syr , you are troubled with a disease of some of our Catholick lawyers , of whome you haue sayd , they itch to be doing in answering M. Attorney , this was also my disease , but I after sound a scratch , and so may you . 3. Thus goeth that Colloquy : and can any thing be set downe more in●ulsely in so graue a matter , as we haue in hand ? And as for itching and scrathing I haue spoken somewhat before . No man that is of any zeale towards truth , when he seeth most absurd and grosse vntruthes vtterd , can choose but to haue that holy itch in their fingers , to refute or discouer the same , for it is an adu●se of the holy Ghost himselfe ; Answere a ●oole according to his folly , least to him selfe he may se●me to be wise . And this hath beene done both against M. Attorney , and your selfe ; and you like a bad Chaplaine , and wo●se Champion , haue not defended him at all , but left him in the playne feild : only now you seeme to threaten scratches , which commonly amongst bad women is the end of scoulding : but your nayles I suppose are so pared , and will be be●ore this accompt be ended , as they will draw little bloud , or hurt any but your self . 4. And so not meaning to loose any more tyme in this vaine Interlude of yours , wherein your selfe would seeme to play the Vice , spending your whole second Inquirie in this bable ( ●or no other matter of moment do you touch : ) I for couering your nakednes , or rather idlenes heerin , haue thought good to do you this pleasure , as to handle some other pointes contayned vnder your third Inquiry , appertayning vnto the title , and contentes of my booke of Mitigation , impugned by you , to the end , that the second Inquiry of yours might not seeme to too ridiculous , and contemptible to the Reader . WHAT M. MORT . ANSWERETH in effect to the former part of my Treatise about Rebellion , and against the Title therof §. I. FOR that my booke is intituled A Treatise tending to Mitigation towardes Catholicke subiectes in England , wherin is declared that it is not impossible for sub●ectes of different religion ( especially Catholickes ●nd Protestantes ) to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection &c. M. Morton taketh vpon ●im to play ingeniously , as he thinketh , vpon this word impossible , set downe in the tytle of my booke : ●ut , as I thinke , ridiculously , saying , that I promise no ●ore for my Clients the Catholickes , but that it is not impos●ible for them to lyue in obedience . But this is a meere ca●ill of a seditious spirit , casting in iealosyes vpon euery occasion , to a malicious turbulēt end : for that my tytle answereth directly to the purport of his former virulent bookes , that it was impossible in regard of the difference of our doctrynes for Protestāt and Catholike subiectes to liue quietly together vn●er his Maiesty in England , by which he meant to ●et an vnquenchable fyer of discord betweene those two sortes of people ; not only in respect of their Religion , but also of their ciuill lyfe , and fidelity towardes their Prince . My answere then being cōtradictory to the assertion of M. Morton , conteyneth so much as was needfull to be said to his negatiue , he saying that it is impossible , and I , that it is not impossible , which albeit , it contayne but a generality , yet doth it suppose all necessary conditions that are to be required , for performance : As for example , if a noble woman perswaded by some such vnquiet spirit as M. Morton seemeth to be , should resolue to part frō her husband saying , it is impossible for mee and you to liue together , the difference of our natures & conditions being considered , & that her husband should answere againe , it is not impossible ; doth he not answere surficiently , and to the purpose ? for he vnderstandeth the other circumstances included , if you beare your selfe like a wife , haue respect to both our honours , & the like . Vayne then and impertinent is the cauillation of M. Morton , that heere is nothing proued but a possibility : for so much as this possibility was denyed by him before , and is heere againe vpon sundry causes & presumptions , as now we shall see : and consequently my prouing this vnion , and concurrence in temporall obediēce not to be impossible , ouerthroweth directly his whole drift both in his former two bookes , and this other Preamble , wherin he houldeth that it is impossible . Let vs heere his reasons wheron his imaginations are founded . 6. His first reason of Impossibility , and that confessed ( as he saith ) by me , is , for that Catholicke subiectes do belieue , that in some cases there is power left by God in the Church , and head therof the Bishop of Rome , ouer Princes to vse not only spirituall Censures for restraint of exorbitant excesses , but temporall remedies also , eyther directly or indirectly , when vrgent necessity of the Common-wealth should require , and no other sweeter meanes could preuaile . Wherof M. Morton will needs inferre , that our combynation in ciuill concord and obedience to our temporall Prince , can not stand , no more ( sayth he ) then Iewes and Iebuzites in one kingdome , Isaac and Ismael in one house , Iacob & Esau in one ●ombe : and then a litle after , that our concord sta●deth of no more possibility , then Pope , & no Pope , Kings Supremacy , and not Supremacy , which opposites ( saith he ) can neuer be reconciled togeather . Wherto I answere , that in beliefe and doctryne they cannot be reconciled , but in cyuill life and conuersation , and practice of due temporall obedience they may be no lesse ( for any thing touching this point ) then if they were ●ll of one Religiō , i● such make-bates as these would ●ease to set sedition : for that all Catholicke subiects also of other Countryes do hold and acknowledge this doctryne , without any preiudice at all of their fidelity , affection , or dutifull Allegiance towardes their Soueraigne Princes , & liege Lordes , though ther be sundry cases , wherin their said Princes may be ob●oxious to the execution of this doctryne , besydes difference of Religion , which one poynt of different Religion this Stickler doth only vrge in this our ca●e , as most odious . 7. But i● all those Christian Princes that haue bin censured by the Church , frō Christes tyme downeward were layd togeather , whether Emperours Kings , or others , the far greater part of them would be found to haue byn chastised , and pursued , not so much for any difference of Religion , as for other causes and crymes . And if we looke vpon our tymes since Protestant Religion hath byn named in the world , we shal fynd only two to haue beene proceded against by the Church , and many other neuer touched , as the King of Denmarke , the Intruder of Suetia , the Duke of Saxony , the Count Palatine of Rhene the Marques of Brandeburge , and diuers other Princes and States , as also those of Holland , and Zeland , and lastly his Maiestie that raigned aboue 30. yeares in Scotland , professing Protestant Religion , and now some good number of yeares in England , without that any Pope hath gone about to vse that authority against them which is heere made by M. Morton so perilous , and pernicious , as though it were impossib●e for his Kingdome and Crowne to be in safety while this doctrine is beleiued , or extant in bookes , which being throughout all Christendome , & receiued by the whole Catholicke world , will be hard for the Minister to remoue or extinguish , & cōsequētly he laboureth but in vaine , or rather far worse then in vaine , endeauoring to intangle his Princes mind with a perpetuall , restles , & remediles iealosy , suspitiō , & solicitude , impossible euer to be cured as himselfe striueth to proue by those his impossibilityes , though they proue not indeed the point it selfe , which he would perswade , that there is no meane of ciuill quiet vnion in life , whilest this doctrine of the Popes authoritie is belieued of his subiects . 8. His other two next reasons of impossibilitie ( for he hath foure in all ) are so obscurely and intricately set downe , as if he vnderstand them himself , it is much in my opinon : for as for me , I confesse , I see not what inference can be made out of them , though I haue perused them ouer with much attention more then twice : and the same I suppose , the common Reader will say , when he hath in like manner considered of them . For they concerne onely the excōmunication of Q. Elizabeth , and of King Hēry the fourth of France ; which Censure was promulgated by two seuerall Popes of this our age , and consequently the doctrine is dangerous , saith he . But I haue shewed now , that more then three times so many Protestant Princes were tolerated by other Popes : how thē do these two examples inferre so generall a necessitie of disobedience in all Catholicke subiects ? yea and an impossibilitie of the contrarie , that they can be obedient ? ● . His fourth and last reason of impossibility ● wherin , saith he , may be obserued a sport●ull , or rather ex●crable impostureshipp of P. R. ) consisteth in this , that wheras I do write in my Treatise of Mitigation , that ●ut of Catholicke doctrine concerning Papall au●hority in some cases ( to wit , when we talke what ●opes may absolutly do ) M. Morton argueth , and will ●eedes inferre , that such & such great dangers may ●●sue to Princes thereby ; I do answere him thus , ●hat all this arriueth but to a may : so as the questi●n being but de fu●uris contingentibus , of things continent and to come ( wherof the Philosopher sayth , ●●ere is no● s●iēce ) all remaineth in doubtfull vncer●●inty , but only the suspitiō , enuy , & hatred , which ●●e Minister would rayse against vs. But on the con●●ary , what the Protestāts doctrine hath donne , and ●oth at this day against lawfull Princes in their ●●almes , their armies do shew &c. This in effect I ●id then , and vpon this M. Morton entreth now into ●reat choler , saying not only that this my answere 〈◊〉 an execrable impostureshipp , as before you haue heard , ●ut also he further breaketh into these patheticall ●ordes of ridiculous exaggeration : I cannot laugh , saith ●e , for wonder & horrour , to see any English man conceyt so basely 〈◊〉 the wits & worth of his Countrymen , as to imagine they could 〈◊〉 del●ded with so senslesse , so shamelesse , so pernicious , so impi●● a mitigation , as this is : to be persw●ded therefore not to ●●bour ●or preuen●ing ensuing dangers , because they be contin●ent , that is , such as may happen : what can be more senseles ? Do you see this mans heat ? and do you marke how ●ocond and prachant he is , when he getteth a little matter , wherat he may make a shew to speake somewhat probably . 10. Heere then he inueigeth and insulteth against me , as though I did hold , that there were no prouidēce or care to be had of future perills , that are contingent , saying : Doth not nature in beasts , reasō in man , precept of God , teach vs the law of prouidence ? euen th●rfore to ●eeke to preuent ensuing dangers , because they are contingent , and may be hera●ter ? But M. Morton doth either willfully mis●ake me , or els I cannot conceyue so well of his wit and worth ; as he would haue me , if he vnderstand me not . For I doe not dispute against prouidence in generall in things that are contingent , and may fall out : for I know & con●esse , that prouidence is a principall part of the high vertue of prudēce surnamed Cardinall , wherby man is likned to God , & surpasseth all other terrene cre●tures ; yet say I therwithall , that it must go accōpanied with iudgemēt , discretion , and moderation , which are other branches also of the same most excellent vertue of prudence . For if they be wanting , they do make prudēce vnprofitable : yea oftentimes pernicious , turning it into malignant suspitions , mistrustfullnesse , frights , feares , iealosies , & other like effects , which do worke the greatest infelicitie , that in the world can be imagined . And of these pestilent effects , are efficient causes , for the most part , in Princes , the cunning sycofancy , subtility & malitious informations , suggestions & eggings of flatterers , & makebates about thē , who for their owne gaine & priuate endes , care not what seedes of iealosyes they sow in Princes heades against others , so they may reape fauours thē selues , by seeming to be prouident and ben●uolous : no● do they weigh , what eating and consuming cares , and sollicitudes they plant in the mindes of their Maisters , so themselues may rest at ease , as one said well of Dionysius the King of Sicily his spye , when after supper he had secretly filled his Princes head with many false imaginations and iealosies , himselfe went merily to the tauerne , and after liberall drinking he slept soūdly all that night , but his Lord going to bed could sleepe nothing at all . 11. But to returne to our present case , I doe not denie , nor euer did , that due prouidence & prouision ought to be held for ●uture cases , as M. Morton doth heere most vntruly affirme , & theron fraudul●ntly doth found his whole discourse : but my saying is , that it must haue due limitts , least it become hurtfull , to witt , a vaine & vexing iealosie . I say morcouer that euery may be , is not a m●st be , & to fill Princes eares with possibilities onely of dangers without some particuler circumstāces of probabilities or credibilities , is an officious wounding them vnder pretence of fawning good will. As for example if one should doe nothing els , but lay before his Maiestie that now raigneth , the disasters and perills , that haue happened to his nobl● aunce●●ors in our Land , without ●urther particuler ground of likelihood against himselfe , but onely that they haue happened , and therfore may happen againe ; it were an importune babling . King VVilliam Ru●us was slaine in hunting ; & his elder brother Richard , as also his nephew of the same name , sonne of Robert Duke of Normandie had like disasterous ends in hunting ; therfore his Maiesty must hunt no more . The children of King Henry the first were drowned on the sea ; therfore no more Princes children must passe the seas vpon no occasion . Some Kinges of England were pursued by their owne Children , as King Henry the second , and ●dward the second , and the last also by his wife the Queene ; there●ore his Maiestie must stand in iealosie of his owne bloud . King Stephen , King Richard the secōd , Edward the second , Henry the 6. and some others are thought to haue bene betrayed by some of thei● owne Counsellours , and King Iohn was pursued by his owne Barons , and Nobility ; therfore his Maiesty at this day must rest in iealosie both of the one & other sort of subiectes : do not you see how farre this lyeth open to iniurious calumniation and sedition ? 12. But I will giue an example more proper yet to the matter . If a seditious fellow in England that had great authority with the people , and small affection towards the Prince , should continually cry and beat into their heads , that they looke well about them , and stand vpon their guard , for that their King may abuse his Authority and become a Tyrant , and may oppresse them at his pleasure , when they thinke not of it , alleadging no other probabilities , and arguments of likelihood , but only that he may do it , or that some such thing hath fallen out before , as here M. Morton doth , against the Popes authority and Catholickes that acknowledge the same : and when any one should say to that turbulent fellow , pretending to be so studious of the Common-wealth , and iealous of the Kings proceedings , that he vrgeth only a may be , and that there is no great likelihood of any will be , or that such euents will follow as he threatneth , and draweth into suspition , he should fall into choler , & rage as M. Morton doth , saying : that he cānot laugh for wonder & horror to see any Englishman conceyte so basely of the wittes , and worth of his count●eymen , as to imagine that they can be deluded with so senseles , so shameles , so perniciou● , so impious a Mi●iga●ion as this is , not to preuent ensuing dangers &c. And yet further , that this is a stupi●ying receipt , casting the state and people into a slumber of not regarding ensuing dangers &c. 13. This exclamation I say of this troublesome fellow that would put in iealosie the people and Common-wealth against their King or Monarch only vpon a may be , or possibilitie , were it not iustly to be reprehended ? Were not the partie to be cast out as a tumultuous make-bate ? But he will say pe●hapes , that there is more then may be in this our case : there want not probabilities , and nearer arguments of intended troubles . These then if you please let vs examine breifly , and see of what weight or worth they are . 14. And truly in this point I see not what probabilities there may be in reason to perswade his Maiestie , that his Catholike subiects would not liue quietly and confidently vnder him , if they might ●e vsed as subiects , and haue that Princely and Fa●herly protection from him , which both lawes do ●llow to freeborne subiects , and they may hope and ●xpect from his benignity , where no personall or ●ctuall delict shall haue made thē vnworthy therof . There are now no quarrels or differēces of titles , no ●ed Rose or white , no Lancaster or Yorke within the ●and to draw men into partes or factions , or passionate courses : his Maiestie hath vnited both Realmes ●ogeather ; is the sonne and heire of the most dearest Princesse vnto English Catholickes , that euer li●ed in many ages ; hath goodly issue of his owne , which our Lord blesse ; is setled in his Crowne , ioy●ed in frēdship and league with all Princes in Chri●tendome round about him , both of the one , and ●he other Religion , hath beene hitherto beloued ●nd highly esteemed for many yeares , though a Protestant Prince , euen by the very spirituall Head himselfe of Catholicke Religion ; what cause then , what reason , what motiue , what hope , what probability may English Catholickes haue to seeke , or attēpt alte●ations in State , if any tolerable cōdition of Christian subiects may be permitted vnto them ? 15. I will not adde the experience of so many ages throughout Christendome , and of ours that is present , nor the comparison , or antithesis betweene the doctryne and practice of Catholicke and Protestant subiects in this behalfe , which I haue handled more largely in my former treatise tending to Mitigation , and well knowne , and experienced also by his Maiestie in sundry pointes & occasions ; only I must say , that M. Morton here hath dealt very partially , in that he taking vpon him to lay before his Maiesties eyes , and those of the State , so many dangers imminent from Catholickes as he pretendeth , both in respect of their doctrine , multitude , auersion of mindes , and other like causes , he leaueth out the other opposite part of the Puritanes , that haue farre worse doctrine without comparison in this behalfe , as I shewed out of their owne bookes , & he should haue yealded , or answered the same ( if he had dealt indifferently : ) they are more also in number , g●eater in abilitie , in respect of their offices which they beare in the Common-wealth , and of their combination with those of Scotland , Holland and other places nearest at hand ; their armes more prompt & ready , their wealth better knowne , their practises more dangerous , and their auersion more impati●nt : and yet I say not this to accuse them of euill intent , but only that they haue as great ( a may ) and greater , then Catholickes , which M. Morton ought to haue seene and noted , if he would haue beene the common watch-man and explorator . But his malice was to the Catholickes , and so vpon them he laieth all : but yet with so silly a discourse as sheweth rather will then skill to hurt them , crying out as you haue heard , & going about to proue that imminent dangers in law of prouidence are not to be neglected , which thesis as it is not denyed by vs , & very poorely proued by him , so for the hipothesis , that such dāgers are imminent by Catholickes to the State , no one argument of moment is alleadged at all . The Reckoning of this Paragraph . 16. So as , if we will now make vp briefly the Reckoning of this Paragraph , we shall fynd by due accompt , that M. Morton of all those thinges that I wrote in my booke about the matter of Rebelli●n , clearing the Ca●holickes both in doctrine & practice for diuers Chapters togeather , and shewing the Protestants to exceed them farre , to the worse , in both poynts , he hath thought good to handle no one poynt at all ( as reasō would that he should haue done ) in this his last Reply , but only in generall that which you heard of certayne impossibil●yes for Catholicke and Protestant subiectes to liue in vnion and common due obedience to his Maiestie : of which impossibilities the fourth & chiefest is , that which you haue heard discussed of may be , and the fifth and last is , for that we hould it lawfull to equiuocate , or not to answere directly before an incompetent Iudge , that iniuriously inquireth ; and that we hold the lay Magistrates of England incompetēt Iudges to examine Priestes : which may be as good an argument to proue that lay men , and Priests cannot liue togeather in Spayne , Italy , & other Catholicke Countries , for that there also the said lay men are incompetent Iudges in Clergy mens causes , and so are Clergie men themselues if they haue not lawfull iurisdiction , or proceed not lawfully . So as this is the most trifling Impossibility that possibly can be deuised . 17. To conclude then , the Case is thus : M. Morton and I would gladly each one of vs perswade his excellent Maiestie in this poynt of confidence or diffidence towards his Catholicke subiects : I for cōfidence do alleadge , that albeit such due prouidence and circumspection be to be vsed both towards thē & others , as all dangers may sufficiētly be preuented : yet that so great , and remarkable a multitude of his naturall borne subiects as they are spread and dispersed , not only throughout the bulke and body of the whole people , but also by one veine or other extending it selfe to most of the Nobility and Gentry in like sort , should not for cause of their conscience be put to extremity of despaire ; but held at least in some reasonable and moderate tearmes of ciuill equity , though otherwise disfauoured for their Religion . M. Morton seemeth to runne the quite cōtrary course , with his opposite desires and reasons , to haue all diffidence increased , impossibilities vrged , that they cannot liue togeather ; despaires confirmed of any tolerable condition whatsoeuer , except they force & change their iudgment and beliefe in religion , with neuer so much repugnance of their conscience ; detesteth any mitigation , or moderate interpretation of matters ; that all must go by way of extremity . 18. And now which of these two courses do rūne to a more sure , soft , and milder end , the prudent Reader will easily conceiue . My considerations are the vnion of harts within the Land● the auoyding of extremities , the strēgth of our Country at home , the honour and estimation abroad , the quietnes of his Maiesties minde , the vniuersall affection of all his people though different in religion , the auoyding of the odious name of persecution , example of foraine Protestant Princes that vse it not , the continuance of high estimation that forraine Catholicke Princes haue had hitherto of the benignity , prudence , and bounty of his Maiesties nature , the preuenting of clamors , writing of bookes , and odious speaches throughout all Courtes , Countryes , Citties , Prouinces , & Realmes that will most certainely ensue vpon the contrary course of violent rigour and cruelty , engendring euery where hatred , detestation , and malediction abroad , suspitions , execrations , and auersions at home . 19. These are my considerations : and whether my aduersary M. Morton haue better for his contrary perswasion I know not : wee shall expect the comming forth of the body of his booke , for this his Preamble is but the head therof , though a great head , being of aboue three score leaues in 4. and of litle wit , as partly hath appeared by that which already hath bene perused , & will do much more by that which is to ensue . WHAT M. MORTON answereth about the later part of my Treatise concerning Equiuocation . §. II. IN the precedent Paragraph you haue heard what M. Morton had to reply about the first mayne poynt of Rebellion : now commeth he to the second of Equiuocation , writing some 3 petty leaues therof , but with so great an ostentation & vaunt at his first entrance , as if he would do great matters indeed , for thus intitleth he his Paragraph . That P.R. hath flatly ouerthrowne his whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , which is made so euident , as that no wit of man can possibly excuse him . This , you see , is confidently spoken , and very magnificently of himselfe and his witt , that he hath made thinges so plaine and euident against my Treatise , as no wit of man hath possibility eyther to defend or excuse me . Heere then the Reader will take some examen of witts : for albeit I desire not to render wordes for wordes , yet must I needs foretell , that he will fynd as great want of wit & discretion in this bragge , and in the medium here chosen to ouerthrow my whole Treatise , as euer , perhaps , he found in any man prefessing wit , and learning . 21. And yet the good man goeth forward in those his oftentations , stir●ing vp attention to the view of his owne weaknes and folly : for that hauing layd sorth in few wordes my assertion concerning lawfull Equiuocation , to wit , that it is a speach partly vttered in wordes , and partly reserued in mynd , but yet euer true , and no lye , for that the speach agreeth alwayes with the mynd of the speaker , and is true in his sense &c. he beginneth his confutation thus : How now would my Reader heare this noble Equiuocatour con●uted ? By Fathers ? Or by his owne Doctors ? or by sensible reasons ? this will be no hard matter to performe , as I hope ( God willing ) to auouch in due tyme. So he . And this as you see is no otherwise then if a bare and broken debitour hauing byn lōg called vpon to pay his debts , should step forth at length in a vaunt before a multitude saying to his creditor : Come Syr , what sort of gold will you be paid in ? will you haue it in Spanish Pistolets ? Portugall Cruzadoes ? French Crownes ? Zechines of Venice ? Dallers of Germany , or English Angels ? and his creditor should answere him , Syr any kynd of coyne would content me , although it were but halfe-faced groates , or single-pence , so I might haue it . And that then the other should reply as M. Morton doth heere : Well , I hope , God willing , to pay you in tyme ; and so leaue him with lesse probability of payment then euer before . And were this now substantiall dealing for satisfaction of his creditours ? And doth not M. Morton the very like , that asking heere th● reader , whether he will haue Fathers , Doctours , or reasons for proofe against me , produceth neuer a one , but faith , that he hopeth to do it in tyme ? And was it not now fit time to alleadge some one or two at least , if had had such store as he vaunteth , and those of such force and euidency , as no wit of man can controle them ? Surely it would haue delighted the Reader to haue read one such exāple in this place for a tast , though he had expected for the other the longer after . But now he must needes suspect the art of Monte-banks in commending their wares so far beyond their worth , and refusing to affoard any sight therof . 22. But let vs come to see what supply M. Morton deuiseth to make , in lieu of those former pretermitted proofs of Fathers , Doctors , reasons &c. Heere ( saith he ) is offered vnto me a briefer course , more fit for a Preāble , and for the triumph of truth more glorious , which is to see ( as politicke Achitophell hāged in his owne halter , so ) this doctor of the art of lying , confounded by his owne assertion . I desire euery child of truth to lend me attention . So he . And all this is by way of preface before he come to his triumphant and glorious victory . And if he do nothing afterward but shame himselfe , and shew his owne folly in mistaking the chiefe point of the question , and not vnderstāding wherin consisteth the principall force of the cōtrouersie , will not all this vaunting prologue proue a halter of Achitophell to hang himselfe ? And the styrring vp of euery child of truth to attention , make euery man witnesse of his owne disgrace ? Let vs then ioyne issue vpon the matter it selfe . 23. The means that he taketh here to ouerthrow , as he saith , my whole Treatise of Equiuocation , is the example of the woman Saphyra in the Acts of the Apostles , whome he will needs defend to haue vsed Equiuocation with S. Peter , when she being demanded by him , VVether she sold her land for so much , she answered yea ; which being an vnlawfull answere , and punished by the holy Ghost with death , he would inf●rre fondly therof , that all Equiuocatiō is vnlaw●ull . But I thinke be●t to set downe my whole charge in that behalfe as it standeth in my Treatise , and then shall we see how therby M. Mortō will ouerthrow ( as he saith ) my whole defence . Thus then I did write in my former booke . The Charge giuen by P. R. 24. First to begin with his exāples out of Scripture , I say , that he might better haue said example in the singular number : for wheras we of our part haue alleged so many , & so great variety of examples in our former discourse to the contrary , he ( poore man ) out of all the body of the whole Bible hath alleadged but one , and that nothing to his purpose , as presently shall appeare . His example is out of the Acts of the Apo●tles , where it is recounted how Ananias , & Saphyra his wife , hauing sould a certaine feild of theirs , and bringing a part of the price , and laying it at the feete of the Apostle , as though it had bene the whole price , were miraculously punished by S. Peter for defrauding the Community , of that which they had promised , or would pretend to giue . An act ( saith Thomas Morton ) proper to the infancy of the Church , to bring their substance , & tender it to the Apostles for the common good o● Saints . By which words if he allow that fact , as a forme of perfection in that purity and integrity of the Christian Churches beginning ; why then now is the imitation therof in religious men of our dayes impugned by the Protestants ? And if by the word Infancy he meane weaknes or imperfect on in the sense of S. Paul , saying ; Cùm essem paruulus &c. when I was a child or infant , I spake as a child , I vnderstood as a child , I thought as a child : but when I came to the yeares of a man , I cast of those things that belonged to a child : If this ( I say ) be Thomas Mortons meaning to note the act of imperfection , the ancient * Fathers do stand wholy against him , and do allow it rather for great perfection , and that it was a vow of voluntary pouerty to liue in cōmon , which those first Christians had made by counsaile of the Apostles , and consequently do interprete those words ( Nonne manens ●ibi manebat &c. did it not remayne in your power to giue it , or ●ot to giue it ? ) to haue byn meant by S. Peter before ●heir vow : which if it be true , and that S. Peter did ●iue so dredfull a sentence vpon the first vow-brea●ers of voluntary pouerty , euen for detayning som●hat of their owne , how much may Thomas Morton , ●nd some friends of his , feare the like sentence , for ●eaching it to be lawfull to take away that from a Religious cōmunity which themselues neuer gaue . ●5 . But let vs come to the application of this ex●mple against Equiuocation , which he hath cho●en to vse principally about the womans speach . The ●oman is asked ( saith he ) sould you the land for so much ? Her ●nswere is● yea , for so much , meaning but one halfe , & concea●ing the other , in which dissimulation it is impossible ( saith M. Morton ) but that your reserued clause must haue come into her mynd , to thinke , but so much to giue in common , or to ●●gni●ie vnto you . Thus he teacheth that poore womā●o Equiuocate , a●ter his māner of Equiuocatiō , that ●s to say , to lye : for now I suppose he hath learned ●y that which hath byn setdowne in our precedent Chapter , that so speake an vntruth , or to conceale a truth , or to vse any Equiuocation when we are iustly demaūded by our lawfull Superiour , and when no iniury , or violence is vsed vnto vs , is a greiuous mortall synne in our Catholicke doctrine , and consequently she being lawfully d●maunded by S. Peter in a lawfull cause touching her owne vow & promise , no clause of reseruation could saue her speach from lying , as our Minister doth foolishly imagine . 26 Wherfore S. Peter as most lawfull Iudge , and gouernour of the Vniuersall Church vnder Christ , and the holy ghost in him , did worthily punish that dissimulation , and lying bo●h in her and her hu●bād for example of others in that beginning , and for manifesting the great and speciall assistance of the holy ghost that assisted him , & should be in his successors to the worlds end , in that their gouernment , to the terrour of wicked men that should impugne it , or otherwise deserue by their demerits to be punished by the same . And thus much of his examples out of Scriptures , which is but one as you see , & that much against himselfe & his owne cause , if I be not deceaued , for that it proueth all Equiuocation is not law●ull , as he will needs suppose vs to hold . 27. This was my discourse then . Now let vs s●e how M. Morton doth ouerthrow my whole Treatise of Equiuocation out of this speach of myne , and that with such euidency , as no wit of man can possibly excuse me . He beginneth his impugnation thus : The supposed Equiuocation of the woman Saphyra ( saith he ) was this , I haue sold it but for so much , reseruing in her mynd ( for ought that you shall know , ) which is agreable to their owne example of Equiuocation I am no Priest ( meaning to tell it you . ) This later P. R. hath defended throughout his whole booke : and now of the other he is inforced by the word of truth to say , that it is a lye , and that no clause of reseruation could saue it from a lye : from whence it shall inuincibly follow , that Priestes Equiuocation is a Satanicall lye , these two speaches being so semblable in themselues , as if he should say they differ , then must the difference be eyther in respect of the spea●ers , or in respect of the hearers . This is his discourse ●alking much of the word of truth , and the child of truth , ●nd continuing still to promise what he will do , & what he will proue : but as yet he proueth nothing . He saith it will follow inuincibly , that to answere I ●m no Priest to an incompetent Iudge ( if I be a Priest ) ●s a Satanicall lye , for that such was the answere of ●aphyra vnto S. Peter , I haue sold my possession for so much , ●ith this reseruation of mind ( to tell you , or to conferre ●n common . ) But first how doth he proue that she had ●his meaning of reseruation in her mind ? It is but ● . Mortons imagination , to ascribe it vnto her ; for it ●ay more probably be thought that she had neuer ●ny such cogitation , to make her speach lawfull by ●eseruation , but absolutly to lye . Which is most con●orme to the text it selfe of holy Scripture , where it ●s said by S. Peter to Ananias : Cur tentauit Satanas cor tu●m mentiri Spiritui Sancto ? Wherefore hath Sathan tempted thy hart to ly vnto the Holy ghost ? And againe , Thou hast not lyed to men , but to God. Wherby it is euident that his and his wiues intention was to lye , and to defraud the cōmunity of a part of their lands , and that they had no cogitation at all of speaking a truth , & auoyding of lying by Equiuocation , as the Priest hath , and so haue all those that meane lawfully , and with a good conscienc● , to couer a truth which they are not bound to vtter , which properly we call equiuocation : so as whosoeuer hath not this intentiō , as it is to be supposed that Ananias & Saphyra had not , he doth not equiuocate , but lye . Which being so , it is very great simplicity , to abstaine frō a worse word , for M. Morton to found his whole discourse vpon this matter , and especially so vaine and vaunting a discourse as this is , only vpon his owne supposall , that the woman Saphyra had intention to equiuocate : which if I deny , as iustly I may , all this glorious building falleth to the groūd . But yet not to cut him of so short , and put him to a non plus vpon the suddaine , I am content to doe him this pleasure , as to suppose with him , that the poore woman might haue some such reseruation in her mind , as M. Morton imagineth , to wit , that as the Priest saith truly , I am no Priest ( with obligation to tell it you : ) so shee might meane , that I haue sold it for no more ( to acquaint you withall : ) and then I say , albeit we should admit this supposall , it is denied by vs flatly , that these two examples are alike , as now I haue declared ; the one being vnlawfull the other not . And what inuincible argumēt hath M. Morton , thinke you , now to proue that they are all one ? And that of the Priest to be as vnlawfull as the other of the woman ? You shall heare . 28. If you say ( quoth he ) that they differ , then must the difference be eyther in respect of the speakers , or of the hearers ? We answere , that of both ; for in the behalfe of the speaker , there was obligation in Saphyra to answere the truth , and in the hearer lawfull authority to demaund it , for that he was lawfull Iudge : but neither of these two things are in the Priest that is vnlawfully examined by the incōpetent Iudge . For that as the said Iudge is no Iudge , & consequently hath no authority to demaund matters preiudiciall to the party examined : so hath the other no obligation to answere directly to his intention or interrogatory . And what hath now M. Morton to reply to these so euident and important differences , that make the one answere lawfull , the other a lye ? 29. Surely it is a pittifull thing to see how he is puzled in this matter , and would faine say somewhat , and can find nothing wheron he may subsist , or rest himselfe . For first , he beginneth with the person of the woman , that is the speaker , that did vnlawfully equiuocate vnto S. Peter , comparing her to the person of the Priest that lawfully saith vnto ●n incompetent Iudge , I am no Priest , and findeth no ●reater difference betweene them , but first , that she 〈◊〉 a woman , and he is a man , and then , that it is as possible ●r a Priest to lye , as for a woman to tell truth . But he dissem●leth the maine differēce now mentioned , that she ●ad obligatiō to tell the truth without equiuocatiō , ● he not , which is the substantiall differēce indeed . Heere thē is no plaine dealing to falter so manifestly ●n the very principall point that most imported . ●0 . Secondly he passeth to the person of the hea●er or Iudge , and sayth , there can be no difference ●etweene the two cases in that respect , whether ●hey be competent or incompetent , and this he pretendeth ●o proue out of my words : which point for that he will needs haue the whole substance of this contro●ersy to depend therof , saying further , that I cannot ●biect any difference in this behalfe without grosse & stupide con●radiction to my selfe , throughout my whole Treatise , we shall seuerally examine his arguments heerin . M. Mortons first argument discussed , about a competent and incompetent Iudge . 31. His first argument is taken from my wordes , where in my treatise of Mitigation I do say thus : That in mentall reseruation the speach agreeth to the mynd , and meaning of the speaker , for that when I do say to an incompetent Iudge , that I am no Priest , I do truly & really meane , that I am no Priest in the sense that I speake it , which may be any that pleaseth me , or that I list to frame to my self . So I. And hitherto M. Morton cyteth my owne wordes , though somewhat brokenly , but yet cutteth of wholy the other that immediatly do ensue and make all playne , to wit , ( seeing I haue no obligation to respect any thing what the demander speaketh , or asketh , for so much as he demandeth me against law and equity ) . Well this is no playne dealing , as you see . But what argument will M. Morton frame out of these my words ? Marke ( saith he ) The truth of Equiuocation is not suspended vpon the vnderstanding of the hearer , who may conceaue , or misconceaue the speach . so he . But what is this to the purpose ? I grant that the truth of any answere made vnto a Iudge dependeth not vpon the vnderstanding , conceipt , or capacity of the said Iudge , but vpon the meaning of the speaker , which meaning notwithstāding is to be measured by the competēcy , or incompetency of the Iudge . For if the Iudge be competent , then is the answerer bound to answere to his intention , and to haue that meaning in his answere which the Iudge hath in his demand : but if he be not competent , then all this obligation ceaseth , and the speaker is free to haue what meaning h● list in his answere ( so that in his own sense it be true : ) and this , for the reason now touched . So as heere no inference at all can be made by M. Morton that the difference of competency of Iudges in the cases of the woman and Priest doth make no diuersity in the truth of their answers , and yet will he needes conclude with this consequence ( hauing said no more then I haue touched ) that for so much as I said in the Treatise of Mitigation , as before you haue heard , that no clause of reseruation could saue the speach of Saphyra from a lye ( for that it was to her lawfull Iudge , to whome she was bound to answere directly to his intention ) ergo , I do condemn● my selfe and all other Equiuocatours for phantasticall lyers . 32. But I would aske him why ? or by what consequence of reason this commeth about ? He saith for that there is no difference in effect between this speach of Saphyra , I haue sold it for no more , to tell it you , & of the Priest , I am no Priest , to tell it you . I say that suppose Saphyra had that reseruation ( which yet dependeth only of M. Mortons fiction , ) yet that there is ● great maine difference betweene them , in that the one party was bound to tell what she was demāded , the other was not bound ; he replieth that I confesse ●hat the truth of the answere dependeth not of the vnderstanding 〈◊〉 the hearer , but of the meaning and intention of the speaker ; which I also grant , but yet that this meaning and intention of the Speaker must be gouerned and di●ected by the lawfulnes and competencie of the ●earer or Iudge to whome we speake , or by whome we are demanded . For if he be lawfull and compe●ent , then doth he thereby impose an obligation vpon the speaker , to answere to his meaning and ●ntention , otherwise not , which maketh a great ●aine difference , and the cases farre vnlike , if M. Morton had will to see it ( for to want of vnderstanding I wil not ascribe it ) and sincerity to vtter it . So as this his first argument proueth nothing but against himselfe . Let vs see his second . His second argument examined . 33. Secondly ( sayth he ) as we here fynd a woman ma●ing a lye to S. Peter a competent Iudge , so do we read that S. Peter made a lye vnto a woman ( an examiner incōpetent ; ) so that the di●ference of the hearers doth not alter the nature of ●he speach . So he , and his meaning is ( by the diffe●ence of hearers ) that it importeth not whether the ●udge be competent or incompetent , for so he wri●eth within few lines after . Truth is truth ( saith he ) though it be vttered to man or woman , whether to Prince or people , to Symon Peter , or to Symon Magus , yea whether to Archangell or to Sathan , Iudge competent or incompetent , it cannot free a lying speach from the nature of a lye . And the reasō hereof confessed by P. R. is , that the essence and formality of a lye requireth , that the speach disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker . Thus M. Morton . 34. And all this prooueth nothing at all to his purpose . For albeit we graunt that the essence of a lye consisteth principally & immediately in this , that it doth disagree from the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker : yet doth the respect of competency in a Iudge that demandeth , put obligation , as now hath byn sayd , vpon the speaker to haue this or that mind & meaning correspondent to his , that demandeth , which is not in a Iudge incompetent . And albeit these respects of competencie or incompetency may seeme but circumstances : yet as in morall matters it often falleth out , circumstances do alter the nature and species of the vertue or vice it selfe , qui● transeunt in conditiones obiecti , as Scholemen do vse to speake . 35. So heere the selfe same answere , made to a competent or incompetent Iudge is made lawfull or vnlaw●ul , true or false , by that circumstāce of his competency , or incompetency , that layeth or not layeth the said obligatiō vpon the speaker , to speake directly to the Iudges meaning . So as when M. Mort. shufleth vp so many things togeather , saying , that truth i● truth , whether it be vttered to man or woman , Prince or people , Symō Peter or Symon Magus , Archangel or Satan , Iudg competēt or incompetent ; he either vnderstādeth not the differences that be in these exāples handled togeather , or would not haue his Reader to marke the same . For albeit the simple difference of persons themselues to whome we speake altereth not the truth or falsity of our speach : yet some respect or relation in those persons ( but especially of being a lawfull or vnlawfull Iudge ) may , and doth alter the same wholy , making the one speach truth , and the other falsity . 36. And thus much for answering the force of M. Mortons secōd argumēt which in effect is nothing at all . For that albeit all diuersity of persons , to whom we speake , doth not alter the truth or falsity of the speach : yet some may , when the hearer hath authority to oblige in conscience the speaker to answer directly to his meaning , and to vtter truth , as hath ●yn declared . And with this wee might end , but that we may not let passe a contradiction or two , which offer themselues in this his speach . For in the ●eginning of this argument as you haue heard he writeth thus : As we heere find a woman making a lye to S. ●eter a competent Iudge : so we read , that S. Peter made a lye ●o a woman an examiner incompetent . And for this he ci●eth Matth. 26. and yet in his former booke of Full sa●isfaction , he wrote thus , if you remēber ; that the maid ●o whom S. Peter swore was cōpetent inough to heare a true oath , ●f he had bin as ready to sweare truly . So as there he made ●er competent , and heere incompetent : which of ●hem he will stand vnto now , I know not , although ●t seemeth that he is more bound to stand to the first , ●hat she was S. Peters cōpetent Iudg , or examiner ; for ●hat he bringeth it for a proofe of his maior propo●itiō , in that famous syllogisme of six termini , which ●hen he made , and now cannot , nor so much as at●empteth to defend , as before you haue seene , in which the maior was this : The competency of God , by whō we sweare , maketh euery one competent Iudges and hearers , to ●home we sweare . Whereunto if we would adioine ●his minor , but S. Peter sware by God vnto this maide , the conclusion will follow in good forme : ergo she was a competent Iudge , and consequently also a competent examiner , for that euery competent Iudge hath likewise lawfull authority to examine . So that you see that M. Morton there did not only affirme it , but proue it also by syllogisme , that she was S. Peters lawfull Iudg : nay he held it for so certaine , that he did set it downe for a proofe of his said maior propositiō thus : The maior ( saith he ) is true , for that our Sauiour in auouching truth , held Pilate for a competent Iudg , although he did not i●ridicè , but falsely proceed . S. Paul in his cause appealed to Cesars Tribunall seat , who was a Pagan . Iacob did couenant ●ith Laban an idolater . And the mayd to whome S. Peter swore , was cōpetent inough to heare a true oath , if he had bene as readie to sweare truly . In which words you see , that he affirmeth the maid to haue bene competent , by that S. Peter did sweare by God vnto her , and therby pretendeth to proue his maior proposition , that the competency of God , by whome we sweare , maketh euery one cōpetent Iudge , to whome we sweare : And yet within two lines after , he saith againe : but she was no lawfull examiner , and Pilate was a partiall Iudge : so that , denying her to be lawfull examiner , and yet to be competent Iudge , is a plaine contradiction in it selfe . For that ( as hath beene said ) whosoeuer is competent Iudge , hath power also thereby to examine : for that otherwise he could not iudge of the truth , wherof he hath no● authority to examine : so as the maides case seemeth very troublesome to M. Morton , no lesse then she was importune to S. Peter . But let vs see the residue of the examples , how they make to M. Mortons purpose , for proofe of his maior . 37 The point which they should prooue , is this : that , whosoeuer sweareth to another by God , doth therby make him or her , to whome he sweareth , his lawfull and competent Iudge . The fondnesse of which assertion , though we haue sufficiently layd open before in our Treatise of Mitigation by sundrie reasons and examples ; yet shall we heere againe take the paines to examine seuerally in a word or two , his other three examples as we haue done now that of the maid . His first is of Pilate : Our Sauiour ( saith he ) in auouching truth , held Pilate for a competent Iudge . But now what of this ? Did our Sauiour make Pilate his competent Iudge , by swearing to him by God ? How can he proue it ? Or who would suppose or inferre this but M. Morton ? His second example is : S. Paul in his cause appealed to Cesars Tribunall seat . But this is lesse to the purpose then the former , for that heere was no oath at all of the Apostle , wherby Cesar might be constituted his competent Iudge . His third example is of Iacobs couenāt with Laban , which was an idolater ; and is most of all from the purpose , and little lesse indeed then ridiculous : for that neither Iacobs couenant with Laban , nor Labans with Iacob ( for the couenant was reciprocall ) did make either Laban to be competent Iudge to Iacob , nor Iacob to Laban ; but both of them remained ●as before , though bound in faith and promise the one to the other for perfourmance of that mutuall frendship , which they had promised , but yet without any superiority of being Iudges the one to the other , as euerie man in common sense doth see : and consequently M. Mortons maior propositiō ( that euery man is made our Iudge● to whome we sweare ) is not proued to be true by any of these foure instances , nor by thē alltogeather . Let vs passe then to his third . His third Argument confuted . 38. Thirdly , saith he , in mentall Equiuocatiō P. R. saith , that the clause of reseruaton mixed with the outward speach maketh but one proposition which is as true in the mind of the speaker , as if it were wholy deliuered in the outward speach . As for exāple : I am no Priest , mixed with this clause cōceyued in mind , to tell it you ; is as true in the Iudgment of P. R. as if it had bene without reseruation fully expressed with the mouth , saying : I am noe Priest to tell it you : Now then , say P. R. ( for I meane to fetter you in your owne shackles ) the woman when she sayd to S. Peter ; I haue sold it but for so much , if she had reserued in her mind this clause , to giue it to you , either had it bene by vertue of reseruation , ● truth , or els ( notwithstanding that reseruation ) it had bene a lye . If the clause of reseruation might haue made it a truth , then hath not P. R. said truth in concluding , that no clause of reseruation could saue it from a lie : If contrariewise the tricke of reseruation could not saue it from a lye , then doth not the reserued clause to tell it you , being mixed with the outward speach , I am no Priest , make vp one true proposition , and consequētly it must be concluded of the Preistly Equiuocation , as is heere by P. R. confessed of the womans , vz. that noe clause of reseruation can saue their speach from a lye . For if she had said vnto S. Peter in plaine words : I ●aue sould it but for so much , ●● giue it in common , or such like , this euery one knoweth had beene a true speach : yet she saying , I sould it for s● much , with mentall reseruation , reseruing in her mind , to giue it in cōmon , or to tel it vnto you , was , notwithstanding this reseruation , euen by the iudgement of P. R. a flat lye . 39. This is his last and greatest argument , wherof , as presently you shall heare , he vaunteth exceedingly , conquering me first in his margent , writing there : An euident conuiction of P. R. And then againe : A plaine demonstration , to say no thing of the fetters & shackells in the text it selfe . And I haue thought best to lay forth his whole discourse , as it lyeth togeather in his booke , that heereby you may see , with what manner of substance he filleth vp paper , and what sort of shackells he hath to fetter men withall , which are as strong , as the netts of cobwebbes : for that in this place his whole discourse and argument is founded vpon a manifest false ground and principle , to wit vpon the me●re mistaking , or fond supposition , that the two answers of the Priest and the woman , viz. I am no Priest with obligation to tell it vnto ●ou , and , I sould it for no more , with obligation to giue vnto you , are of equall falsity , which still we deny , & he cannot proue : and yet himselfe doth often heere repeat , ●hat I do hould the answere of the Priest to be true , ●nd hers to be false , for that his was made to an in●ompetent Iudge , and hers to a competent , so as she was bound to haue answered directly to S. Peters meaning : which being so , what needed all this long obscure speach of M. Morton , which might haue been ●poken in 4. lynes ? For I grant that the answers of ●he Priest and the woman do make ech of them in ●hemselues , being mixt with their reseruation , a whole perfect proposition , as if they had byn vt●ered without reseruation . 40. It is euident also , that the womans proposition , that she had sould her land for no more , with obligation to giue it to S. Peter , or to be spent in cōmon ( this being the true effect , and substance of her answere ) was a lye , whether it had beene vttered wholy togeather in playne wordes , or part in speach , and part in mentall reseruation . And M. Morton doth childishly suppose and affirme , that euery one knoweth that it had bene a true speach . For albeit the wordes of S. Peter in the text of the Actes of the Apostles be , Tell me , woman , if you sould the ●eild for so much ? and her answere was , Yea for so much : yet is it euidēt by the drift and circumstance of the place , that S. Pe●●r● meaning was , whether they sold it for so much , and no more , and therfore if she did Equiuocate as M. Morton will haue her , her secret meaning must needs be , that she sould it for no more , so as she was bound to vtter it , or giue it vnto him , or bring it to the cōmon purse . All which was false , & a lye , in respect both of ●er vow to bring the whole to the common purse , and for that S. Peter was her lawful , and competent Iudge , and she obliged therby to tell him the truth . 41. Now then wee see after so many vaunts , and braggs , what M. Morton hath beene able to effect by these his arguments : It shall not be perhaps amisse to add his confident conclusion wherin he doth recapitulate as it were the summe of all , comparing these two answers of the Priest and the woman togeather . Let vs ( saith he ) for conclusion , parallele both these examples which are very neere a kinne . For if we do compare speaker with speaker , that is , the woman and a Priest , both will be thought to be Votaryes . If outward speach with outward speach , that is , I haue sold it but for so much , and I am no Priest , both are negatiues . If reseruation with reseruatiō , as ( to tell it vnto you ) or [ to giue vnto you ] both are mentall . If the forme with forme , both equally ananswerable to the mynd of the speaker . If finally , end with end , both are to deceiue the hearer . Wherfore P. R. granting , that no clause of reseruation could saue her specah from a lye , must by irrepugnable consequence be forced to confesse , that his [ I am no Priest ] vttered by a Priest , to whomsoeuer it be spoken , notwithstanding any mentall reseruation of [ to tell it vnto you ] is a Satanicall and damnable lye . 42. The wordes of Satanicall and damnable are very frequent with M. Morton , as you see . God send him saluation , and vs all freedome from Sathan , and Sathanicall spirits ; which in no one thing are more discryed then by the facility of wilfull lying : but to the matter . His collection in his conclusion is like the making of a latin without the principall Verbe . For wheras he gathereth in the said conclusion , sundry points of likenesse , and neernes of kinne ( as he calleth them ) to make the speaches of the Priest and the woman to seeme semblable ; he pretermitteth of purpose the chiefe and essentiall difference indeed of competent , & incompetent Iudge , and obligatiō●rising therō , wherin we principally do insist , for their difference and diuersity : & yet he saith , as you haue heard , that I granting , that no clause of reseruation ●ould saue the womans speach from a lye , must by irr●pugna●le consequence be forced to grant also the same of the Prie●●s answere . But wheron I pray you is this ir●epugnable consequence grounded ? Haue you seene any demonstration alleadged by him for it , besides his ●nly imagination , and fond ●upposition ? And yet , ●s though he had done wonders indeed , he in●ul●eth exceedingly in the very last lynes of this Para●raph , which are these . ●3 . And where is now ( saith he ) P. R. his boast of ●criptures , Fathers , Reasons ? Where is his Chal●enge of Canonists and School-deuines ? Where is ●●s apeale vnto both our Vniuersities ? Nay , where 〈◊〉 this man P. R. himselfe , the new select Aduocate ●or this cause ? may he not say heerafter , I was a●amed , and therefore I hid my selfe ? So naked doth his ●eformity appeare . He hath said , That his Aduer●ary T. M. is like one , who when the game is des●erate , well notwithstanding play it out , and see the ●●st man borne . Heere he himselfe hath made such a ●lot , as cannot but be the vnfallible losse of his ●hole game , who being pressed with this example ●ut of Scripture , is driuen to such a vertigo and giddi●esse , that euen when he would defend his art of Equiuocating from a lye , is by cōsequence from Gods word , forced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue from a lye , whereby his owne Magi ( I doubt not ) will be brought to acknowledg , that digitus Dei hic est , this is the power of Gods truth . And thus being contented , for this present , to haue my whole cause in both questions , of Equiuocation and Rebellion so iustifyable , that my Aduersarie his owne confessions may free me from his imputation of slāder ; I do with better alacrity proceed vnto his next challenge . Thu● goeth this solemne vaunt . 44. And truly he hath great cause to proceed with alacrity indeed , if with so litle labour & lesse learning ●e can make himselfe so victorious , in both the mayne questions of Rebellion and Equiuocation , as heere he paynteth out himselfe . I haue heard of some Cockes of the game that when they were so pricked and wounded by their aduersaries in fight , as both ●heir heads did runne with gore bloud , and both their eyes almost out , yet with any least pause giuen them , they would crow in the cockpit in signe of courage : and it may be that my Aduersarie is of some kindred to that couragious race . But heer I must auswere him to some of his demands . 45 VVhere is now ( saith he ) the boast of P. R. for Sriptures , Fathers , Reasons ? I answere , they are in my booke set downe in great numbers , and haue expected that you should haue satisfied at least some one or two of them in this place . And wheras they are so many , so manifest , and so potent against you , and no one of them attempted to be answered by you ; it seemeth a poore euasion , and simple Rhetoricall shi●t to crow so coldly , as to aske where they are when so many do lye before you . But let vs heare your second interrogation . VVhere is ( say you ) his challeng of Canoni●●s , and Schoole-Deuines ? Wherto I answere , that they are in the same places of my former Treatise , where they were before ; and you could not but see them , yet no one of them hath beene examined or touched by you in all this your reply , so farre as I can see . But you go further . VVhere is ( say you ) his appeale vnto both Vniuersities ? I answere , it is in the same ●●ate that it was before , and in the same lynes that I l●ft it , without any repeale of your part hitherto made . And finally you demand in great brauery ; VVhere is this man P. R. himsel●e , the new select Aduocate ●or this cause ? may he not say hera●ter , I was ashamed , and hid my selfe ? wherunto I answere for him , that if he seeme to haue byn hydden before ; now he doth appeare againe in this new Treatise , and you haue heard him speake , and felt him strike in his defence , and more you are like to do afterward before this combat be ended , though frendly and quietly according to the tytle of his booke . And so this being to much tyme to leese in these tryflinges , I shall in few wordes make vp the reckoning of this Pa●agraph . The Vpshot of this Reckoning . ●6 . Wherfore now to turne my selfe to Morton●n ●n frendly and quiet manner , I cannot but wonder 〈◊〉 Syr ) that you would enter into this matter of ●uerthrowing my whole defence of Mentall Equiuoca●ion , established by so great variety of apparēt proofs ●ut of Scriptures , Fathers , Reasons , and other ar●umentes , as my former booke layeth before you , & ●hat with such confidence as , to affirme in the very ●ytle of your paragraph , that no wit of man could stād ●gainst you , that you would promise to your Rea●er , a glorious course to the triumph of truth : that I should be ●ettered in my owne shackles , hanged in Achitophels halter , as a ●atanicall and damnable lyer , a grosse and stupide contradictour ●f my selfe , driuen into such a vertigo & giddines , vpon your ●pressing me with one only example out of Scriptures , as when I would faynest defend my art of Equiuocation , am forced by consequence from Gods words to confesse , that their is an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue frō a lye , wherby myne owne Magi should be brought to acknowledg ( as the Magi of Egipt were ) that digitus Dei hic est , this is the finger of God , that hath made M. Morton so miraculou●ly glorious against me , as hauing said nothing , hath notwithstanding gotten the victory , and so ouercome me , as all the wit of man can not defend me . 47. And I do add heere miraculously of my selfe , for that , in my reasō it is the greatest miracle that can be deuised , that a mā without saying any thing at all to the purpose , should so flatly ouerthrow so large a defēce , so grounded , & so fortified as myne was , cōcerning Equiuocation , and the lawfullnes therof , and this by alleadging one only example of a poore woman that did make a lye to S. Peter her lawfull and competent Iudge , whiles she pretended to Equiuocate ( if she had any such meaning as you wil needes signe her to haue had ) and thereby you will conclude , that all other Equiuocations whatsoeuer , ( though to neuer so incompetent a Iudge ) must needes in like manner be a lye : which seemeth not only a fancy , but also a very phre●sy in law of good dispute , aud argumentation . For if we cōsider your precedent arguments , wheron your whole bragging confidence doth rely , no one of them , nor all togeather are worth a rush , to proue any iote of that you pretend , as now largely and manifestly hath beene proued . Wherfore I must needs say that it sauoureth of a strōg humor of vanity in you to frame vnto your selfe so full and glorious a victory as you do , which I assure my selfe will cause more laughter then admiratiō in any discret Reader : and with this alacrity , you may proceed to that which insueth . 48. But yet before I end this Chap. I must needs take you once by the sleeue againe , & tell you , that wheras you do often times serue your selfe in this Reply , of my cōfession , or rather concessiō , that no clause of reseruation could excuse the speach of the woman ( Saphyra ) from a lye ; for that she spake to a competent Iudge , which obliged her not to equiuocate : you to make semblance of some contradiction , and absurdity in me , about the same , doe in the very entrance of this your Reply , ( to wit , in your Epistle to P. R. ) falsify my words manifestly , affirming me to graunt that , there is a mentall equiuocation ( meaning of the speach of Saphyra ) which no clause of reseruation can saue from lye ; which is a lye indeed , for that this is not my saying , but yours : for that my saying is , that the answer of Saphyra to S. Peter , could not by any reseruation o● mynd be defended f●om a lye , ●or that he was her lawfull Iudg ; and consequently , I doe proue , that her said speach was no equiuocatiō at all● and yet are you not ashamed to say , yea and to stand vpon it , and to vrge the matter in sundry places , as graunted by me , that there is a mentall equiuocation which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye , wheras I doe hold , auerr , & proue the quite contrary , to witt , that such a speach cannot be truly equiuocation , for that it is a lye . This then may increase your alacrity ( M. Morton ) that this assertion of yours is found to be so plaine , and euidently false , as no equiuocation or mentall reseruation can excuse it from a lye , nor any wit of man possibly defend you therin . 49. And this is all in effect that M. Morton hath thought good to handle of the two large subiectes of my former booke , touching Rebellion & Equiuocatiō , beginning first with the title ( as you haue h●ard ) and auo●ching , that to call it a Mit●gation , was very ominous and vnluckie to them whome specially it laboureth to de●end , whero● yet he alleageth no one proofe in the world , but only the ( May be ) before mentioned : to wit , that I said , that albeit dangers may fall out , as in al● other Common-wealthes ; so yet may Protestants and Catholickes liue togeather in cyuill vniō , and dutifull obedience , if they will , and be permitted . And then from this assertion he leapeth presently to another , saying ; that my foresaid Treatise of Mitigation , hath betrayed my whole cause both in the one , and the other question , of Rebellion and Equiuocation : for proofe whereof he hath no other argument , as now you haue heard , but only for the former of Rebellion , certayne fond deuised impossibilityes against the said may be . And for the other question of Equiuocation he hath only the case of the poore lying-woman Saphyra , which yet he esteemeth so highly to make for him , as he dareth pronounce , that it ouerthroweth my whole defence of mentall Equiuocation , and that so euidently , as no wit of man can possibly excuse the same . Which vehemēt hyperbolicall asseueratiō of his , I assure my selfe will seeme to the iudicious Reader , that hath takē a view of the triall past , to proceed of so litle wit of man , as it may scarce possibly be defended from plainfolly . 50. Well then this being all that is answered to the substance of my booke , we must passe to certaine accidents therof , which are sundry grieuous imputations of false dealing laied to M. Mortons charge , which I did obiter , and as it were by the way , lay opē in my Treatise , thereby to shew the weakenes , and misery of his cause , which forced him ( a mā otherwise much louing truth , as himselfe euery where protesteth ) to fall into such inexplicable labyrinths of grosse absurdities , as few men before him haue done . And for that these accidents did seeme perhaps to touch him more neerly , then the substance of the controuersy it selfe ( for that they are more sensible in the Readers eye and eare : ) therfore he hath principally adressed himselfe in this his Preamblatory-reply to euacuate or infringe some of these imputations , but with what successe , the euent it selfe will shew in the ensui●g Chapters . THE THIRD CHAPTER ANSVVERING TO M. MORTONS THIRD INQVIRY , CONCERNING falsities obiected by him ( though falsely ) against Catholicke writers , but especially against Card. Bellarmine : wherof no one can be proued . PREFACE . IN the former two Chapters the ●eader hath now taken a view of their seuerall subiects and arguments : and in the first , what light skirmishes M. Mortō thought best to make for some triall of his valour in answering ( vpon sundry small quarrels picked ●ut heere and there from different places of my who●e Treatise , ) and with what successe the same hath bene by him performed . In the second he hath seene two short assaults , about the two mayne matters in controuersy o● Rebellion & Equiuocation , which being conteyned but in two small Paragraphes , and treating only two single obiections , do easily shew how little store of substantiall reply M. Morton hath to so large a Treatise as mine was . But we must expect the residue of full complement in his promised larger Reioynder . 2. Now in the meane space wee are to examine three or foure other poyntes which he handleth in this his last Preamble-Reply , especially about his owne defence : for that he being deeply charged in my booke for manifold vntrue dealing in his writings which oftentimes was such as could not proceed so much of error , or mistaking , but sauoured of willfull , and witting deceiptfullnes , that commonly is called malice : which poynt for that I noted , and vrged often both against himselfe , and against many other of his profession , and this by great number and variety of examples , a●d i●●tances ; he feeling himself touched not a little in credit with this matter , as it may seeme , thought good after due deliberation to take this course of remedying the matter . First to obiect by way of recrimination diuers falsityes ( though farre vnlike ) against sundry Catholicke wryters , and namely against Ca●d . Bellarmine . And then againe , the same against me . And in the third place , to shape an answere to some of the foresayd vntruthes , wherwith I had charged him , such as you may imagine he thought himselfe best able somwhat to shaddow or disguise , leaping ouer the rest of most importance , as after you shall perceaue . So as these three points are now to be handled in this , and the next two ensuing Chapters . 3. And first for an entrance to this matter , he indeauoureth at the beginning to excuse himselfe frō malice against Catholicks in these words : From the imputation of malice against the persons of men ( saith he ) if I should need the testimony of man , my aduersaries may acquit me , who haue acknowledged in me better measures by their owne experience , D. VVri . M. Const. M. Ga. I haue halfe iniured thē , with halfe naming them , but I hope they will pardon me this wrong , knowing that it is not spoken in exprobration to them , but for iustificatiō of my selfe &c. So he . But I see not why he needeth to excuse ●imselfe from exprobration , which euer supposeth ●rue merits and benefits truly obiected : which how ●arre M. Morton may obiect to these Catholicke men ●y him heere named , I know not . But howsoener 〈◊〉 be , it litle maketh to the purpose , for that the ●●putation of malice was not in respect of his hatred ●gainst this or that particuler man , as to their per●●ns , but against their cause , & that in such a bloudy ●●rt of sycophancy , as included all the persons of that ●eligion : and therfore his fawning vpon two or ●●ree in externall words and countenance , either in ●erson , or els where , whiles in his chāber he sought 〈◊〉 writing his spitefull , infamous , and virulent ly●●g bookes to oppresse them all , & cut their throats ; ●●●is measure was not good , but may iustly be called a ●alicious measure : and yet was this M. Mortons measure , ●r so much as no man did euer write so maliciously 〈◊〉 my knowledg as he , nor in so odious an argumēt , ●●d iealous a tyme. ●● Moreouer malice doth not only consist in ha●ed to particuler persons , as heere M. Morton would ●eme to insinuate by his answere , but in crafty and ●eceiptfull dealing against charity , conscience , and ●eason ; especially in cyting false witnesse of Authors ●gainst Catholicks and their Religion , as he is con●inced often to haue done . And therfore wheras in ●he end of this his defence from malice , he saith , ●hat he must expostulate with Catholicks according to the Apostles example saying : Am I your enem● because I tell you truth ? ( which sentence liked him so well as he would needs put the same also for his poesy in the first front of his booke : ) the Catholicks will answere , no , Syr , Yow are not our enemy ●or telling truth , which yow do very seldome in any matter of controuersy betwe●ne vs and you ; but for making many a false and pernicious lye . And so the note of malice , and malitious dealing remayneth still with you vnpurged , vntill you blot it out by contrary deedes , and not only wordes : and this may serue by way of Preface to this Chapter . OF WILFVLL falshoods obiected by M. Morton in sundry Catholi●k● writers : and namely his abuse offered to Franciscus Costerus . §. I. NOW then to come to the matter it selfe : the occasion o● this labour of M. Morton to seeke out some errours , or shewes of falsities in Catholick● Authors , was , for that I hauing pressed him very sore in the last Chapter of my booke of Mitigation , with great multiplicity of vntruthes vttered by him , and his consortes , which seemed to me both witting and willfull , I said that it might well be assigned for a signe distinctiue betweene vs and thē to haue the spirit of vttering wil●ull vntruthes , and therby also might be determined the differēce of our causes , which is good , and which is bad . For as in a good cause there is no need of lying , and a bad cause cannot be defended but by lying : so no man willingly of any good nature will choose to lye , but vpon some necessity . The wordes of my former discourse in the book of Mitigation , are these . 6. And for that ( say I ) this matter is of great importance for the reader well to conceyue in these dayes of controuersies betweene vs , I meane to stay my selfe somwhat in this Chapter vpon this point ●nd to shew , that indeed it is a substantiall signe di●tinctiue betweene all sectaryes and vs , at this tyme , ●nd that in matters of controuersy , our writers shall ●euer be found guylty in these kindes of false lying ●nd malitious equiuocations , where not only vn●●uth is vttered , but it is wittingly also vttered , the ●riter knowing that he writeth vntruth , as often ●ow hath beene said : which manner of dealing in●●rreth two pointes ; the one that such a writer or ●●eaker hath no conscience , that vttereth thinges ●gainst his owne knowledge , and which God seeth 〈◊〉 be false , and falsely meant in his heart ; and the ●her , that his cause hath no ground of substantiall ●uth , which cannot be defended without such ●ilfull lyes . ●● In this then if you please let vs insist a while , & 〈◊〉 Tho. Morton bring forth any Catholicke Authors ●hatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestants since ●ese heresyes began , that hath bene taken in this ●piety ; I meane , that hath set downe in print any ●●●h falsity , as cannot be excused , eyther by igno●●nce , ouersight , negligence , error of print , transla●●●n , diuersity of editions , or the like ; but that it ●ust needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth , ●●d yet would set it forth : of this kynd ( I say ) let ●im shew me but one example among all Catho●●cke writers of our tyme , and I will in my consci●●ce greatly mistrust , and discredit the Author , ●hether it be an other , or my selfe . But if he shew ●e two or three in any writer of this kynd , I shall hardly be able euer afterward to belieue him more . And wheras the number and variety of Catholicke writers is so great as the world seeth , it were no great ●abour to shew it in some , if that spirit did raigne among them , as it doth in Protestant writers . 8. To this speach of mine doth M. Morton now in this his last Preamble frame a rhetoricall answere in these wordes . Doth the man ( who maketh mention of his interruption by sicknesse ) know what he hath now said ? Whet●er he spake this being in his feauer-fit , or in temper ? Whether in a dreame or a wake ? Whether in his right mynd , or in distraction ? For sure I am , that this ostentation will prooue in the issue as vnfortunate vnto P. R as euer was boast either by Thraso on the stage , or by Goliah in the Campe , or by Gorgias in the schooles : by the which he must be driuen vnto so miserable and shamefull a palinody , as euer herafter vtterly to discredit his owne frends , and worke a perpetuall discontent within himselfe , as presently will appeare . So he . 9. And to this appearāce I am contēt to remit me● only I desire the reader to stand attent to the conditiō he●re put downe , that the fa●shood obiected must be willfull , and not excusable either by error , ignorāce , ouersight or the like , as many of those were not , nor could possibly be defended which in my booke I brought against M. Morton and his , and more shall I do in this his Reply . And surely it is worth the noting , that he being to begin a list of falsities against Roman writers , as he pretendeth , should in the very first lynes s●t downe a notorious wil●ull vntruth of his owne , against that graue and learned man Franciscus Costerus , as pr●sently will appeare . For wheras I had said in m● former alleadged discourse , Let Thomas Morton bring forth any Catholicke Aut●ours whatsoeuer that wrote against Protestants since these heresies began that hath bene taken in this impiety , he maketh this an●were : I m●y not deny euen this my Aduersary his due com●endation of modesty , who being ashamed ( we may thinke ) of the Romish fraudes , and falsifications of former times , will insist only vpon such mens examples , as haue professedly written of late against Protestants . It were to be wished , that his f●llow Iesuite Costerus had kept himselfe within the same precincts , but he maketh a more generall challeng thus : Nemo hactenu● vel Princeps , vel Praesul , vel Scriptor fuit , qui mendacij , vel malae fidei Romanos arguerit : that is , Neuer yet ( saith he ) did any Prince , or Prelate , or writer accuse the Romanists of falshood . So he . 10. And heere now I must demand of the Reader what he vnderstandeth M. Morton his purpose to be in this place ? Is it not to shew that Costerus was lesse modest then I , for so much as I said , if in any one Catholicke writer of controuersies of our age , there might be found but two or three examples of wilfull lying , I would neuer trust him more , but that Costerus went further saying , that no Prince , Prelate , ●r writer had euer hitherto accused any Romanists o● falshood ? Is not this M. Mortons plaine meaning ( thinke you ) as both his words and drift do shew ? Yes truly . Which being so , I would aske him first , why he did clippe the latin words of Costerus ( being so few as ●hey are ) for that he saith , Atqui verò nemo hact●nus fuit Catholicus , vel Princeps , vel Praesul , vel Scriptor &c. but neuerthelesse there was no Catholicke man hitherto ( to wit , vnto the time assigned whē Bishops of Rome were Saints and Martyrs ) eyther Prince , Bishop , or writer &c. why did he cut of the words , but ●euerthelesse & Catholicke man , and those both in latin and English , wheras they be in Costerus ? 11. Why was this paring think you , but that they being s●t down truly as they stād in the Author , they would haue b●wrayed his falshood ; for that the words ( but neuerthelesse ) do shew a referēce to somwhat going before , and the words ( no Catholicke Prince or Prelate ) do demōstrate that Costerus spake not of Catholick or Romā writers , for it had byn ridiculous ●or him in that sense to say , that no Catholicke of the Roman Religion did euer hitherto accuse any Romanists ( that is , Roman writers ) of falshood , for it had byn most absurd : & therfore if we imagin Costerus to be a man of common sense , we could neuer thinke that he would write so absurdly , and therfore this word ( Catholicke ) was guilfully left out by M. Mort. 12. Well then what was Costerus his meaning ? truly himselfe doth set it down both at large , and perspicuously in the very place , and Paragraph by M. Morton cyted , so a as ignorance or error can not be pleaded : for that he treating of the Authority and succession of the Bishops of Rome , and prouing the same out of the ancient Fathers , and historiographers of the primitiue Church , S. Iren●us , Eusebius , Augustinus , Optatus , and others , he in the next Paragraph , cited heere by M. Morton , proueth the same in like manner out of the Acts , Gests , Decrees , and letters yet extant of the ancient Popes themselues , euen in time of persecution , when in human power they were weake , and expected nothing but affliction , death● & martyrdome , and yet did they take vpon them the care of the whole world ( saith Costerus ) confirming Bishops , depriuing Patriarches of cōmuniō when need required : as restoring also others to their Seas when by violence they were i●iustly oppressed , and so for this he citeth many examples , euen before the time of Constantine the great , vpon which enumeration he maketh this argument . 13. Hi sanè qui vitam cum sanguine pro Christi confessione profuderunt , nihil sibi arrogasse●t alienum &c. These godly Bishops of Rome that spent their liues and bloud for the confessiō of Christ , would neuer ( of liklihood ) haue arrogated to themselues that which was not theirs , nor would they haue vsurped any thing contrary to the will of Christ , except they had well knowne , and byn sure that such an office was left , and commended to them by Christ. And if any man will imagin that they had byn of such impudency , as not to feare to do it : yet would there not haue wanted some others , eyther Bishops , Princes , or Doctors , who by their authority , power , and writings , would haue repressed this attempt of those Roman Bishops . And yet neuerthelesse hitherto there was n● Catholicke , eyther Prince , Prelate , or writer , that euer argu●d those Roman Bishops of lying , or false dealing , but rather Bishops , and Patriarchs of the first and principall churches when they were oppressed by their aduers●ries , did flye vnto them . 14 Thus farre Costerus . And now let vs consider how faithfully M. Morton hath dealt heere , euen thē when he principally pretendeth to deliuer himself● from vnfaithful●es , like as he that being arraigned at the sessions for stealing , doth not abstayne to steale ●uen in that place and presence of the Iudges themselues : who can excuse M. Morton heere ? he saw the whole drift of Costerus to be , to shew that if those ancient Popes before Constantine , who were Saints and Martyrs had presumed any thing beyōd their lawfull authority , some Catholicke Prince , Prelate , or writer of that tyme would haue resisted , or reprehended them of false dealing : but no such Prince , Prelat , or writer was found vnto that day , but rather Bishops and chiefe Patriarches did make their refuge vnto thē : therfore it is a signe that they were held for lawfull Superiours . 15. And what now is there heere in Costerus his speach about the lying of Romanists or Roman VVriters ? Can there be any defence of this so apparent abuse ? will M. Morton say that he saw not Costerus his meaning , or that he had not a ●alse meaning himselfe to deceaue his Reader ? Why then did he suppresse all the precedent clauses that do declare Costerus his purpose ? why did he cut of the other words immediatly following , of Bishops , and Patriarches recourse vnto ●opes , which did properly appertaine and cohere to the said former words and meaning of Costerus , and no way to M. Morton ? why did he trāslate ( Romanos ) Romanists , as though it pertained to Roman writers euen at this day , wheras the whole contex and immediate precedent wordes do manifestly shew that Costerus meant Romanos Pontifices , ancient Roman Bishops in tyme of persecution , and not Roman wryters ? And if all these inexcusable fraudes discouered in the allegation of this one litle sentence of Costerus be not sufficient to proue M. Morton not to meane sincerely , nor out of a good conscience ( notwithstanding all his protestations to the contrary ) I am greatly deceyued : let him produce but one such against vs , & I will say he doth somwhat indeed : & now whether he be able to do it or no , we shall presently take the view , for his list of obiections against our writers doth immediatly follow out of this his fraudulent Preamble , as full stuffed notwithstāding with protestations and vaunts of vpright dealing , and sincere proceeding , euen then , when he falsifieth egregiously , as euer perhaps you haue read before . HIS FIRST EXAMPLE of voluntary falshood falsely obiected against three ancient Popes . §. II. I hope the reader will remember what M. Morton is bound to bring forth , if he will bring any ●hing to the purpose , and true state of the question : ●o wit , he must let vs see some 2. or 3. examples of ●itting and wilfull falshood in any one Catholicke ●riter of our time , that hath written against Pro●estants , which presently afterward hee will at●empt to doe against Cardinall Bellarmine , and some o●hers . But now hee beginneth with three ancient ●opes , Zozimus , Bonifacius , and Celestinus , that lyued in ●he tyme of S. Augustine , and were much commended ●y him for holy men , but are accused by Morton●r ●r falsaryes , as though they had forged a Canon of ●he first Councel of Nice , in fauour of their owne Su●remacy , to proue therby the lawfulnes of appea●es to be made to them , and to their Sea from the Bishops ●o Africa , which Canon was not found in ●he ordinarie copies then extant of that Councell . ●● . But first of all , howsoeuer this matter passed , ●t appertayneth litle or nothing at all to our purpose ●or to the question now in hand of moderne Catho●icke writers , nor doth it proue wilfull falshood in ●hose three ancient Popes , if they cyted the Canon of one Councell for another of equall authority ( as indeed they did , ) for that it might be ascribed eyther to variety of copyes ( when no print was yet extant ) or to ouersight , forgetfulnes , or to some other such defect , rather then to malice , and voluntary errour . So as for M. Morton to begin his impugnation with an example , that hath so many disparityes from the case it selfe , and state of the question , sheweth that he hath litle indeed to say against vs to the purpose , notwithstanding his dreadfull threat before set down● against me , that I should be dryuen vnto a miserable , and shamefull palynode &c. for if he had had wares of any importance , it is likly that wee should haue seene some part therof now in this beginning of his onset . 18. Especially for that vpon want of better matter , as may be presumed , he was content to haue a snatch at Gratian , the compiler or gatherer together of the Canons of old Councels , who cyting the 22. Canon of the Councell of Meliuet in Africa , in which S. Augustine was present , and where it was decreed in these wordes , Placuit , vt Presbyteri , Diaconi , vel inferiores Clerici &c. It is decreed that Priests , Deacons and other inferiour Clergy men , if they will appeale from their Bishops , they shall not appeale but vnto the Councells of Africa &c. Gratian after the whole Canon set downe , doth by way of commentary adioyne this exception , in a differēt distinct letter , saying , except they do appeale to the Sea of Rome , which exception Cardinall Bellarmine in that matter alloweth not , for that the Councel of Meliuet did principally intēd to restrayne the Appeales of inferiour Cleargy men , frō going to Rome against their owne Bishops , though not the appeales of Bishops themselues , a● presently shall be shewed . 19. But now what hath M. Morton eyther against vs , or for himselfe out of this case ? You shal heare him speake . What can be said ( saith he ) for the defence of Gratian their publicke Compiler of the Decrees of Popes , who as Cardinall Bellarmine witnesseth citing a Canon of a Councell of Meliuet , wherin it was decreed that none should appeale beyond the sea , did adde of himselfe this exception , Except it be ●nto the Apostolike Sea of Rome : when as that Councell in forbidding appeales beyond the sea , did especi●lly intend to forbid appeales to Rome ? Many such ●ike falshoods might be alleadged . So saith he . 20. Wherto I answere , that if they be no better then this , they are not worth the alleaging , but only to intertaine time , & to shew your fraud in dea●ing . For first Gratian did liue dyuers hundred yeares gone ; but we talke of writers of our tyme , and of ●uch only is our question & cōtrouersy ; wherin you ●inding your selfe barren , would now extend your ●ōmission to all Catholicke wryters of all ages past , which is a miserable shift . Secōdly there be so many other shifts & trickes in cyting these few words , ●s do make demonstration that you can cyte no●hing in simplicity of truth , without some wil●ull corruption , as heere where you say , it was decreed ( in the Councel of Meliuet ) that none should appeale beyond the sea , you cut of craftily the first words before cyted of the said Canon , inferiores Clerici , the inferiour Cleargy men , as though the prohibition had byn for all ( as well Bishops , as inferiour Clergie men ) which presently we shall shew to be false . 21. Thirdly where you say that Gratian did adde o● himselfe this exception to the Canon , you would make ●our Reader thinke that he had added these words ●s the words of the Canō it selfe ; which he did not , but as a commentary or explication of the Canon in a separate place , and so is now extant in a distinct letter : and consequently your note in the margent that Gratian is a falsificator , falls vpon your selfe , which do falsifie his meaning . For that the most that can be obiected to Gratian in this place , is , that which Cardinall Bellarmine saith , he mistooke the true meaning and intent of that Canon of Meliuet , as though it had beene meant of Bishops , as well as of in●eriou● Clergy-men , which is farre ●rō the proofe of willfull ●a●se meaning , which may very probably be obiected to M. Morton in this and many other places . For that it cannot be well thought , but that he must know that he dealt in●uriously & ca●ūniously with Gratian in this place . 22. But now to the former old , idle , and worne-out obiection against the foresaid three Popes , for counterfaiting not one only ( as M. Morton accuseth ) but three Canons of the said Councell of Nice , not only the Madgeburgians , but Caluin also in his Institutions , and a●ter them both● Iewell at large in his fourth article , and after him euery Protestant haue imployed their pennes and tongues to exaggerate the same , vpon no other ground , so much as it seemeth , as vpon stomake , and exacerbation of hatred against the Roman Sea , seeking to slaunder and defame three so notable & ancient Bishops of Rome , that sate within the cōpasse of 7. or 8. yeares , vpon the point of a thousand and two hundred yeares past , which is farre without the compasse of moderne Catholick● writers , as you see , and consequently from the state of our question . And albeit the matter hath byn answered both largely , and clearly by diuers learned men , as well of our nation as others , and shewed to be a meere cauillation : yet nothing will serue these men , but still is it brought againe , as though it had neuer beene answered before . Which false dissimulation is here also vsed by M. Morton , 1 who saith not a word of any answere that euer he saw thereunto , and yet could he not but haue seene fiue or six at least ( and foure very famous of our owne nation ) if he be but meanly conuersant in the writers of our time . As that first of D. Harding , in his detection against M. Iewell , shewing among other arguments , that no ●riter of all antiquity from that time , wherin these ●oly Popes liued vnto this age ( these Protestants ex●epted ) was so shameles as euer to call them falsaryes , ●r that they had corrupted , or forged any Canon of ●he Councell of Nice , though the Canons by them ●yted , were not found in some Copies , as they were in theirs of Rome , by the reason that presently shall be shewed . ●3 . The Second is of D. Sanders , 2 in his Visible Mo●archy of the Church , who much more largely discus●eth the point , and finally concludeth the whole matter by fiue seuerall arguments , that no such thing was euer meant by the African Fathers to forbid all ●ppeales of the Bishops to Rome , as Illyricus , Caluin , M. Iewell & other Protestant writers haue deuised & published 24. The third answerer is Doctor Stapleton , 3 who refuteth the whole tale , and calumniation of the Protestants in this affayre , in his Retu●ne o● Vn●ruthes , and fourth article , throughout twenty whole leaues together against M. Iewell , and conuinceth him of 38. seuerall vntruthes vttered in that one matter , which in reason M. Morton should eyther haue acknowledged or confuted : but the one he would not , and the other he could not . The fourth answerer is Alanus Copus otherwise Doctor Harpsfield , 4 very large , exact , & le●rned , in his Dialogues , who handleth euery member therof with like obseruance of multitude of lyes vsed by the Protestants in that matter . 25. The fifth is Cardinall Bellarmine , 5 who in his bookes of the Bishop of Rome , hath largely , & learnedly discussed the same , and answered all obiections brought to the cōtrary with great diligēce , conuincing both Illyrcius , and the rest of his fellow - Centuriators , togeather with Caluin , for so many falshoods , shiftes , errors of history , malicious fictions , and other like abuses , as is a shame to read . And finally not to name more authors for this poynt , Cardinall Baronius as last of all , 6 so with more exact examination historicall the● any of the rest , hath cleared the whole matter in his fifth Tome of his Ecclesiasticall History , vpon the yeare 419. to whome I remit the studious Reader . 26. Well then , in all these six Authors at least I do suppose , that M. Mortō as a learned man had seene this obiection discussed , and answered , though not perhaps to his contentment , why then if he had meant playnly , as often he protesteth , had not he eyther mentioned these Authors , or refuted them , or at leastwise told his Reader , that there had bene some such answers before , though not sufficient to ouerthrow the obiection , wherby the said Reader might haue sought to haue a view therof ? For if a Marchant that professeth much sincerity , and vpright dealing , should offer coyne for good and cu●rant that himselfe had knowne to haue bene six times at least reiected for coūterfait by skilfull men , and yet he should obtrude the same againe the 7. time , without saying any one word that it had bene called into question , and refused before ; none would say that this mans sincerity is worth a rush . The application I leaue to M. Morton himselfe . 27. Wherfore in a word or two , to answere the substance of the matter , thus it passed . A certayne Priest of Sicca in A●rick named Appiarius hauing a controuersy with his owne Bishop Vrbanus , after diuers disagreements passed betweene them , wherin he thought himselfe hardly dealt with all , he appealed to Rome to Pope Zozimus , bringing with him cōmendatory letters from the Primate of all Africk . Zozimus hauing heard his cause , thought best to send him ●acke againe into Africk , and with him two Legates , ●ith instructiōs that they should see & procure not ●nly this man to be restored to his right , but more●uer that 3. Canons of the Councell of Nice , the ●●rst about Appeales of Bishops , the second of Priests , ●●e third of Bishops following the Court , to be ob●●rued . Whereupon the African Bishops gathered a ●ationall Cōncell at Carthage of 217. Bishops about ●●e satisfying of the Order of Pope Zozimus . ●8 . But when this Councell had examined their ●●pyes of the Councell of Nice , they found not those 〈◊〉 Canons therin . Wherupon they sending into the ●ast partes to seeke other Copies , they receyued both ●om S. Cyrill Patriarch of Alexandria , and Atticus of ●onstantinople other Copies , which in like manner ●●anted these 3. Canons , as also they did want diuers ●ther Canons cyted by sundry ancient Fathers to ●aue bene made in the Councell of Nice , as by a S. ●ierome , b S. Augustine , c S. Ambrose , and diuers later ●ouncels : which Canons notwithstanding were ●ade & decreed in the first Councell of Nice , though ●ot extant in the Copies , that were in Africa ; which ●oth D. Harpsfeild , & Bellarmine do particulerly proue ●t large , and it appeareth playnly that these cop●ies sent out of the East , had 20. Canons only of ●he said Councell of Nice , which Ruffinus in his story ●oth recount : wheras both S. Athanasius and many ●ther Fathers that were presēt in the same Councell of Nice , do testify , that there were more , which are ●et downe in the first tome of Councells , as transla●ed out of the Arabian language , though not found in the Greeke . 29. But indeed ●ll the errour or mistaking was this , that there begin a generall Councell gathered togeather at Sardica very soone after that of Nice , which Sardicense Conciliū conteyned more Bishops in number then were in that of Nice ( for that in thi● there were 3OO . out of the West only , and 70. fr●● the East , as both Athanasius , Socrates , Zozomonus , & other Authors do affi●me ) & for that the most of these Fathers were the selfe same , that had bene in the Councell of Nice , and had determined nothing concerning faith , differing from the Nicene Councell , but only seem●d to be called ●or better manifestation and confirmation of the said Nicene Councell , it was held ( especially in the West Church ) for a part , or appendix of the said first Nicene Councell : in which regard S. Gregorie , and other Fathers , when they do mention the first 4. Generall Councells , do leaue out this of Sardica , though it were as Generall and more great then the first Nicene , as hath bene said . 30. Wherefore this Councell of Sardica hauing set downe the foresaid three Canons , as conforme to the decrees of the first late Councell of Nice , and going vnder the name of the said Nicene Councell as a member therof in those copyes that Pope Zozimu● in the West Church had , he did name them Canōs of the Nicene Councell , as made by the authority of the selfe same Fathers that sate at Nice , and the naming of one for the other was no greater an errour in effect , then when S. Matthew doth name Hieremy the Prophet for Zachary , for so much as the thing it selfe was true : and so was the allegation of Pope Zozimus , for that in the Councell of Sardica these three Canons are extant : nor euer was there any least suspition or speach of forging vsed in the Church by eyther Catholicks or Hereticks for so many ages , before the Lutheranes and Caluinists vpon meere hatred and gall of stomake began those clamours in this our age , against so holy ācient Fathers as those 3. Bishops of Rome were ( to wit , Zozimus , Boni●acius , and Celestinus ) by the testimony of Saint Augustine , and other Fathers that lyued with them , who also ( I meane S. Augustine ) at that very tyme when the controuersy was in treating about the Copyes of the Councell of Nice , and matter of appellation , did appeale himselfe to the later of these three Popes , to wit to Celestinus in the cause of Antonius Bishop of Fessala , as appeareth out of his owne Epistle , about that matter . And so this shal be sufficient , and more then was necessary , to answere vnto ●his stale impertinent obiectiō of counterfaiting the Canons of the first Nicene Councell , which is nothing ●o our purpose in hand as hath bene seene , and yet ●ncōbred with so many vntruthes , as would require ● seuerall Treatise to display them . Let vs come then ●o his second instance . HIS SEC0ND EXAMPLE of wilfull fraud falsely obiected against sundry moderne Catholicke writers , about the Councell of Eliberis in Spayne . §. III. BEFORE he cōmeth to set downe this instance about the Councell of Eliberis , he falleth agayne to boast and bragge exceedingly , saying : P. R. is more merci●ull , requiring three sensible instāces , as it were 3. witnesses against any one of his writers ( before he be condemned : ) & yet this also is horribly vnmerci●ull on their part . I wish he had but named any one , whose credit he valueth most , that I might haue answered his challenge in that one . Howsoeuer , it wil be no more easie a taske for me to find one falshood in many , then many in one . So he . And ●aue you heard this craking ? We may say with Horace , Quid dignum tanto feret hic promissor hiatu ? What strang effect will so great words bring forth ? But heere I must agayne , and in euery place aduertise the Reader , what this Boaster should and ought to proue , if indeed he can proue any thing at all : to wit , that he lay forth cleerly and perspicuously some two or three plaine instāces out of any one Catholicke writer of our time ( as I haue done many against him and his , wherby he and they are conuinced of witting and wilfull falshood , ) and this so manifest and apparent , as the Author himselfe must needes know that it was false when he wrote it . Well then , what can M. Morton bring forth in this kynd against our writers , out of this his second example or instance , about the Councell of Eliberis in Spaine ? 32. In the controuersy about Images ( saith he ) the Protestants appeale vnto antiquity both of Councells , and Fathers . The first Councell is that of Eliberis about the yeare of Grace 305. which Protestants vrge , as forbidding that there should be any Images in the Church . Now let vs try the spirits of the answerers . Well Syr. And what triall will you make of their spirits heere ? The state of your question in controuersy requireth that you should try them for willfull lying spirits , and that they lyed voluntarily , as hath byn proued against you and yours . What haue you to say against them in this kind out of this place ? You do accuse them that they haue diuers , & different expositions vpon the said Canon of the Councell of Eliberis ? some thinking it to be vnderstood one way , and others another : and for this you alleadg the differēt expositions of Card. Bellarmine , D. Payua , Alanus Copus , Sanders , Turrian , Vasquez , Six●us Senensis , and others ; and you play merily vpon ●heir diu●rsityes of expositions about the decree of ●he Councell : but how proueth this your principall ●roposition , that they did erre wilfully , yea wit●ingly also , themselues knowing that they did erre ●or this is the only true question ? And if you proue ●ot this , you proue nothing . And now I would aske ●ou , When diuers ancient Fathers in their Cōmen●aryes vpon the holy Sciptures , do set downe diffe●ent expositions of hard places , euery one thinking ●hat he goeth neerest to the truth , may you by this ●ondemne them of wilfull falshood , and make try●ll of their spirits as of lying spirits for this respect ? ●s not this absurd and impious ? Are you not asha●ed to come forth with these ridiculous proofes ●fter so great ostentation of words , that it is as easie ●r you to find out many wil●ull falshoods in one , as one in many ? ●hy had you not alleadged one at least ? But let vs ●xamine in a word or two the reason of diuersity of ●xpositions of our Doctours about the Canon , and ●ith this you will be wholy downe-dagger . ●3 . The Councell it selfe of Eliberis in Spayne was a ●rouinciall Councell of 19. Bishops , held somwhat ●efore , or about the time of the first generall Coun●ell of Nice , and some Controuersy there is among ●iuers Authors of what authority this Eliberian Coū●ell is , or may be held ; and whether euer it were re●●yued by the Church or not , in respect of some Canons therin found , that are obscure & hard to be ●ightly vnderstood : as namly those which seeme to deny reconciliation to some persons euen at the houre of death . But howsoeuer this be , certaine it is , that there be sundry Canōs in that Coūcell , which Protestants may not admit , as namly the 13. which saith , Virgines quae se Deo dedicauerunt , si pactum perdiderint virginitatis &c. Virgins that haue dedicated thēselues to God , if they breake their promise of virginity , if they repent , and that they fell by infirmity of body and do pennance all the time of their lyfe &c. they ought to be admitted to communion in the end . A hard case for Protestant-Nunnes . 34. Those other two also , viz. 23. and 26. which are about set fastings vpon Saturday , and other dayes may not be admitted by Protestants , & much lesse the 33. which forbiddeth all Priests , Bishops , Deacons , and Subdeacons to haue the vse of wiues , or generare filios , to beget children , vnder paine , vt ab honore Clericatus exterminētur , that they be cast out from the Clergy . And yet further Can. 38. that Bigamu● , or he that hath bene twice married , may not baptize any , no not in time of necessity , which inferreth à fortiore , that such a one could not be Priest in those ancient dayes . And heere then , how can M. Morton say so confidently as he doth of this Councell of Eliberis , VVe Protestants appeale to the antiquity of Councells , and first to that of Eliberis & c ? And do you thinke that he will stand to these Canons now alleadged ? If he do , it must needs be very preiudiciall vnto him , and marre his marriage at least , if he haue any intētion to marry , and yet to lead the life of a Clergy-man , according to the prescript of the Councell of Eliberis : as also to be some other punishment vnto his body to be bound to so much fasting , as those Canons of the Councell of Eliberis doe ordaine and prescribe . 35. But to returne to the reason why he alleadgeth this Councell . VVe Protestants ( saith he ) do vrge this Councell , as forbidding , that there should be any images in the Church . Wherunto he bringeth in D. Payua to answere one way , Bellarmine another , Sanders & Alanus Copus a third , others a fourth , fifth , or sixth ( a thing very vsuall among learned men to haue diuers expositiōs euen vpon the Scriptures thēselues , ) & then by way ●f scoffing ( though very insulse ) to make sport vnto ●imselfe and his Reader , he frameth , as it were , a Comedie or enterlude , one saying one thing , & an●ther another ( though all against him : ) and in this ●onsisteth a great part of his manner of answering , ●s by frequent examples you will see , if you consider ●t . ●6 . But let vs examine , what the Canon it selfe ●ath : The words are these : Placuit , in Ecclesia picturas ●sse non debere , ne quòd colitur , aut adoratur , in parietibus de●ingatur . It is decreed by vs , that pictures ought not ●o be in the Church , least that which is worshipped or adored , be paynted vpon the walles . Which Canon for that it conteineth not onelie a decree , as you ●ee , but also a reason of the decree , and seemeth con●rarie both to the vse of the generall Church at that time , and afterwards , as is prooued out of other ancient Fathers , Councells , and Historiographers , & seemeth to be opposite to the determination and publike decree of a famous Generall Councell , that ensued some yeares afterward , to wit , the second of Nice , diuers authors doe alleadge diuers reasons for the right vnderstanding , & verifying of this Canō : so as it may agree with the truth of the Councells meaning , and with the reason it selfe alledged by the Canon : which variety of answers or expositions in a coniecturall matter , as hath bene sayd , are no wilfull contradictiōs , as M. Morton fondlie supposeth , but multiplicity of expositions . The most generall is , that the true meaning of the Councell was , that for more reuerence of holie images , and to the end the thing which was proposed to be worshipped & adored in them should not suffer indecency , they should not be painted vpon walles of the Church where by the corruption and moysture therof , they might come to be corrupted and defaced , but rather that they should be made vpon tables , veiles , & such other moueable matter , wherby they might both the better be preserued , and remoued also more conueniently from the iniury of Infidells in tyme of persecutiō : which in effect was the verie same reasō that mooued the ancient and Christian Emperour Theodosius to prohibite , that the image of Christs Crosse , which he carryed in his banner , should not be engrauen vpon the ground , or pauement , and so trodden vpon by mens feete . 37. And heere also the consideration of learned Vasquez is worth the obseruing , who being a Spanyard , writeth , that this decre of his Country-Coūcell of Eliberis maketh so litle against the Catholick moderne vse of Images , as that the greatest enemy , that euer they had one of them in the world , Claudius Taurinensis , a Spanyard in like manner , and a chief head of the Iconoclasts , or Image-breakers , almost 800. yeares agone , seeking all the arguments that he could any way scrape togeather against thē , and the pious vse therof ; yet did he neuer alleage this Canō of his owne Countrey-Councell ( which now Caluin and Caluinists doe so much vrge , ) well foreseeing that it made nothing at all to his purpose , or against the Catholicke vse of Images . For yf it had bene otherwise , either he , or some other of that sect after him , would haue cyted the same before the Protestants of our tyme. 38. I doe willingly pretermitt the pageants and childish playes , which M. Morton doth make to him self in comparing , and opposing the variety of our writers answers , and interpretations togeather , and the one against the other ( as before hath bene said ) proposing them as poppetts to make himselfe pastime , which he may do also vpon the grauest Cōmentaries that euer were written vpon Aristotle , or ●ther author , yea & vpon the Scriptures themselues : ●ut I can not lett passe the last assertion of all sett ●owne by M. Morton in a different letter , that whatso●uer the occasion of forbidding might haue bene ( in the Canon ) this is a confessed conclusion of Senensis , that the Coun●ell of Eliberis , did * absolutely forbidd the worshipp of Images . And so he maketh the Latin text of Senen●is to speake in like manner , Omnino vetuit Synodus Eli●ertina imaginum cultum . But in Senensis you shall not find the word omnino or absolutely , wherin standeth all the force of the matter . And the fraud cannot seeme but willfull , nor can it any way stand with the intention of Senensis , who saith and affirmeth only ( according to the interpretation , which he best alloweth of among manie other ) that the meaning of the Councell was this , to forbid the vse of images for a time , least the new conuerted Spanyardes , not being well instructed , seing images vpon the walls , should thinke there were no difference betweene them , and the heathen Idols . For auoyding wherof it seemed good to the Councell for a while to remoue the vse of images , which of it selfe they held for lawfull and pious . This is the opinion of Senensis . And now let the discreet reader iudge , whether this were his confessed Conclusion , that the Councell of Eliberis did absolutely , or not rather secundum quid , forbid the worship of images . Surely I am ashamed of such shifting in M. Morton , euen then , when he pretēdeth to charge his aduersarie with that crime , and cannot proue it . Let vs passe to another instance of his , noe better then this . HIS THIRD EXAMPLE OF like deceipt obiected against the same Catholicke Authors , about the Councell of Frankford in Germany . §. IIII. AFTER the former variety of expositiōs about the Canon of the Councell of Eliberis , M. Morton passeth to another difference in iudgement among our Catholicke writers , concerning the Prouinciall Councell of Franckeford , which being held about 800. yeares past , presently after the second generall Councell of Nice , wherin the Catholicke vse of images was defended and established against the foresaid heresy of Iconoclasts , sundry Authors , alleaged by the Magdeburgians , do write , that the said Synode of Frankeford did condemne as well the said doctryne of images , as also the Authority of the Councell of Nice that had allowed the same : which if it were true , yet were not the matter of any great doubt , whether a Prouinciall Councell ( such as was that of Frankeford ) were rather to be obeyed then a generall , as was the other of Nice . But for that there is great obscurity , and many contradictions in the history it selfe , therfore diuers Catholicke writers do answere , and expound the matter diuersly , alleadging sundry excellent coniecturall reasons , proofes , and probabilityes ech one for themselues , as may be seene in the places of their workes heere quoted , but yet all agreeing in the principall poynt against the Protestants , that the Councell of Frankeford indeed did not cōdemne eyther the Councel of Nice , or the doctryne of Images in the sense ( at least ) and meaning that the said Nicene Councell had approued the same . And what is this to the purpose then , to proue that th●se Authors did erre wittingly against their conscience ? Do you not see , that still the poore man runneth quite from the purpose , and hath nothing to say to the effect he should say ? 40. But let vs stay our selues a little vpon the matter it selfe , and giue some briefe notice to the Reader of the diuersity of opinions in our Catho●icke Authors about this matter , that is so obscure ●y relation of others ; for that no Canon or Decree ●f that Councell was euer extant about the same to my knowledge . The whole controuersy is reduced ●o three opinions , the first is of 1 Surius , 2 Alanus Co●us , 3 Sanders , and others , who thinke probably , ●hat albeit diuers Historiographers , vpon the credit of certain bookes , called falsely Carolini , or of Charles the great , refuted by Pope Adrian the first then ●yuing , haue left recorded that the Councell of Frankeford did reproue the seauenth Generall Coun●ell about images ( which is knowne to be the 2. of Nice : ) yet was it not so indeed , but another false Councell of Constantinople was condemned by them of Frankeford as held by the hereticall Image-breakers a litle before , and was called the 2. of Constantinople , ●nd by themselues that held it , the 7. Generall Councell . So as according to this opiniō the error was in mistaking the second Councell of Nice , to haue bene condemned by the Councell of Frank●ord , insteed of the second Councell of Constantinople . 41 The second opiniō is of Cardinall Bellarmine , Gene●●ard , & some others , who thinke that the errour was not so much in mistaking Councell for Councell , as fact for fact , for that some Iconoclastes , and especialy those that wrote the forsaid forged bookes , named Carolini , in Franckeford , during the tyme of the said Councell , had falsely informed the Councell in two poynts of fact , against the Councell of Nice . The ●irst , that it was not gathered , nor confirmed by the Bishop of Rome : the second that it had decreed , Images to be worshipped with di●ine honor , and the same that was due vnto the blessed Trinity : vpon which two false suppositions the Councell of Nice being farre of , and the Treatises and Decrees therof written only as yet in Greeke , and not much published to the world and latin Church , the Councell of Franckeford condemned the doctrine , as also the Authority of the Councell vpon the foresayd two misinformations : which was errour of fact , as hath byn said , and not of faith . And M. Morton doth fondly insult , when he biddeth his aduersary P. R. to tell him in good earnest , if the Fathers of the Councell of Frankeford , iudging that the second Councell of Nice , confirmed by the Pope , did erre in defending the vse of Images , did they erre in faith or no ? Wherunto I answere , that they erred in fact & not in faith , as hath beene said , being informed that the Councell of Nice had determined that , which it had not indeed : to wit , diuine honour to be giuen to image● . For if they of Frankeford had knowne the truth as also bene certaine that the other of Nice had decreed , and established only due and reuerent worship , such as had bene vsed in the Church , the Councell of Frākford would not haue contradicted it : as neither , if they had knowne that the Pope had confirmed that Councell , would they euer haue doubted of the Authority therof , as is euident by the Caroline bookes thēselues . And it is witting errour heere in M. Mort. to say , that they of Frankeford knew that the Councell of Nice was confirmed by the Pope , for that the Caroline Bookes themselues , euen as they are set out by the Centurians do vse that for a principall argumēt ●n the behalfe of the Councell of Frankeford , to im●ugne the Nicene Councell : for that they supposed ●hat said Nicene Coūcell was not cōfirmed by Adrian●he ●he Pope , wherin they were deceaued by false infor●ation , I meane those of Franckeford : but Morton●ould ●ould deceaue vs by craft and subtility . ●2 . The third opinion is of Vasquez and other ●earned men , that this determination against the ●se of Images , was not at all made by the Councell ●f Franckeford , but by some other Conciliabulum of Ico●clastes , that at the same time were at Franckeford , or ●e●re about : especially the Authors of the foresaid ●ookes Carolini , which being craftily dispersed came 〈◊〉 the hands of Pope Adrian , who sent them backe ●gaine confuted to Charles , that was not yet Empe●ur , but made within few yeares after by Pope Le●●●e ●●e third , who would neuer haue yealded ( saith ●asquez ) to that aduancement of his , if he had ●hought him any way spotted with the heresie of I●●oclastes , condemned by his predecessour , and the ●ouncell of Nice so lately before . ●3 . These three coniecturall opinions then being ●eld by sundry Catholicke writers vpon different ●rounds ; how doth M. Morton out of such variety of ●udgments inferre , that they speake wilfull vntruth 〈◊〉 their owne consciences , or are guilty of witting , ●●d voluntary falshood , as he is bound to inferre , ●r els he saith nothing to the purpose . Can there be ●ny greater absurdity then this , to promise wilfull falshood , and then to alleadge only diuersity of opinions ? Surely if his Reader blush not for him , I do , and so will passe to an other example . HIS FOVRTH example of like falshoodes vainely obiected against the same Authors : about the Epistle of S. Epiphanius , touching Images . §. V. FROM these two shaddowes of some scrappes out of two Prouinciall Councels , he leapeth to a place of S. Epiphanius in a certayne Epistle of his , where he writeth of himself , That entring into a Church at a place called Anablath to pray , and perceyuing a curtaine wherin was a picture , as if it had byn the Image of Christ or some Saint , he tooke the Curtaine , and rent it , as being a thing contrary to the authority of the Scriptures . This is the story as M. Morton setteth it downe : and then presently for answering therof , he putteth all our writers into a great warre among themselues , bringing them in , forth , and backe , this way , and that way , the one opposing , the other answering , the third moderating , the fourth crossing : and himselfe stickling betwene them by interlacing some wordes heere and there , will needs make himselfe the head of the fray . 45. And this is so fond a thing as euery Grāmerscholler might do it : for he needeth but to go to Bellarmines works , & especially to Vasquez , who wrote after him of the controuersy of Images , and there shall he fynd all variety of opinions set downe with their Authours and places quoted . And from these hath M. Morton furnished himselfe to make the muster that heere he doth , without any further studdy or labour , then to go to our foresaid Authors , & of their obiections make affirmatiue assertions , and of their assertions for vs , make objections against vs. 46. But heere againe is to be noted as before , that whatsoeuer difference of opinions there be , or may be among Catholicke writers of controuersy , about the true meaning of S. Epiphanius in this place : yet is it nothing at all to M. Mortons purpose , who is bound to proue that they wrote against their owne knowledge , and conscience , which I suppose were hard to do , for that euery man must be presumed to haue written according as his iudgement gaue him , and consequently that all this which M. Morton hath so studiously gathered togeather , is nihil ad rhombum , nothing to the purpose● and therfore I could not but laugh , when I read his conclusiō of this instance saying , That if P. R. shall desyre ●yue hundreth ( instances ) of this kind , I bynd my selfe ( saith he ) vnto him by a faithfull protestation , in a moneths warning to satisfy him . Which I beleeue , yea if it were fiue thousand in a weekes warning , for he needeth no more but to go to the foresaid bookes of our Catholicke authors , opening them & laying them before his aduersarie , and they will furnish him at large , when the state of the question is such , as it admitteth variety of opinions , or diuersity of iudgements about any poynt , or circūstance therof . 47. As for the controuersy in hand about S. Epiphanius fact and meaning , related in the end of his Epistle to Iohn of Hierusalem , that seemeth to make against Images , though diuers learned men do expound the matter diuersly , some thinking that it was a clause added by some heretikes amongst the Iconoclastes , wherof both Bellarmine , Valentia , Suarez and last of all Baronius do yeald most euident probabilityes , and others that admitting it for the speach of Epiphanius , do very sufficiently answere the same otherwise : yet that in deed it maketh nothing at all against the Catholicke vse of sacred Images , is so euident by conferring their answeres togeather , as nothing can be more . 48. As namely first for that Baronius and others do proue abundantly out of Paulinus , Venantius Fortunatus , Euodius & other ancient authors , that the vse of images was ordinary & frequent in the tyme of S. Epiphanius : & Suarez confirmeth the same out of old holy Fathers & Doctors of the Greeke Church his equals to wit , S. Chrysostome , S. Basill , S. Gregory Nanianzē , Gregory Nissen & others , wherof is inferred that it is not probable that S. Epiphanius would set downe a thing so cōtrary to the cōmon receaued doctrine , & practice of his tyme , or yf he had , it would haue byn noted & contradicted by some . 49 Secondly it is proued out of the second Nicene Councell , that the disciples of S. Epiphanius did set vp his picture publiquely in his Church of Cyprus soone after his death , which they would neuer haue done , if S. Epiphanius in his life tyme had held it for an abuse , contrary to the authority of Scriptures to haue the picture of any man set vp in the Church . 50. Thirdly S. Iohn Damascenus that liued very neere 900. yeares gone , testifyeth in his first Oration of Images , that the said Church of S. Epiphanius in Cyprus had continued from that tyme to his imaginibus exornata , adorned with images , and therupon inferreth , that whatsoeuer is found in him sounding against the pious vse of Images is counterfaite & thrust into his workes by the Iconoclast Heretiks . And in the foresaid Councell of Nice it selfe , which was held in his tyme , one Epiphanius a Deacon did shew two other like places to haue bene thurst into his bookes by the same Hereticks . 51. Fourthly it appeareth by the sayd Councell , & by S. Iohn Damascen in his forsaid Oration , that this place of S. Epiphanius in his Epistle to Iohn of Hierusalem was neuer obiected against Images , eyther in the Councell it selfe , or by Claudius Taurinensis , or any other Iconoclast at that tyme , which they would not haue omitted to do , if in those dayes such a testimony had byn extant in so graue an author , as was S. Epiphanius . 52. Fifthly S. Gregory the Great obiecting to a certayne Bishop of Massiles , called Serenus , somewhat the like fact of breaking Images , saith vnto him ( as is extant in his owne Epistle : ) Dic , Frater , à quo factū Sacerdote aliquando est quod fecisti ? Tell me , brother , of what Priest was it euer heard , that he attempted a fact like vnto this of yours ? Which he would neuer haue said , if the other might haue answered , I haue heard and read the same done by the great , and holy Archbishop S. Epiphanius . 53. Lastly , to omit diuers proofes which our men do alleage , if S. Epiphanius had held for an errour and abuse against the Authority of Scriptures to haue Images in the Church , as our moderne Protestants will needes force it vpon him ; then is it likly that he writing so large a worke against all the heresyes , and erroneous doctryne , & perilous abuses that had sprong vp in the Church of God , from Christ vntill his tyme , he would not haue omitted to warne men also of this , that was so dangerous & preiudiciall to the honour and seruice of Almighty God : but no word is to be found of this amongst all his heape of heresyes , and consequently we may for certayne inferre , that he did not thinke this doctryne or practice or setting vp Christian Images in Christiā Churches to be vnlawfull , or against the authority of Scriptures . 54. And this for the matter it self● which is more then was necessary for me to say , considering that whatsoeuer diuersity of Iudgements there was , or is about the exposition , answere , defence , or impugnation of this place of Epiphanius : yet is there no one iote to be inferred therof that any of them did wittingly or willingly write false against their owne conscience , which is the question in hand , & which we are ready to proue against our aduersaryes . Nor yet do I meane to stand vpon the examen of the Interlude brought in by M. Morton of our Catholicke writers differences of opinions , wherein againe he delighteth him selfe : only I wish the Reader , that wheras Cardinall Bellarmine is heere calūniated about Epiphanius Epistle translated by S. Hierome for denying the last clause therof to be his , he repayre for the solution therof vnto Cardinall Baronius , who more largly detecteth the fraud , then is expedient for me at this present to relate : especially for so much as I am to passe to other particuler calūniatiōs against Cardinall Bellarmine , in his very next example or instance . THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER . OF INSTANCES AGAINST CARDINALL Bellarmine in particuler , touching imputation of old heresies . §. VI. IF you haue seene how litle able M. Morton hath byn to performe his promise before , for wilfull falsityes committed by any of our writers hitherto , much more shall you see it now , when leauing the multitude of other Authors , he singleth out Cardinall Bellarmine alone to deale withall : who as he hath written much , so were it not great maruaile , if in so many bookes he should haue left some things , whereupon his aduersaryes might probably wrangle : but as for wilfull vntruth , it is so farre from his knowne , and confessed integrity , as M. Morton could neuer haue made choice of an vnfitter match for that poynt . Nor can it be thought that he chose him vpon hope to find any such aduantage in him in deed , but only to honour himselfe somwhat by contending with such an aduersary , and to cast some cloudes , at least in the mindes of the simpler sort , vpon the shining beames of Cardinall Bellarmines estimation , by obiecting the name of wilfull falsityes vnto him . But as when the said cloudes are driuen away from the ayre , the force of the sunne is more sensibly felt : so Card. Bellarmines workes being cleared heere from M. Mortōs calumniatiōs , will be more highly esteemed by euery iudicious Reader , as not lending any least true aduātage vnto any impugnatiō of the aduersarie : & this is al the hurt that he is like to receaue by this assault . 56. And yet , as if M Morton had some great matters in deed to lay against him , and that the proofes were prompt , certaine , & euidēt , he according to his former excessiue vaine of vaunting , falleth into the s●me againe , writing thus : P. R. requireth an example of any one , who hath byn found so grosly false , that in the eie of man he may not be acquitted either by ignorance of translation &c. which demand if it proceed frō vnfeynednesse , it seemeth vnto me so intollerably reasonable , that now I am driuen to a two fold trouble in yeelding satisfaction . The one is that I know not with what one to begin first , the falsificators be so many . The second is , when I shall begin with any choice of one , how to make an end , so manifold are their falsificatiōs . Therfore in respect of the falsifyers , I would require of P. R. to propound vnto me any one of his Doctours , in whome he hath best assurance of integrity , whether Greg. de Valentia , Stapleton , Bellarmine , Coccius , Suarez , Turrian , Campian , Gretzer , Feuerdentius , the Rhemish Translation in their annotations , or any ( I say ) of those which haue beene publikly authorized of their Church , & I will not doubt but to giue him thrice three examples of their fraud . In the meane tyme I thinke it requisite to single out of all , such an one , as is cōmended of all , to wit , Cardinall Bellarmine , that P. R. ●ay not repyne , saying : he hath chosen a Dauid , the ●●ast in his Fathers house : but confesse that I haue ●referred a Saul , one higher by the head & shoulders ●hen any of the rest : not a dead man , who cannot ●●terprete his owne meaning whether he had falsi●●ed vpon ignorance , negligence &c. but one which now ●uing is able to answere for himselfe , whose credit ● . R. doth tender , and with whome he may con●●lt to know , whether I doe him iniury , or no. 〈◊〉 he . ●● . And haue you euer heard more confident ●each ? This now may be called present desperate in●●ed , if presently it be to be prooued , that he hath 〈◊〉 one instance of any one falsity against Cardinall ●ellarmine , throughout all his works , as heere is re●●ired . And may not then his owne wordes be re●●rned vpon him , that neither Thraso on the stage , nor ●oliath in the field , nor Gorgias in the scholes , did euer vse such ●asting ? My boasting , if any were , was out of the ●●ctitude of a good conscience , este●ming no good ●hristian man to be so wicked , as to lie so willfully 〈◊〉 before hath bene set downe : and therfore estee●ing all our writers to be free thereof , I sayd , and ●ust say still , that if in any one of them there should 〈◊〉 foūd that deplored & inexcusable fraud , I should ●●uer beleiue him afterward , as a man , not regar●●ng truth , nor speaking out of conscience , but of ●ilfull fraud : which speach M. Morton calleth pro●●gall and prodigious , as you haue heard . And thus he ●ust do , either in regard that he esteemeth it not ●or so great a crime to lye wilfully ( as Catholicks do ●steeme it ) or that he can proue it to be vsed also by ●ur men . The first I suppose he will be ashamed to ●onfesse : the second I expect how he will be able to ●roue ; and so I passe to the examen it selfe . And by the triall of his successe with this one Antagonist , that he hath chosen out , the Reader may make a ghesse , what he were able to do , if he should enter combat with so many of our writers , as heere he hath named . And for better vnderstanding of the matter , it is to be obserued , that he endeauoureth to condemne Cardinall Bellarmine of wilfull ●alsities in two points . First in imputing certaine heresies to Protestants , which ( he saith ) they do not hould : the second in falsifying other mens testimonies , alledged by him . Both of them were grieuous , if either of them by any one example could be proued in Bellarmine . Now then to the tryall . THE FIRST Obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , of fals● imputation of the Pelagian-heresy to Protestants . §. VII . LET P. R. ( saith ●e ) for a while take Cardinall Bellarmine into secret confession , and first aske him , with what conscience he hath charged Caluin with the heresy of the Pelagiās , who denyed that there was any originall sinne in Infants , especially in the children of faithfull Christians ? For he could not be ignorant , that this doctrine of denying originall sinne was ( as their owne † L. Iesuite confesseth ) the proper heresie of the Pelagians . And not so only , but saith furthermore , that Caluin and all other Protestants are so farre from denying originall sinne , that they do monstrously extend the nature therof , euen vnto persons regenerate . This is the charge , which he pretendeth ( as you see ) to proue , that Gregorius de Valentia ( whome it pleaseth him to stile heere L. ●esuite , though I know not why ) disagreeth from ●ellarmine in ascribing the Pelagian heresie , about ori●inal sin , to Calui● . Wherto I answere , first , that it is well , that M. Morton permitteth Cardinall Bellarmine to ●e demaunded his faults in secret confession : but ●imselfe , who I presume scarce goeth to any se●ret con●ession at all , must be driuen to confesse his ●aults in publike , with greater worldly shame , as in ●his place . Who would not thinke , that after the ●●ate of the question so often set downe , and so ma●y bragging promises made on his part to produce ●reat matters against Bellarmine , he would not haue ●ene ashamed to come forth now with this poore & idle obiection in the very first front of his charge , wherin if all should be granted to him , that he ●biecteth , to wit , that Bellarmine and Valentia had not ●ully agreed in charging Caluin with the Pelagian he●esy about originall sinne ; yet doth not this inferre willfull vntruth in either of them . For it might haue bene onely difference of iudgments , in vnderstanding differently the doctrine of Caluin , ech man persuading himselfe , that he had vnderstood him rightly , and so still nothing had bene brought to his purpose of witting and willfull vntruthes knowne to the vtterer to be such . And is not this then mere trifling ? ●9 . But now the matter standeth not so well : for that there is no contradiction at all betweene Bellarmine and Valentia , as presently shal be shewed . And M. Morton doth guil●ully corrupt them both to make them seeme cōtrary . And l●t the Reader looke vpon it , and know him and his cause by these tricks ; who to frame some shew of fa●shod in others , where none is , vseth the same intolerably himselfe . 60. The Reader then must know , that Cardinall Bellarmine in the 9. Chapter of his fourth Booke de Ecclesia , handling the notes of the Church ( which booke and Chapter are heere cyted by M. Morton ) taking vpon him to shew , that one principall note of the Church is , to agree in doctrine with the ancient Fathers from time to time , and of the contrary false Church , to participate with heretikes ; he recounteth twenty seuerall heads of heresies held by twenty different Heresiarches , with sundry branches therunto belongi●g , condemned by the ancient Christian Church , which also are defended by the Protestāts of our time , some more and some lesse . 61. And this h● proueth so substātially , as nothing in effect can be said against it : which M. Morton hauing perused , and desirous to picke some matter against him , that might seeme to haue some shew of probability , he beginneth with the Pelagians , as you haue heard , which is the fourtenth old condemned heresy , shewed by Bellarmine to be reuiued againe in diuers points by Protestants , thinking best to ouerskip thirteene at on leap . As for example , wheras the Pelagians did hold two principall heresies among other , saith Bellarmine , the one , That euery sinne though neuer so little is mortall , & depriueth vs of Gods grace : That there is no originall sinne in man , especially in Infants of faithfull parents , he auerreth that the Protestants of our dayes do concurre in both points . In the first all generally , that there is no sinne Veniall of his owne nature : in the second with some distinction , for that Zuinglius ( ●aith he ) denieth Originall sinne in all , Caluin and Bucer in Christian Infants only . This is Cardinall Bellarmines assertion , his latin words be these . 62. Zuinglius negat simpliciter peccatum originale in quolibet homine , Bucerus autem & Caluinus solùm in filijs ●idelium , quos dicunt sanctos nasci , & saluari etiam sine baptismo . Zuinglius doth absolutly deny originall sinne to be in any man , but Bucer and Caluin do only deny the same in the children of the faithfull , whome they say to be borne Saints , and to be saued also without baptisme . So as Bellarmine is guilfully abused by M. Morton , in setting downe his opinion , as though he had said that Caluin had denyed with the Pelagians , that there is any originall synne at all in Infants , though lesse in the children of the faithfull , citing his latin wordes in the margent peruersely ●hus : Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum ori●inale , & praecipuè in filijs fidelium , idem docent Caluinus & Bucerus . The Pelagians did teach that there was not originall synne in men , and especially in the chil●ren of the faithfull , the same do teach Caluin & Bu●er . Thus he . Whereas he saith differently , as you ●aue heard , that Caluin & Bucer denyed it only in the ●hildren of the faithfull , granting it in the rest : and ●his could not M. Mortō but see & know , & conse●uently is taken in a witting formall lye that know●th one thing & yet writeth the contary . 63. And herupon , wheras he willed me to aske of Cardinall Bellarmine in secret Confession with what conscience he had charged Caluin with the heresy of the Pelagians , ●hat denyed originall synne in all men , I must aske him in open confession , with what conscience he could so ●alsify Bellarmine in making him to say that which he ●id not : for that he doth not say also absolutly , that Caluin denieth all originall sinne in all Infants , but only in the childrin of the faithfull , & this doth not the L. Iesuite Valentia any way contradict , as falsely heere is insinuated , that he doth ; but rather to the contrary he expresly auouch●th the same , & this in the very place heere cited by M. Morton , saying : Zuinglio & Caluino visum est filios ●idelium non contrahere peccatum originale ; It seemed to Zuinglius and Caluin that the children of the faithfull do not cōtract originall synne , and he quoteth the places where it is to be found in their workes : and the same he doth in his 4. Tome vpon S. Thomas , ci●ing other places of Calui● where he houldeth the ●ame doctrine . So as in this point Bellarmine and Valentia haue no more contradiction betweene them , then it pleaseth M. Morton to deuise of his owne head , and to publish in their names , contrary to their owne apparent wordes & meaning . 64. But he citeth a place of Valentia that may seeme to make to the contrary , where he saith : Caluin and other Protestants are so farre o● from denying Originall sinne , that they do monstrously extend the nature therof , euen vnto persons regenerate , and for this he quoteth certayne places o● Valen●ia ( as he might also haue done diuers of Bellarmine●or ●or he relateth of Caluin the very same ) and setteth downe the latin according to his owne English , though not a litle differing from the wordes of the Author : but that which most importeth , is , that he wittingly and deceiptfully abuseth the Reader with this citation , as though Valentia did contradict both himselfe and Bellarmine , and said , That Caluin and Bucer were ●arre of from denying Originall sinne in the children of the faithfull : Wheras he saith not so , but that , they do not absolutly deny all originall synne , as the Pelagians did , and as Zuinglius before is charged to haue done , togeather with the Anabaptistes , as Melancthon witnesseth , and before them agayne the Armenians , Albanenses , and others , but only denyed the same in the children of the faithfull , as hath beene said , and in the rest they graunted it : and not this only , but monstrously also do the said Caluin , Luther , and other Protestants extend the nature and guylt of originall synne , euē vnto such as are regenerate & christened , which is to be vnders●ood in that they hold , that the very motions of concupiscence called ( fo●es ) are synnes in themselues , euen without the con●ent of our mindes , which is an other extreme op●osition to Catholicke doctryne , that teacheth these ●otiōs not to be synnes at all , without some cōsent ●ealded vnto them : but yet this assertion of Valentia●s ●s not contrary , nor contradictory to that which ●ardinall Bellarmine , and himselfe affirmed before of ●aluin ; to wit , that with the Pelagians he holdeth ●hat the Infāts of faithfull people are deuoyd of ori●●nall synne , for that those motions of concupiscēce ●hich he calleth originall synnes in Christians a●●lt , are not in infants and therby he denyeth origi●all sinne in Christian Infants , and granteth it in ●●em that be of age , in both which he is oppo●●te to the Catholicke Church . Let M. Mort. see how 〈◊〉 can defend him from contradiction to himselfe , 〈◊〉 I haue defended Cardinall Bellarmine , and Gregorius de ●alentia . ●5 . There remaineth then only to examine the ●eason alleaged by M. Morton why Bellarmines charge ●f Pelagianisme against Caluin could not be true , that●saith ●saith he ) this doctrine o● denying originall sinne was the pro●er heresy of the Pelagians , out of which confession of ●he L. Iesuite Valentia , M. Morton would inferre , that ●or so much as this was the proper heresy of the Pe●●gians , therfore it could not be of the Protestants : ●hich reason is so wise , as it can serue to nothing , ●ut to make the reader laugh . For alb●it the Pela●●ans were the peculiar Authors of this heresy ; yet ●ight the ●ame be made cōmon by participation , & ●o doth Valentia expresly say , that this heresy was ●aken vp afterward both by the Arm●nians , Albanenses , Anabaptists , citing Castro and Melancthon for the same . So as to cite this reason or a proofe , that Caluin did not deny orgina●l synne in Infants , ●or that our owne L. Iesuite Valentia doth say , that it was the proper errours of the Pelagians ( which yet are not his words but S. Augustines cited by him for the same ) is as ridiculous an inference , as if a man should say , it was the proper errour of Arius , and his fellowes in old time to deny the equality of the Sonne of God with his Father , ergo , it cannot be that the moderne Arians of Transiluania , and other places , do hould the same now : and it was the peculier doctrine of Berengarius , and his adherents to deny the Reall Presence , ergo , the Protestants of England at this day cannot be charged with that doctrine . And doth not euery body see the vanity of this inference ? Wherfore his conclusion is to be noted , I let passe ( saith he ) a doze● such criminations , cast by him vpon Protestants , which by the testimonies of his owne Doctors may be proued to haue byn lewd and intollerable slaunders . Wherto I answere , that hitherto he hath not beene able to shew any one : we shall see what he will say afterward . But in the meane space I leaue it to the modest Reader , to iudge where the lewdnesse doth remayne , if any be . 66. And to this consideration I add another , that wheras Cardinall Bellarmine did charge Caluin , and Caluinists with two principall errors of the Pelagians , the one , that which now hath bene handled , of denying Originall sinne in children , and Infants of the faith●ull , and the second , of denying the difference of Veniall and Mortall sinnes , and holding that by euery least sinne we leese our iustice , and consequently that all sinne is mortall , Bellarmine citing for the same the testimony of S. Hierome , who ascribeth that for heresy vnto the Pelagians : and wheras in like manner he proueth the same heresy , not only to be held by Luther , and Melancthon , but also by Caluin in diuers parts of his workes , as lib. 2. Instit. cap. 8. § . 85. lib. 3. cap. 4. § . 28. &c. M. Morton taking vpō him to cleare Caluin in the former charge ●●out originall sinne , though so vnluckely as you ●●ue heard , saith neuer a word against this second ●●out the distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes ; ●herby is ●uident in all probability , that he admit●●ed that for true , and consequently yealded secretly , ●●at Caluinists do agree with the Pelagians in this he●●sy , though he storme sharply as you haue heard a●●inst Bellarmine for charging Caluin with any point 〈◊〉 Pelagianisme at all . And this fraud or frailty he cō●itteth commonly in all the rest of the heresies ●●iected , denying the one weakly , and by his silence ●●anting the other , as now by experience you shall 〈◊〉 . THE SECOND INIVRIOVS ●●i●ction , against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Nouatian-heresy . §. VIII . FROM the fourteenth heresy , wherin Cardinall Bellarmine sheweth the Protestants to participate ●ith the Pelagians , as you haue heard , M. Morton star●●th backe to the sixt , of participation with the No●●tians in these words . He ( that is Bellarmine ) maketh ●rotestāts guilty ( saith he ) of the heresy of the Nouati●●s in taking frō the Church all power of reconciliating men vn●● God , when as his owne * Authors do note , that the ●eresy of the Nouatians was this : videlicet , to deny ●ny man , that should sinne after Baptisme , all hope of remission 〈◊〉 sinnes , although he should repent . Yea , and also Bellar●ine himselfe in behalfe of Protestants confesseth ●lse where , that they require repentance and faith in Chri●tians , that they may be iustified , and obtaine remission of sinnes . Nor this only , but there is no difference betweene vs ( saith he ) and Protestants about repentance , as it is a conuersion vnto God , wi●h detestation of sinne , or as it consisteth in outward signes of sorrow , weeping , conf●ss●on , and outward chasticements● yea and almost all o● them allow an outward rite of absolution . But the only cōtrouersy betweene vs is , whether Pennance be properly a Sacrament . ●he contradiction is this , to impute vnto Protestants an heresy , which taketh away all māner o● repentance & hope of remissiō for sin past , & yet to acknowledge in thē a contrary orthodoxall truth , which is to pro●es●e a necessity of repentance , & reconciliation , & remis●iō of ●●nnes . Thus far he . 68. And if we stand attent in this place , we shall see no lesse fraudulent dealing then in the former , if not more , to make apperance of contrariety & difference betwene Cardinall Bellarmine & other Catholick Authors , about the heresy of the Nouatians : which though it could be proued , yet doth it not inferre as euery man may see , the principall conclusion o● the question , that there were willfull malice . But all is full of fraud , as you will perceaue , and the reason is not so much , I suppose , for that he delighteth himselfe in lying wilfully , as before hath byn touched , as the necessity of his cause , which driueth him to vse the helpe of these shifts , or els to say nothing . And this am I forced often to note to the Reader , for that it is lightly a perpetuall obseruation in him . 69. His dri●t then is , if you marke it well , to argue Cardinall Bellamine of falsity , in that , he affirmeth the Protestants of our dayes to ioyne with the old heretickes the Nouatians , in taking from the Church all power of reconciling men vnto God , for those are Bellarmines words , though curtally rec●ted by M. Morton out of his latin text , as presently you shall see : and to con●radict the Cardinall in this , he cyteth the wordes of Alphonsus de Castro , that saith , that the heresy of the ●●uatiās , was to deny any man , who should sinne aft●r Baptisme 〈◊〉 hope of remission of synnes , although he should repent . But ●ow these two are neyther contradictory , nor con●●ary , if they be well considered . For that the Noua●●●ns are held to teach both these poynts , first & prin●●pally that there was no power left in the Church ●●to Priests to reconcile and remit sinnes , to such as ●●ll after Baptisme , especially into grieuous sinnes 〈◊〉 testifieth S. Cyprian in a speciall Epistle against No●●tianus , and S. Ambrose in his booke de Poenitentia , and ●thers . And this first part of their errour was contra●●ues Ecclesiae , against the keys of the Church , or power ●● Priests to remit sinnes : and heerin all authors do ●●ree . But the second part of their errour went fur●●er , as some do gather out of the ancient Fathers , 〈◊〉 testifyeth a Suarez ( though b others be of differēt ●●inions ) which was to deny furthermore besydes ●●e Sacramēt , all vertue of Pēnance whatsoeuer , whe●●er priuate , or Sacramentall , especially in great sin●es , as by the words of Alphonsus de Castro heere recited ●ay seeme to appeare . ●0 . Of these two errors then , the first and not ●●e second is ascribed by Bellarmine to the Protestāts , ●o witt , that they deny the power of Pennance , as 〈◊〉 is a Sacrament , that is to say , as it conteineth not ●nly a priuate detestation of sinne in the synner , but ●●so the absolution or remission therof by the Priest 〈◊〉 the publicke Minister of the Church . The other ●●rour of denying all vse of priuate repentance , ey●●er inwardly , or outwardly by sor●ow , sighes , tears ●nd the like , is not ascribed to Prot●st●nts by Bellar●ine : so as for M. Mortō to bring in the one as contra●ictory to the other , that for as much as Alphonsus de Castro saith , that the Nouatians did deny all power of ●ēnance , therfore Bellarmine saith not truly that they denyed the Sacramentall vse therof : Or for so much as Protestants do not concurre with the Noua●ians in the one , they do not in the other , is a most absu●d kynd of reasoning called by Logitians à dispara●i● , fo● that both may be true , and one excludeth not the other . For it is most true which Bellarmin saith , that Nouatianorū error praecipuus erat &c. The principall errour of the Nouatians ( which word [ principall ] importing that they had other errors besids , is craftily cut o● by M. Mort. ) was , that there is not power in the Church to recō●le men to God , but only by Baptisme : which last words also bu● only by Baptisme ) were by M. Mort. and by the same art shifted ou● of the text , for that they haue relation to the Priests of the Church , to whom it appertayneth by publicke , & ordinary office to baptize : and in this the Protestants are accused by Bellarmine to concur●● with them in denyall of pēnance , as it is a Sacramēt . 71. And togeather with this it may be true , that besides this praecipuus error , the principall errour , the Nouatians , some , or all denyed the fruit of all kynd of priuate , and particuler pennance , as sorrow , teares , punishment of the body , and th● like , wherin diuers Protestants do not agree with them , nor yet are accused therof . Wherby it appeareth that all this counterfait contradiction which M. Morton hath so much laboured to establish heere betweene Bellarmine on the one syde , and Castro , Vega , & Maldona●e on the other , commeth to be right nothing at all , for that Bellarmine speaketh expresly of Pennance , as it is a Sacrament , and in that sense only saith , that the Protestants deny it , togeather with the Nouatians , as they do also the vse of Chrisme in the Sacrament of Con●irmation , which was an other errour of theirs obiected by Bellarmine to Protestants , as much as the form●r , but wholy dissembled by M. Morton . The other three Authors , as they do not exclude but rather include the Sacrament of Pennance : yet do they m●ke ●ention of the other part of the Nouatian error , ●●at seemed to deny all pennance in generall , whe●●er Sacramentall or not Sacramentall : and of this ●●e not Protestants accused by Bellarmine , but expre●●y rather exempted by the words , which heere M. ●orton setteth downe of his . So as for him to play ●●on his owne voluntary Equiuocation , and mista●●ng of the word Pēnance , & Nouatian heresy about the ●●me , is toto grosse an illusion . Wherfore if you ●●ease , let vs briefly see how many false trickes he ●●eth in this place . ●2 . The first of all may be , that wheras Cardinall ●●llarmine to proue that our moderne Protestants do ●●mbolize and agree with the old Nouatian heresyes , ●●leageth two particuler instances , the one in deny●●g the power of the Church to remit synnes by ●●e Sacrament of pēnance , the other in denying the 〈◊〉 of holy Chrisme in the Sacrament of Confirmatiō , ● . Morton hauing nothing to say to the second , reply●th only to the first by an Equiuocation as you haue ●●ard : and yet if the second only be true , Bellarmine 〈◊〉 iustified in noting the Protestāts of Nouatianisme : ●nd therfore to deny the one , & dissemble the other , ●ust needs proceed of witting fraud , granting that which is chiefly in controuersy , to wit , that Pro●estants do hold in somewhat Nouatianisme . ●3 . The second fraud is , for that in reciting Cardinall Bellarmines charge against Protestants , he cut●eth from the latin sentence of Bellarmine , being very small & short in it selfe , both the beginning & end , to wit , Praecipuus error , & post baptismum , as yow haue heard , and that for the causes which now I haue declared . 74. Thirdly he doth bring in guylfully the foresaid testimonyes of Castro , Vega , & Maldonate , as contrary to Bellarmine : whereas they speake of an other thing , to wit , of pēnance in another sense : & b●syde● this do all expres●y set downe the two errou●s o● the Nouatians , to witt , that they did deny as wel● the Sacrament of Pennāce , as also the priuate vse ther●f as it is a particuler vertue : and that the Protes●an●● of our dayes do concurre with them in the fi●st● though not in the second : and that he could not bu● euidently see and know this , and so did write it against his conscience to deceyue the Reader . 75. Fourthly when M. Morton doth alleadge B●llarmine lib. 3. de Iustis . cap. 6. to confesse that Protestants do require repentance in Christians , that they may be iu●tified , he well knew that this was not cōtrary to that which he had said before in his accusation lib. 4. de Notis Ecclesiae cap. 9. that Prot●stants did ioyne with the Nouatiās in denying all power of the Church for r●conciling men to God : for he knew that in the former Bellarmine meant of priuate pennance as it is a vertue which euery man may vse of himsel●e , but in the second he meant of the Sacrament , and keyes of the Church , which require absolution of the Priest. Heere then was wil●ull and malicious mistaking : and so much the more , for that in the very next wordes heere set downe by him both in English & latin out of Bellarmines first booke de po●nit●ntia cap. 8. the Cardinall doth expresly declare , that only Controuersy betweene Catholickes and Protestants in this matter , is about the sacrament of pēnance with absolutiō of the Church , & not the priuate pēnance which euery particuler man may vse of himselfe . So as vnder the cloud of priuate , and sacramentall pēnance he craftily endeauoreth to make some shew of a contradictiō , which is none indeed . 76. The fifth falshood is , that M. Morton to make Cardinall Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , or very forgetfull , he alleadging heere his latin wordes , maketh him to say , first , that Protestants require faith & repentance to iustifica●ion , and then presently in another place , Luther reiec●eth pennance , as though Luther were no Prote●●ant : wheras this is no contradiction in Cardinall Bellarmine , but in Luther himsel●e , and anoto●ious fraud in M. Morton , so pa●pably to d●ceaue his Reader : for that Cardinall Bellarmines wordes are these : Lutherus lib. de Captiuitate Babylonica , tria tan●um agnoscit Sacramenta , Baptism●m , Poenitentiam & Panem ; tamen infra cap. de extrema Vnctione , reij●it Poen●tentiam . Luther in his booke of Babylonicall Captiuity ( in the Chapter o● the Eucharist ) acknowledgeth only three Sacramēts , Baptisme , Pennance , and Bread , and yet afterward ( in the same booke ) and in the Chapter of Extreme Vnction he reiecteth pēnance . These are the wordes of Bellarmine which M. Morton could not but haue seene and considered● and yet to make some litle shew of ouersight in Bellarmine , he was content against his cōscience to set downe , Lutherus reijcit Poeni●entiam , and to conceale and dissemble all the rest of the sentence alleadged . When will he be able to produce one of our Authours with so manifest a wilfulnes . 77. Let vs conclude then , that M. Mort. is in a poore case , when he is driuen to all these shifts to seeke out contradictions amongst vs , and to fynd none : and yet let vs heare and marke his Conclusion , and see what māner of contradictiō he frameth against Bellarmine , for it will be substantiall ( I warrant you ) out of these premisses . The contradiction is this ( saith he ) to impute vnto Protestants an heresy which taketh away all manner of repentance , and hope o● remission of sinne past : & yet to acknowledg in them a contrary orthodoxall truth , which is to professe necessity of repentance , reconciliation , and remission o● sinnes Wherto I answere , that heere is no contradiction at all , as Bellarmine setteth it downe , both these propositions being false in themselues . Fo● first Bellarmine doth not impute vnto Protestants that they do take away all māner of repentance , & hope of remission for sinnes in their sense , but only that they take away and deny the Sacrament o● reconciliation by pennance , and absolution of the Church● and secondly Catholicks are so ●ar o● from acknowledging an orthodoxall truth in Protestants , about repentance , reconciliatiō , & remission of sinns , that albeit they graunt that Protestāts do in words confesse , and prescribe vnto their followers repentance , faith , newnesse of life , and such other points , vttered and practized after their fashion : yet are they little auaylable , and much lesse orthodoxall , but a priuate manner and forme of their owne , reiected and condemned by the Catholick Church , for that it excludeth the Sacrament , and absolution of the Priest , without which after baptisme , either in voto , or , in re ( as Deuines do distinguish ) in Christian Religion , no pardon , or hope of remission of synnes , can orthodoxally be conceaued . And thus much for this second obiected falsity to Bellarmine . THE THIRD OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Manichean heresy vnto Protestants . §. IX . HIs third obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , of vnlawfull dealing , cōcerning the imputatiō o● some points of the Manichean heresy vnto Caluinists , he setteth downe in these words : Belarmine attri●●●eth ( saith he ) vnto Caluin the heresie o● the Manichees● who ●●d condemne the na●ure of men , depriuing them o● freewill , 〈◊〉 ascribing the originall and beginning o● sin vnto the nature 〈◊〉 man , and not vnto his freewill , seeing he hath himselfe ●●serued , that Caluin * teacheth , that man in his first crea●●●n had freewill , wherby in his integrity he might , i● he would , ●●●e attained vnto eternall lyfe . This contradiction in this point 〈◊〉 ●o more then this to charge Caluin with that which he did not ●●●e●ue . Is not this singular falshood ? and yet behould a more noble then this . Wherunto I answere , that if it be more ●●table in folly thē this , or els in fraud , it is notable ●●deed : Let vs heere the folly . point●aith ●aith M. Mort. ) is no more thē this , to charge Caluin with that ●hich he beleeued not . So he . Wherof I inferre that it ●as no contradictiō at all . For to accuse a man to ●ould that which he holdeth not , hath no contradi●tion in it , but a false accusation : nor is it alwaies ●●lshood , for it may be vpon errour : and this for ●●e folly . Let vs passe to consider the fraud . ●9 . I do suppose that M Morton would haue said , ●r should haue said , that Cardinall Bellarmine was ther●ore noted by him of a contradiction : not so much ●or cha●ging Caluin with that which he did not be●eeue , for this is no contradiction ( as hath beene ●aid , ) as for that Bellarmine accusing Caluin of concur●ing with the Manichees , in denyall of Free-will vnto ●an , doth notwithstāding in another place cōfesse , ●hat Caluin graunted Free-will to haue byn in man in his first creation : but neither in this is any contradicton at all . For that Caluin granting Free-will to haue byn in man at his first creation , and lost a●terward by the fall and synne of Adam , may concurre with the Manichees in this , that after the fall of Adam , and as now we liue , we haue no Free-will : & so doth Cardinal Bellarmine take him , & proue it out of his owne words in sundry Chapters o● his booke , that he doth hold indeed , and concurreth fully with the very sense of the Manichees therin , which authorityes of Caluin M. Morton ought to haue answered in some sort , if in earnest he had meant to haue defended him . 80. This then is one egregious fraud , and the chiefe in this place , to delude his Reader with the ambiguity , and Equiuocation of different tymes . The Manichees taught , that man after Adams fall had no free will , as both S. Hierome and S. Augustine do testifie in the sentence of M. Morton heere set downe ( though craftily he couered their names ) and Bellarmine proueth Caluin to hold the same , out of his owne wordes and workes . What answereth M. Morton ? Caluin ( saith he ) is con●essed by Bellarmine to grant free-will in man before the fall of Adam in his first cr●●●io● : Yea but the question is , a●ter that fall . How then doth M. Morton answere to the purpose ? And how doth he alleage Bellarmine as contradicting himselfe , in that , in one place , he saith that Caluin confess●th Freewill , and in another saith , that he denyeth it , for so much as it is in respect of diuers times . For I would aske M. Morton in his Logicke , is it a contradiction to say that Caluin confesseth Freewill in man before his first fa●l , & denieth it afterward , seing they are distinct times , and import distinct estates ? and if this be not any contradiction , as any child will confesse that it is not , why doth he seeke to abuse his Reader with such a fallacy ? 81. Another fraud , though somwhat less● perhap● then the former , is , that in setting downe the charge of Bellarm●ne against Caluin , he recounteth the same as in Bella●m●●es owne wordes , thus : He attribueth vnto C●lu●n the heresy of the Manichees , who ( saith he ) d●d co●●●mne the nature of men , depriuing them o● free-will , and ●s●●i●ing the originall and beginning o● sinne ●nto the nature of man , & not vnto Free-will . This sentence 〈◊〉 say , though M. Morton put downe in a different ●etter , as Bellarmines words , and affirmeth him to ●peake thē ; yet indeed they are not his , nor set downe ●y him as his owne , but are the words of S. Hierome , ●nd S. Augustine with some inserted by M. Morton him●elfe , for thus are they related by ●anichaeorū●inquit ●inquit Hi●ronymus ) est hominūdamnare na●●ram , & liberū auferre arbitrium . Et Augustinus : Hierome●aith ●aith it is the heresy of the Manichees to cōdemne the ●ature of men , and to take away Free-will . And S. ●ugustine saith , that the Manichees do ascribe the ori●en of sinne not to Free-will . And why thinke you ●id M. Morton conceale these two Fathers names ? The ●auses are euident . First for that he was loath to ●ublish , that the deniall of free-will in man , 〈◊〉 ●o generally taught and defended by the Prote●tants of our dayes , should be pronounced for an ●eresy , and a Manichean heresie , by two such graue Fathers , as S. Hierome and S. Augustine are . Second●y , for that if he had vttered the matter plainly , ●s it lieth in Bellarmine , he had marred his sleight of ●unning to Free-will , gra●ted by Caluin in the first ●reation of man : for that it is euident , by these ●wo Fathers , that they speake of Free-will after ●he fall of Adam : Therfore it was necessary for him ●o conceale their names , which yet was fraudulent . ●2 . The third fraude is , that wheras Cardi●all Bellarmine doth alleadge two poynts wherein ●he Protestantes of our tyme , but especially Cal●in , doe concurre with the Manichean heresie ; the one , that which hath bene sayd , of the denying of Free-will , the other in reprehending and condemning Abraham , Sampson , Sara , Rebecca , Iudas Machabaeus , Sephora &c. and other Saintes of the old Testament , as S. Augustine testifieth , that the Mani●●eans did , and Bellarmine sheweth that Caluin doth hold the very same , prouing by multiplicity o● place● quoted out of his * workes ; M. Mort. passeth euer with silence this latter proo●e as vnanswerable , and yet will haue vs thinke that Bellarmine did iniure Caluin in noting him with the Manichean heresy : which is as much , as if a man hauing two writings to shew for a suite in Law , the Attorney of the aduerse part , should suppresse the one which is most playne and euident , and cauill about the other . And this shall suffice for this third obiection . Now let vs passe to the other more notable , which was promised before . THE FOVRTH OBIECTION against Card. Bellarmin● , about pretēded false imputation of Arianisme vnto Protestants . §. X. BELLARMINE ( saith he ) accuseth M. Bullinger of Arianisme , because of the sentence ( tres s●nt . 〈◊〉 statu , sed gradu &c. ) notwithsta●ding he knew this was the very sentence of ●ertullian , and is therfore ●ls where expounded as orthodoxall and iustifyable by himselfe . If this be so notable an obiection with M. Morton as before he vāted , it is asigne , that he hath gr●at penury of notable ones , for that this is so notable , as it is indeed nothing , but that only necessity and penury did driue M. Morton to produce it : and so it seemeth , that himselfe did esteeme of it , by his obscure propounding t●ero● , as though he would not haue it well vnderstood ; albeit he terme it neuer so no●able . ●4 . For better conceauing wherof , the Reader ●ust know , that Cardinall Bellarmine in the Preface to ●is fiue bookes de Christo , proposing dyuers sortes of ●duersaryes among our moderne Protestants , that ●●ther openly or secretly did impugne the diuinity ●f Chri●t , or some article therunto belonging , after ●e naming of many others , he writeth thus of ●ullinger : Henricum Bullingerum ( saith he ) non puduit ●ibere &c. Henry Bullinger ( that was the Successor 〈◊〉 Vldericu● Zuinglius ) was not ashamed to write in ●is booke of the Scripture , that ther are three persons 〈◊〉 the Godhead , non statu sed gradu , non substantia sed 〈◊〉 , non potestate sed specie di●●erentes , di●●ering not in ●ate but degree , not in substance but in forme , not 〈◊〉 power but in kynd : which truly ( saith Bellar●ine ) the Arians themselues would scarce haue durst 〈◊〉 auouch . ●5 . Thus wrote Bellarmine : and what now saith ● . Morton against it ? He knew ( saith he ) that this was ●e very sentence of Tertullian . True it is , but euery ●hing that is in Tertullian , who wrote before the Councell of Nice , wherin matters and formes of ●peach about the persōs of the blessed Trinity were ●●ore exactly discussed , is not fit , nor secure for a ●euyne of our times to follow . And if M. Morton had ●onsidered well o● the paradoxes of Tertullian gathe●ed together by learned Pamelius in his last edition 〈◊〉 wherfore this is one and the last of all and censured ●or dangerous by the said Author and other learned men ; ) it is likely that he would not so ●ashly haue obiected the same to Bellarmine , for reprehending it in Bullinger . 86. But M. Morton bringeth a twofould argument for ground of his challenge , the one in latin out of Gregorius de Valentia , as though he had alleadged the foresaid sentence out of Tertullian , with approuing or at least wise not improuing the same . For thus is the matter a●● aged by M. Morton in his margent out of ●alentia : Sic 〈◊〉 ●ertullianus in libro aduersus Praxe●m , tres sunt , non statu sed gradu , non substan●ia sed ●or●a . non potestate sed sp●cie . Gregor . Valentia Iesuita l. de Vnitate & Trinitate cap 9. And then in the English text , he saith as yow haue now heard , that Bellarmine himselfe els where in his works , expoundeth the same sentence of Tertullian , as orthodoxall and iustifyable . 87. But in both these instances are fraudes on M. Mortons behalfe , and no such sincere dealing as were requisite among men that handled good causes . For that first , there is no such narration o● Tertullians sentence in Valentia , as heere is set downe , without reprehension therof : nor is Tertullian so much as named by him in the place alleaged , but a greiuous reprehension is vsed by him against Bullinger , for vsing the said sentence as orthodoxall . Bullingerus Sacramentarius ( saith he ) tres in Diuinitate personas differre dicit , non statu , sed gradu &c. Bullinger the Sacramentary affirmeth that there are three persons in the Deity , which differ , n●t in state , but degree , not in substance , but forme , not in p●●er , but kind : by which wordes he doth not only ouerthrow th● Godhead of the Sonne , but euen the whole mystery of the most ●oly Trinity . So Valentia . And this was his Iudgement of that sentence , which M. Morton would haue his Reader thinke , that Valentia had allowed of , as of an orthodoxall sentēce of Tertulliā . Can there be any more wilfull & witting fraud , then this ? 88. Now as for the allowance therof els where by Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe , M. Morton doth o●●er him great abuse , for he neuer alloweth any where of that sentence , as it standeth wholy in his booke against Praxea , or as it is accepted and vsed by Bullinger , but only taken in hand in his first booke de Christo , to interprete in good sense certaine speaches of Tertullian , obiected by Arians and Trinitarians against the Godhead of Christ , as though he had fauoured them therin , & cōming to a place cited out of the same booke , against Praxea , where he saith , Dum sili●m agnosco , s●cund●m à Patre desendo , for so much as I acknowledge the Sonne , I do defend him as second after the Father ( wherby the Hereticks would proue the Sonne not to be equall to his Father , ) Cardinall Bellarmine answering to this place , saith , that the Sonne is called second ( by Tertullian ) not because he is inferiour , or not equall to the Father , but only according to the order of beginning or origen , for that the Sonne is originally of the Father : and by this occasion he expoundeth also the first two words of the foresaid sentēce , statu et non gradu , saying , that , per gradum intelligit ordinē personarum : Tertullian by degree in this place vnderstandeth only the order , of the three persons among themselues , but not a different degree in perfection . For that Tertulliā in another place hath these words : Diuinitas gradus non habet , vtpote vnica : the Godhead of the three persons hath no degrees , as being only one . 89. Thus then did Cardinall Bellarmine seeke to expound in good sense the first two wordes of the sētence , by another place of Tertullian himselfe : but the whole sentence he neuer defended , nor admitted , but held it rather for erroneous in Tertullian , & hereticall in Bullinger . And now yow see what notable aduantage M. Morton hath gotten out of this his so notable obiection , which is nothing els , but the discouery of two or three notable shiftes , and fraudulent trickes of his owne . And yet do you consider how he insulteth as if he had proued somwhat against Bellarmine indeed . For thus he continueth his speach for his fifth instance . THE FIFTH OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of heresies vnto sundry Protestants . §. XI . THOVGH P. R. require ( saith he ) but three examples o● f●● shood , yet may I not enuie h●m a further choice , because I know not the curiosity of his palate . Therfore let him againe consult with Cardinall Bella●mine in another taxation of Prote●●●t● saying in one place that , they teach that the soule of ●aithful men departing this li●e , doe not goe directly vnto heauen . In another place he hims●lf● , togeat●er with his fellow Iesuite , haue publiquely recorded● that it is a common obiection of Protestants prouing from Scr●ptur● against the doctry●e of purgatory , that the soules of the ●aith , all pre●e●●ly after death goe di●ectly vnto heau●n . So he . 91. And truly it seemeth strange to me that M. Morton in this his peculiar ●tryfe for sinceritv , cannot set downe any one thing sincerely , with●ut some admixture of fraud . Let him consult ( saith he ) with Bellarmine in another taxation of Protestants , that they teach , that the soules o● the faithfull departed do not go directly to heauen . I haue consulted with him , at leastwise with his booke , and he answereth , that the word Protestants twice heere re●eated is not to be found ●n him , in the place by you cited . For that he ascribeth not this heres● vnto all Protestāts in gene●all , but only vnto three in particuler of our time , to with Luther , Cornelius Agrippa , and Iohn Caluin , a●ter diuers o●d heresies named by him , as of Armenians● and the like , that held the same ; his words a●● : Eundem errorem habet Caluinus &c. Caluin hath the s●me error , that soules of the faithfull do not enter into heauen , nor enioy the vision of Almighty God , before the day of Iudgement , but Christ only is admitted therunto , reliquos omnes residere in atrio , ib. que expectare vsque ad mundi consummationem , that all the rest besides Christ , do not enter the Sanctuary of heauen , but do expect without in a certayne porch ( or entry ) vntill the consummation of the world . And this opinion of Caluin , Bellarmine proueth out of his owne cleare words in sundry places of his workes , as namely lib. 4. Instit. cap. 20. & § . 24. & 25. § . 6. So as in setting downe this assertion of Cardinall Bellarmine , M. Morton hath made him to tax all Protestantes , and to say , they do teach &c. wheras he taxeth only three particuler men . Neyther haue I yet read any other that defendeth the same . Let vs see now how he maketh Bellarmine to contradict himselfe , for herin stands the principall drift of M. Morton , in this place , to seeme thereby to say somewhat against him . 92. First then he bringeth in these words as of Bellarmine : It is a cōmon obiection of Protestantes prouing from Scriptures against the doctrine of Purgatory , that the soules of the faithfull presently after death , go directly vnto heauen Out of which words M. Morton inferreth it cannot be , that Protestants should hold the foresaid contrary doctrine of expecting in the porch . Wherto I answere , that for this , to frame this litle shew of contradictiō M. Morton hath concealed craftily the name of Caluin in all this obiection , and turned it into Protestants , wheras the assertion is ascribed by Bellarmine namely and chiefly vnto Caluin , and not to other Protestāts : and therfore we graunt that Caluin ( supposing his former assertion to be true ) cannot vse this obiectiō against Purgatorie , that soules go directly to heauen , except he would say , that his foresaid atrium or porch , and outward place of stay , is also heauen , or a peece of heauen different from that Sanctuarium Caeli , into which , he saith , that only Christ is admitted vntill the day of Iudgment . 93. But other Protestants that hold not this fond opinion ( as few or none perhaps do ) may vse their former argument still , if it were true , that soules go directly to hell , or to heauen . And it is to be noted how cūningly M. Morton hath borne himselfe in this matter , not once vttering the name of Caluin , but Protestantes in common ; wheras Caluin chiefly is meant , yea only perhaps for the Porch : for that it seemeth to haue beene his owne particuler deuise , wherby the sly dealing of M. Morton is discouered in euery thing , and yet ( forsooth ) will he be still A Minister of simple truth , and conuince Cardinall Bellarmine of wilfull falshood . But let vs go forward , and search further into his simplicitie . HIS SIXT , AND last obiection , against Cardinall Bellarmine , for false imputation of the Sarcamētary heresie to Protestants . §. XII . BELLARMINE resteth not heere ( saith he ) but once againe challengeth Caluin , for ( as he ca●leth it ) an ancient heresie alledged by Theodoret , affirming , that there is only a figure of Christs body in the Eucharist . And yet * in another place affirming both , that , that opinion is not ancient , nor yet now to be found in Theodoret ; and also that the forsaid doctrine of Caluin doth teach , that in the Eucharist there is to be exhibited vnto the faithfull , not only a signe of Christs body , but also the body and bloud it selfe , by which mens soules are nourished vnto eternall 〈◊〉 . Or as another Iesuite testifieth for Caluin , that our soles communicate with the body of Christ substantially . Heer 〈◊〉 no more oddes in this accusation , then ancient , ●●d not anciēt , heresy and not heresy . All these con●●●dictions do certainly euince , that Bellarmine hath 〈◊〉 publike imputations slandered those whome in 〈◊〉 conscience he did acquit . And shall we thinke at this conscience could be sincere in alleadging her mens testimonies , & witnesses , who is found ●●us perfidiously vniust in exhibiting his owne ? I 〈◊〉 are to produce multitudes of this kind , which I ●●ue in store , and will be a debtour to P.R. for ma●● of this sort , ready to pay my debt as soone 〈◊〉 this my promise shall be exacted . Thus farre M. ●●rton , ●● . And heere now I answere , that it is suffici●●tly seene by the payment he hath already made , ●●w ready or able he is to pay his debt for any thing ●●omised against Cardinall Bellarmine , whose estima●●on is like to be highly increased , with all indiffe●●nt men , by this assault , both for conscience , sincere ●ealing , and learning , and M. Morton greatly blemi●●ed in them all : for that cōmonly no one instance ●ath he alleaged of fraud in his aduersarie , but with ●ome fraud in himselfe , & none perhaps with more thē in this sixt & last obiectiō in that kynd , concerning the testimony of T●eodoret for the Reall Presence , ●or that heere be so many foule faults & wilfull cor●uptions , as truly after so many admonishments , if ● should vse the same , it would make me ashamed to ●ooke any man in the face . 96. He indeauoureth to frame a contradiction ●●out of Bellarmine in that he chargeth Caluin with an ancient heresy recorded by Theodoret , which heresy ● did affirme , that there is only a figure of Christes body in the Sacrament , and then will he proue out of Bellarmine himselfe for contradiction of this : first that the said heresy is not ancient : then that it is not to be found at this day in Theodoret : thirdly that Caluin doth not deny the Reall Presence : and so he concludeth , as you haue heard , heere is no more oddes , then betweene an●●●●● and not ancient , heresy & not heresy . But if in all and euery one of these three poyntes M. Morton be conuinced wittingly to haue falsifyed , and that he could not but know that he did so , what excuse then will he make , or what will the discreete , and honest Reader say , or thinke of him ? Novv then to the particulers . 97. The charge which Cardinall Bellarmine maketh vpon Zuinglius & Caluin ( not Caluin only as M. Mort●● text importeth ) is taken from the last of those 20. old heresies before signified to be obiected by the Cardinall to the Protestants of our time , in his booke of the Notes of the Church , and by him is set downe in these wordes : The twentith old heresie ( saith Bellarmine ) wherin the Protestants of our time do participate with old heretickes , is of them , that denied the Eucharist to be truly the flesh of Christ , & would haue it to be the figure or image of the body of Christ. So it is related in the seauenth Generall Coūcell , and sixt Action , Tom. 3. and long before that Theodoret in his Dialogue , intituled , Impatibilis , doth relate the same out of S. Ignatius Scholler to the Apostles . And this heresy is taught in these our daies by Zuinglius in his Booke De verbis Coenae Domini , & by Caluin lib. 4. Instit. cap. 17. § . 12. And so we haue layd forth the heresies of 20. Archeretickes that were cōdemned by the Church within the first seauen hundred yeares after Christ , which heresies being ●●lden by vs for such , and by our Aduersaries for 〈◊〉 articles of their faith , it followeth that our doctrine doth agree with the doctrine of the ancient Church ●●d the doctrine of our aduersaries with the anci●●t heresies . So he . ●● . And this is Cardinall Bellarmines charge . Let ●●e Reader now marke how brokēly it is set downe 〈◊〉 M. Morton . For first he mentioneth only Caluin to 〈◊〉 challenged for this last heresy of the Sacramenta●es against the Reall Presence ( as now I haue said ) ●auing out Zuinglius , who is equally charged by the ●●rdinall for the same thing , which is one tricke . ●hen he omitteth wholy the mention of the 7. Ge●●rall Coūcell , which so long agoe related & confu●●d the said heresy , & this is another tricke . Further●ore he cōcealeth in like māner the name & autho●●tie of old S. Ignatius , who in his tyme ( which was ●●mediatly after the Apostles ) held the denying of 〈◊〉 Reall Presence to be an heresy , & this is a third ●icke . All which poyntes could not be pretermitted 〈◊〉 M. Morton ( nor any one of them indeed ) but by vo●●ntary deliberation : and consequently he must be ●●esumed to haue done it of set purpose to deceyue . ●ut let vs come to his two heads of contradiction , ●hich he will needs find in Bell●rmine . ●9 The first is , that Cardinall Bellarmine is affirmed ●y him to say that , that hereticall opinion ( cited ●●fore against the Reall Presence out of Theodoret ) is 〈◊〉 ancient , nor yet now to be found in Theodoret , and ●or this he citeth Bellarmines owne wordes , as he saith ●●b . 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. initio , and that in latin , to wit , ●uae sententia cita●ur à Theodoreto in Dialogo , vbi tamen nunc ●on habetur . VVhich sentence of S. Ignatius against old ●eretiks is cited by Theodoret in his dialogue , where ●otwithstanding now it is not to be found . So he tel●eth vs out of Bellarmine both in Latin & English , ●ut corrupteth him egregiously in both lauguages . First in allegation , and then in translation , as now shall be demonstrated . For first the true vvordes of Cardinall Bellarmine in latin are these : Quae sententia ci●atur à Theodoreto in 30. Dialogo ex epist. Ignatij ad Smy●●●ses , vbi tamen nunc non habetur . That is to say : This sentence ( concerning old heretiks denying the Reall Presence ) is cyted by Theodoret in his third dialogue out of S. Ignatius his Epistle ( to the Christians ) of Smyrna , where notwithstanding it is not now found : meaning expresly , that it is not found at this day in that Epi●tle of S. Ignatius , but in Theodoret it is found , and is extant both in Greeke and latyn , as euery man may see that will read the place quoted● So as heere agayne M. Morton corrupteth Bellarm●●● both in Latin and English leauing out not only the mention of S. Ignatius his Epistle ad Smyrnenses , and then making his Reader belieue that the testimony of Theodoret was not to be found at this day in him : but also vpon this falsification of his owne , will needs frame a contradiction in Bellarmine . And can there be any more witting and wilfull falshood then this ? Can this dealing stand with the solemne and extraordinary protestations which he maketh of sincerity in the end of his booke , euen against hi● owne infirmityes . 100. But let vs see yet further , how he proueth that Bellarmine , hauing said before , that this heresy of denying the Reall Presence was very ancient , contradicteth himselfe , and saith in the very same place that it is not ancient , for which he alleadgeth these wordes of the Cardinall : Ne autem glorientur Caluinistae &c. And to the end , that the Caluinists may not glory , that their opinion ( against the Reall Presence ) is very ancient , it is to be noted , that those most ancient hereticks ( mentioned ) by S. Ignatius ) did not so much impugne the Sacramēt of the Eucharist , as the mistery of Christ his incarnation . For so much as therfore they denied the Eucharist ●o be the flesh of Christ ( as S. Ignatius doth signifie in ●he same place ) for that they deny Christ to haue ●lesh &c. ●01 . Which testimony if you consider it well , ●oth not proue at all that the denyall of the Reall ●resence was no ancient heresy , but only that it was not altogeather the same with that of the Pro●estants at this day , and had an other foundation or ●otiue : to wit , for so much as those hereticks did ●ot belieue that Christ had taken any flesh at all , ●hey consequētly belieued not , that he gaue it in the ●acrament . But the Protestants though they beleeue ●hat he tooke true flesh : yet do they not belieue , that ●t is really giuen in the Sacrament , for that they be●ieue not these wordes , Hoc est Corpus meum , in the ●ense that the Church doth : so as these do formally ●mpugne the Reall Presence , and the other but by a ●onsequence drawne from another heresy , which ●s the cause that they cānot properly be called Sacra●entaries , as ours are , but most ancient they are : & ●o in this he contradicteth not himselfe about their ●ntiquity . 102. The last point of obiected contradiction in ●his place , is , that Bellarmine confesseth Caluin to hold , that togeather with the Sacrament of the Eucharist , God doth exhibit vnto the faithful , not only a signe of Christs body , but also the body and bloud it selfe , yea , and as Valen●ia addeth further that Caluin confesseth that our soules do cōmunicate with the body of Christ substantially . Wherto I answere : true it is , that in words Caluin doth affirme as much in some partes of his workes , but denyeth it againe in others , and therupon do both Bellarmine and Valentia conuince him of most euident and palpable contradictions in this matter , he seeking to say something different not only from Luther , but also from VVickli●●e & Zuinglius , therby to make a sect of himselfe , but yet not finding indeed , wherin to subsist , or be premanent in any deuise that he could find out , for proofe wherof a Cardinall Bellarmine d●th set downe seauen s●u●r●ll propositions of his about this matter , and proueth th● same substantially out of his owne wordes and discourses , & ech one of them different from the other , and some of them so contradictory , as by no possible meanes they may be reconciled or stand togeather : b As first , that the flesh o● Christ is only in h●au●n , and that in so certaine and determinate a place , as it is as ●istant from the bread , as the highest heauen is from the earth : & then , this no●withstanding , he saith ( as heere is cyted by M. Morton ) c that in the supper the true body of ●h●ist is exhibit●d vnto the faithfull , & not only a signe : yea , that the very substance o● Christes body is giuen . Next to that againe he saith , that notwithstanding the distance b●tweene th● 〈◊〉 of Christ , & the d Sacramentall signes , yet are they ioyned ●o●●ather by so miraculous and inexplicable meanes , as neyther ●●●gu● nor pen can vtter the same . And then further , tha● 〈◊〉 must not belieue , that this coniunction is by any reall com●●g downe of Chr●stes body vnto vs , but by a certaine substa●●ial force deriued from his flesh by his spirit . Where he seem●●● to s●y , that the coniunction is made , not in the substance , but in some essentiall quality . And so in the fifth place more cleerly he saith , that it is made by apprehensi●n of faith only , wherby he contradicteth all that he sayd before of reall and substantiall coniunction . And in the sixt place he confirmeth more the same by saying , that wi●ked men receaue not the body at all , quia corpus Christi solo ore fidei accipitur , for that the body o● Christ is only receaued by the mouth of fayth . And in the● . and last place he concludeth , that this Sacrament doth not giue the body o● Christ , or faith vnto any that hath it not already , but only doth testify , and confirme that now it is there , and so it is , but as a signe or seale ( to vse his wordes ) of that which is th●re already . And this being the variety of Caluins opinion , it proueth no contradiction in Bel●armine , but in Caluin himselfe . And so many corruptions hauing heere beene proued against M. Morton , do conuince that in him which he would proue in Cardinall Bellarmine , but cannot , as how see , and yet ●e concludeth so confidently as before yow haue heard , saying : All these contradictions do certainly euince , ●hat he ( the Cardinall ) hath by publicke imputations slaun●ered those whome in his cons●ience he did acquit : and shall we ●hinke , that his conscience could be sincere in alleadging other ●●ns testimonyes , and witn●sses , who is sound thus persidiously ●●iust in ex●ibiting his owne ? Thus he . And I remit me to ●he Reader , whether he hath seene hitherto any one point of perfidious dealing proued against the Cardinall , among so many as haue appeared on the part of M. Morton . But yet now he will go forward , as he saith to another subiect , to wit , to shew some exāples o● falsifications out of Cardinall Bellarmine in allegation of other mens testimonyes . Let vs see whether he performe any thing more then in the rest he hath done . 103. But first before we enter into this other examen , there occurreth vnto me a consideration worthy to be pondered by the Reader , which is , that all these six obiectio●s made against Cardinall Bellarmine for imputing old heresyes to Prot●stants , are taken out o● on only chapter of his , which is the 9. of his 4. Booke Of the no●●s of the true Church , in which 9. Chapter ( as before yow haue heard ) he chargeth the Protestants of our time with different heresyes of tw●nty seuerall condemned old Heresiarches , or chiefe Heretiks , and therof in●erreth , that as the vnion and agre●ment in doctrine with the ancient Catholike Fathers is a note of the true Church , and of true Catholiks : so to participate with ancient heretiks in any one condemned heresy , is a damnable note of the contrary : which Chapter M. Morton perusing , thought good to set vpon six only for clearing Protestants of them , to wit , the Pelagians , the Nouatians , the Manichees , the Arrians , and other two particuler heresyes : wheras in reason he should haue eyther cleered all or none , for so much as according to S. Augustines sentence , and other ancient Fathers , the holding of any one condemned heresy , is sufficient to euerlasting damnation . So as M. Morton picking out only a few , leaueth all the rest as not excusable , and vnder hand by his silence granteth , th●t they are held by the Protestants : which how markable a poynt it is , I leaue it to the Reader to iudge , and so shall passe to examine the other head of obiections , that he hath against Cardinall Bellarmine . THE ●HIRD PART ●F THIS CHAPTER , CONTEYNING ●THER OBIECTIONS against Cardinall Bellarmine , for falsifications in alleadging of oth●r mens authoriti●s : and first about S. Cyprian . §. XIII . MAISTER MORTON passing from Cardinall Bellarmines accusations & imputations against Protestants for heresies , vnto his allegations of their testimonies ( corruptly as he pretendeth ) ●andled by him ; he beginneth his accusation with a ●entence of S. Cyprian about traditiōs in these words : S. Cyprian ( saith he ) hath this qu●stion ( he going about to refute 〈◊〉 tradition : ) VVhence is this tradition ? It is deriued from the Lords Authority , or fr●m the pr●c●pt of the Apostles ? For God will●th that we ●ho●d do those things which are written . From whence Protestāts conclude , that the Scriptures are of sufficiency for our direction in all questions of faith . Bellarmine answereth , that Cyprian spake this , when he thought to defend an error , and therfore i● is no meruaile , i● he erred in so reasoning , for the which cause S. Augustine ( saith he ) did worthily re●ute him . The question is not , what error Cyprian held , but whether his manner of reasoning from the sufficiency of Scripture were erroneous or no. Bellarmine pretendeth , that S. Augustine did worthily reproue him . But whosoeuer shall consult with S. Augustine in the Chapter specified , shall find , that this poynt by him is excellently commended , That Cyprian warneth vs ( saith S. Augustine ) to runne vnto t●e ●ountaine , that is , vnto the tradition o● the Apos●les ; from thence to deriue a conduct to our tymes , it is chi●fly good and doubtlesse to be per●ormed . 105. This is M. Mortons whole obiection , wherin we must examine what wilfull deceipt to falsification he findeth here in Cardinall Bellarmines allegation of Cyprian . For if he find not this , then findeth he nothing to his purpose , he hauing intituled this his Paragraph of B●lla●mines falsi●ications : but if he find no falshood nor falsity at all , either wilfull or not wilfull , then is he more in the briers : but most of all if finding nothing in his aduersary , himselfe be taken in manifest falshood , both witting and wilful . Let vs examine then this poynt more particulerly . 106. And first I do note , that he proposeth this obiection very obscurely , & that for the cause , which will presently be se●ne , for he doth not explicate vpon what occasion these words of S. Cyprian were vttered by him , nor alleadged by Protestants as an obiection against vnwritten traditions . Wherfore the Reader must know , that the holy man S. Cyp●ian h●uing conceaued an infinite auersion frō hereticks and her●sies of his time , did vpon indiscreet zeale ●all into this errour , that as their faith was not good●●o neither their baptisme , and consequently that ●uch as left them , and were conuerted to the Catho●icke religion should be baptized againe after the Catholicke manner : and hauing found some other Bishops also of Africk , vpon the same groundes , to ioyne with him in the same opinion , for that it seemed to them to be most conforme to Scriptures , that detested euery where hereticks and heresies , he wrote therof vnto Stephen Bishop of Rome , who standing vpon the cōtrary custome alwayes vsed in the Church , not to rebaptize such as were conuerted from heresie , misliked S. Cyprians opinion , and wrote vnto him against the same : wherwith the good man being somwhat exasperated , wrote a letter vnto Pompeius Bishope of Sabrata in Africk , cited heere by M. Morton , wherin amongst other sharp speaches he hath this interrogation here set downe : Vnde est ista traditio & c ? From whence is this tradition ( of not rebaptizing heretickes ? ) Is it deriued from our Lords Authority ? &c. vpon which forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , M. Morton saith , that Protestants do lawfully argue in like manner , this or that tradition is not in the Scriptures , ergo , it is not to be admitted . 107. But saith Cardinall Bellarmine , this was no good forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , nor euer vsed by him , but in this necessitie for defending his errour as Protestantes also are driuen to vse the same for defence of theirs , and this he proueth by two wayes . First , for that S. Augustine doth of purpose out of the sense of the vniuersall Church of his dayes refute that inference , and forme of argument : and secondly , for that S. Cyprian himselfe in other places where he was not pressed with this necessity , doth yeald , and allow the authority of vnwritten traditions , which later proofe as the most conuincent , M Morton do●h suppresse with silence , in reciting Bellarmines answere , and saith only to the first , that S. Augustine is so farre of from condemning S. Cyprians mann●r of reasoning from the sufficiency of Scriptures , as he doth excellently commend the same : this then is briefly to be examined out of S. Augustines ovvne wordes . 108. And first I graunt ( as S. Augustine also doth ) that when any Tradition , or doctryne , can cleerly be shewed out of the Scriptures , optimum est , & si●e dubitatione facie●dum , it is the best way of all , and questionles to be obserued . And for that S. Cyprian in that his errour did certainly perswade himselfe to be able to prooue the same out of holy Scriptures , as appeareth by the many places alleadged by him to th●t effect ( though wrongfully vnderstood ) especially in the sayd Epistle to Pompeius , and else wher● , which places of Scripture S. Augustine doth particulerly ponder and refute , and shew not to be rightly applied by S. Cyprian , who seeing the generall custome and tradition of the Church to be contrary vnto him , in this cause prouoked to the Scriptures alone , as the Protestants do in as bad a cause . But now let vs see what S. Augustine teacheth in this behalfe , and how he confuteth S. Cyprians prouocatiō to only Scriptures , in this case of controuersy betweene them , notwithstanding he allowed for the best way to haue recourse to the fountaynes , when things from thence may , as I sayd , cleerly be proued . 109. Let vs heare ( I say ) S. Augustine recounting the case betweene S. Cyprian on the one side , & himselfe with ●ll Catholike mē of his dayes on the other . Nōd●●●r●t●●aith ●●aith he diligent●rilla Baptismi qu●stio pertracta &c. The question of Baptisme ( or reb●ptizing heretiks was not in S. Cyprians tyme diligently discussed , albeit the Catholike Church held a most wholsome custome to correct that in Schismatiks & Heretiks which was euill , & not to iterate that which was giuen them as good : which custome I belieue to haue come downe from the Apostles tradition , as many others which are not found in their writings , nor yet in the later Councels of their successours , & neuerthelesse are obserued through the whole vniuersall Church , and are belieued not to haue beene deliuered , and commended vnto vs , but from the sayd Apostles . This most wholsome custome then S. Cyprian sayth that his predecessour Agrippinus did begin to correct , but as the truth it selfe being more diligently after examined did teach , he is thought more truly to haue corrupted thē corrected the same . Thus S. Augustine of the state of the question , and of the authority of Customes and Traditions vnwritten . Now Let vs see what he saith to S. Cyprians māner of reasoning , from the sufficiency of Scripture as M. Morton tearmeth it . 101. Ad Pompeium ( saith S. Augustine ) scribit Cyprianus de hac re &c. S. Cyprian doth write to the Bishop Pompeius about this matter , where he doth manifestly shew , that Stephen , whome wee vnderstand to haue beene Bishop of Rome at that tyme , did not only not consent vnto him , verùm etiam contra scripsisse atque prae●●pisse , but also did write and gaue commandement to the contrary &c. S. Cypryan did obiect Apostoli nihil quid●m exinde praeceperunt , the Apostles did command nothing ( in the Scriptures ) about this matter . It is true , saith S. Augustine : Sed consuetudo illa , quae opponebatur Cypriano , ab eor●m traditione exordium sumpsisse credenda est , s●●u● sunt multa quae Vniuersa tenet Ecclesia , & ob hoc ab Apost●●●s pr●c●pta bene creduntur quamquam scripta non reperiantur : But that custome which was opposed to S. Cyprian by the Church , is to be belieued to haue taken beginning from the tradition of the Apostles : as there are many things which the Vniuersall Church doth hold , and they are therfore rightly belieued to haue beene ordayned by the Apostles , though they be not found written . Thus S. Augustine . 111. Wherby we vnderstand , first , his full meaning about the Authority of traditions in the Church , though they be not found written in the holy Scripture : and secondly that albeit in some cases it is good and law●ull to runne to Scriptures , when the matter may be clearly by them decided ; yet is it no good argument alwaies to say , It is not in the Scripture , and therfore we are not bound to belieue it , which was the argument of S. Cyprian when he was in errour , and for maintenance of the same , as M. Morton cannot deny : nor dareth reproue S. Augustine and the Church of his time that condemned this manner of reasoning in S. Cyprian . And what now doth there result against Bellarmine in all this obiection ? Is he found false in any one thing which heere is said ? Nay is not M. Morton cōuinced of euident fraud in setting downe this accusation ? First for concealing the true state of the question● then for that S. Augustine doth not reproue , but excellently commend the manner of reasoning in S. Cyprian ; pretermitting all that I haue alledged out of S. Augustines expresse words to the cōtrary , which he could not but know and haue read ? Thirdly by cutting of the words immediatly following in Bellarmine , conteyning his second reason , which was that S. Cyprian in other traditions besides this of not rebaptizing heretickes ( which erroneously he thought to be repugnant to Scripture , ) he allowed & vrged also the force of Traditions in the Church of God , though they were not written● wherof Ca●dinall Bellarmine himselfe alleadgeth two euident exāples , the one about the necessity of holy Chrisme or Vnction , vrged by S. Cypri●n out of only Tradition lib. 1. Epist. 12. and the offering wine togeather with water in the Sacrifice , which he vrgeth as Dominicam Traditionem , a Tradition of our Lord lib. 2. Epist. 3. whereas notwithstanding nothing is found written in the Scriptures of either of these traditions . And if I would alleage other traditions allowed by him , though not written in the Scriptures , I might be large heerin : as for example , that of renunciation accustomed to be made in the Church before baptisme , wherof he treateth in his 7. and 54. Epistles , and in his booke de disciplina & habitu Virginum : as also of the demaundes , & answeres accustomed to be made in the Church , about the articles of the Creed , Epist. 70. of Exorcismes to be made before baptisme , Epist. 2. & 72. & lib. con●ra Demetrianum . 112. The tradition of baptizing Infants , Epist. 59. which S. Augustine holdeth to stand only vpon vnwritten tradition , and the like . This second argument then of Bellarmine being craftily left out , and his former from S. Augustines authority wittingly peruerted , M. Morton insteed of an obiectiō against the Cardinall , hath brought in a flat condemnation of two notable fraudes against himselfe . Let vs see another of like sort and suite , if he can haue patience to heare it . HIS SECOND OBIECTION against Cardinall Bellarmine , touching false allegations about Anacletus . §● XIIII . SECONDLY ( saith he ) Bellarmine to establish the authority of the Pope , doth giue this prerogatiue to S. Peter , to wit : That S. Peter was the only Bishop , and that other Apostles tooke their Orders from him ; which he laboureth to euince from the testimonies of Anacle●us , Clemens , Alexander , Eusebius , & Cyprian : where he is refelled by his owne doctors : One * saying , that indeed those Fathers meane no such thing : Another , that * the Epistles of Anacletus are counterfaite , which many vrge more then is meete , to the end they may aduance the authority of the Sea of Rome . 114. Thus farre the obiection in his owne wordes . Wherin I meruaile what wilfull falshood may be found , such as the writer himselfe must needes know it to be so , except it be on the behalfe of M. Mor●ō , who entreth presently with a shift at the first beginning , saying ( as you haue hard ) that Bellarmine giueth this prerogatiue to S. Peter : that he was the only Bishop , and that other Apostles tooke their orders from him , wheras Bellarmines saying is , some authors to be of opinion , quòd solus Petrus à Christo Episcopus ordinatus fuerit , caeteri autem à Petro Episcopalem consecration●m acceperint , that only S. Peter was ordeined Bishop immediatly by Christ , and the other receaued their Episcopall consecration from S. Peter . So as in so litle a sentence he leaueth out first , that S. Peter was ordeined Bishop alone by Christ , and then changeth Episcopall consecration into holy Orders , as though they had not bene made so much as Priests by our Sauiour himselfe , but only by S. Peter , wheras all authors agree that Christ in making them Apostles , made thē all Priests though some do doubt , whether immediatly by himselfe he made them all Bishops . So as no one thing is sincerely handled heere by M. Morton without some nippe or other , as you see . 115 Secondly , wheras he saith that Bellarmine laboureth to euince frō the testimonies of Anacletus , Clemens Alexādrinus &c. the proofe of this prerogatiue , he abuseth him egregiously , for that Bellarmine doth alleadg this opinion , that Christ hauing made all his Apostles Priests , did make only S. Peter Bishop , with authority to cōsecrate the rest , as the opinion of Turrecremata , alleadging diuers manifest reasons and proofes for the same : as namely one , that either Christ did ordaine none of his Apostles Bishops , or all , or some certaine number , or one only . The first cannot stand , for that if Christ had ordained none , then should we haue at this day no Episcopall authority among vs. Nor can it be said that he ordained all immediatly , for that S. Paul was ordained by imposition of handes by the Ministers of the Church , as appeareth Act. 13. and by S. Leo Epist. 81. ad Dioscorum , as also by S. Chrysost. in hunc locum . S. Iames in like manner is recorded , not only by Anacletus Epist. 2. but by Clemens Alexandrinus Eusebius lib. 2. hist. cap. 1. and by S. Hierome de Viris Illustribus in Iacobo , to haue beene made Bishop by S. Peter . 116. The third poynt also , that Christ ordayned some certayne nūber , he refuteth , for that it appeareth by the Euangelicall History that all the Apostles were equall , saue only S. Peter , in whom he proueth 25. seuerall priuiledges to haue beene giuen by Christ aboue the rest , wherof this of his being ordayned Bishop alon● immediatly from Christ is the 22. and the second reason alleadged by Turrecremata of the Appellation of the Mother Church , giuen aboue all other Churches to Rome , by testimony , as he proueth , of all antiquity , seemeth to confirme greatly the said priuiledge , though notwithstanding it be a matter not so determined by the Church , but that there may be diuersity of opinions , as in effect there are amongst learned men about the same , in which number is Franciscus de victoria heere cyted : who albeit he confesse this opinion to be grauissimo●ū Virorum , of most graue Authority : yet thinking the contrary assertion more probable , that Christ himselfe did ordayne immediatly all his Apostles Bishops , doth answere the argumēts of Turrecremata , saying , that the Fathers cyted for the same reuerà non significant id quod Auctores huius sententiae volunt , that in truth they do not signify so much as the Authority of this sentence or opinion would haue them . And to like effect doth Cardinall Cusanus here cyted , being of a different opinion , endeauour to answere the said arguments : but yet not saying absolutly that the Epistles of Anacletus are coūterfaite , as heere is alleadged by M. Morton , sed ●ortassi● quaedam scripta Sancto Anacleto attributa apocrypha sunt , but perhaps certayne writings attributed to S. Anaclete are Apocryphall , which two moderatiōs of fortassi● and quaedam , M. Morton craftily left out both in English and Latin ; as he doth in like manner diuers other things that make against himselfe , and namely these wordes of the same Cusanus , In quibus volentes Romanam Sedem omni laude dignam , plusquam Ecclesiae Sanctae expedit & decet , exaltare , se penitus aut quasi fundant , that some men intending to exalt the Roman Sea worthy of all commendation more then is expedient , or decent for the holy Church it selfe , do found them●elues eyther wholy or for the most part vpon these ●pocryphall and vncertayne writings . And then agayne : Non opus foret diuinam ipsam , & omni laude super excellentissimam Romanam primam Sedem &c. it shall not be needfull that the diuine Roman Primate Sea most eminently excelling in all praise , to helpe herselfe with doubtfull arguments taken out of those Epistles , wheras the truth may be proued sufficiently , and more cleerly by vndoubted records &c. All this and much more is in Cusanus in the place cited by M. Morton , which he partly imbezeling , partly corrupting , and playnly falsifying , hath brought forth the broken sentence which heere you may see both in English and latin , far different from the Originalls . 1●● . And this is his common tricke neuer lightly to alleadge any one sentence eyther in English , or latin , as it lyeth in the text , but still with some helping of the dye ( as his owne phrase is ) some crafty cogging must alwayes enter , which I desire the learned Reader to take the paynes but alitle to examine : & if he fynd not this fraud very ordinary , I am contented to leese my credit with him . 118. And fynally let him note for cōclusion of this obiection , that all this which M. Morton alleadgeth heere , if it were graunted , as it lyeth , conteyneth nothing , but two different opinions betweene learned men in a disputable question : Whether Christ did immediatly , and by himselfe , consecrate all or some of his Apostles Bishops , or one only with authority to consecrate the rest , Turrecremata and Bellarmine do hold the one for more probable , but Victoria , Cusanus , and some others do allow rather the other : What wilfull falshood is there in this ? Or is it not singular folly to call it by that name ? But let vs see an other obiection , no wiser then the rest . THE THIRD OBIECTION against Bellarmine●or ●or false allegations about Platina . §. XV. HIS third obiecton against Cardinall Bellarmin● beginneth in these wordes : Againe ( saith he ) where Bellarmine citeth the testimony of Pla●ina for the commendation of Pope Hild●brand : And in another place finding Platina obiected in the question of Confession , answereth for the disabling of the Author , saying , that Platina had no publike authority to pen the liues of the Popes from publike Recordes . Which is notably false , Platina himselfe in his Epistle dedicatory vnto the then Pope writing thus : Thou ( ô Prince of Deuines , and chiefe of Bishops , ) hast commanded me to write the liues of the Popes . Whose history is therfore greatly commended by Ballus , as being true , and tak●n out of publike Monuments . I could furnish P. R. with infinite such like delusions , and will also whensoeuer my Aduersary shall renew his demaūd : for such a multitude of examples I could bring , that I find it a greater difficulty for me to subtract , then to multiply . So he . 120. And I answere , that the more he multiplyeth in this kind the greater store of testimonies and suffrages he produceth of his owne folly , and impertinent dealing : for that Cardinall Bella●mine his denying of Platina to be of absolute credit & publick authority in all matters touched by him in his history , doth not proue wilfull malice in the Cardinall but rather a true & prudent censure concurring with the iudgment of diuers learned men of our time , especially of Onup●rius Panuinus , who writing obseruatiōs vpon the history of Platina concerning Popes liues , doth oftentimes note the said story of diuers defects both in the Chronologie of times , and truth of matters set downe by him : and I doubt not , but whosoeuer shall haue read the works of Onuph●ius & of Balbus heere cited in commendation of Platina , will greatly preferre the iudgm●nt of the first , before the later in matters of history . But let vs see , what Cardinall Bellarmine saith of Pla●ina , and vpon what ground , and to what effect , and so shall you see also how weake a calumniation M. Morton hath taken in hand in this obiection . 121. The occasion of censuring Platina , was in the confutation of a certaine manifest lie auouched ( as the Cardinall saith ) by Caluin , who affirmed that there was neuer any certaine Ecclesiasticall law extant , binding men to Sacramentall Confession , before the Councell of Lateran vnder Pope Innocen●ius the third , some 300. yeares past , and for proofe of this , Caluin citeth the story of Platina as affirming the same with this preface of his owne to authorize more the writer , Eorum Annales narrant , their Annales , or publike histories ( of the Catholickes ) do declare . And againe : Ipsis testibus nond●m cl●psi sunt anni trecenti , themselues being witnesses ( to witt the Catholickes ) and their publike histories , there are not 300. yeares yet past since the law of Conf●ssion began . Which manifest vntruth Bellarmine cōfuting by great store of antiquityes , commeth at length to Platina who in the life of the Popes Zephe●inus & Innocentius , writeth that the decree that was made by Zepherinus for receauing the communion , at least once a yeare about Easter , was extended also to Confession by Pope Innocentius , which only is found written by Platina , saith Bellarmine , and not by any other Ecclesiasticall historiographer : adding further these wordes : Sed neque Platina &c. But neither Platina did write those liues of Popes by publike authority , nor out o● publike records in such sort as they may be called our Annales : and oftentimes is he reprehended by our Historiographers , for that he fell into diuers errours in his history , by following of Martinus Polonus : and yet doth not Platina say , that which Caluin saith , that there was no law extant about the necessity of Conf●ssion before the time of Zepherinus and Innocentius , but only that the certaine time , when , and how " often a man should confesse and commun●cate , was then prescribed more in particuler . 122. So as heere you see Platina doth make nothing for M. Caluin , and lesse for M. Morton , who dealt fraudulently according to his fashion , and neuer commonly doth otherwise , when reciting in his margent the latin text of Bellarmine , he cut out the words immediatly following , Vt annales nostri dici possint , Platina did not write the liues of Popes as they may be called our Annales . And albeit Pla●ina saith in the Preface of his history vnto the Pope Sixtus 4. who liued somwhat aboue 100. yeares past , that he had cōmanded him to wri●e the Popes liues , yet this proueth not , that his collection is an Authenticall history of our Church , or so well performed by him , as all things therin contained must be held for exact truth , and we bound to accept of the same , which is all in effect , that Cardinall Bellarmine auoucheth . And who would haue brought in this for an example of wilfull falshood but only M. Morton ? Nay who would haue made oftentation therof● saying , that he findeth greater difficulty to subtract , then to multiply such examples , but himself , that seemeth not to disc●rne betweene saying somewhat in words , and nothing in effect ? But yet we must passe a little further to see an impertinency or two more . THE FOVRTH Obiection against Cardinall Bellarmine , touching , false allegations about Purgatorie . §. XVI . AFTER long prying vpon Cardinall Bellarmines bookes , being aboue 60. in number , and the notes therout gathered , which before you haue heard , M. Morton commeth at length to seeke some quarrels at that which the Cardinall hath written in defence , and demonstration of the doctryne of Purgatorie , and saith that he will end with that matter . His wordes are these : I will now ( saith he ) confine my selfe within the precincts of but one onely controuersye concerning Purgatorie , where Bellarmine distinguishing of the diuers acceptions of the word a Fire in the writings of ancient Fathers , concludeth that , b when the Fathers speake of the Fyre of the day of doome , when all the world shall be of a flame , they meane not Purgatory-fire , which soules suffer immediatly after death . After this he alledgeth c most playne places ( as he calleth them ) out of the Fathers for proofe of Purgatorie . Amongst others in his first booke ( de Purgatorio ) S. Ambrose serm . 20. in Psalm . 118. for proof o● Purgatory-fyre , which he himselfe confesseth in his next booke not d to be meant of Purgatorie . So he dealeth also with e S. Hillary , vrging his sentence vpon the Psalm . 118. as an euident place for Purgatory , which by his owne iudgement , seemeth not to signify Purgatory . And yet f againe , among Fathers●or ●or Purgatorie● he alledgeth the testimonyes of Origen , Basil , Lactantius , Hierome , Ambrose : all which are acknowledged expresly by Sixtus Senensis , from the euidence of the contexts to haue spoken only of the fyre of the day of iudgement , and consequently as Bellarmine hath taught vs , not of the fire of Purgatorie . Lastly he pro●esseth to confirme the doctryne of Purgatorie out of most of the Greeke and Latin Fathers . And another Iesuit●●ith ●●ith more largely g of all the Greek Fathers : which is an assertion as false as peremptory , euen by the confession of their owne h Bishop saying : That there is very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers : and that the latin Fathers did not all at first apprehend the doctryne therof . Thus far he . 124. And now let the Reader note how many impertinent poyntes ( to say nothing of their falsity that ioyntly also will be discouered ) are heere couched togeather , that i●●o say , all that are heere handled , for that all conioyned together do not conuince any one wilfull , or witting vntruth in Bellarmine , though there should be found any ouersight , as there will not be ; but rather yow will discouer the most cunning dealing in M. Morton ( if iugling be cunning ) therby to make Bellarmine seeme to haue some contradiction in him , that euer perhaps yow read . For first , where the said Cardinall writeth , that when the Fathers speake of the ●yre of the day of doome , when all the world shall be in a flame , they meane not Purgatory ●yre , though the thing it selfe in some sense may be graūted : yet in the places by him cyted , Bellarmine hath no such thing , but only treating of that fire mencioned by the Apostle 1. Cor. 3. Vniuscuiusque opus quale sit , ignis probabit : Fire shall proue what euery mans worke is , he saith : Aliqui Patrum per ignem non intelligunt ignem Purgatorium , sed ignem diuini Iudicij , per quem satendum est omnes etiam Sanctos , Christo excepto , transire . Some Fathers do not vnderstand by this fire ( that must try euery mans workes ) the fire of Purgatory , but the fire of Gods iudgment , through which we must confesse that all Saints also must passe , except Christ himselfe . 125. And for this opinion he cyteth S. Hilary and S. Ambrose vpon the Psalme 118. as also S. Hierome , who seeme to vnderstand by this prouing-fire mentioned by S. Paul , not the purging-●yre of Purgatorie , which is mētioned presently after in the same place of the Apostle , when he saith , ipse tamen saluus erit , sic tamen quasi per ignem : which later fyre to be vnderstood of Purgatory after death , Bellarmine proueth by the playne exposition of S. Cyprian , S. Ambrose , S. Hierome , S. Augustine , S. Gregorie , and others . 126. Now then M. Morton seeing this discourse of Bellarmine would needs pick a quarrel therat , and frame vnto himself some shew of cōtrariety in him , by voluntarie mistaking of the fire of Gods iudgement and triall , due to euery soule immediatly after death , for the fyre of doomes day when the world shall be in a flame , wherof Bellarmine neyther speaketh , nor had occasiō to speake : nay he doth expresly deny , and shew , that the prouing-●yre of Gods iudgmēts mentioned by S. Paul , is not the fyre of the conflagration of the world : and then doth M. Morton frame to himselfe a contradiction in Bellarmine , as though he had said , that S. Ambrose , and S. Hilarie in the selfe same places of their works , had held for Purgatory , & not for Purgatory , to wit , vpō the Psalme 118. which may be true in different senses , & sentences of theirs , & in different acceptions of the word fyre , as hath beene shewed , for that by the former wordes of S. Paul , Ignis probabit , fyre shall proue euery mans works , they thinke that Purgatory fire is not vnderstood , but rather the examen of Gods iudgments as hath bene said , through which examining fyre both Saints and not Saints must passe : but by the other fyre that followeth in the said Apostle , Damnum patietur , ipse tamen saluus erit , sic tamen quasi per ignem , he shall suffer losse or punnishment , but yet he shall be saued as by fire , all the forenamed Fathers do hold that the purging fyre is vnderstood , through which only imperfect men shall passe , so as they vnderstanding of different fires , in the selfe same sentence of S. Paul , no maruayle though they affirme of the one , and deny of the other , without all note of true and reall contradiction : for that a contradiction must be in the self same thing , and in the same respect , otherwise it were a contradiction to say , that Christ was mortall & immortall , passible & impassible , which are not contradictory , but most true in different respects , and other such like speaches : yet let vs see how M. Morton frameth his contradictories heere more in particuler . 127. Among other Fathers ( saith he ) Bellarmine cyteth S. Ambrose ser. 20. in Psal. 118. for proofe of Purgatorie fire , which he himselfe confesseth in his next booke not to be meant of Purgatory . Marke heere the fraud . A place of S. Ambrose is alleadged by Bellarmine for purgatory out of his Cōmentary vpon the 36. Psalme , after which he sayth : Vide etiam eundem , serm . 20. in Psalm . 118. See also the same S. Ambrose in his 20. Sermon vpon the hundred and eyghtenth Psalme , signifying , that in this place the said Father hath somwhat more , worthy the consideration to the same effect of prouing Purgatory , and then in his second booke , Bellarmine cyting a place out of the forsaid 20. Sermon , where vpon the wordes of Genesis the 4. God placed before paradise a sword of fire , saith : that S. Ambrose affirming that fiery sword to be ignem Purgatorium , by which all must passe , both good and euill , seemeth rather to vnderstand the prouing fire of Gods iudgments to euery soule immediatly after death , both good and bad , then the payn●ull purging fire that is to ensue after , wherby the bad or faulty do only passe . And what contradiction is there now betweene this reference of the Reader by Bellarm. ( for he saith but Vide ) to the sermō of S. Ambrose , and this other place cyted out of the same sermon ? may not there be in the selfe same sermon different sentences , and different senses vpon different occasions , and to different purposes ? Who would wrangle thus but M. Morton for lacke of better matter ? If he had shewed Bellarmine to say that the selfe same sentence or discourse of S. Ambrose had beene alleged by him for Purgatory , and against Purgatory , he had performed somewhat : this other picking of quarrels is poore and miserable , and sheweth his wantes in the midst of his braggings : we haue deliuered S. Ambrose from the calumnation of contradiction , let vs passe to S. Hilary . 128. So Bellarmine ( saith he ) dealeth also with S. Hilary , vrging his sentence vpon the Psalme 118. as an euident place for Purgatorie , which by his owne iudgment ( in his next booke ) seemeth not to signify Purgatory , but rather Ignem diuini iudicij , by which our B. Lady and Saints must passe , which cannot be vnderstood of true Purgatory . Whereto is answered , that both are conteyned in the discourse of S. Hilary vpon the 118. Psalme , to witt , the prouing fire of Gods iudgment after our deathes , and purging fire of Gods iustice after our iudgment , S. Hylaries wordes are these vpon that Verse of the Psalme , My soule hath desyred thy iudgements : Meminit Propheta &c. The prophet Dauid hath recounted vnto vs how hard a thing it is to desyre the iudgments of God : for as no man lyuing is cleane in his sight , how may a man desyre that iudgement of his , in which that indefatigable fire is to be vndergone by vs , in which those greiuous punis●ments of purging our soules from synnes , are to be susteyned , the B. Virgin Maries soule was passed with a sword to the end that the thoughts of many hartes might be reuealed . If then that Virgin that was capable of God , must come into the seuerity of Gods iudgment , who will dare to desyre to be iudg●d by God ? So farre S. Hilarie . 129. In which discourse it is euident , that he comprehendeth both the fire of Gods iudgement , when he saith , that our Lady must vndergoe the seuerity of that iudgement , as also the other purging fire in which he saith so greiuous punishments must be suffered for purging of our soule , which may both well stand together , as acts of the selfe same iustice , to witt , the examination of our lyfe , and punishment of our defects therin found . And how impertinent then is it for M. Morton in these two things to frame a contradiction ? but let vs passe to a third . 130. And yet agayne ( saith he ) among his manifest places of the Fathers for Purgatory he alleageth the testimonies of Origen , Basil , I actātius , Hierome , Ambrose , all which are acknowledged expresly by Sixtus S●n●nsis from the euidence of the contexts to haue spokē only of the fire of the day of iudgmēt . Wherto I answere , that here are many delusions together . For first suppose that Syxtus Senensis that lyued somwhat be●ore Bellarmine were of a different o●inion from him , about some Authoryties alleaged of these f●ue Fath●rs , conc●rning the fire of Purgatory , doth not Bellarmine alleage almost fifteen● besydes these ●iue ? and doth not he cite sundry other places out of these very same authors which Syxtus Senensis hath not censured ? Nay doth not Doctor Coccius in his Thesaurus alleage vpon the poynt of 60. ancient Fathers , Greeke and Latin within the compasse of the first six hundred yeares next after Christ , who held the same doctrine ? And for the first of these f●ue , to wit Origen , doth he not besydes the place heere except●d against by M. Morton out of Sixtus Senensis his Censure , to witt , Hom. 6. in Exod. doth he not ( I say ) alleadg fiue other mani●●st places out of the same Author confirming Purgatory , to wit , Hom 14. in Leuit. hom . 25 in Num. hom . 2. in Psal. 38. hom . 12. in Hier. lib. 8. in Epist. ad Rom. cap. 11. ? And the like I may say of S. Basil , S. Hierome , & S. Ambrose , who haue not only the single places against which M. Morton so triumphantly excepteth out of Senensis , but diuers other that sufficiently declare their iudgment in that behalfe . 131. Secondly I would demaund of M. Morton why we should ascribe more vnto the iudgement of Senensis in censuring these places of the Fathers then vnto other learn●d , that thinke the contrary : They are all acknowledged ( saith M. Morton ) expresly by Syxtus Senensis ●●om the euidence of their contextes to haue spoken only of the ●ire of the day of Iudgem●nt , and consequently not of Purgatory . This now is properly to help a dye in deed , for that Senensis doth not talke of any such euidence of the contextes , but speaketh rather doubtfully , and by coni●ctu●e , saying of Origen , that his opinion ( that both good and bad should be purged by f●re ) is confuted by S. Aug●stine in his bookes de Ci●itate D●i , but yet for excusing the same from errour he saith : Tu vide an Origenis verba interpretari queant de igne vl●imae co●flagrationis . Do thou ( Reader ) consider whether the wordes of Origen may be interpreted of the fire of the last cōflagration or ●ot ? So as he did not expr●sly acknowledge from the euidenc● of contexts ( as M. Mort. shifting & lying wordes are ) that these authorityes must needes be vnderstood of the last combustion of the world ; but rather leaueth it as vncertayne to be considered by the Reader : and there are diuers of them , that cannot be so vnderstood , as that of Origen vpon the Epistle to the Romans : haecipsa purgatio quae per poenam ignis adhibetur &c. This purgation of synnes which is applyed by the punishment of fyre , how many yeares , and how many ages it shall afflict sinners , only he can tell to whome his Father gaue power of iudgement : which wordes cannot well be vnderstood of the last conflagratiō of the world , which no man can affirme to be likely to indure many ages together . 132. And many like sentences may be obserued in the other Fathers speaches , which he expresly alleadgeth to the sense of this of Origen , whom he saith they do imitate and follow in holding , that both S. Peter & S. Paul , and other Saints shall passe also through this fire , though without hurt , Expurgabit Hierusalem ( saith S. Basil ) Dominus in spiri●u iudicij , & spiritu ardoris , quod ad ●am probationem siue exam●̄ refertur , quod per ignem fiet in suturo saeculo . God shall purge Hierusalem in the spirit of Iudgment , and the spirit of burning , which is referred to that probation , and examination which shall be made by fire in the world to come . And this I thinke Sixtus Senensis , or M. Morton for him will hardly apply from the euidence of the context it selfe , vnto the last cōflagration of this world , which indeed is but a meere coniecture of his , and for such he willeth the Reader to consider of it , as now you haue heard . But M. Morton doth magnifie the same , as somwhat helping him in his opinion to diuert the authorities of these Fathers from inferring the true fire of Purgatory : but the truth is that they may include both , as before we haue noted , to wit , the fire of Gods iudgment in examining sinnes after their deathes , and the fire of Gods iustice in purging and punishing thē temporally , that were not purged before . Of which later execution of Iustice , and purging sinnes , the last conflagration of the world may be a member or part for those that shall liue vntill the last day of iudgment . Wherunto S. Ambrose in the very place heere alledged seemeth to allude , when he sayth : Cùm vnusquisque nostrûm venerit adiudicium Dei , & ad illos ignes quos transituri sumus &c. When euery one of vs shall come to the Iudgment of God , & to those fires through which we must passe , then let euery man say as the Prophet did , respect my humility , and deliuer me . Where it is euident , that S. Ambrose speaketh of more fires then one . And so this third contradiction of Bellarmine is found to be nothing at all . 133. His fourth and last contradiction framed out of B. Fisher against Bellarmine , to wit , that there is very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers , is vnderstood by him as well of the name of Purgatory not then so much in vse , as that the most ancient writers next after the Apostles tyme , when many thinges were not discussed so exactly , ( as in processe of time they were ) did not so clearely handle that matter : Nemo iam dubitat orthodoxus ( saith he ) an Purgatorium sit , de quo tamen apud priscos illos nulla , vel quàm rarissima fiebat mentio . No rightly belieuing Christian doth now doubt , whether there be Purgatory or no , of which notwithstanding , there was none , or very rare mention made among those most ancien● Fathers . Wherof he giueth diuers reasons , and indeed the same may be said of sundry important other articles of Catholike Religion : for so much as in the first primitiue Church when the said Fathers were vnder persecution , and occupied in other weighty affaires against heretickes and persecutors , they had not time , nor occasion to discusse many things , which the holy Ghost afterward did make more cleare vnto the Church by successe of time : and yet doth not Bishop Fisher say , that there was no knowledg of this article of Purgatory in the very first Fathers ; but only his meaning was , that the name , nature , & circumstance therof was not so well discussed , & consequently the thing more seldome mentioned by them , then afterward by the subsequent writers . 134. Wherfore comming afterward in his 37. article to answere Luther , that sayd , that Purgatory could not be proued by any substantiall argument , he vseth this demonstration against him : Cùm à tot Patribus ( saith he ) tam à Graecis quàm Latinis Purgatorium affirmetur , non est verisimile , quin eius veritas per idoneas probationes illis claruisset . Wheras Purgatory is affirmed by so many Fathers , as well Grecians as Latinists , it is not likly , but that the truth therof was made cleare vnto them by some sufficient proofes . And then after the citing a multitude of Fathers of the one and the other Church , he commeth to proue Purgatory first by Scripture out of both testaments , and then by great variety of testimonies and authories of the said Fathers . And if this will not suffice M. Morton , let him see the threescore before mentioned by me out of Coccius , wherof 30. or therabout were of ancient Greeke Fathers within the first 600. yeares after Christ. MAISTER MORTONS conclusion and obseruation about the article of Purgatory examined . §. XVII . MAISTER MORTON hauing plaied his prize as now you haue heard , in charging Cardinall Bellarmine with contradictions , and absurdities about the doctrine of Purgatory , he maketh this conclusion . If any ( saith he ) shall but obserue in this one controuersy the number of witnesses brought in for the confirmation of this their new article in the name of ancient Fathers , which are by confessiō of our aduersaries meerely counterfaite , as Clemens his Constitutions , Clemens Epistles , Athanas . in quaest . Eusebius Emissenus , Iosephus Ben-Gorion , Hieron . in Prouerb . August . ad Fratres in Eremo . the Liturgies of Iames and others : all which as they are vrged for profe of Purgatory , so are they reiected by their owne men ( I desire to be challenged for proofe heerof ) as forged , or corrupted , or Apochrypha : and indeed no better witnesses for truth , then the Knights o● the Post be fit men for a Iury. If further he shall marke how true Fathers , and Scriptures are instanced in for proofe of the same article , wherof ( when I speake of Fathers ) most of them ( whē I speake of Canonicall Scriptures ) all of them are found by the iudgment of their owne doctours to be tortured , wrested , and forced , as it were to say that which they neuer meant : if hee , lastly , consider how almost euerie one of thē indeauoring the defence of the same doctrine , is in his owne assertions contradicted by himself , which may be in this one controuersie concerning Purgatorie , a late article of their faith , most plainly discerned . So ●ar hee . 136. And this his conclusion , or repetitiō in the end of this last obiection about Purgatorie , seemeth to me a recapitulation and briefe repres●ntation of all his former vnsyncere dealings concerning the same ; and that he cannot be trusted in any thing he saith , though he struggle still to say somwhat . For first of this number of witn●sses which heere he saith to haue bene brought in as Knights of the Post for confirmation of this new article of Purgatory , to wit , Cl●mens his Constitutions and Epistles , and the other six or seauen authorities heere cited , they , and the rest , vnder the names of ancient Fathers , are not so much as named by Bellarmine ( except only the two first in a word or two ) and much lesse are they brought in for principall authors in the Catalogue of ancient Fathers , whose testimonies and authorities he setteth downe for proofe of Purgatory : so as this is one deceiptfull vntruth to make his Reader beli●ue that these are our chiefe Authors , wheras Bellarmine besides these , doth alleadge twenty , viz. ten of the Greeke Church , and as many of the Latin , as namely S. Gregory Nazianzen , S. Basil , S. Ephraim , S. Epiphanius , S. Cyrill , S Chrysostome , ●usebius , Theodoretus , Theophilactus , and Damascenus , all Fathers of the Greeke Church : and Tertullian , S. Cyprian , S. Ambrose , S. Hi●rome , S. Paulinus , S. Augustine , S. Gregory , S. Isidorus , Victor Vticensis , and S. Bernard of the latin Church . All which twenty Fathers , are without the number of those other against which he excepteth heere , and consequently are so many good and lawfull witnesses ( and not Knightes of the Post ) for a complete Iury against M. Mor●on . 137. Secondly it is another manifest vntruth , that he saith his aduersaries ( to wit Catholicke writers ) do confesse , these seauen or eight Authors , and aut●orities by him mentioned , to be meerely counterfaite . For albeit some of them be excepted against , or called in question by some writers , whether they be the true workes of the Authors whose names they beare , or not , and therof all reputed Apocryphall , that is hydden and obscure : yet it followeth not that they are merely counterfaite , for that they may be ancient workes , and not to be contemned , though not of those Authors . As for example , that worke intituled : Opus imper●ectū in Matthaeum , ascribed to S. Chrysostome , and the Sermons ad Fratres in Eremo , ascribed to S. Augustine , the Homilies also attributed to Eusebius Emissenus , proued by Baronius to haue bene written by S. Eucherius Bishop of Lyons , that liued aboue eleuen hundred yeares gone , all these workes cannot be denied to be ancient and learned , though Apocryphall , hidden , and doubtfull , for so much as concerneth their true Authors , which yet our writers do not call meerely counter●aite , as heere M. Morton doth falsely affirme . 138. His third manifest vntruth is , where he saith , that , of Fathers , the most of them , and of Canonicall Scriptures all of them , are found by the iudgment of our owne Doctors to be tortured , wrested , and forced to say ( for Purgatory ) that which they neuer meant . This now whether it be not such a wilfull and witting lye , as before I described , for a formall malicious lye , such as the writer did know to be a lye when he wrote it , I am content to remit my selfe to any iudicious , and ciuill Protestant in the world . For if our owne Catholike doctors that make profession to belieue Purgatory , do fynd in their owne iudgement , as heere is said , that of Fathers alleaged ●or the proo●e therof the most of them , and of Scriptures all of them , are tortured , & ●orce● to say that which they neuer meant ; how then do these doctors belieue the doctryne of Purgatory to be true ? Why do they not change their opinions , and become Protestants ? Is it credible , that they will belieue that for truth , & for an article of faith which all Scriptures , & most Fathers in their owne iudgments do impugne ? Can M. Morton answere any thing to this so lewd & wilfull absurdity ? And did not he know , that he lyed when he wrote this ? And that it was impossible to be true ? 139. Mor●euer I haue now shewed that Cardinall Bellarmine in setting downe the Fathers opinions about Purgatory , besydes those excepted against by M. Morton , hath twenty others , and Coccius in his Thesaurus hath neere threescore within the compasse of the first 600. yeares after Christ : and will any Catholike doctour or writer ( thinke yow ) say that the most of these Fathers are found in their iudgements to be ●orced to speake against their owne meaning ? And yet saith M. Morton , I desyre to be challenged for proofe herof . And to the end that he may haue somewhat to do , I do earnestly challenge him herein , requiring at his hands , that of those first threescore mentioned by Coccius , within the first six hundred yeares he doe really & sinc●rely proue thirty one at least , which is the maior part , to be so tortured , and so graunted to be by the Iudgement o● our owne writers , or els he falleth wholy in his cause . 140. And againe let him proue that all Canonicall Scriptures alleaged by Bellarmine and others for Purgatory , are found also by the iudgments of our owne doctors to be so tortured , wrested , & forced , & he shall proue himse●f an admirable man indeed . But in the meane space , let vs examine a litle the probability of this fond vaūt , to wit , what he will be able to do , when he commeth to the proofe . Bellarmine doth alleage ten s●u●rall places out of the old ●estament for proofe of Purgatory , with the expositions of the ancient Fathers vpon them , and all a●e confessed by Protestants thēselues to be taken out of Canonicall Scripture , except the first two out of the bookes of Machabees and ●oby , which ●ere notwithstanding accompted for Canonicall in S. Augustines tyme , as appeareth by the third Councell of Carthage , in which himselfe was present : and out of the new Testamēt he alleageth other fiue places , with the expositions in like manner of the ancient Fathers vpon the same that vnderstood them to m●ane of Purgatory : and will our owne doctors thinke yow , say , that these fi●teene places are all tortured and forced against their meaning ? and all the Fathers expositions violented against their owne iudgement ? If our doctors will say so , they must be M. Mortons doctors and not ours . 141. And finally it is the repetition of a fond vaūt , when he concludeth thus : Lastly ( sayth he ) almost euery one of the indeauouring the defence of the same doctryne , is in his owne assertion contradicted by himsel●e &c. For what one example hath M. Morton beene able to bring hitherto to proue this ? All his assaults against Cardinall Bellarmine haue bene sagittae paruulorū , arrowes of childrē , weake in force , and returned commonly vpon himsel●e . All which notwithstanding , let vs see how peremptory he is in the end of this Chapter , in iustifying of himselfe , and condemning his aduersary . 142. These obseruations ( sayth he ) may giue our Reader such a scantling of their dealing , that we may iustly pronounce P. R. his censure vpon themselues , Not to be belieued heereafter . So desperate hath his demand bene , when he required any one ouertaken in a triple ●alsitie , as though he would venture all the credit of all the Annotations vpon the Rhemish Testament , all the Volumes of Baronius his Annales , all the Monuments of Counce●s in their Binius and Surius , all the disputes of Bellarmine , o● Greg. de Valentia , o● Co●cius , and all other their late doctors , vpon ( as I may so call it ) only tre-trippe , a triple falsity , and then neuer to be cr●di●ed aga●ne . I am perswaded that no Protestant , who hath bene conuersant in reading and examining their Authors , but he will stand astonished to heare this grant our Mitigator maketh , as being as I haue sayd ) intolerably disaduātagious vnto the Romish part : but he will easily cease to maruaile when he perceyueth by whome it is made , to wit P. R. the Authour of the Booke of Mitigatiō , who himselfe is guilty of thrice three palpable falsityes , so that none shall hereafter need to wonder , why he hath beene so lauish in hazarding other mens credits , seeing he is so desperately prodigall of his owne . So farre he . 143. Wherunto that I may answere briefly , I say , that for my selfe if there may be found thrice three palpable falsities , such as before we haue described , and agreed vpon , to wit , as cannot be excused by any ouersight or errour , but must needes be iudged malicious , and wittingly vntrue , I do not demand any pardon or relaxation from my first offer , that I be neuer credited more , yea if it be but thrice , which is the measure that I offred to others . Hytherto we haue seene no one alleaged & proued : and truly I do confesse , that if I did perswade my self or doubt that M. Morton , or any other could proue any such one vntruth vttered by me , I should be much troubled in conscience therwith : but for that I am sure I neuer had such meaning , I stand very confident that he will neuer be able to bring any one example , and much lesse thrice three , as he braggeth . 144. And wh●ras he se●meth to accuse me of lacke of prouid●nce in adu●nturing the credit both of my selfe , and all other Catholicke writers vpon only tre-trip , as he calleth it , or triple ●alsity ; I do not lay any thing theron , ●or that falsities may p●oceed of diuers cau●es , and in diuers degrees , and with sundry circumstances of more or lesse ●ault , so as there may be a falsity without falshood , whereof my meaning is not in this place : but whosoeuer shall be found in a wilfull and witting falsity , or rather falshood , such as often before hath bene spoken of , that is knowne to be such by the vtterer , I do thinke it to abhorre so much from the nature it selfe of an honest ciuill man , as of what religion so●uer he be of , he will not commit it once , and much l●sse thrice . And vpon this tre-trip I thinke I might aduenture the credit of all those that would be accompted honest in both religions . And it seemeth to me , that except M. Morton and his fellowes were much interessed therin , and mistrusted their owne partes , he would neuer so often and so earnestly mislike the same offer , calling it despe●atly prodigall , which notwithstanding I hold to be so iust and reasonable , yea strictly nec●ssary also to be exacted , as no man that hath care of his consci●nce or estimation , can repine against it , or seeke exemption therin . And so much of this . THE SVMME And Reckoning of all this whole Chapter . §. XVIII . NOW then M. Morton to ioyne friendly with you , and to make vp the Reckoning quietly of all this Chapter , wherin you tooke vpon you to proue , that our Catholicke Authours were to be conuinced of manyfold witting vntruthes , ●o vttered by them , as they must needs be presum●d to haue knowne that they were vntruthes , whē they wrote them : you see what poore successe you haue had in the enterprize , in that you haue beene able to proue no one thing of any moment , eyther against Popes , or Popish Authours by you impugned , and much lesse against Cardinall Bellarmine , whome you singled out in particuler : but much hath bene proued against your selfe in that kind , wherof you wrongfully accused him . The three Popes Zozimus , Bonifacius , & Celestinus , haue beene cleared from the slaunder of falsifying the Councell of Nice : and Costerus and Gratian , haue complayned of your wilfull falsifying their words and meaning , and with euident arguments haue iustified their complaint . Your obiections of different expositions of our Authours concerning the Councells of Eliberis in Spaine and Franckeford in Germany● about the vse of Images , haue byn shewed both to be impertinent to the state of our question to proue wilfull malice , and further also intangled with d●uers ●als●ties of your owne : and the like about the Authority of Epiphanius concerning the same controuersy of the Catholicke vse of Images . 146. And when you come to ioyne with Bellarmine in both the heads by you set downe , first of wilfull falsities , and slanders euicted ( as you say ) by his owne confession , and then of falsifications in the allegation of other mens testimonies , though you stretch your selfe farre , I meane not only your wit , but your conscience also , to charge him with somewhat that may seeme probable against him , for which you haue threescore bookes of his to offer you variety of matter : yet are you so farre of from hauing produced any one thing of substance , whereunto the name or nature of a witting and wilfull vntruth may agree , as you haue wonderfully established the credit of his workes , by these your vaine assaults made against the same , and disgraced your selfe with the note of many witting and wilfull vntruthes , so vttered by you , as they make you in euery indifferent mans iudgment inexcusable ; in that obiecting falsely such vntruthes to others , haue so exceedingly multiplied the same your selfe . 147. And as for the last matter handled by you heere against Purgatory , and the testimonies produced for the same , I cannot but lay before you a certaine frendly consid●ration , tending to your eternall good . You and I , that are now so contrary in this point one against the other : you in den●ing , and I in belieuing the truth of that dredfull purging fire , cannot but assure our selues , though our age perhaps be vnequall , yet that shortly w● shall both come to try the matter by experience , and therof will depend our euerlasting good or euill . You haue noted me of indiscretion ●or venturing ( as you call it ) all the credit of the Annotations of the Rh●mish Testament , all the Volumes of Baronius his Annales , all the monuments of Councels , all the disputes of Bellarmine &c. vpon only tre-trip , or triple wilfull falsitie . But you do aduenture a farre greater matter , the eternity of your owne soule , vpon a far worse chance then tre-trip , for that you haue the whole dice of Christian antiquity against you . 148. I haue shewed before how that Cardinall Bellarmine hath produced 15. seuerall places out of the old and new Testaments with expositions of anciēt Fathers vpon the same , wherby the vse of Purgatory is proued from the beginning of Christian Religiō , & the same he proueth out of diuers ancient Councels , both of Afrike ( wherin S. Augustine was present ) as also of Spayne , of France , of Italy , of Greece , which giue their testimonies to the same effect . I haue shewed also , that he alleageth almost twenty different Fathers of the ancient Church , testifying the same in their dayes . And that Coccius produceth vpon the poynt of threescore within the compasse of the first 600. yeares , that confirme the common faith of the Church in those dayes , to haue held Purgatory , and prayer for the dead for Catholike doctrine , and for the practice also of praying for soules departed , vsed in all ancient formes of Masse , Christian Sacrifices , & Lyturges , throughout all Nations of the Christian world , the same Coccius alledgeth ten seuerall Lyturges , as that of Hierusalem , that of Rome , that of Alexandria , that of A●thiopia , that of Constantinople , Syria , Milan , Arabia , Gothia , and Armenia : all which , or the most of them were in vse in the Churches of those Christian Countryes for aboue 1000. yeares gone , and in ech one is there expresse order prescribed , to pray for the soules departed , which necessarily supposeth Purgatory . He produceth also the large testimonyes of fiue or six & twenty learned Doctors of the Hebrew Iewish Church , some lyuing before Christ , and some after : all which do testify the conformity betweene Christian doctrine & theirs , in this behalfe . 149. And fynally Iohn Caluin himself treating of this matter , confesseth that the vse of prayer for the dead ( which supposeth Purgatorie ) was practized in the Primitiue Church aboue thirteene hundred yeares gone . Ante mille & trecentes annos ( saith he ) vsu receptum fuit , vt precationes fierent pro defunctis : It was receyued into vse aboue a thousand and three hundred yeares past , that prayers should be made for the soules of them , that were departed . Wherunto I do adde , that neuer any Father since that tyme will be found to haue reproued , or written against the same , or to haue accompted it for an errour or heresy , but rather haue condēned the opposite doctrine for impious , and hereticall in Aërius , and other heretikes . 150. All which being so , consider I beseech you , euen for the loue of your owne eternall good , vpon what tre-trip or hazard you do cast your soule in , standing so resolutly vpon this deniall , which heere you do . For if all this Senate of Antiquity , and consent of the Christian world , for so many ages , ●aue not byn deceaued , you are gone euerlastingly . If they be saued , you must be damned . If any of them went to the fire of Purgatory , you must needs go to hell-fire . And this is another manner of tre-trip , then to aduenture the credit of Annotations , Bookes , Treatises , and Authors which you name . 151. For as if a man being prisoner for a greiuous criminall case of life and death in a strange Country , should find all the ancient lawyers therof from time out of mind to haue byn of vniforme opinion , that except such and such course ●e taken in his defence , he must certainly be condemned , and put to execution : and that these should leaue diuers and sundry records for the same ; and that some yonger lawyer or two of a boulder spirit , but of farre l●sse learning , and authority , should laugh and make light therat , encouraging the said prisoner to contemne , as threats and vaine feares , all that which the ancients said , or had left written in that behalfe , as Iohn Caluin doth in the former place cited , where after his confession of the receaued vse of prayer before 13. hundred yeares , saith , Sed omnes fat●or in errorem abr●p●i ●uerunt : But all of them , I confesse , were carried away with errour : If this case ( I say ) should fall out in a matter of temporall life or death , I doubt nothing , but the prisoner would stand in feare to follow the yonger lawyers venturous opinions , with so great danger and doubtfullnes of his temporall death and vtter destruction to ensue therby . And yet is M. Morton content in this matter , concerning the euerlasting losse or perill of his soule , to aduenture against all the said Antiquity , yea glorieth therin to make an opposition to them all , for that Caluin & Beza , & some yonger-Deuines haue put him in that gogge . And is not this to play his soule vpon lesse then tre-trip ? But now let vs passe to other matters that are to ensue , for that he hauing made this vaine assault against Cardinall Bellarmine , and other Catholick authors before mētioned , he commeth now to set vpon his aduersary P. R. with all the forces he can gather togeather , though with no better successe indeed , then in the former skirmishes , as by experience you will prooue : wherunto I remit me . THE FOVRTH CHAPTER CONTEYNING CERTAINE IMPVTATIONS OF FALSITIES and falshoods , falsely obiected by M. Morton against his Aduersarie P. R. which are shewed not to be such ; but that the obiecter falsifieth also in obiecting them . PREFACE . BY little and little we draw towards the substance of our chief point of controuersie : which is , whether M. Morton can deliuer himself and his from those imputations of witting and willing ●alshoods , which in the Treatise of Mitigation we produced against them , and that in so persp●cuous and palpable a sort as seemed vnpossible to auoyd the same . Vnto which preiudice M. Mort. endeauouring to lay some ●enitiue salue , came forth with this his Preāble ; wherin it seemed that he ought presently to haue gon to the questiō about his owne defence : but he thought best to d●f●r that to the last place of his booke , & fi●st to molli●y somwhat the Readers acrimoni● of iudgmēt with some small skirmis●es cast out against his aduersary . As first against his witt , m●morie , skill in ●ogike , Gree●● & H●brew , mod●stie , truth , & the like , as you haue h●a●d in his first Inquiry , & in our first Chapter : & then he singled out a point or two of the two maine subiects of the booke of Mitiga●ion , to witt , about Rebellion and Equiuocation . Thirdly he obiected falsities against Catholike wryters , both in generall and particuler : and now he continueth to doe the same against me , to the end , as he pretendeth , that hauing weakened somwhat our credits , himself may in the last place either scape Scot-free by our condemnation , or at leastwise say to vs with the good theefe , in eadem estis damnatione : you are in the same condemnation of lying with me . But I doubt this Reckoning will not fall out iust . For if we can iustify our selues openly ( as hitherto hath bene donne ) from any least conuincement of any one malicious and wilfull vntruth , and he not ; then will his cōdemnation be much more singular and notorious . For that as the Philosopher saith : Contraries layd togeather doe manifest one the other much more : so as he being euidently cōuicted of many witting falsities , as in the sequent Chapters will appeare , and his aduersarie not able to be touched with any one such , as wil be shewed in this place , the difference betweene them will rest euident , cleare , and manifest , nor can be auoyded by any sleight or tergiuersation . Let vs come therfore to the point it self . 2. The thing that seemeth most , or one of the most , to haue stong M. Morton in my Treatise , that was directed to Mitigation , was , that out of my detestation of wilfull ●alshood in writing about matters of truth , I sayd in diuers parts : that if any man could bring forth but two or three examples out of any Catholike wryter of our dayes , that had in print vsed that wit●ing and willfull manner of lying in such sort , as the fault could not with any reason or conscience be excused , by in●irmitie , or errour of the o●●ender , negligence , ouer-sight , ignorance , faile of memorie , or the like ; but that it must be presumed , that he did lye wittingly & maliciously for the aduantage of his cause , knowing it to be a lye when he wrote or printed it : in this kind I said , that if he could bring me forth but two or three clere examples against my self , or any other Catholicke authour of ours ( as I had donne many in my Treatise against him and his , that in my iudgment cannot be denied to be such ) I would neuer wish that authour to write more , or to be trusted afterward . 3. VVith this speach of mine ( though not onely indifferent and reasonable , but necessarie also in my opinion ) M. Morton seemeth to be much grieued , inueighing against the same in sundrie parts of this his Preface , calling it presumptuous , hypocriticall , prodigall & prodigious , as before you haue heard , saying first in the title of his Paragraph , that he is to lay downe such a discouerie of my notorious falshoods , as will inforce me by vertue of my owne promise , neuer heereafter to credit my self : and then bringing the same in againe in his very first lines of this assault against my self , sayth : P. R. among others , is bold to insert himself , saying : If any haue set downe in print any such falsitie , so as it must needes be , he knew the truth , and yet would set it forth &c. I will in my conscience greatly discredit that Authour , whether it be another , or my self , if two or three such falsities may be shewed . So the Mitigator . Whereby it appeareth he would seeme to haue a conscience , and so I doubt not but he hath , but so miserable ( if it be lawfull to iudge by probabilitie ) as it were a kind of happinesse for him , to haue no conscience at all . Let our Reader witnesse betweene me and him , according to the euidence of testimonies which shal be brought against him : most of them sh●lbe so apparent , that anie one vnderstanding English may presently discerne them . 4. Thus ●ar M. Morton , censuring most grieuously , as you see , my conscience , for that I said : That in conscience I would discredit such a lyar , as should be found to ly wittingly . And in reason I do not ●ee with what groundes he hath pronounced this sentence against me , that it were better for me to haue no conscience , then so miserable a one , as I haue . For eyther by a miserable conscience he meaneth an erroneous conscience , or ouerscrupulous , or two large : but either of these must needes be thought to be lesse euill , then no conscience at all . For that euerie one of them may be reformed , terrifyed , stirred vp , or better instructed , which cannot be hoped where no conscience is at all . 5. Secondly , it may seeme in reason a good conscience that so much detesteth willfull lying as mine doth : and therefore for M. Morton to take an argument from thence that I haue so miserable a conscience , as it were a happinesse to haue none at all , I see not out of what topycall place ( though he prof●sse himself to haue bene a Reader of Logicke ) he c●n probably deduce . But perhaps he will say , that his meaning is ( ●or charity will that we interpret to the best sense that may be , so lauish and vncharit●ble a speach ) that the miserie of my conscience cōsisteth in that , I knowing in conscience both my sel● and other Catholike writers to be chargeable with such sort of willfull lying , yet made this offer for a vaunt only , which Allmighty God is my witnesse , was , and is far from my cogitation , but that simply , plainely , and in sincere truth without all exaggeration , I so thought , and do at this houre , & shall be most readie to yeeld to the performance of my promise , whensoeuer M. Morton shal be able to conuince me to the contrarie , as I expected that he would haue donne in this second Replie of his , for so much as he so greatly misliketh the offer , and threatneth so much repentance to me for the same . But you haue seene now that hitherto against other Catholike wryters he hath bene able to effectuate nothing to the purpose : Now shall we examine what he is able to doe against my selfe . Fourteene different charges he frameth against me , but all so idle , light and impertinent , as I doubt me , the Reader will enter into some disdayne afterward to haue lost so much time in perusing them ; yet such as they are , you shall haue them set downe in his owne order and methode . HIS FIRST obi●cted falshood against P. R. §. 1. HE entreth into this first accusation of me with a Rhetoricall figure , saying that he will not vrge me with my owne contradiction , and yet he doth . His words are these : I will not vrge him with his owne contradiction , who in his * preface to his Reader in the end thereof saith : To returne to the Treatise of T. M. ( for more of his name we cannot yet find out ) intituled : An exact Dis●ouerie of Romish doctrine &c. and yet had he in his epistle dedicatorie vnto both the Vniuersities , which is set before the preface , mentioned T. M. in his expresse name , Thomas Morton , fiue seuerall tymes : but this fault were very pardonable , were it not in him , who will thinke no fault pardonable in his aduersary . So M. Mort. And then he playeth vpon me further saying : In this cōtradiction I thinke rather , that P. R. his penne did runne before his wit , and so will he excuse himself , except he had rather be accompted lyingly wittie , then witlesse rash &c. 7. And do you see , how M. Morton triumpheth at his first entrance , as though he had conuicted me of some great matter : yet he confesseth that the fault were pardonable in any other , but not in me . So as in it selfe and in his owne nature he granteth it to be pardonable , and thereby also he must needes acknowledge it to be impertinent to our purpose , and to the argument in hand , which is of vnpardonable faults , to wit , of wilfull and malicious lying , wherunto noe pardon may iustly be giuen ; for that it is voluntary and not of errour or infirmity : & this if the fault were confessed , or could be proued against me . 8. But now , what if this be noe fault or contradiction at all in P. R. either pardonable or not pardonable ? Yea , and that M. Morton did well know it to be so , & yet would obiect it heere for a cōtradictiō , & that in the first place , & play vpō me for it , as you haue heard , what will you say thē of his consciēce , who holdeth mine for so miserable , as it were a hapinesse for me to haue none ? May not euery man then ( to vse his owne words ) vnderstanding English presētly discerne the same ? Let vs come to the proofe . 9. He affirmeth me to write in the end of my Preface to the Reader , that hauing spoken all that by way of Preface , I would returne to the particuler Treatise of T. M. adding further by a parenthesis ( for that more of his name then those two letters I could not yet find out ) and yet ( saith he ) in the Epistle dedicatory to both Vniuersities , that goeth before the said Preface , I called him by the name of Thomas Morton fiue times . But if I shew that the said dedicatory Epistle was written after the Preface , then is there noe contradicton at all : and if M. Morton must needs know it to be so , then hath he either a miserable cause or conscience , or both , that is driuen thus to abuse his Reader for some little shew of matter against me . First then that the Dedicatory Epistle of euery worke is wont to be the last thing that is written or printed , and that by order of nature and good methode it should be so , to the end the Authour should know , what he presenteth and dedicateth , M. Morton I thinke can hardly deny : and he that shall read either his Dedicatory Epistle to the King in his first Reply called A ●ull satisfaction , or this to the L. of Salisbury prefixed before his Preamble , will easily see , that they were both written and printed after the Treatises themselues : For that in both Epistles is set downe briefly what is handled in the Treatises themselues : and the like he could not but see and acknowledg in my Dedicatory Epistle , that it was written after the cōmon Preface and Treatise , and consequently that I might know his name distinctly , when I wrote this , and be ignorant therof when I wrot the other . 10. Secondly I do expressely signifie in the very first lines of my said Epistle Dedicatory to the Booke , that the said Epistle was written after the Treatise and Preface therof . For thus I do beginne my speach to the Schoole Diuines and Lawyers of both Vniuersities : It was no part of my purpose ( learned Countrymen ) when I tooke this Treatise ●●rs● in hand , either to wade so far therin , as now I haue byn compelled , nor yet to prefix any other Epistle Dedicatory before the same , then the large common Preface it selfe that doth ensue , which may partly appeare by the argument , and namely also and principally by that which we haue set downe in the third Chapter of this Treatise &c. Which wordes of mine do euidently shew , that my Dedicatory Epistle was written after the comon Preface and Treatise : and therfore well might I come to know M. Mortons name , when I wrote the Epistle , though I knew it not , when I wrote the other , as now hath byn said : and these words also must needes M. Morton haue seene , and so not to haue erred , if his will had not byn obstinate to errour Wherunto may be added , that if I had written the dedicatory , and printed it with the common Preface , the Printer would haue begunne the numbers of the pages and register of Alphabet with that , and not with the said Preface , as he doth . 11. But thirdly to conuince him indeed & most apparātly of witting & willing fraud in this point● I must tell the Reader I did in the place heere cyted of the third Chapter of my Treatise , set downe clearely and perspicuously , when , and by what occasion I came to vnderstand , whome the two letters T. M. did signifie , which before I vnderstood not : and the occasion was by the comming forth of the first reply of M. Morton , intituled , A ●ull satisfaction : wherunto he thought best , being pressed to it by his Aduersary , to put his name at length , diuers moneths after I had trauailed in answering his first Inuectiue of Discouery , that had onely the bare two letters for his name , my speach in that place was this : But yet after diuers moneths againe , seeing the said Reply to appeare , & that the said Minister had now resolued to manifest his name , to wit , of Thomas Morton , which before went cyphered with the two letters onely of T. M. that might as well haue signified Thomas Malmesbury , or Montague , or Montebank , or any such like Syrnames , as Thomas Morton , I was mooued aswell of my selfe as by others exhortation , to resume the thing into my hands againe . 12. So wrote I at that time : and now would I haue the Reader to iudge between vs , as M. Morton also requireth , whether it be likely that he knew that my Dedicatory Epistle , wherin I take notice of his name , were written after the common Preface , and first two Chapters of the Treatise or no : and if he knew it ( as needs he must in any mans iudgment , both by the words before alledged out of the beginning of my Epistle Dedicatory , and the same auouched by me againe in the 6. nūber of the said Epistle , ) and yet would obiect that for a witlesse contradiction in me , that hath no more contrariety then to say , for some monethes I knew not whome the two letters T. M. did signifie , but a●terward I did come to know it by M. Mortons owne exposition : let the discreet Reader , I say , iudge what furniture M. Morton is like to haue of substantiall matter to proue wilfull and malicious lyes against me , when he beginneth with this poore and idle obiection , wherin only his owne wilfullnes is conuinced . Let him consider , what reason M. Morton had so to insult ouer me , for contradicting my selfe , and saying : that my p●nne did runne before my witt , except I would be accōpted rather lyingly wit●y , then witlesse rash . Are not these ingenious iests ? But now , saith he , I come to note such his falles , as may seeme to be recouerable by noe excuse . Let vs examine them . HIS SECOND obiected falshood against P. R. §. II. HIS second obiected falshood is as good a● his first , to wit , of no moment at all whether it be truely or falsely obiected , and consequently is brought in heere by M. Morton only to make vp a number , it hauing bene produced by him , and confuted by me be●ore in the first Chapter , and therefore is fondly heere called a fall irrecouerable by any excuse . It concerneth only how many times the clause of reseruation is mentioned by him in Latin or in English , which hauing bene alledged by him before to discredit my memory , as he pretendeth , heere he vrgeth it as a witting falshood . His words are these : I haue already mentioned ( saith he ) how peremptorily he affirmed that the clause of reseruation was not by me set downe in latin throughout my whole Treatise against Equiuocation aboue once . Wherto the Reader may answere for me , that it is set downe in latin aboue twenty times : What excuse can he pretēd ? Ignorance ? Ouersight ? Negligence ? Why the book was present before his eyes , euen in those places , which he particulerly discussed . Could that errour be by errour of print , diuersity of translation , or difference of editions ? ( for these are all the pretences which he will allow : ) not one of all these ( he knoweth ) can redeeme him from guilt . So he . 14. Whereto I answere , that small guilt can be found ( though the errour were graunted ) where no malice or interest can be presumed . For to what end or profit should P. R. erre willingly in a matter that importeth him and his cause so little ? Wherfore the most that can in reason be presumed heere , though the obiection were admitted , is , that he erred in memory and nūbring : which is nothing to the argument in hand of wilfull errour . But now you haue seene before in the place here quoted of the first Chapter that in the sense and meaning of P. R. the clause of reseruation was set downe but once in latin , that is to say , intirely , and so as it might not be vnderstood by the vulgar Reader , as M. Morton had promised to do : in which promise also he is shewed to haue fayled , in that telling his Reader that he would alwaies deliuer the same in latin , confesseth notwithstanding , that sundry times he putteth it downe in English : which I am farre of from ascribing to malice , but rather to ouersight or forgetfullnesse , it little importing our cause on either side . But this rather may import much to consider the great pouerty of M. Morton against his Aduersary for sound obiections : for so much as he hath brought in this trifle now twice , making a speciall Paragraph therof before , as you haue heard in the first Chapter , and now another heere , the thing it selfe obiected being both false , as hath before byn proued , and vaine , if it were true . 15. It shall not need to ponder the light and ridiculous insultations of M. Morton , which he vseth commonly , to mak● vp some weight vnto euery pretended charge that he giueth , saying : VVhat excuse can he pretend ? Ignorance ? Ouersight ? Negligence ? Could it be errour of print ? Diuersities of translation & c ? Whereto I answere , that neither of these are need●ull , for that both the thing is iustified in it selfe : and if it were not , yet maketh it nothing to the purpose : for that no wilfull and witting errour can be probably supposed , where no interest can be gayned therby . And how then is this called a fall recouerable by no excuse ? doth he thinke of what he writeth ? HIS THIRD obiected falshood against P. R. §. III. VVHERAS M. Morton in a certaine Epistle of his to the seduced brethren , calling themselues Catholikes , prefixed before his Reply of Full Satisfaction , writeth of his Aduersarie , that he was of those doctours , whome the Apostle described , when he saith : They wil be doctours , and yet vnderstand not what they say , nor wherof they a●firme ; I taking his meaning to be generall of our Catholike Priests , teachers , and Doctors , as euidently may be gathered by his whole discourse and by the title it self , Of deceyued brethren , thought best in my Epistle Dedicatorie to the Vniuersities , to answere the same , and to compare somewhat their Doctours with ours , saying among other things : But whether this description of fond presumptuous Doctours touched by S. Paul do agree rather to Protestant Ministers , or to Catholicke Priests , will appeare in great part by reading ouer this my booke , especially the 5.8 . and 10. Chapters , if by Thomas Mortons errours and ignorances , a scantling may be taken of the rest of his Doctours . 17. At which words of mine M. Morton is so grieued , as he wil needs heere frame a speciall accusatiō against me , of a wilfull falshood for applying that to our Priests & Doctors in generall , which he saith that he meant of his p●rticuler adu●rsary ( the Moderate answerer ) but I remit the Reader for triall of this to the ponderation of the text it selfe of his said Epistle to our deceaued Catholi●ke breethren , where within two lines after the words of S Paul recited , he nameth our Priests in generall , comparing t●em with the blind Priests and Doctours of the Iewes . And then againe , for what insufficient Doctours he holdeth our Priests in respect of his Ministers , may appeare by his owne ensuing words , which are these : But mindes enthralled in the opinion of a neuer-erring-priesthood , could not possibly but erre with their Priests : and such ( alas ) is the case of all them , whome God in his iustice deliuereth vp to lyes &c. 18. And heere now I would demaund M. Morton in sincerity , did he meane of our Priests and doctours in generall , or noe ? doth he thinke that only his Aduersary the moderate Answerer is such a deceaued Priest , as S. Paul pointeth at , or noe ? And if prob●bly we cannot presume that his meaning could be only of that one , whome he named , but that vnder his figure he would disgrace and discredit all the rest , so farre as he was able , why might not I speake that which he meant and intended ? 19. But heare , I pray you , how he taketh me vp for this matter insteed of better . VVhat excuse ( saith he ) may P. R. now vse to free himsel●e from falshood ? Wherto I answere , that I need none . alleadge●saith ●saith he ) editions , translations , prints ? Heere is only one edition , and that only in English. P. R. answereth , that this our English edition is sufficient to iustifie him , that you meant to disgrace all Catholicke Priests by the instance and example of one . VVill you say ( saith he ) that it is an errour of Ignorance , ouersight , negligence ? Noe , nor any errour at all , but a true explanation of your meaning , with a cleare confutation and reiection of the same , and consequently these Rhetoricall shifts are idly brought in by you , nothing n●edfull for me . For P. R. tooke you in your true meaning , wherin you desire to make Catholicke Doctours contemptible in generall for their blindnesse , though to some yow will seeme to graunt the opinion of learning , but yet with such restraint , and limitation , as you make it not better for instruction of Christian soules , then the learning of the Diuell himselfe . For this is your wise and graue conceipt . Let them be as greatly learned ( say you ) as they are , and would seeme to be : yet must there be a con , I meane an hart zealous of the truth , to be ioyned with science , to make vp a perfect conscience : which is the true Doctour indeed : otherwise we know that the serpent by being the most subtile of all the beasts in the field , will deserue no better commendation● , then to be accōpted the skillfullest seducer . By which discourse of yours a man may easily see , whether your meaning were generall in your former speach about ignorant Doctours , or no , and how impertinently you bring it in heere for an argument of wilfull falshood against me , for that I vnderstood you in your owne sense . I will not discusse your concept of your science with your con , which was borrowed of Iohn Reynolds , and of others before you : and though I be loath to tell it you , least it may seeme to sauour of reuenge , yet I must say it for your better information , that many men thinke very little of the one or other to be in your selfe , as they should be , either science or good conscience , alleadging your writings for testimony of both . HIS FOVRTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. IIII. NEXT vnto this he produceth for a falshood in me , that I say in my booke of Mitigation , that he taketh vpon him to iustifie the writings and doings of the Protestants of our dayes , for their seditious doctrines and practizes against Princes , who please them not : and among others M. Goodman in particuler , that wrote the most scandalous booke against the Regiment of women in Q. Maries dayes , and assisted Knox , Buchanan , and others in troubling and turning vpside downe Scotland : wheras M. Morton saith , that he condemned him , and consequētly that I dealt iniuriously with him . Thus he citeth my words in a different letter , as though they stood so in my text : He ( Thomas Morton ) doth particulerly iustifie Goodman . 21. But first you must vnderstand , that it is his common vse , neuer lightly to alleadge truly and sincerely any text , that he will vse to his profit , either in Latin or English , and let the Reader make proo●e of it if in twenty places alleadged by him , he find foure without all alteration , let him say , that I do offer him iniury . My words talking of the parts of M. Mortons Reply called the Full satis●action , were these : Secondly he taketh vpon him yet more fondly in the second part of this his Reply to make a publicke iustification of all Protestants for rebelling against their Princes in any countrey whatsoeuer , but more particulerly and especially in England , and therin doth so iustifie Cranmer , Ridley , Syr Thomas VVyatt , and others that conspired against Q. Marie in England : Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , and like Ministers in Scotland , turning vpside downe that State against their Soueraignes ; the rebellions raised in Suetia , Polonia , Germany , Switzerland , France , and other countries , as his iustification is a more condemnation of them , and their spirits and doctrine in that behalfe , then if he had said nothing at all , as partly shall afterward appeare by some instances , that we shall alleadge therof . 22. By which words of mine you may see , that I did not single out Goodman alone , as particulerly iustified by M. Morton , as he would make the Reader belieue by his crafty and corrupt manner of citing my words : but that among many others he did go about also ( so farre as he durst ) to excuse and iustifie him , saying as presently you shall heare , that albeit he approued him not ( for this he durst not do , my L. of Canterbury hauing written so terribly against him in his booke of Dangerous positions ) yet that the examples alleadged against him by the Moderate Answerer , might excuse him , which were of most intollerable speaches of his against Princes , and heere againe in this his Preamble , that in respect of Romish Priests he might be thought excusable : wherby a man may see his inclination to iustifie him and his writings if with security he might haue donne it . How then is it such a falsity in me to say , that among so many others before named , whom he cannot deny , but that he seeketh to iustifie them , he sought also to excuse and iustifie Goodman , though not in so absolute a manner , as the other Saints of his , yet in some degree conuenient to his estate and merit . Let vs see what I do write afterward more about this iustification of Goodman : my wordes these . 23. The moderate Answerer ( say I ) alleageth first the wordes of Goodman in his booke against Q. Mary , wherin he writeth expresly , that it is lawfull by Gods law & mans to kill both Kings and Queenes , whē iust cause is offered , & her selfe in particuler , for that she was an enemie to God , and that all Magistr●ts and Princes transgressing Gods lawes might by the people be punished , condemned , depriued , and put to death , as well as priuate transgressours : and much other such doctrine to this effect , cited out of the said Goodman . All which the Bishop of Canterbury his second booke of Dangerous positions hath much more largely , both of this Goodman , and many other English Protestants , chiefe Doctours of their primitiue Church , residing at that time in Geneua . And what doth T. M. now reply to this ? You shall heare it in his owne wordes : If I should iustify this Goodman , ( saith he ) though your examples might excuse him , yet my hart shall condemne my selfe . But what do you professe to proue ? all Protestants teach positions rebellious ? prooue it : heere is one Goodman , who in his publike booke doth mantaine it . I haue noe other meanes to auoid these straites which you obiect by the example of one , to conclude all Protestants in England rebellious , then by the example of all the rest to answere , there is but one . So he . 24. And this is his Full satisfaction and faithfull reply , as he calleth his booke : but how poore satisfaction this giueth , and how many points there be heere of no faith or credit at all , is quickly seene by him , that will examine them . For first how do the examples alleaged against this Goodman by the moderate answerer excuse him , as heere is said , seeing the wordes he alleageth against him out of his owne booke are intollerable , and my Lord of Canterbury alleageth farre worse ; as for example : that it is most lawfull to kill wicked kings , when they fall to tyrāny , but namely Queenes : and therupon that Q. Mary ought to haue bene put to death as a tyrant , monster , and cruell beast ; alleaging for confirmation therof diuers examples out of holy Scripture ; as that the subiects did lawfully kill the Queenes Highnesse Athalia : and that the worthy Captaine Iehu killed the Queenes Maiesty Iezabell , and that Elias , though no magistrate , killed the Queenes Highnes chaplains , the Priests of Baal : and that these examples are left for our instruction &c. And now tell me , how may these examples excuse M. Goodman , as our minister Morton auoucheth ? So in my other Treatise . 25. Whereby you will see that I did no iniurie to M. Morton , nor vsed falshood in saying , that he sought in some sort to iustify also Goodman , as well as the rest , according to the title of his Treatise , which was : A iustification of Protestânts in case of Rebellion , without excepting of any : but he vsed falshood in alleaging my words in the fashion he did , setting them downe in such sort , as might seeme , that I affirmed him to iustify absolutely both Goodman and all other Protestants , especially Cranmer , Ridley , VVyat , and others there mentioned , wheras my wordes are , that he doth so iustify thē as his iustification is a more playne condemnation of them and their spirits and doctrines in that behalf , then if he had said nothing of them at all . Heere then is euident falshood and treachery in alleaging my words and sense , as you see . 26. And yet as though he had taken me at a great aduantage , he runneth to his accustomed ridiculous interrogations : VVhat excuse now shall P. R. make ? shall it be edition ? print ? translatiō ? there is no difference in these kindes . VVas it negligence , or ignorance ? the words are playne and all in English. Thus he playeth with himself and his Reader , and answereth all but that he should , to witt , that it is plaine that he desyred to iustifie Goodman so farre forth , as he might or durst , though his iustification indeed be a more condemnation of thē , as then I sayd , and now must , both repeat and confirme . HIS FIFTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. V. THIS obiection is but a peece or parcell cut out of the former to make vp a number : to which end he stretcheth out matters by all meanes possible , to multiply therby his ranke of obiections , vsing the self same thing in sundrie places , as before you haue seene in the second obiection , about the reseruation in latin , and after will appeare in manie other points , and heere , and in other insuing obiections he taketh parcells of that , which had beene handled before . For that in the precedent obiection you haue heard how Cranmer , Ridley , Syr Thomas , VVyat , Knox , Buchanan , Goodman , Gylby , VVhittingham , and other Protestant Ministers were accused in matters of rebellion for their writings and practyses against their lawfull Princes , and how slenderlie M. Morton defended the same : you haue also seene and heard how he picked out the person of Goodman , as not defended or iustifyed by him . Now he commeth in with two more , Knox and Buchanan , saying : To the obiected examples of Knox and Buchanan , as Doctou●s and Actors of the rebellion in Scotland , my answere was , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland , noting them to haue bene worthie of all condemnation : and yet doth P. R. obiect neuer●h●l●sse against me , as though I haue iusti●ied them . 28. VVhereto I answere first by the verie words of his defence in the former obiection set downe about Goodman , he seeketh to cleare all other saying : If I should iustifie this Goodman ( though your examples might excuse him ) yet my hart shall condemne my self : but what doe you professe to proue ? All Protestants teach positions reb●llious : prooue it : heere is one Goodman &c. By the example o● all the r●st I answer , there is but one . By which answere it is euident he clereth all the rest : and yf you looke vpō my L. of Canterburies booke of Dangerous positions , you shall finde as bad or worse positions gathered by him out of Knox , and Buchanan , then out of Goodman , though all be most pestilent . Not onely then one Goodman alone is there that holdeth this position according to my L. of Canterburies booke , which authority I perswade my self made M. Morton , togeather with some feare of his Maiesties mislike , to answer so cautelously , as heere he setteth downe , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland , saying , that he answered so before in his full Satisfaction . But indeed not fully so , but onely that there was an act of Parlament in Scotland , vpon the yeare 1584. to call in that Cronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such attempts and innouations : which is somewhat lesse , yf you marke , then , that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland . 29. Let vs see then how I impugned this his shift in the booke of Mitigation . These are my words : For Knox and Buchanan their assertions he answereth vs : you might haue added , that there was in Scotland an act of Parlament to call in that Chronicle of Buchanan , censuring all such attempts and innouations . And then citeth in the margent anno 1584. which was almost thirty yeares after the said doctrine had ben taught , preached & practized in that Kingdome by those first ghospellers . And is not this a full satisfaction trow you ? What if the Chronicle of Buchanan were called in , that recounted with approbation and insolent triumph the attempts made vpon their lawfull Princes by incitation of this doctrine . Doth this take away the doctrine it self ? Or doth it prooue that these first ghospellers held it not ? What became of the other bookes of Knox ? and namely his Chronicle ( for he wrote also a Chronicle of the same matters , and of his owne acts therin , as Caesar did his Commentaries ) were they abolished heerby ? Or doe not the same things remayne in Holinshed , Hooker , Harrison , Thyn , and other wryters , aswell English as Scottish ? Or doth all this prooue that this was not their doctrine ? See then how full or rather fond this Satisfaction is . 30. Thus I wrote then , shewing that M. Mortons euasion was insufficient , to say , that there was an act of Parlament in Scotland to call in the Chronicle of Buchanan : for heere is nothing spoken of Buchanans other Bookes , nor yet of any bookes of Knox : nor do I find that M. Morton did vse these words of cōdemning them then , which now he doth : that their seditious doctrine was condemned in Scotland . Nay , as I noted before , by saying that onely one Goodman had held positions seditious , he thought to iustify and cleare both these two , & all other their companions from iust reprehension . Whereby you see , how idle an obiection against me this is of wilfull falshood , for that I said he endeauoured to defend generally all Protestants from seditious doctrine and practise : which indeed he doth throughout all his second part of his sayd full satisfaction . For proof wherof it is sufficient to alleage the very title written ouer euery page before mentioned : which is : A iustification of P●otestants in case o● rebellion , both for doct●ine & practise &c. and is not this then a worthy obiection ? And may he not fill vp bookes , if he will , with such toyes ? Let these be compared with the reall charges giuen against himself afterwards , and let the discreet Reader note the differenc● in weight and substance . HIS SIXT obiected falshood against P. R. §. VI. IN the sixt place he chargeth me with a willfull misplacing of the name of Bellarmine for Campian in a certaine quotation of his in the margent concerning the heresy obiected to Caluin and Beza , to wit , of the Autotheans , that affirme Christ to be God of himselfe , and not of his Father : For whereas it was auouched by the Moderate Answerer against T. M. that sundrie English Protestants and namely M. VVillet and M. Fulke did denie Christ to be God of God , light of light , according to the ancient forme of speach , prescribed in the first Councell of Nice : M. Morton in his full satisfaction answered the matter thus : But can you finde ( saith he ) no more Protestants of that opinion ? your Iesuite reck●neth vp Caluin & Beza &c. Thus he answereth , & in the margent quoteth Campian Iesuit . rat . 8. and immediatly after Bellarmine lib. 2. de Christo , cap. 19. and th●n go●th forwards shewing how grieuously this position is censured by the papists , the one of them calling it a monstrous opinion , another heresie , a third heynous heresie , a fourth Atheisme , and a fifth Blasphemie : & yet saith he , notwithstanding all this the doctrine it self in the iudgement of your famous Bellarmine doth seeme Catholicall , because they deny not the Sonne to be from the Father , but they deny the essence of the Godhead to haue any generation . 32. And for that vpon the words , your Iesuite , he placed the letter R. for his reference in the margēt vnto Campian , & for the next Authour putteth the letter T. vpon a quotation of Bellarmine to the same effect of referring the opinion of Caluin and Beza in this matter , the letters being very small , the one was taken for the other , and the name of Bellarmine set downe in the text insteed of Campian , the difference importing nothing in the world : for that both of them doe relate the sayd hereticall speach of Caluin and Beza ; Campi●n as of himself , and B●llarmine frō the testimony of Genebrard , Lindan and Canisius : yet doth M. Morton make a great matter about this , as though it had bene done of set malice , by a nimble sleight , as he calleth it , therby to make it seeme , that he did put a contradiction in Bellarmine against himself , as accusing Caluins speach for hereticall in one place , and yet graunting it to be Catholicall in another : wheras M. Morton sayd , he meant to put an opposition onely betweene Campian & Bellarmine , the one ●ccusing Caluins speach as hereticall , the other allowing it , as Catholicall . 33. But all this is a meere trifling cauill . For first , what could it import me or my cause wittingly to haue changed these two names of Campian and Bellarmine , for so much as it was all one to me , for M. Morton to prooue that Bellarmine was contrarie to Campian , Genebrard , Lindan , and Canisius in this matter , as to himself ? And therefore for me to change voluntarily these names , Cui bono ? what interest could I haue by it ? And so much of the n●mes . 34. But now for the thing it self , albeit Bellarmine in the place heere quoted do shew , that according to the exposition of Iosias Symlerus a Caluinist , the words of Iohn Caluin in a certaine sense may haue a true meaning , yet simply and absolutely doth he cōdemne the same , as hereticall , saying : Caluinum existimo , quoad modum loquendi , sine dubio errasse . I doe thinke without doubt , that Caluin did erre in his manner of speach . And a little after he beginneth a new Treatise against him with this Preface : Restat , vt modum loquendi Caluini &c. It remaineth that we do demonstrate Caluins manner of speach , that sayth the Sonne to haue his essence of himself , is simply to be reiected , and that we must speake in a quite contrary manner , to wit , that the Sonne hath not onely his person , but essence also from the Father , and so is God of God , and light of light , as the Councell of Nice declared , and this he prooueth by foure wayes : First , quia pugnat cum verbo Dei , For that Caluins māner of speach is opposite to the word of God &c. Pugnat secundò cum Concilijs , and secondly it is repugnant to the manner of speach of ancient Councells , as the Nicene and others : pugnat tertiò cum doctrin● Patrum , thirdly i● is contrary to the doctrine of the old Fathers : fourthly , it agreeth with the speach of the old Arians , and other such proofes , which Bellarmine doth prosecute at large confirming each one of these members by diuers examples and instances , & that Caluin spake heretically in fauour of the Ariās in this behalf . 39. Thus farre of Bellarmines opinion , and thus much I did set downe in the booke of Mitigation vpō this place : whereby it appeareth that Bellarmine neither is contrary to himself , neither to Father Campian and other Catholike wryters before mentioned : for that all of them do agree , that the manner of Caluins speach is hereticall , dangerous , and to be auoyded , though in some streyned sense it may passe . But I did shew besides this in my forsayd Answere , that M. Morton in reciting Bellarmines Latin wordes in his margent , did wittingly and wilfully corrupt the same for his aduantage , by turning illum into illos , and hoc errore into errore onely , cutting of the word , hoc , which made or marred all the market about clearing of Caluin : for that Bellarmin said only ( talking o● the heresy of the Autotheans , ) Non facile audeo pronunciare illum in hoc errore fuisse . I do not easily presume to pronounce him ( Caluin ) to haue bene in this errour , refuted by Genebrard of the Autotheans ; M. Morton citeth him thus : Non facilè audeo pronunciare illos in errore fuisse . I do not easily presume to pronounce thē ( Caluin and Beza ) to haue bene in errour , that is to say , in any errour at all : wherein Bellarmine should be contrary to himself , hauing said of him a little before , sine dubio errasse , without doubt he erred in this manner of speach : & so you see , that this h●ynous fault , which heere M. Morton obiecteth vnto me , that I by a nimble sleight would make him seeme to produce Bellarmine as contrary to himself , is donne by him , without any sleight of mine , but only by a sleight of his owne , in voluntary corrupting of Bellarmines text : so as going about to accuse me iniustly , he falleth himself iustly into the trap , and yet he runneth finally to his former accustomed interrogations . VVhat excuse may be admitted in ●his place ? Ignorance ? Negligence ? why P. R. looketh vpon the place , vnderstandeth English , and yet ●alsely obiecteth to me a sleight of deceyuing my Reader , himsel● by a fine sleight abusing both me and the Reader &c. These are words : let the discret Reader looke , where he findeth substance , albeit of this we shall haue more againe afterward , for that he bringeth it in vpon diuers occasions . HIS SEAVENTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. VII . THIS obiection he beginneth in these words : P. R. in his Treatise of Mitigation cap. 4. nu . 14. rangeth at large , saying , that Thomas Morton framed a second part of his booke ( Of full Satisfaction ) for iustification of Protestants : and yet in effect he confessed all that his aduersary opposed ( about seditious doctrine , and practise of mutinyes and rebellion : ) let P. R. learne what this meaneth , littera occidit , & then let him come to be tryed by my ●ooke &c. Thus far he . But in my opinion it had bene good , that M. Morton had expounded vnto vs himself , what his littera occidens , or killing letter doth meane , that we might haue learned the mistery at his owne hād . For as in the Apostles speach that vsed the same phrase , we know his mind to haue bene , that the only literall vnderstanding of the law of Moyses doth kill without the quickning spirit of the internall meaning , so how M. Mort. can apply it to his Booke or my Answere , I know not , or in what sense either of them may be called such Kill-cowes . 37. But let vs come to the point it self in controuersy . I do say indeed in the place by him quoted of my Treatise , that wheras his first aduersary the Moderate Answerer had alleaged great store of proofes against him , out of Protestant writers themselues , to conuince both their doctrine & practice in matter of seditiō , far to surpasse that of the Catholicks , and that M. Mortō in his Booke of Full Satisfaction made a shew as though he would answer the same , one by one : yet that his answere was such , as cleared nothing the case , but in effect con●●ssed all , wherof I gaue this second ensuyng reason as is to be seene in my Treatise of Mitigation . 38. And indeed ( quoth I ) what other Answere can be framed to most plaine assertions out of their owne wordes and writings , as of Caluin , Beza , Hottoman , and so many other French Caluinists , as I haue mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise ? Goodman also , Gilby , VVhittingham , Knox , Buchanan , and others neerer home vnto vs ? All the forenamed collections in like manner of him that is Archbishop of Canterbury , of D. Sutcliffe and others in the bookes intituled Dangerous positions , Suruey of the pretended disciplinary Doctrine , and the like : wherein their positions are most cleeerly set downe concerning this matter . And albeit this Minister T. M. in his reply doth vse all the art possible to disemble the same , by telling a peece of his Aduersaries allegations in one place , and another peece in another , altering all order both of Chapters , matter and methode set downe by the Answerer , so as neuer Hare when she would sit , did vse more turnings and windings for couering her selfe ( which the Reader may obserue euen by the places themselues quoted by him out of his aduersaries booke : ) yet are his answers such , where he doth answere ( for to sundry chiefe points he saith nothing at all ) as do easily shew that in substance he con●esseth all , and cannot deny what is obiected . And where he seeketh to deny any thing , there he intangleth himselfe more , then if flatly he confessed the same . Some few examples I shall alleage , wherby coniecture may be made of the rest . 39. So farre then . And in proofe and prosecution of this matter I do spend there a dozen leaues at least , refuting all the Answers & shiftes , that he vseth to yeld some , not full but faint & feeble satisfactiō , to the testimonies alleadged , wherunto for breuities sake I remit the Reader , not to make here an vnnecessary repetition . And so much of this obiection . And yet noting by the way how many different dishes of meat M. Mortons Cookery doth furnish out of one thing only , which is the iusti●ying of Protestants from Rebellion , hauing made allready one Paragraph of Goodman , another about Knox & Buchanan , and after will follow Syr Thomas VViat , and in another , Caluin , Beza and others . And this last hath byn of all Protestants , and out of all which he frameth seuerall falshods against his Aduersary P. R. as dishes of different dressing , only to make a shew and o●tentation , as though he had somwhat to produce and lay before his Reader , wheras indeed he hath nothing at all . HIS EIGHT obiected falshood against P. R. §. VIII . THIS obiection consisteth principally in a certaine vehemency of passion , wherunto M. Morton suffered himself to fall ( as often otherwise he doth ) for that he was reprehended for a certayn dissimulation of his , when knowing & hauing seene that his aduersary had set downe before many grieuous accusations not only against the doctrine , but also the seditious practises of the Protestant Geneuian Ministers Farellus , Caluin , Beza , Hottoman &c. against the B. of Geneua their rightfull Lord , both spirituall and temporall , the King of France and others , yet was he not ashamed to make this conclusion . Thus is Caluin iustified ( saith he ) concerning his Doctrine , and in him also Beza . VVe haue heard of their opinion , haue you any thing to except against their practise ? Wherof I did inferre as the words did import , that he would haue men thinke , that there was nothing to be obiected nor excepted against their practise . Now he saith that , that question was not made by him in way of flat deniall , as though his aduersary could not charge Caluin and Beza with any practise of Rebellion , but after the manner of Rhetoricall art and common speach by way o● translation , to shew more orderly and empha●ically ( to vse his owne words ) what was by the moderate Answerer obiected against their practise . 41. Thus he saith , & would escape by this : and I am so equall & easy to be intreated in this matter , or rather so indulgent , as I am content to accept of his owne interpretation , protesting sincerely notwithstanding , that I vnderstood him in the other meaning when I wrote by Booke , the words themselues leading me therunto . But how soeuer it be , there can be no least matter of wilfull malice framed hence against me , notwithstanding that M. Morton crieth out : O impotency of malice ! it is not vnlike vnto the blindnes of the Sodomits , who after that they had seene Lotts house , yet groped for the dore . Which comparison I graunt that I vnderstand not , no more then before I did his Littera occidens : for that the men of Sodoma that came to Lottes house saw the same when they had their eyesight , and would haue broke open the dore , but being stricken blind by the Angells , they could not see the dore : what great point of mistery is this to grope at the dore when they were blind ? Or wherin may this be like to my cause ? P. R. ( saith he ) a litle after discusseth some of my answers to this obiection o● practise , & yet now will not acknowledge the beginning . So he . And let the iudicious Reader iudge , how aptly this is applied : yet to the thing it selfe I say , that true it is , that he indeauoureth both before and after to answere to diuers proofes of seditious practises obiected by his aduersary against Caluin and Beza , but weakly , God-wot , as may be seene by my Reply , and yet out of his owne confidence , or that courage rather which before I mentioned of a Cocke of the game , he would make that crowing vaunt , Thus is Caluin iustified ( saith he ) concerning his doctrine , and in him also Beza : you haue heard their opinions , haue you any thing to except against their practises ? Would not you thinke that he meant that we had none at all to obiect , no more against their practises then their doctrine ? And that as he held the one for iustified , so did he hould the other for iustifiable , and that herin there was no exception to be made ? Wherin then standeth this wilfull malice of mine ? Yea this intollerable impudency or impotency of malice , to vse his owne words ? But for that they were spoken in impatience , I will not greatly vrge the same , nor yet seeke to recompence them , least I should go against the title of this Treatise , which is A quiet and sober Reckoning ; the moderate iudicious Reader shall be the iudge of all , where passion , and where modesty is found . HIS NINTH obiected falshood against P. R. §. IX . HIS ninth obiection is a strange one , and signifieth that the poore man is exhausted and cannot well tell what to obiect , with any shew or probability in matter of wilfull falshood ; so as he falleth to lay hands of things quite against himselfe . For wheras I had proued in my Treatise Of Mitigation two or three manifest vntruthes , vttered volūtarily by him , in going about to defend the Rebellion of Syr Thomas VViat , and the Duke of Suffolke , in Queene Maries time , and so conuinced the same , as there was no place left of probable defence , M. Morton vpon meere necessity commeth here now to hādle these points againe , and in part to excuse himself , by the feeble meanes , which presently you shall heare : concluding nothing more against me , but this , which are the last words of all his discourse . VVherefore ( saith he ) these two lies which P. R. would haue bestowed vpon me , he by vertue of his place and Patent may keep to himself . And is not this a great inference , when he should conuince me of wilfull falsity ? But you shall heare vpon what grounds he obiecteth these two vntruthes to me , for that I conuinced him of foure . 43 First then my speach vpon his weake defence of the foresaid Rebellion was this in my Treatise of Mitigation . To that of Syr ●homas VViat , the Duke of Suffolke and others ( quoth I ) he answereth diuersly . First he saith that the Historie relateth the pretence of VViat thus : A Proclamation against the Q. marriage desiring all English-men to ioyne for defence of the Realme &c. Then , that in Q. Maries Oration against Wiat there is not to be found any scruple concerning the cause of religion . Thirdly , that no Minister of the ghospell was brought in question as a cōmotioner in that cause . Lastly , that ys intē● might 〈◊〉 for Protestāts accused in that name , th● is it plain ( saith M. Morton ) that it was not Religion ; ys for Wiat and his follo●ers it is playne it was not against the Queene or State , but for both . So he , that is to say , M. Morton in his Full Satisfactiō . 44. But in all these foure different clauses I then sayd , and now doe repeat agayne , that there is not so much as one , that in rigour may be defended for true . For as for the first , though the historie of Holinshed doth relate the pretence of VViat to haue bene against the Q. marriage , con●●aling and dissembling the poynt of Religiō in that place ( which els where he confesseth , as a●ter shal be seene ) yet Iohn ●ox a more anciēt and authenticall Historiographer then he , doth plainely set downe , that together with the pretence of the marriage the cause of Religion was also pretended , in these words : The mention of marriage with Spaine ( quoth he ) was very ill taken of the people , and of many of the Nobility , who for this , and for Religion , conspiring among thēselues made a Rebellion wherof Syr Thomas VViat knight was one of the cheifest : And againe . They sayd , that the Q. & the Coūsell would by forraine marriage bring vpō this Relme miserable seruitude , and establish Popish Religion . So Fox . And it cannot be presumed , but that M. Morton had seene , and read this , yet durst affirme , that there was no mention of Religion at all in VViats pretence : which is the first lye . 45. The second also , that in the Oration of Q. Mary against VViat there was not found any scruple concerning the cause of Religion , is proued likewise false by the same authority of M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments : who writeth that Q. Marie in h●r Oration in the Guildhall sayd publickely , that she had sent diuers of her Counsell to learne the pretences of that Rebellion : and it appeared to our said Counsell ( said she ) that the matter of the marriage se●●●ed to be but a Spanish cloake to couer their pretensed purpose against our R●ligion . And this testimonie also of Fox must needes haue bene knowne to M. Morton : and consequently here is a second witting lye , affirming that there is not so much , as any scruple to be found , concerning the cause of Religion in that her Oration . 46. The third point likewise that there was no Minister of the Ghospell brought in question as a Cōmotioner in that cause , is both false in it selfe , and cautelously set downe : for that the commotion of VViat , and the Duke of Suff●lke ensuing within the cōpasse of fiue moneths a●ter the death of the Duke of Northumberland that did conspire the depriuation of Q. Mary ( the first being put to death vpon the 22. of August 1553. the other beginning his rebellion vpō the 25. of ●anuary 1554● & it being well knowne , the cōfessed both by * Fox , Holins●ed , Stow , and others , that the motiue of Protestant Religion was common to them both , and pretended for chiese in them both : and it being notorious , that in the first both Cranmer , Ridley , Hooper , Rogers , Iewell , & all the chief Protestant Minis●ers of England did concurre , who can doubt , but that in the second a●lso ( being but an appendix of the former ) they ●ad their harts therin though not ●o ●ully their hands , as actuall Commotioners , for that the R●bellion was suppressed in the very beginning by taking away the two heads VViat and Suffolke . 47. Wherby you may see the craftie speach of M. Morton who saith that Ministers were not the Commo●ioners , nor brought into qu●stion for such , that is to say , they were not taken with armes in the field , nor brought into publicke iudgment and tryall for the same . Wherof D. Sanders in his booke de Schismate yeeldeth this reason : for that Q. Marie being a zealous Catholick Princesse would haue them rather called in question for heresie , which is treason against God , then for conspiracie or commotion , which is treason against her person : ●o as there can be no doubt , but that considering the forsaid authors , and especially Holinshead , M. Mortons aduocate , who affi●meth expressely that this conspiracie of VViats was generally agreed vpon among most Protestants , and that for Religion as well , as for marriage , though breaking forth before t●e time by the apprehensiō of a certaine gentleman ( whome he nameth to haue byn cast into the Fleet for another matter ) there can be no doubt I say , but the chief Protestants , to wit , Bishops and Ministers had as deeply their harts , & hands , & heads in this , as in the former of the Duke of Northumberlād , & much more : & so did Q. Marie vnderstand it , as D. Sanders declareth , though she proceeded rather against them in matters of Religion for the causes now rehearsed : so as in this third point also M. Morton is conuinced of falsitie , yea of falshood in like māner , as may appeare both by that we haue related , and for that in this his last Reply he hath wholie left this matter out , and past it ouer with silence . 48. And finally the fourth point is also most false , that there was nothing meant by that rebellion against the State , or the Queene , but rather for them both , and that her Highnesse preheminencie and soueraigntie might not be impaired , which Iohn Fox also contradicteth : and not only he , but Holinshed in like maner M. Mortons owne deare Author : for that both of them ioyntly relating Q. Maries Oration , doe affirme VViats answere to haue bene vnto two of the Counsell , sent to him by the Queene , to know the cause , to wit , Syr Edward Hastings and Syr Thomas Cornwallys ( which VViat confessed also at his arraignement ) that he and his would not be contented , except they had the gouernement of the said Queenes person , the keeping of the Tower , and the placing of her Counsailours , which was in effect to take the Royalty of her Crowne from her : I will rather be trusted , then trust , sayd he , and therfore demaund the custodie of the Tower , and her Grace within it , and the displacing o● some Counsailours about her , and to haue others placed in their roomes . So writeth Holinshed of Syr Tho. VViats words to Syr Edward Hastings . And y●t sayth M. Morton , that it is plaine , that VViats commotion was not against the Q. or State , but rather for both : and to the end , that her Highnesse preheminencie , and soueraignty might not be impaired . And can any man forbeare to laugh , or rather not conceaue indignity at the vttering of such palpable vntruthes ; yea knowne vntruthes to the wryter , when he wrote them ? For it is vnpossible but that M. Morton insisting so much vpon Holinshed as he doth , should haue seene and read him in this place , and yet is not ashamed , as you see , to cōtradict him , and face out the matter , as though all were smooth and verifiable , which he vttereth , & shamelessely affirmeth , to wit , that there was nothing attempted by VVyat against Q. Maries person , when he demanded her to be his prisoner , and to dispose of her forces , State and Counsell . 49. These foure voluntary falsities then were layd vpon M. Morton and proued , as you haue heard in my last Treatise , will it not be well to examine now , how he hath bene able to discharge himself thereof in this his last Preambling Reply ? Let vs heare then , if you please , his owne defence in these foure lyes obiected . 50. The first lye ( sayth he ) which P. R. noteth against me , is in relating of the Oratiō of Q. Marie , wherein I said , there was no scruple concerning Religion , and I cited for witnesse Holinshed . This author ( as we may perceyue ) P. R. hath examined , and could find nothing in him against me for this point touching Q. Maries oration , therefore he seeketh other euidence , and bringeth against me the testimony of M. Fox , wherin there is mention of Religion . VVhat therfore ? Therefore I am by him condemned for a lyer . Nay . But rather by this opposing M. Fox , P. R. hath wilily imitated the fraud of a ●ox : which creature , men say , doth vsually prey furthe●t from home . So likewyse P. R. if he would haue prooued me a lyer should haue donne it out of Holinsheds relation of Q. Maries Oration , which was the witnesse , whome I produced : but he wanting cause of reproofe heerin , doth therefore range further to cōuince me of lying , by the testimony , which I mentioned not . 51. Do you see , what a kind of proofe he bringeth ? that for so much as Holinshed either omitted , or guilefully concealed the mention of Religion in the Proclamation of VViat , and oration of Q. Marie , therfore I might not prooue the same out of Iohn Fox , that was before , and nearer to the matter then Holinshed , who taketh out of him ? doth not one affirmatiue witnesse constantly auouching any thing , prooue more then ten that hold their peace , & say nothing ? Or is Iohn Fox become of so little credit now with M. Mor●ō , as to be shaken of so slieghtly , as heere he is ? Or is he become such a stranger vnto Protestants & their cause , as the citing of his authority must be accompted for wily , foxlike , ranging , and preying ●urthest from home , as though he were no longer any domesticall ●riend or writer ? Or is not Iohn Foxes credit in history as good , as that of Holinshed , especially when he affirmeth , & the other saith nothing ? 52. But yet further , if you remember two points or wilfull falshood were obiected out of M. Morton , and prooued out of Fox , which heere are shufled vp into one : and the third , that no Minister of the ghospell was brought in question about this Commotion , is wholy omitted heere by him , without any mention therof at all , and much lesse , without any answere . And as for the fourth ( which he calleth the second ) that there was nothing meant against the Q. or State , he hath a strange defence therof saying , that euen in that purpose of VViat to keep the Tower , wanted not the supposed intention which was the preseruation of the Q. and State , which ( say I ) must needes be vnderstood also of the violent keeping of her person , holding of the Tower and forces therof , and appointing her Counsaylors . And these be the good intentions and meanings that M. Morton defendeth in the rebellions of his Protestants , holding them notwithstanding for very good subiects , though by armes they forced them to these conditions . And the successe and issue may be seene by the practise of the Hollanders in the low Countries , and of Duke Charles of Suetia , and others , who began their taking of armes in the names of their true Kings & Soueraignes , pretending & protesting that all was for the safety & good of their State and persons : and no lesse in the cause of Syr Thomas VVyat . 53. Heere then you see , that he is conuinced of foure seuerall false assertions , which he could not choose but know to be false , before he set them downe , if he read , and belieued M. Fox , and other Protestant writers . But how now ( thinke you ) doth all this conuince , or so much as accuse me of any willfull falsitie ? And if it doth not , as euery man seeth , why then is it brought in h●e●e in this place for a seuerall obiection of fa●shood against me ? Yea with words of great reproach , saying : VVe may suf●er professors of the ●eates o● l●gier-de-main to delude the behoulders to conuey on● mans ring into another mans pocket , and then call him a cosner : but for vs Diuines to play such tricks as P. R. hath donne , changing Holinshed into M. Fox , and then to tax me for ●als●od , is a deuise inexcusable . So he . 54. And did you euer heare a sober man in this tune ? Stand att●nt I pray to the controuersy . He cited the proclamation of Syr Thomas VViatt , as not making mention of Religion , and quoteth Holinshed in the margent , I produced M. Fox , that wrote before Holinshed , and liued in Q. Ma●yes time , who set downe not only VViatts temporall pretenses , but that also for religion : and for all the other three points I do alleage the same Fox , and M. Morton quoteth no author at all but Holinshed , as holding his peace and saying nothing therin , which he wil needes take for a deniall ; albeit in the last point , as you haue heard , Holinshed himself expresly testifieth against him , which he dissembleth . And do I then heere play Legier-de-main cōueying rings into other mens pockets , and changing Holinshed into Fox ? Doth this man know , or care , what he saith ? Or is there any one of these points , that prooueth any least falshood in me , & not rather all foure in him ? How then is it heere againe brought in against me in this ninth obiection of ●alsity ? I am content that any indifferēt friend of his answere for him in this point ; whether in leauing to me the charge of two vntruthes , draweth not vnto himselfe all foure much more forcibly , then they were layd vpon him before in our Treatise of Mitigation . 55. Nay , I must tell the Reader further , that ha●●ng considered better the impudency of this his la●t Preambling Reply , wherein he would shroud himse●● from a mani●est conuiction of lying in the first point , for that Holinshed speaketh nothing of religiō in VViats pretence : I tooke the paines to search h●m ouer more diligently , and found that he did expressely affirme also the same that Fox doth , saying : The Commons and many of the Nobility for the marriage , and for the cause of Religion conspired to rayse warre . And the very same doth affirme Iohn Stow in his Chronicle saying , that for this ( marriage ) and for religion they conspired against the Queene &c. So as now hauing found out this , M. Morton cannot say , that I do wilily like a Fox prey furthest from home , for that before I did vrge only the authority of M. Fox , seeing that now both his proper Author Holinshed , and Stow are found expressely to affirme the self same . VVhich way will M. Morton turne himself heere ? For he is conuinced of an open and manifest falshood , in denying that in two seuerall Replyes and Editions of his bookes , which now his owne author Holinshed is found flatly to affirme . FOVRE OTHER obiections of M. Morton against P. R. in matter of willfull falsitie : to witt , the tenth , eleauenth , tweluth , and thirteenth , in M. Mortons Catalogue . §. X. IN signe that M. Mortons matter now groweth barren , in obi●cting of will●ull falsities against me , he beginneth to ●uddle vp diuers of them togeather , but of so small moment , and so fully answered and confuted before , as it is euident , he seeketh but some shew of number to help himself for some ostentatiō : towards which help , I doe willingly increase his number more by one , then he maketh it in his owne reckoning , though he indeed set all downe : but yet being ashamed of the first ( about my erring in his name T. M. ) he giueth thereunto no number at all of a distinct obiection , as I haue donne in my answere . Let vs see then● what manner of obiections these foure are , beginning in his accompt from the 8. in these words . 57. A ninth falshood ( sayth he ) may be accompted his peremptory r●prehens●on of our English translation vpon that o●●say the Prophet 29. as diss●nting from the Latin , Gre●ke and Hebrew both in wo●ds and sense , in which censure he hath b●ne conuicted o● a gross● falshood in both , by the iudgment o● his owne Doctours . Thus farre he . And for this he noteth in the margent , see a●o●e § . 5. nu . 15. meaning that the same is handled before betweene vs , in this Preamble , & consequently condemneth himself of impertinency and o● lacke of matter to obiect against me , when he bringeth it forth heere againe for making vp a number of many obiections , though neuer so vaine and idle , quite contrary to his solemne promise in the begining , that he would bring forth nothing , but only such falles of mine , as may seeme to be ●ecouerable by no excuse , and inforce me neuer hereafter to credit my self , and the Reader to thinke that I haue no conscience at all . All this he threatned : and now do you iudge whether these obiections of his do inforce thus much or no , being in themselues both trifles & not prooued by him . 58. And for this first , about the text of Esay , wherin he accuseth me of grosse falshood , there could be none therin on my part at all , it being but a reprehension of mine against him , for that he translated the sentence falsely : which if it could be prooued that he did not , yet should it be b●t an errour in me , and no witting falshood , and consequently nothing to our purpose ; but he that shall peruse the place heere cited , where this matter is before discussed , shall find M. Morton , and his English translation ( if there be any such extant ) cleerly conuinced , that they neither agree with the Latin , Greeke , or Hebrew , nor with S. Hierom , most skilfull in all three languages : so as this obiection might haue bene left o●t , but only for want of other store . And as for that he saith in the last words of this obiection that I am conuinced of grosse falshood by the iudgment of my owne Doctours , it must needs be grosse presumption for M. Morton to affirme it . For that there is no one of mine , that is to say Catholicke , that euer tooke out that sense of the words of Esay , that he doth : nor could they do it , the text not bearing any such interpretation , as before hath bene declared . Wherfore his sub●ility in forcing Esay to say that which he doth not , is contempt●b●e to vs in comparison of our gros●enesse , that cannot vnderstand him , but in the sense he speaketh and meaneth . Let vs passe to the other 3. obiections of this Paragraph . 59 For a tenth ( saith he ) take his wilfull falshood in pressing one only edi●ion of Carerius , therby accusing me o● falshood in corrup●ing the author , wheras the Colen edition hath i●sti●yed me , and discouered this disposition of P. R. to haue bene willing , that I should rather be condemned rashly , then iustly acquited . Wherto I answere that this also hath bene handled before in the forsaid first Chapter , & is brought in heere againe without any grace , cause , or sub●tance at all . The peruerting of Carerius his text , as it lay in the Italian originall edition , to wit , in setting downe aduantagiously , and vrging Verè for Verò , which made a great difference in the sense , I could not omit to note , he standing thervpon so much as he did , and I neuer hauing heard before that time of any other edition . Now he saith , that he hath another later edition of Colen ( which I neuer saw , nor could by any inquiry heare of , but now from M. Morton himselfe ) wherin he a●oucheth the word Verè is to be found . What wilfull falshood was there in me to note the error , which I found in my edition ? Nay M. Morton is not so excused by his Colen edition , but that he may be argued to legier-de-main for vrging so much Verè out of that sayd second print , differing from the Originall , for so much as euidently he might see by the drift and context of the author , that it could not be Verè Celsus , but rather Verò : wherin I referre me to that , which before hath bene treated against him more at large , and do conclude this his obiection , that if there were any wilfull falshood committed , it must needs lye on his part , and not on mine . He goeth forward . 60. For an el●uen●h fraud ( saith he ) m●y be remembred his vniust ●rimination in noting me as a notable lyer , ●or a●firming that which his owne ●riple instan●e doth euidently euince . And we may adde for a ●●elu●h ●●s obiection of the Authour Frisingen●is , wherin that he may prooue me a ●alsifi●atour , he doth himselfe play ●oure excellent feates of ●alshood . So he . And these two obiections are also handled before in the Chapter mentioned in this Treatise : for which cause it will not be needfull to adioyne much more here , but only that the Reader may no●e , what simple furniture he hath for the matter taken in hand , to prooue witting & willfull falshood against me , such as cannot be excused , but that I must needes know them to be falsities , when I vttered them ( for this is our question , and of this sort do I produce multitudes against him and his : ) as for example , in this his eleuenth obiection he accuseth me for noting him as a notable lyer : but if I prooued the same in the matter produced , then was i● no falshood , but truth in me : and if I did not , yet doth it not follow presētly that it was wilfull fraud , for it might be errour in me , that did persuade my self , that he had lyed in that point . But he that shall read the place here quoted , where before it is handled , shall finde , that the lye is iustifyed against M. Morton , and that there is not any such triple or simple instance making for his excuse , as here he pretendeth : and the like he shall find about the 12. obiection , concerning M. Mortons false and fraudulent allegation of the authour Frisingensis and that all the foure excellent feates of falshood there mentioned are prooued indeed to be but so many sooleries of his owne inuention . And with this he endeth his dozen of obiections against me . VVhereunto I hauing added the title of one more , M. Morton hath reserued another for the vpshot of all , which he calleth both new and noble . Let vs heare what it is , and so end this whole Chapter . THE fourtenth , & last obiected falshood against P. R. §. XI . FOR this last place M. Morton hath reserued a sure carde , which he calleth a new & noble falshood conuinced against me : but the conuiction is not yet graunted by vs , but rather is like to light on his side . For wheras I had affirmed in my Treatise of Mitigation , that M. Morton had confessed in effect , that for the space of these last foure hundred yeares the doctrine of Equiuocation had byn receyued for true and lawfull doctrine in our Schooles , and consequently practised also throughout all Christendome , when iust occasion was offered &c. Vpon this M. Morton falleth into a great distemper of speach saying : that by custome of falsity I haue cast of all sense of lying , fallen into a dead sleep , a●d cast away all conscience of truth , & the like . VVhich he pretendeth to proue by two points . First in that I do peruert his confession , for so much , that albeit he confesse the vse of Equiuocation for the space of these last foure hundred yeares : yet ( sayth he ) that he neuer acknowledged the same for so vniuersall , as that it was receiued in all Vniuersi●ies , Schooles , of all Deuines , Casuists &c. Nay , that he cōsuted this assertion of generality , by the sentence of our owne Doctour Genesius Sepulueda , who sayth , that Gabriel Biel a lewd Sophister set it abroach , & of him tooke it Siluester , Angelus , and some few other such Glozers , but was not then so generally receiued among them . And hereof doth he inferre this new & noble falshood against me , as though I had auouched him to con●esse the generality therof in all Schooles , Vniuersities &c. for these foure hundred yeares . 62. But in this I see not what aduantage M. Morton can take against me , not only of any falshood , wherin there must be voluntary errour , but neither of falsity , where errour happeneth by ouersight & infirmity . For first I said no more in my Treatise , then that M. Morton had manifestly set downe in his , to wit , that for these last foure hundred yeares , he graunted the lawfulnes of Equiuocation to haue byn taught in our Schooles . And consult ( saith he ) with the anciēt Logitians from the beginning of the world , till within the compasse of these last foure hundred yeares and lesse , that euer any Logitian did allow your mixt proposition partly mentall and partly verball , & I will &c. Out of which exception for these last foure hundred yeares , is euidently deduced , that he graunteth the vse of such mixt propositions ( which are properly Equiuocations ) wherof one part is vttered , the other reserued in mind , as before hath byn declared . 63. And therof I inferred further by euident consequence & sequele of reason ( though he specified not the same ) that for so much as our Catholicke Schooles were then ouer all Christendome & none publikely knowne or in vse but they , ( for the first three hundreth at least of these foure ) it must needes follow , that the same doctrine , during that time , was generally receiued in the said Scholes , Vniuersities &c. Wherof also may be alleadged for proofe amongst other points , that which Morton●iteth ●iteth to the contrary , to wit , that Genesius Sepulueda of this our last age seemeth to be the only first Author that M. Morton can produce for disallowing absolutely Equiuocation ( though indeed he do not ) and therby doth plainely prooue , that in the first three hundreth of these foure , there was no opposition found to haue byn made to the contrary , among so many multitudes of bookes and Authors , as are extant of those times : or if there had , that their opposition had byn extant , aswell as this of Sepulu●da . 64. Neither did I say ( as M. Morton would seeme to perswade his Reader ) that , expressely and by name , he graunted the generall vse therof in all Schooles , Chaires , Vniuersities , Tribunalls , and the like , for these foure hundreth yeares : but I did by force of consequence inferre that he must needes graunt so much vpon his first confession of foure hundred yeares , as hath bene sayd . Neither can he auoid that inference and consequence , as hath byn demonstrated : for if it were a receiued doctrine among vs , and no ancient contradiction to be foūd , then must it needes in that antiquity be supposed to haue byn generall current doctrine in our Schooles , Vniuersities , Tribunalls &c. For where no contradiction is found , there generall approbation may be presumed . Neither do I vouchsafe to answere to that obscure comparison of the French ●ox which M. Morton ( though a Minister ) is not ashamed to bring in for an example , that some , yea & many haue had them in this age , and yet may we not conclude , that all haue had them : And the like ( saith he ) in the doctrine of Equiuocation , though some Schooles and Doctors haue taught it , yet not all . Wherto I answere that there is no parity . For if there had bene as many writers that had opposed them selues against the doctrine of Equiuocation , and vse therof in the foure hundred yeares , and detesting the same , as there haue bene cleane men and women , that haue detested that other fowle disease , pro●essing themselues to be free therof ; M. Morton would not haue bene in those straites that he is , for finding out one Author that contradicteth the same in all the time by him appointed , before Genesius Sepulueda , that only in some particuler Cases , reproueth the same , though granting and defending it in others . So as I leaue the filth of this comparison to the Author , and do conclude in this first point , that heere is nothing at all to be found , either of falshood or falsity in this obiection against me . For what I said , is iustified by M. Morton his owne wordes . 65. There remaineth then the second point to be discussed . But noting first by the way , the lauish immodesty of M. Mortons tongue in citing the learned Doctor Gabriell Biel out of Genesius Sepulueda by the contemptuous title of lewd Sophister , whereas Sepulueda stileth him in the same place , Theologum doctissimum , a most learned Diuine , and Tritemius who liued with him saith : In diuinis Scripturis eruditus , ingenio excellens , vita & conuersatione praeclarus &c. Learned in the diuine Scriptures , excellent in wit , and famous for his good life and conuersation , Gouernor of the Vniuersity of Tubinga in Germany euen from the beginning therof , vnto the yeare 1494 which praises and ●uloges will neuer ( I doubt me ) be verified or giuen by any Author of credit or accompt , to M. Morton , that so scorneth and iniureth so graue and learned a man. And yet doth his grauity and humility make no bones to censure him for a lewd Sophister at the very first blow , whome perhaps he hath not read , and without ( perhaps ) vnderstandeth not in many points of chiefest learning . And this is the priuiledge of our new Doctors , to contemne & reproach all others , though neuer so much learneder then themselues . But let vs go forward . 66. The second point in his Paragraph is , that he taketh vpon him to checke the generall acceptāce of Equiuocation , which I said to haue byn admitted in all Schooles , Vniuersities &c. for the space of foure hundreth yeares , by alleaging the contradiction of three ●amous learned ●esuits o● our time ( for so now he calleth them , when they seeme som●what to serue his turne ) to wit , Ioannes Azorius , Emanuel S● , and Ioannes Maldonatus , who in some particuler cases do reprehend , or not admitt all manner of Equiuocation . VVherin first is to be noted , that whereas M. Morton should haue shewed some contradictour of the three ages past , he nameth only the writers of our tyme , and those Iesuits also , which sort of men are euery where accused by him , as the Authors and speciall fauourers of Equiuocation , and now fyndeth none in effect to contradict it but them . VVherfore M. Morton and his fellowes must cease hereafter to accuse Iesuits so generally , as defenders of this doctrine , or els say , that they are contrary one to the other : or that there is some meaning and particuler sense in those that seeme to deny the same , which M. Morton therfore concealeth , for that being discouered , no contradiction would be found amongst them . 67. And this mistery by him concealed is ( which before also sundrie times we haue noted ) not that any Iesuite doth vtterlie deny the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in all cases whatsoeuer , as bouldly and ignorantlie M. Morton doth , but for the restrayning of such abuses as may fall out in the practise therof , yf to much libertie be permitted , they are more seuere then other men in limiting the same , as more fullie may appeare in part by our discourse in the last Chapter of the Treatise of Mitigation : where Catholicks are exhorted to vse the lawfulnes therof with great restraint and parsimony . And further the speach that in●ueth about these three learned writers Azor , Sà , & Maldonatus , all three Iesuites , and misalleadged by M. Morton , will more plainly make manifest the same . THE OPINION OF the Doctor Iesuite , Ioannes Azor , about Equiuocation falsly obiected by M. Morton , as making for him wheras it maketh wholy against him . §. XII . AND as for the first which is Azor , M. Morton bringeth him in with this Encomion , saying in a speciall title : The first witnes conuincing P. R. of falshood , is Azorius a learned Iesuite : but I do wonder that M. Morton will bring him in againe heere , or suffer him to be so much as mentioned , I hauing conuinced him in my Treatise of Mitigation of so notorious and wilfull a fraud and corruption in alleadging Azor his words about Equiuocation in an Oath , as could not but shame any man of modesty to haue it seene or vnderstood by the Reader , wherin I referre my selfe to the place quoted in the Margent . But now let vs see notwithstanding further what Azorius saith against Equiuocation in generall , for to this effect he is brought in , in this place , as though he held that all Equiuocation were to be reiected as lying : for proofe wherof he citeth two places out of the selfe same leafe and page of Azorius . The first wherof reprehend●th some kind of men that did extend the Rule of Res●ruation and Equiuocation to farre , out of Nauar , Silu●ster , & Angelus , contrary to their meaning , making it lawfull in common vse and con●ersation amongst men , to vse any kind of dissimulation by reseruing in their minds any thing at their pleasure : which Azorius condemneth , and so do we to . And for better direction of men , how , where , and in what matters that occasions they may Equiuocate , or may not , he setteth downe distinctly in fiue seuerall Rules . Wherof M. Mo●ton skipping ouer foure ( for that they make expressely and resolutely against him , in allowance of many Cases of Equiuocation ) runneth only to the fifth and last , peruerting the same against the Authors meaning as presently shall be shewed . 69 And to let you see what manner of writer M. Morton is , and what manner of cause he mantayneth , that forceth him to this foule kind of shi●ting , he reciteth the words of Azor saying thus : I am of a different opinion ( saith Azor ) from those afore men●ioned ( that stretch the vse of Equiuocatiō to euery thing that they list to deny or dissemble ) which opinion o● mine I will declare briefely by certaine Rules that heere I will set downe . Which words M. Morton hauing related , saith presently . His fi●th Rule doth hit the naile on the head . And is it so Syr ? What say you then of the precedent foure ? Why say you nothing of them ? What part of the naile do they hit ? if the last only stricke the head ? How is it possible that your Reader , if he should looke vpon Azor , would passe to the fifth without seeing the former foure , which are all quite against you ? For that in the first he resolueth , that a Priest may equiuocate , and say he knoweth nothing , whē he is demanded any point about Confession . In the second he resolueth , that whensoeuer any man is demanded by an incompetent Iudge , euen in an Oath , whether he hath committed this or that sinne , he may by Equiuocation deny the same euen in an Oath . Wherof he giueth many reasons , and resolueth sundry other cases by vertue of the same Rule . As if a man be wrongfully compelled by a Iudge to say , or sweare that he will pay such a summe of money to his aduersary , he may sweare it ( saith Azor ) though he haue no intention to performe it , as being against law , hauing this reseruation in his mynd , that he will pay so much as by law he is bo●̄d : & three or foure other like Cases besids in the explicatiō of this Rule . 70. By his third Rule he proueth the like in other Cases , beginning his Rule with these words Quoties in conuictu hominum communi &c. As often as in the common conuersation of men we are demaunded of any thing , and driuen to sweare it , if any iniury therin be offered vnto vs , it is law●ull for vs in swearing to vse ambiguous words , and to take them in our se●se so far forth as the words may beare that sense , albeit in the minds of the hearers they do ingender an other sense . And by this Rule he resolueth two seuerall Cases : that an adulterous wife being vnlawfully demanded by her husba●d whether she haue committed adultery ? she may , if the adultery be secret , sweare that she hath committed no adultery , reseruing in her mind , that she hath committed none , so as she is bound to confesse it vnto him . This is Azor his resolution . And is not this our Case plainly ? doth not this hit the nayle on the head also against M. Morton ? 71. Two other Cases in like māner he resolueth by the force of this Rule . First , that if a man fall into the hands of a theef , a tyrant , or an enemy , or of any other that doth vex him iniuriouslie , and be forced to sweare and promise any thing by oath , he may equiuocate , and is not bound afterward to performe that which he promised vpon wrongfull coaction . The second Case is the Couen●ry Case , which M. Morton in his former book did greatly reprehend , and iest at , but learned Azor ( as M. Morton calleth him ) houldeth it for true and iustifiable , to wit , that if a man should , for example sake , come from Couentry , or any other Cittie , that is suspected to haue the plague , and indeed hath it not , nor is himselfe otherwise infected : but yet should be demanded at the gates of London whether he came from Couentry or no ? he might lawfully answere , he came not : vnderstanding in his mind , that he came not from Couentry , as infected . And all these Cases doth Azor resolue vnder his first three Rules : which are all directly against M. Morton as you see . And in his behalf there is nothing , either in these or in the other two , which haue no particuler Cases assigned them , but only haue this in generall . 72. The fourth rule of Azor is : Si nulla nobis ●iat iniuria &c. If no iniury be offered vs when we are demanded any thing , it is not lawfull to vse ambiguous wordes , except in that sense which the hearers do conceiue . The fifth , Si reuerà verba quibus vtimur &c. If indeed the words which we do vse are no doubtfull in their signification , nor in the cōmon vse of men , nor haue any other sense but only one , we must vse them in that sense which they yeeld . Neither is it lawfull for vs , albeit we should be demanded against all law and right to wrest it into another sense by any cogitation of our mind . For it is neuer lawfull for vs to lye : but he doth lye , that doth take wordes in another sense then they do signifie . So Azor. Where you see that he forbiddeth only , that wordes which haue but one only naturall sense and signification , and are not ambiguous or of diuers senses , should be vsed by the speaker in any other significatiō then naturally , or by common vse amongst men they do yeeld : as for example , if one that had a horse & not an oxe , should be demaunded , whether he had any horse , he should saie noe , meaning that he had noe Oxe , for that he conceiued an Oxe for an horse , this were not lawfull , saith Azor , in the vse of words , because the word horse hath but one proper meannig amongst men , and cannot signifie an Oxe : and consequently cannot be so taken but by a lye . But if the word horse had a doubtful or double significatiō , signifying as well an Oxe as a horse , then might a man vse the amphibology of the word , to auoyd any iniury offered him by an incompetent Iudge , as Azor himselfe determineth . 73. But now ( to returne to the matter ) what is this against our Clause of Reseruation in a propositiō or sentence ? And how doth this strike the nayle on the head for M. Morton ? Nay , doth not Azor strike M. Mort. on the head directly , insteed of the nayle , & most manifestly in the first , second and third Rules , & by all the different Cases therin resolued ? Who would thinke then that a man of cōmon sense , or of any meane modesty & care of his credit would haue alleaged Azor so cōfidently against his aduersary , as M. Morton doth ? & that which is most ridiculous , so to insult against him , as he doth against me here , saying : P. R. māteineth that his mentall reseruation is a truth : but Azorius concludeth that it is a lye . And can there be any greater cōtradiction the● this ? Hath he any shadow of excuse by ignorance of the Author and place ? No , for he hath alledged this Author vpon this question of Equiuocation foure tymes . Is he helped by dif●erence of translations or editions ? Noe , he will not pretend this . Therfore no euasion can saue him : and therby any man may discerne , what credit such wretched Equiuocators may deserue . So M. Morton . 74. Wherto I answere , that not only foure times , but perhapps twice foure times haue I alleaged the authority of Azor for the lawfull vse of Equiuocation against M. Morton , and in diuers of them he hath byn so manifestly conuinced of witting & willing falshood , as there is no de●ence or excuse to be had . Nay , he doth not so much as pretend any defence therof hitherto , nor I thinke shall I find any of thē defended by him in the ensuing Chapter , though it be expressely deputed to this argument to answering diuers manifest and wilfull vntruthes layd to his chrage . Wherfore to say ( as he doth heer ) that I haue no shadow of excuse by ignorance of the Author and place &c. is only to intertaine talke , and to seeme to ●ay somwhat : for I am not charged with any thing that requireth excuse , but he is conuinced of voluntary concealing of fiue or six different Cases resolued against him by Azor , as you haue heard , and passed ouer by M. Morton , as if he had not seene them : so as euery one of them includeth a witting fraud in him , that admitteth no excuse . Let vs come to his second learned Iesuite , whome he bringeth in for deniyng of Equiuocation , which you shall see to be no lesse contrary vnto him then the former , and especially to teach Equiuocation to be lawfull , in the very places alleadged by M. Morton . M. MORTON His second witnesse falsely pretended against Equiuocation is the Doctor Iesuite Emanuel Sà . §. XIII . A SECOND witnesse saith M. Morton conuincing P. R. of falshood is the authority of Emanuel Sà , a famous learned Iesuit among Casuists , as heere he is called , whose wordes are set downe thus out of his Aphorismes : Quidam dicunt &c. Some there be who say , that he who is not bound to answere to the intention of the examiner , may answere by reseruation of some thing in his owne mynd , to witt , that it is not so , that is to say , so as he is bound to vtter it vnto him : or that he hath not such , or such a thing : to wit , to giue it vnto him : Albeit others do not admit this manner of answering , and peraduenture vpon better reason then the former . Thus far Emanuel Sà : alleaged also as M. Morton saith , by his former aduersary the moderate Answerer . But how truly and sincerly M. Morton here dealeth with him in this behalf we shall see presently after . Now is to be considered , what he doth inferre out of this authority against Equiuocation in generall , for thus he maketh his inference vpon the recited text . Thus far Emanuel Sà ( saith he ) confessing hereby that diuers Catholike Authors haue contradicted this equiuocating sorgerie , which P. R. hath auouched , that no Catholike writer did euer contradict . Is it possible that my aduersary can free himself from a falsity corroding the conscience ? 76. Wherto I answere , that euen now it shal be tried , who hath a corroded Conscience in this matter , he or I : and let the Reader stand attent , for that M. Morton maie not escape vntill he haue satisfied somwhat . First then my assertion was , that no Catholike writer within the time by him ascribed of the last foure hundred yeares hath byn ●ound to deny absolutely all Equiuocation without exception : albeit in particuler Cases ( as this is here proposed by Emanuel Sà ) some School-doctors were of one opinion , and some of another , some more strait and some more large . The Case proposed heere by Emanuel Sà , is of a man that hath no obligation to answere to the intention of him that demaundeth , whether he may answere with Equiuocation or noe , and say that it is not so , vnderstanding ( with obligation to tell it you : ) or I haue it not ( to giue vnto you . ) In which particuler Case he saith , that some men do not admit that kind of answere : but for so much as he hath no obligatiō to answere any thing at all , he is bound either to hold his peace or tell the truth . And perhaps ( saith he ) this later opinion is the better , fortè potiori ratione non admittunt . So as heere he speaketh but by ( perhaps ) that a man may not equiuocate in this Case : which word ( perhaps ) M. Morton craftily omitted : and indeed in the last edition of his booke at Rome 1607. this whole last sentence was left out , as though he had cha●ged his opinion . But howsoeuer this be , this is but one particuler Case of Equiuocation , as hath byn said , and M. Morton could not but know it , and consequently doth vse notable fraud , when vpon the different opinions of some Schoole doctors in this speciall Case ( when a man is not bound to answere ) he would inferre ( as here he doth ) that diuers Catholick authors do contradict and deny Equiuocation in generall , that is to say , all kind of Equiuocation in what case soeuer . 77. And that M Morton could not choose but know this to be a fraud , & consequētly the fraud to be wilfull , is euident : for that in the very next foure lynes going imediately before the former alleaged words , Emanuel Sà doth resolue two other Cases , wherin a man might equiuocate , saying : Petenti quae ei reddidisti , pot●s negare te accepisse &c. if a man that had left some pledge with you , and you had restored the same to him againe , he should afterwards demand the same the second tyme , and presse you with an oath about the same : you might lawfully deny that you had receiued any such pledg , vnderstāding in your mynd that you receiued it not , in such sort as you are boūd now to restore it . And againe : if a man ( saith he ) should demand the whole s●me of money , wherof he had receiued backe a part : you might deny the said petition , saying : that you owe it not , vnderstanding of the whole , or of so much as he wrōgfully demādeth . So as in both these Cases Emanuel Sà confesseth , that Equiuocation may be vsed , as you see . And how then is he brought in heere by M. Morton , as a witnesse denying all Equiuocation , or at leastwise as saying , that there are diuers opinions about the same , which is in part also false , for that Emanuel Sà doth not say , that there is doubt or differēce of opinions , whether any Equiuocation at all be allowable : but only whether in this or that particuler Case it be to be admitted . 78. This then is euident and witting fraud in M. Morton , for that besides the former two Cases resolued in approbation of Equiuocation , Emanuel Sà hath many more , which M. Morton probably could not but know , as amongst others these : Potest Confessor iurare se nihit scire &c. The Priest that heareth Confessions may lawfully sweare , that he knoweth nothing , nor that he hath heard any thing in Confession : vnderstanding in his mind , ( so as he is bound to vtter the same . ) Againe : the penitent may sweare , that he sayd nothing , or no such thing , as he is demanded in Cōfession , though he had said it . And moreouer in another place : Non legitimè interrogatus &c. He that is not lawfully demanded , may deny that he knoweth the thing he is demanded ( though he know it indeed ) vnderstanding in his mind , that he knoweth it not so , as he is boūd to open it to him . And yet further : Reus non tenetur &c. He that is accused is not bound to confesse those thinges , for which if they were reuealed , he should vniustly be condemned : Wherfore he may deny them , vnderstanding in his mind ( that he hath not donne them so , as he is bound to vtter them . ) And now will any man say , but M. Morton , that the learned Iesuit Emanuel Sà , is a good witnesse against all vse of Equiuocation ? Doth not euery one of these examples conuince him of wilfull fraud ? And consequently these foure examples dissembled by him are foure seuerall falshoods wittingly and willingly cōmitted ? But let vs see one notable shift more , which is the fifth new falshood , before we passe to his third witnesse . 79 He doth cite the forsayd authority of Emanuel Sà against Equiuocation , alleadged by his first aduersary ( the moderate Answerer ) and to couer himselfe the better with his shadow , doth dissemble that he hath looked vpon the Author himselfe , to the end he may haue some hole to runne out , when he shall be pressed with these wilfull corruptions of Emanuel Sà , and his meaning . But yet he could not do this handsomly inough , but he must also egregiously abuse and falsify the words of his said aduersary , making him seeme to inferre out of this particuler Case , an absolute deniall of all Equiuocation . To which end after the forsaid wordes of Emanuel Sà recited , he maketh him to conclude thus : VVherby it is mani●est , that all Catholicks do not allow of Equiuocation ; and then himselfe saith ( I meane M. Morton : ) Thus farre he , conf●ss●ng heerby , that diuers Authors haue contradicted this Equiuocating ●orgery . 80. But ô M. Morton , let me pose you heere : Is it true that your aduersary sayd , so farre , and no further to the purpose in hand ? Or is it rather true , that you cut him of , and would suffer him to say no further ? Surely your bad dealing is not excusable in this point . For your aduersary did fully cleare the mater , if you would haue permitted him to tell out his tale : for these are his wordes : VVherby it is mani●est , that all Catholicks do not allow of Equiuocation , where he is not bound to answere the Iudge or examiner proceeding vniustly and not according to law and equity . By which words he declareth playnely , that he alleadged not Emanuel Sà , as denying all Equiuocation , or as making Catholick Authors to doubt of it among thēselues , as M. Morton doth vntruly impose vpon them : but only he teacheth , that not in euery particuler Case whatsoeuer , where he that is demanded is not bound to answere , do all Catholicks allow of Equiuocatiō . For that where there is no iniury offered , nor violence vsed , some thinke it better ( or rather obligation ) that he should hold his peace , then Equiuocate . But this is reported but as a particuler opinion in this particuler Case , which it seemeth that Emanuel Sà did afterward change , as before hath byn said . 81. Now then to conclude , consider ( gentle Reader ) in how many witting and willfull falshoods M. Morton , in producing this one forced witnes , hath heere byn ta●en , both against Emanuel Sà , my self and his moderate Answerer . Against Emanuel Sà , in falsyfying him contrary to his owne words and drift , making him to condemne all equiuocation which manifestly he teacheth in many Cases to be lawfull , as now you haue heard . Against me , for that twice or thrice at least he fraudulently vrgeth my saying as ●ontrary to Emanuel Sà , that no Catholike writer did euer contradict any kind of Equiuocation : which I neuer affirmed , but rather granted that in this or that particuler Case , there might be difference of opinions : but my assertion was and is , that none did euer absolutely deny all vse therof , in euery Case . Against his moderate Answerer in like manner he vseth fraude , in that wilfully he cut of those words that explaine the whole matter about the meaning of Emanuel Sà . All which notwithstanding , will he needs be talking of corroded consciences , as though his Conscience were cleere , & smooth among so many & manifold false tricks as are cōuinced against him . But let vs leaue this , & passe to the third witnesse . M. MORTON His third Iesuite Doctor brought in to witnesse against Equiuocation , to wit , Ioannes Maldonatus . §. XIIII . HE intituleth this Paragraph , The third witnesse conuincing P. R. of falshood , presupposing that the former two haue done the same : but how contrary that hath fallen out , and of how many falshoods M. Morton himself hath byn by them and their occasion conuinced , the Reader hath now seene & considered I doubt not . Let vs peruse then that which he writeth of this third , which wil be found to haue no more against P. R. then the former two , which in effect is nothing at all : yet shall we lay forth what M. Morton produceth in this behalf . Thus then he beginneth his narration . 83. Maldonate ( saith he ) a principall ●esuit and Casuist resolueth thus : VVhosoeuer doth indeauour by feig●ing to deceyue another , although he intend to signify some thing els , yet doubtles he li●th . This testimony I vsed for confutation of this vile art , which P. R. could not be ignorant of , because he indeauoured to satisfy other testimonies , as of Genesius & Sotus : but this Author Maldonat specifyed in the same place ( as the weaker aduersary will do his ouermatch ) he did willingly pretermit . So M. Morton , and he quoteth in the m●rgent , Treatise of Mitigation , cap. 10. num . 4. pag. 409. and 410. where I do answere Genesius and Sotus and not Maldonate . But as in all other places lightly which he citeth he dealeth vnsincerely , whē any waies it may make for his purpose : So here , if the Reader will but take the payns as to turne to the place quoted of my Booke , he shall discouer more then simple shifting . 84. For first I do not treat in that place of Genesius and Sotus togeather ( as he saith I do ) but only of Genesius alone : neither do I there indeauour to satisfy any of their testimonies , as he falsely affirmeth , for that there are none in that place brought forth against me : but rather to the cōtrary I do bring forth an euident vnanswerable testimony of Genesius in defence of Equiuocation against M. Morton , which he doth not so much as go about to answere here , nor euer wil be able . How then will he be able to iustify this quotation : Or how can he defend , that I do indeauour to satisfy Genesius and Sotus togeather , as specified in the same place , but pretermitting Maldonat as an vnequall m●tch ? For in the place quoted I do not treate of them both , as now hath bin sayd , nor do I remember that I do ioyne Genesius and Sotus in any place togeather throughout my Booke , though they be cyted within the cōpas●e of one page in M. Mortons Full Satisfaction , togeather with Azor and Maldonate , which authorityes I do examine in different places of my Booke , according as the matter and subiect requireth . 85. It may be therefore that by some errour he meaneth of Azor and Sotus ( and not Genesius and So●u● ) who●e authorities I do examine and ponder togeather some twenty pages after the former quotation o● M. Morton . But truly me thinkes he should haue bin greatly ashamed to send the Reader thither , ●or he shall fynd there the most intollerable corruptions & falsifications of those two Authours proued against M. Morton , that perhaps are obiected against him in the whole Booke For that Azor is cyted by him quite contrary to his owne words & meaning : as for example , that he condemneth his fellow Iesuits for allowing Equiuocation , where he doth expressely defend the same : and that he condemneth the Couentry Case be●ore mentioned of comming from an infected place , when as he doth by name allow of that Case . And the like falsifications are demonstrated out of Dominicus Sotus , as may be seene in the booke . And M. Morton taketh not vpon him to answere , or so much as touch them here in this his Preambling Reply , and consequently should haue blushed to di●ect the Reader thither , where he should find these wounds laid open , but durum telum necessi●as . And whē thornes are on euery side of the path , to runne barefooted and blindfold , as M. Morton seemeth to do , is a hard Case . ●or of no side he can step without incurring some perill . Now then let vs come to Maldo●at , whose authority he saith I did of purpose , as vnanswerable , pretermitt . 86. For to make Maldonate of more weight & credit , as though he had said somewhat against me , and in his behalfe ; he beginneth with this description of him . Maldonate ( saith he ) a principall Iesuite and Casuist resolueth thus &c. and in his booke of Full Satisfact . he citing the selfe same sentence of Maldonate , which he doth heere , beginneth with this preamble : Not only Sotus ( saith he ) called among you the subtil Doctor , but euen the subtilest of all your Iesuits calleth your Equiuocating , ranke lying : saying , whosoeuer doth endeuour by feigning to deceaue another , although he intend to signifie somewhat els , doubtles he lyeth . In which two Prefaces to pretermit all other pointes yow maie note two grosse ouerslippes : the first in stiling Maldonate a Casuist , who is neuer knowne to haue read or written of Cases in his life , but Scholasticall diuinitie he professed many yeares in Paris , and left very learned Commentaries vpon all the foure Euangelists , though the Roman Index Expurgatorius Anno Dom. 1607. doe mention , that certaine Cases of Conscience published by another & printed at Lions An. 1604. were falslie ascribed to him . The second , that Dominicus Sotus was Iohn Scotus the subtile doctor , which liued aboue 200. yeares before Sotus , wherof I admonished him before in the Treatise of Mitigation , and yet he would needs renew againe the memory therof in this Preamble , by sending mē to peruse what I answered before to Sotus , and thereby reueale his owne shame . 87. But now what hath Maldonatus here in the sentence alleaged , that I should willinglie pretermit to answere , as being ouermatched therewith ? doth Maldonate say any thing in this sentence that is not conforme to our Common doctrine of Equiuocation ? Noe truelie . For we graunt , that whosoeuer doth endeuour by feigning to deceiue another , doth lye . In so much as it agreeth well with the definitiō of a lye set downe in S. Augus●ine : M●ndacium ●st salsa ●ocis significatio c●m int●ntione sal●●ndi . A lye is a ●alse significatiō of speach with intentiō to deceiue : which two clauses of the definition of a lye , I do pro●ue and demonstrate ●or diuers leaues togeather , in the eight Chapter of my former Treatise , that they can not agree with the nature of ●quiuocation , and by consequence that Equi●ocation is no lye . 88. Not the first Clause , a false signif●ca●ion of sp●ach , which is , whē the speach doth di●●er from the meaning and sense . Not the second , o● intention to deceiue : for that the first and principall intention of him that is forced for some iust cause to equiuocate ( ●or otherwise he maie not vse it , ) is to del●uer himself from that iniurie which is o●●ered him , and not to deceiue the Iudge or hearer , though consequentlie that do follow . And this I do proue to be ●o cleare , as that by this are ius●ified all Stratagems in war , which are indeed nothing but Equi●oca●ions in fact , that otherwise should be vnlawfull and sinfull : Which yet S. Augustine with all other ancient Fathers do expres●ly iustify saying : Cùm iustum bell●m q●is suscep●rit , vtrum aperta pugna vel insidijs vincat , ●ihil ad ius●itiam interest . When a man wageth iust war , it importeth not in respect of iustice , whether he ouercome by open fight or els by sleightes or stratag●ms : which stratagems are indeed nothing els , but lawfull dissimulations that seeme to haue deceipt in them , and consequently to be lyes in fact and vnlawfull , but indeed are not : as I do shew by sundry examples out of Scripture it selfe , where God that cannot lye , did either commaūd or allow such sleights and deceipts in stratagems , as that of Iosue at the Citty of Hay , wherin many thereby were s●aine : the stratagems of Elizeus at the Citty of Dothaim : that of Iudith at Bethulia and the like . And I do alleage diuers other examples both in fact and wo●d aswell of our Sauiour out of the Euangelistes , as of S. Paul and other Saints ; whereby it is most euident that in some Cases a man may equiuocate . 89. I do shew also at length in the same Chapter to witt , the eight , but much more in the nynth , that the Clause ( intentio fallendi ) conteyned in S. Austines definition of a lye , doth in no case truly enter into ●quiuocation . For that he which vseth lawfull ●quiuocation , hath not his firs● and principall end to deceiue the hearer , but to auoid the hurt that he is subiect vnto , i● he did not ●quiuocate ; albeit therby it followeth , that the other be deceiued , which is without all fault of him that speaketh doubtfully : which I do demonstrate by many examples out of the Scriptures and Fathers ; wherby is euident that this permission of others to be deceiued by our speach , when we do in effect but conceale a truth , is lawfull , and vsed by Saints , yea God himself , and consequently can be no lye . 90. Now then to returne to Maldonate M. Mortons third witnesse , which he affirmeth in his title to conuince me of falshood , he saith nothing against me at all , or for him . For we graunt that whosoeuer by seygning , doth endeauour to deceiue another , doth lye : so as it differeth nothing from our common opinion , as now hath byn sayd . And how then doth he conuince me of falshood ? Or how did I willingly pretermit to answere him , when as he said nothing against me , but with me and for me , as I do shew by diuers distinst numbērs , cyting , him also num . 75. pag. 399. & this very place here quoted by M. Morton , togeather with another of Toletus to the same effect ? VVhat meaneth , I say , M. Morton to de●le so vnsincerely in such sort as euery child may see his fraud ? And if any man will doubt whether Maldonate did de●end Equiuocation in such Cases as we do , wherin somewhat is reserued in mind of the speaker , more then is specifyed in the words , let him read him in his Commentaryes vpon the Ghospells , in the places that conteyne such reseruations , as that of our Sauiour concerning the Archisynagoges daughter , Non est mortua puella , sed dormit : the maide is not dead , but sleepeth : whero● the secret vnderstanding and reseruation is , saith Mald●nate , that she was no so dead as the people thought , that she could not be raised againe : which mentall reseruation S. Austin also noteth vpon that place in like manner . The other words o● our Sau●our , Ego non iudico quemquam : I do not iudge any man , cannot be verifyed without a mentall reseruation or subintellection . 91. Yea Maldonate hath a speciall note vpon these words of the last of S. Marke , He that shall belieue , and be baptized , shal be saued . The Rule , saith he , which in many other places we haue set downe is heere to be obserued , to wit , that generall propositions in the Scriptures are to be vnderstood with certaine conditions not expressed , but only conceiued in mind , if they be not set downe in the text : as that saying in Ioel : Euerie one that shall call vpon the name o● our Lord , shal be saued , to wit , Si reliqua quae debet , faciat , if he performe all the rest which he is bound vnto : which clause was not set downe by the Prophet , but reserued in mind . An● so heere in the alleaged sentence of our Sauiour , is necessarilie to be vnderstood this reseru●d condition , Si bene crediderit , & baptizatus fuerit : if he belieue well , & be baptized . 92. Heere then you see that Maldonate doth expresslie teach , not onlie the lawfullnes , but also the necessitie of reserued Equiuocation in some Cases . Now then to conclude , we see what help the Iesuite Maldonat , drawne in for a third witnes , hath brought to M. Morton , that is to saie , he hath testified plainly against him . And yet yow must haue patience to heare his triūphant cōclusion after his manner . Now ( saith he ) haue I instāced this generall propositiō of all Vniuersities , Deumes , Casuists , approuing this doctrine in three famous Iesuits and Casui●●s , Azor , Sà , Maldonate , & in the confession of his fellow , the Moderate Answerer , acknowledging that diuers Catholiks approued not their mentall reseruatiō &c. I haue exceeded the proportion of our Mitigators demand , who required but two or three instances in any , though of himselfe : I haue offered him thirteene vnsatisfiable falshoods , as many as I could well bundle vp in this brief Preamble , reseruing the rest for the exact Encoūter , whē I doubt not , but vpon the discouery of his vnconscionable deprauations , he will wish , that his braines had byn a sleep , when he framed this Mitigation . 93. This is his Conclusion , still singing the victory as you see . And it shall not need for me to answere any points therof : for that they are either euidently false or impertinent . I said that for these last foure hundred yeares the doctrine of Equiuocation in some Cases hath euer byn admitted , and neuer knowne to be wholie controlled by any . He bringeth forth three Iesuits of our time against this , who were so farre of from denying the doctrine of all Equiuocation , as they teach the same expressely in sundry Cases , as now you haue heard . This then rather deserueth laughter of the Reader , then any confutation by me . He saith it is con●●ssed that diuers Cat●oliks do not app●oue mentall reseruation : I answere that in some Cases it is true , but not in all He saith , he hath exceeded the proportion of my demaund of two or three instances : I say , he hath brought forth neuer a one , or half on● that he can defend to make for him . He auoucheth that he hath o●●ered me thirtene vnsatisfiable falshoods against my self out of my writings : I answere , that three were sufficient , if they were vnsatisfiable : of which kind he hath yet produced neuer a one , as by experience you haue ●ound , and consequently his words of my vnconscionable deprauation discouered , and that I would wish that my braines had byn a sleep when I wrote my Book , are most vayne threats , & fit for such a brayne as M. Mortons seemeth to be . THE FINALL Reckoning of this whole Chapter . §. XV. TO passe then to summe vp the accompt of this whole Chapter briefly & frendly with M. Morton : let the reader remember , how at the beginning therof , for so much as , I was so bound ( to vse his wordes ) as to insert my selfe also in the offer made , that if two or three such wil●ull falshods , as there I described ( wherin nothing can excuse from witting malice ) should be found in my writings , I would discredit my selfe , and would be content to be discredited for euer , and esteeme my selfe vnworthy to take pen in hand againe : for this confident speach , I say , M. Morton condēned me and my cōscience for worse then no conscience at all , promising to proue it in this Chapter by the matters to be obiected vnto me : and further added as you haue heard , let our Reader witnesse betwene me and him according to the euidence of testimonies , which shal be brought against him . Now the testimonies haue byn brought forth , and viewed by the Reader , thirteene in number , as M. Mort. reckoneth them , but fourteene in my accompt . All which do conteine ( as he affirmeth ) vnsatisfiable falshoods and irreuocable falles , and that so apparent ●or the most o● them , that any one vnderstanding English may presently discerne them . 95. This was his promise then , and is his vaunt now . I for my part demand performance , and that the Reader giue his iudgmēt . And as for these fourteene obiections now brought against me , they might be aswell foure hundred of that kind , which they are , as foureteene ; that is to say , of no force in the world to the question heere handled of witting and wil●ull falshood . For as for the most part of them , he cannot so much as pretend any such malice to be in them . For what malice could there be in interpreting the letters T. M. for Thomas Morton in my Dedicatory Epistle written after the Treatise ended ( which is his first charge against me ) and yet saying before , that vntill that time , I had not knowne that Name to haue bene meant by these letters ? What profit might my cause gaine therby ? As also by wilfull erring ( if it had bene an errour , ) in counting how many times M. Morton had set downe the Clause of reseruation in latin ? What gayne might I pretend by applying that to all Catholicke Priests & teachers in their degrees , which M. Mortō scornfully obiected to his Aduersary , as to a Priest , in contempt of all Priests ? 96. And with these he beginneth his charge , and endeth with no better . For what do make to the purpose those other last obiections , as that I reprehended him for placing , as his poesy in the first page of his booke against Catholicks , Stay your selues , for they are blind and make others blind : where as neither the originall Hebrew , nor Syriack , Greek or Latin ancient translations haue it so ? That I noted him to haue vsed and vrged Verè for Verò out of Carerius contrarie to the edition which I had of that booke ? And like to these , are the other three that ensue in him , which are but verie light & vaine toyes . And if they should be all granted , as they ly , they would proue nothing of moment , concerning the question in hand . And yet doth he repeat them againe and againe , and some of them three times , as though they were great matters against me . Can there be any more poore and miserable dealing then this ? 97. But besides this , I presume not only to haue cleared my self in all these trifles obiected by him , but further also , to haue conuinced my aduersarie commonly in euery one of his obiections , to haue cōmitted some new manifest falsities himsel●e . And as for his last three witnesses , learned and famous Iesuits , I doubt not , but so to haue turned them against himself , as he hath receiued much con●usion by bringing them in . There remaineth nothing then for the ending of this accompt , but that the Reader , as chie●e Auditour , laying before his eyes , what he hath seene brought in , in charge , and answered in discharge , do giue his sentence where the debt remayneth : or rather who is banquerupt , either I , or my Aduersary . Which yet he shal be better able to do , after he hath heard in likewise , what new Charges are to be laied vpon him , in the ensuing Chapt●rs . For that hitherto hath bene handled only , what he hath pretended to be able to say against Catholicke writers , and me his aduersary ; which hath bene so weake , poore and pittifull , as now you haue seene , euery battery of his , recoyling commonly vpon his owne head . But the next three Chapters are to conteine the fight made vpon himselfe , for three sorts of falsities . First such as he goeth about to defend , and cannot : the second , such as he dis●embleth and pretermitteth to mention , for that he could not cleare himselfe therin : and the third , such as he hath committed a new , in going about to defend and cleare the old : and then after that , you are to see and behould his multitude of new braggs and Challenges , as though notwithstanding all this , he had had the victory in the former : so confident the man is in his owne concepts . THE FIFTH CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CHEIFE POINT INTENDED BY M. MORTON In this his last Reply , which is the clearing of himselfe from many notorious vntruthes , obiect●d as willfull & witting , by his Aduersary P. R. And how insufficiently he performeth the same . PREFACE . I FIND the saying of the Philosophers , That the thing which is last in execution , is first in our intention , to be verified in this Preāble of M. Morton : for that his principall intentiō being to quit himselfe , so farre as he might , of the odious imputation of so many wilfull vntruthes obiected vnto him by P. R. in his Treatise of Mitigation , and that the importance of the matter o● satisfying somwhat , or staying at leastwise the iudgment of the Reader , with some speedy Apologie in that behalfe , required that presently in the first place he should excuse himselfe , from those mani●est imputations laid against him : Yet hath he delaid the matter as you see vnto this last place , intertaining himselfe first in certaine idle , and impertinent skirmishes with his Aduersary : As whether he be a man o● sufficiency , wit , memory , skill in Logi●ke , Greeke and Hebrew , and the like , and then taking in hand to touch two or three litle points about the argument and subiect of his Aduersaryes Booke : and thirdly obiecting falsities to others , that he alone might not seeme to be culpable : and so finally he commeth by litle and litle , though vnwillingly , as it appeareth , like a beare to the stake , to the point first intended , which is to deliuer himselfe from some small number of a greater multitude of manifest vntruthes obiected against him , out of which multitude he saith , That he hath singled out fourteene , not such as might seeme vnto him most easily answered , but those which P. R. hath most vehemently pressed and vrged . 2. In both which assertions he swarueth againe from the truth , as presently will appeare : for that the Reader by taking the view , aswell of those that he hath pretended to answere , as of the rest , that he hath willingly pretermitted , will see ( and so shall we also demonstrate in the next Chapter ) that those which he hath ouerpassed are much more both in number and force , then these which he hath produced , and consequently hath singled out such as might seeme vnto him most easily answered : the other part also of his ass●rtion is false , that P. R. hath most ve●emently pressed & vrged against him these which he hath answered for that he presseth and vrgeth most the corruptions against Bellarmine , Azor , Sayer , Sotus , Cicero , Victoria , and others , which shall be set downe more particulerly in the next Chapter , and therby conuince M. Morton of ouerlashing in this behalfe . 3. Of all which M. Morton hath made heere no mention , and besides this , hath laid togeather in these fourteene , diuers of small weight and momēt , and some handled before vpon other occasions . As for example , about the place of Esay the 29. which was but lightly obiected vnto him for an ouersight . And the like in vrging verè for verò out of Carerius , brought in heere by him the third tyme to make vp a number . And the like about a citation of Dolman , that was handled before . His 12. obiection also in this Chapter about the succession of Protestāt Princes , and the 13. about an allegation out of Frisingensis , haue byn all handled before , and brought in by him againe and agayne , therby to make a shew , that he answereth to many things : wheras in truth , he answereth to nothing truly and substantially ; no , not indeed to the easiest of these , which heere he hath picked out , to shew his manhood in defending them . And yet he saith in the Preface of this Chapter , That he hopeth to giue such satisfaction to all , as that not only the wound of slaunder may be cured , but euen also the suspicious scarre of imputation may be wyped away . THE FIRST obiected falsity pretended to be answered by Thomas Morton §. I. IN the first front of his squadrō of 14. obiected falsities , chosen by him heere to be defended , he placeth a reprehension of mine , made vnto him in my Epistle dedicatory to the Vniuersities , for that in his Epist●e to the K. Maiestie of his Treatise , intituled A full Satisfaction , he vseth these calumnious words : Polidore obserueth ( saith he ) that the Popes a long time in their election , had their names changed by Antiphrase , viz. the elected , if he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clemens , if vnciuill , Vrbanus , if wicked , Pius , if couetous , Bonifacius , if in all behauiour intollerable , Innocentius &c. This speach as malicious and contumelious , & fraught with deceiptfulnes , I iustly reprehended ; noting by the way that he had cited no place in Polidore , wheras he hath written sundry books besides his histories . I noted also that diuers Kinges and Princes might haue names whose significations might be farre different from their qualities and actions : and that Popes , since the beginning of that custome of changing their names after their election , did not take names by antiphrase or contrariety of sense , as this man seditiously did insinuate , but for reuerence , commonly , of other holy Popes who pas●ed be●ore th●m , whose names they tooke , as I exemplified in many : and yet not hauing Polidore then by me ( I meane that worke of his de Inuentoribus Rerum ) I passed ouer diuers other pointes of deceiptfull sleightes in him , which I might haue vrged , and now must needes in part touch , for that to this accusation of myne , he hath nothing to answere in this his Reply , but this which ensueth . 5. First that albeit he cited not any certayne booke or place out of Polidores workes ; yet that the sentence reported by him vpon his memory , is found in Polidore his fourth booke de inuentoribus Rerum c. 10. which is intituled , De origine honorum qui Romano Pontifici hab●ntur , & de eius authoritate in omnes Ecclesias : of the beginning of the honors that are giuen to the Bishop of Rome , & of his authority ouer all Chu●ches . And albeit this obseruation of Polidore mentioned by M. Morton be not found in any of our Bookes , now commonly extant : yet , he saith , that they are in his booke of the edition of Basilea of the yeare 1570. and that two yeares after that by order of Pope Pius Quintus , the Index expurgatorius did put out these wordes , but he telleth not what Index it was , for I haue one containing both the Spanish & Flemish Index , wherin it is written about Polidore Virgil thus : Ex Indice Louaniensi quae in Polidoro Virgilio de rerum inuentoribus Basileae impresso anno 1544. in octauo , corrigenda sunt atque delenda . The things that are to be corrected , or blotted out in Polidore Virgil ( in his eight bookes ) of the first inuentors of things , which worke of his was printed at Basilea in octauo , vpon the yeare of Christ 1544. 6. Out of which wordes it may be presumed , as to me it seemeth , that vpon the said yeare of Christ 1544. whiles Polydore Virgil lyued yet in England , his worke de inuentoribus Rerum , though it were printed at Basile , where Protestant Religion was entred , yet this place of Polidor about changing of Popes names was not found , for that being both scandalous and vntrue ( as presently shall be shewed ) it is very like , or rather certaine , that this our Index expurgatorius would haue noted it at least , as it doth diuers other thinges , not only out of the same worke , but euen out of the same 4. booke and 2.3.4.5.6.7 . and 8. Chapters , and yet saith nothing at all of any thing of the tenth , where M. Morton saith this his obseruation is now found in his booke printed at Basile 1570. which was 26. yeares a●ter the former edition : wherof must needes be inferred , that either M. Morton dealeth not sincerely with vs ( which yet in this matter I will not bee so vnfriendly as to suspect ) or that his edition of 1570● ( which hitherto I cannot see ) hath receaued this addition about the Popes changing their names after the foresaid edition of 1544. which could not be from Polidore himselfe , who was dead before , but from some new merry brother of Basile , then hereticall , who to make sport , put it in for a merriment indeed , for so in the text it selfe he professeth that he wrote it in iest , though it pleaseth M. Morton to take it vp in earnest . 7. But let vs heare the wordes themselues which M. Morton setteth downe as found in his Polidore . Primus honos ( saith he ) Romano Pontifici habetur , vt si minùs pulchro honestetur nomine , ei statim creato liceat illud mutare : verbi gratia ( quòd non extra iocum dictum sit ) si homo maleficus antea fuerit , vt Bonifacius appelletur , si timidus , Leo , si rusticus , Vrbanus &c. This is the first honour giuen to the Bishop of Rome after his creation ( saith he ) that if his name be not fayre , he may chāge the same : as for example , ( which yet be not spoken but in iest ) if before he had byn perhaps an euill doer , he may be called Bonifacius , that is a good doer , if he had byn fearfull , then may he be called Leo , a lyon , if ●usticall , then Vrbanus , or ciuill &c. And the first Author ( or beginner ) of this custome is said to haue bin Pope Sergius the 2. whose name hauing bin before Os Porci , which signyfi●th the mouth of a hogge , it was permitted vnto him ( saith the suppos●d Polidore ) for auoyding the obscenity of his former name to change the same . 8. Thus much out of M. Mortons Polidore , wherof he vaunteth according to his fashion in these words : Although they haue made Polidore by their Index expurgatorius almost in euery page dumbe , not suffering him to beare witnesse against the pryde of Popes &c. yet our ancient Polidore now dwelling among Protestants printed anno 1570. Basileae , hath a tongue that will tell tales . So he . Speaking more truly then perhaps he imagineth that his Polidore in this poynt telleth meere tales indeed , and consequently , is no great iewell of antiquity to be bragged of , as dwelling now among Protestants . For now I haue shewed that in a more ancient edition then this by 26. yeares , this treasure so much bragged of by M. Morton , is not extant . 9. And as for the two pointes touched therin , the one a iest ( as himselfe tearmeth it ) about changing of names by antiphrase , the other of the first occasion therof by Pope Sergius , neither of them hath any sound subsistance at all : for that to speake first of the second , the narration of Platina in the life of Pope Sergius 2. who was chosen Pope vpon the yeare of Christ 844. that he being called first Os Porci , or Os-Porcius , changed his name into Sergius , himselfe proposeth the matter very doubtingly , saying : Sunt qui dicant , there are some who say , that Sergius 2. was called before Os Porci , and so changed his name Vt●unque sit , constat Sergium ex Illustri familia natum , howso●uer be it , it is ●uident that this Sergius was of a Noble Familie : so as heere Platina relateth it but as a report of some , and namely , as is thought , out of Martinus Polonus a simple credulous writer , as all learned men do know . 10. But further then this Onuphrius Panuinus a very learned man of our age , confuteth this tale much more effectually out of the history of Anastasius Bibliothecarius , that according to the accompt of Tritemius & other learned men , lyued in that very tyme when Pope Sergius did , and had chiefe care of the Roman Library , and wrote the life of this Sergius 2. and therin sheweth euidently where , & of what noble parents he was borne , how brought vp , by what meanes chosen Pope , and that before his Popedome he was called Sergius , and saith no word of changing of his name , nor of Os Porci , and yet he may be presumed to haue byn present at his election by the many particularityes which he setteth downe of the same . Besides it is to be noted , that Os Porci , or Os-Porcius is the surname of the family , which no Pope is wont to change , but only the Christian or proper Name , as when of late Hippolytus Aldobrandinus was called Clemens 8. he changed not the name of Aldobrandinus , but only of Hippolytus : and the like in other Popes , wherefore though the surname of Sergius had bin Os Porci , yet would he neuer haue changed that , but only his proper name . 11. The forsaid Onuphrius also in his notes vpon the life of Pope Iohn the 12. a noble Roman , called before Octauianus , who was chosen Pope vpon the yeare 955. ( more then a hundred yeares after Sergius ) sheweth by many arguments , that he was the first of the Popes that changed their names at their election . And Cardinall Baronius hauing found an old Epitaph written in marble in the Church of S. Iohn Lateran in Rome of Pope Sergius the fourth , chosen Pope vpon the yeare 1009. ( an other hundred yeares after the for●said Pope Iohn the 12. ) doth manifestly shew out of this Epitaph , that the said Sergius the fourth , being called Peter before , did out of the reuerence and respect he bare to that name leaue it , and tooke the name of Sergius , which was the cause why others , especially Martinus Polonus , mistaking one Sergius for another , did ascribe it to Sergius the second . 12. But howsoeuer this be ( as Platina before said ) concerning the first Author o● this changing of names , which litle importeth ; certayne it is that M. Morton did falsely & maliciously abuse this iest of Polidore , or of whom soeuer it be , about naming Popes by Antiphrase . Nor is he able to defend himselfe now , but rather as i● falleth out commonly in vntwisting of lies , he hath entangleth himselfe much more , or rather conuinced himselfe of open falsity . For first , he saith to his Maiesty , as now yow haue heard , that Polidore obserueth , that Popes for a long time in their election had their names changed by Antiphrase , viz. the elected if he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , i● cruell , Clemens , if vnciuill , Vrbanus , if wicked , Pius &c. But now by the latin words of Polidore brought in by M. Morton himself , it appeareth that he saith not so ; to witt , that Popes for a long tyme had their names so changed by Antiphrase . Nay , he affirmeth it not of any one of all the whole ranke of Popes , but saith only ( and in iest ) that some might be so called by changing of names , not answerable to their dispositions . 13. This then is the first inexcusable vntruth , wittingly and willingly auouched to the Kings Maiesty , and now againe auerred to the Honour of my Lord of Salisbury , to whome , notwithstanding , he writeth in the Dedicatory Epistle of this Preamble , that he is content to vndergo all the crimes obiected against him , if it may be proued that he durst affirme an vntruth before his Lordship . But he that durst do it so confidently to the King , it may easely be presumed that he will dare it to the other also . And heere I must charge him to haue done it vnto them both , vntill he can defend himselfe . 14. His second falshood was , the leauing out of those words of Polidore , ( non extra iocum dictum sit , ) let not this be spoken by vs ( or be vnderstood to be spoken by vs ) but in iest ( or for a merriment : ) wherby the writer would signify , that this pleasant conceipt came into his head , that by this changing of names , such an Antiphrase , or contrariety of names and dispositions might be practised : which wordes if M. Morton had related in his first quotation of Polidore , the matter had bin well qualified of it selfe . But this made not for his purpose , which was to scoffe at Popes , and make them contemptible by the help of Polidore . And I doubt not , but that this was the cause , why he quoted neyther booke nor Chapter in that allegation , least we should haue found out this which now himselfe is forced to produce to his owne shame and condemnation . 15. But now perhaps the reader will demād what hath M. Morton answered to these two Chapters in this his Preamblatorie Reply ? Hath he cleered himselfe of falshood ? No , but rather doubled the same . For to the first this only he answereth : What haue I reported from Polidore ? viz. that Popes names were changed by Antiphrase or contrary speach , to couer their defectes , & this is no whit differēt from the testimony of Polidore , who saith that if the Pope were before his creatiō wicked , he did take the name of Godly vpon him , if rigorous , then Gentle &c. This is his defence . But we haue shewed now the same to be false : and it is conuinced out of the foresaid latin wordes of Polidore , who saith only , that by the liberty of changing names , there may such Antiphrases be brought in : but saith not that it was practised in any one . Liceat mutare ( saith he ; ) they may chāge their names if they will. This falshood then is doubled by himselfe , which is the first . 16. The second is of concealing or leauing out deceiptfully in his fir●t citation , the wordes of Polidore ( non extra iocum dictum sit ) let it not be spoken but in iest : wher vnto here now he answereth nothing in effect , but first with this interrogation , Can this be ought but a transcendent impudency to blame me for not citing that testimony which his Pope , least it might be cited● hath vtterly razed out ? But Syr , be more calme I pray yow , for you are not blamed for not cyting that which our Pope had commanded to be blotted out in our Copies , but for not cyting that which remayned in yours , & was willingly omitted by you ( as now it appeareth ) for that it made against you . This is then his first answere very cholerike as you see . His second is a certaine euasion by a sleightfull translation into English , wherby he seeketh to shift of the force therof , for thus he Englisheth it . As for example , saith he , ( which may not be spoken without a iest ) if peraduenture he had byn before a wicked man &c. which sleight euery man , that is but meanly learned in the latin tongue , will easely discouer . For that , non dictum sit cannot be fitly translated , it may not be spoken without a iest , but , let it not ●e spoken but in iest , wherin I remitt me to the sense of the text it self . So as about this second poynt M. Morton remayneth culpable two wayes , first in dissembling and suppressing this iest in his first booke , and now in seeking to auoyd the same by sleightfull translation . But let both trickes go vnder one , and so I make it but one falshood , which laid to the other before , do make two notorious vntruthes , wherwith I do charge M. Morton now againe in this his last Reply , and say they are vnanswerable . 17. As for that which he inveigheth against our Index expurgatorius , wherin he saith that our Popes doe , appoint what wordes shall be put out in mens bookes , as if they pulled out their tongues , least they should speake , it is not worth the answering . And I remember that I haue handled the matter els where against some of M. Mortons * fellowes . Good reasō , it must needs seeme in any reasonable mans iudgement , that such as professe themselues Catholiks , should be content , that if in any workes of theirs , any thing had escaped them , that eyther disagreed from the publike rule of faith , acknowledged by the whole Church , or were temerarious , scandalous , inconsiderate , or otherwise offensiue , should be censured and reformed by publike authority of the same Church . And he that hath not this humility and submission with him , is not worthy to be accompted a Catholike , or sonne of the Catholike Church . 18. And as for others that are not Catholicks , they rather gayne heerby : for that wheras their bookes that handle matters of religion , and are iudged to conteine inexcusable heresies , are wholy forbidden to be read by Catholiks , but with particuler licence : yet some other workes of theirs , that either treat not of that subiect , or do it so moderatly , as with paring and cutting of some exorbitant things that be most offensiue ; they may be made tollerable , and are permitted to remayne to posterity : and all this by the benefitt of this Index expurgatorius , which otherwise should be extermined with the rest , wherof almost infinite exāples may be seene in the Indices expurgatorij of euery Catholike Country , which permit bookes of hereticall Authors of all sorts , to be read commonly and publikely after they haue byn censured and reviewed in this sort , which is not done by the Pope himselfe , or by his particuler order , in this or that place , as M. Morton would seeme fondly to perswade his Reader , when he saith , that Anno Domim 1572. by the Authority of Pius Quintus the foresaid wordes of Polidor were commanded to be blotted out : and againe , which his Pope ( saith he ) vtterly razed out &c. but the same is performed by a Congregation of learned men in euery Nation by commission of the said Church and Head therof . 19. And I would demaund of M. Morton , or any indifferent man on his behalfe , if in England there were the like Congregation appointed of learned men to examine and censure bookes of their owne men , that are set forth , or after they be published , and are found to be so full of palpable vntruthes as these of his , and some other of his fellowes are , were it not a good prouidence , and more profitable both to their publike cause and priuate credit of the writers themselues , that some such reuiew should be made , than that euery man writing what he list without checke or controlement , do come after to shame their owne cause , by so many and manifest vntruthes laid open to the publike sight and laughter of the world , as in this and other bookes appeareth ? But this point of prouidence concerneth not me , and I haue mentioned it only by inforcement of M. Mortons importunitie . Let vs passe to the sebond imputation . THE SECOND Charge of wilfull falshood against M. Morton , and pretended to be answered by him , but poorely performed . § II. AFTER this first charge which he tooke vnto himselfe out of my Epistle Dedicatory , and hath so badly discharged , as you haue heard , with adding of new falshoods ; he taketh the second out of the fourth Paragraph of my second Chapter of the said Treatise of Mitigation , where I hauing reprehēded him for false accusing of Pope Sixtus Quintus , that he censured the late K. Henry of France , for this only crime ( as he auerreth ) for that himselfe being a Papist , yet fauoured the Protestants &c. concealing the two knowne murthers both of the Cardinall & Duke o● Guise , I do passe on to tell him of another egregious falsity about the feigned death of our English Pope Adrian by a fly in these wordes . The Charge . 21. And againe in the same place , or precedent page , he hath these words : Pope Adrian being guilty of like sedi●ious practice against the Emperour Henry the second , was choked with a fly . And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it , Generatione 139. which should be 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many Generations in that part : and insteed of Henry the second , he should haue said Fredericke the first of that name , for that Henry the second was before the time of our Conquest , and almost two hundred yeares before Adrian the 4. our English Pope , of whom we now speake , who liued in the time of King Stephen , and King Henry the second of England , and was a holy man , and accompted the Apostle of Noruegia , for conuerting the same to our Christian faith , before he was Pope : and all Authors do write honourably of him , and so doth Nauclerus affirme ; and therfore though he maketh mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a Schismaticall writer in those dayes ( who also doth not absolutly auouch it , but with this temperament , vt ●ertur , as the report goeth ) yet doth the sayd Nauclerus reiect the same as false , and confuteth it by the testimonies of all other writers , especially of Italy that liued with him , & therby knew best both his life , and death . And yet ( said I ) all this notwithstanding will this false ladde T. M. needes set downe this history as true , affirming it for such , and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand , that any other denyed the same , or that the only Author himselfe of this fiction doubted therof . And is not this perfidious dealing ? Or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treachery ? The pretended discharge . 22. This was the Charge . What doth he now answere for the discharge of this imputation ? First for a ground of euasion he saith , I do truly protest ( for the man is euery where full of protestations ) that I did not write this out o● the Author himselfe , which I had neuer seene , but from collection out of some other bookes . So he . Which though it be a thing litle standing with his owne credit to confesse ; yet in this protestation he must giue me leaue not easely to beleeue him , and this ●or two or three reasons . First , for that he hath made many protestations in his former bookes to God , the King , the L. of Salisbury , and others of true and sincere proceeding , and doth iterate the same heere againe in many places , and especially in the end of this Preamble , with great solemnity , vnder the names of new Chalenges , wherin notwithstanding I find him to haue practized the quite contrary to his protestations . 23. The second reason is , for that it is not probable that he hauing to lay so great and greiuous an accusation vpon our English Pope Adrian , held by the Christ●an world of his tyme for a holy and renowned man , and this vpon the only testimony of Nauclerus , he would presume to do it , without looking vpon the Author himselfe : or if he did , it must needes argue him of great temerity , and of the same crime that heere he would auoyd , to wit , of falshood , and malice , and perfidious dealing . For i● in England one should accuse another of murther or any other like greiuous crime , and that resolutly and affirmatiuely in publike iudgment ( as this was presented by him to the Kings Maiestie of England , and to all Englishmen besides in a printed booke ) and this only vpon hear-say , that some man had spoken it , and the man being in the Citty to be found out ( as Nauclerus booke was in London ) yet that he would not so much as seeke him out nor speake with him , but go presently to the Kinges Bench and accuse the other , and cause the arraignment to be made : and when the witnesse denied the same , he should excuse himselfe , saying , as M. Morton doth heere : It is true , and I do truly protest that I did neuer see the man , or speake with him , but framed my accusation vpon hear-say ; were not this sufficiēt to condemne this man of falshood , and malice ? 24. My third reason is , for that he set downe in the citation the very latin wordes themselues of Nauclerus thus : Hadrianus Pontifex excommunicationem Henrico secundo d●nūcians , ipse à D●o maledictus , a musca suffocatus est . Naucler . geuer . 139. Adrian the Pope pronouncing excommunication against the Emperour Henry the second , himself being cursed by God , was choked with a flye . Which wordes are not to be found in Nauclerus , as heere they lye , nor yet in Vrspergensis , out of whom Nauclerus reciteth this fable , but his wordes are these : Cumque venisset ad quenda● fontem , ha●sit et bibit , ac continuò , vt fertur , musca os cius intrauit &c. And when as he came to a certaine well , he tooke water , and drunke it , and presently , as it is reported , a fly entred into his mouth , & could not be gotten forth vntill he died . So Vrspengensis , saith Naucl●rus . And then refuteth it both by the testimonies of all Italian writers which he could read , & of Iohn Salisburi●nsis ( whome he calleth Falsboriensis ) who was familiar with Adrian himself , and testified his vertues . And if M. Morton had not seene nor read Nauclerus ( as heere to excuse himself he saith ) how did he presume to sett downe his latin wordes so precisely , as his reader could haue noe probable cause to doubt , but that they were his owne proper wordes ? VVas not this cra●tie perfidious dealing ? So as to me it seemeth , that M. Morton by this first part of this euasion which consisteth in his protestation that he he had not seene , nor read the booke , doth more intangle himselfe in the crimes of falsity and malice , which he pretendeth to auoyd , then if he had simply confessed the same . But let vs see the other parts of his Answere . 25 Secondly then he confesseth , that he erred in the misquotatiō of the Generatiō cited out of Nauclerus , to wit , 139. for 39. and goeth about to proue that there was no malice therin , which I easily graunt , nor did I obiect it as any corruption , but only aduised him of it as an errour . And therfore his long excuse of that matter , which was neuer vrged against him , sheweth that he seeketh occasions to intertaine himselfe , and to make a shew that he answereth somwhat , where in effect he saith nothing . 26. Thirdly , he confesseth that he should haue sayd Fredericke the first for Henry the second , against whome he accused Pope Adrian to haue moued sedition , and saith for his excuse : VVhat skilleth it whether it was Henry an Emperour , or Fredericke an Emperour that was excommunicated● wheras the intended conclusion was only this , that Adrian the Pope did excommunicate an Emperour , and conspired against him ? But this now is not so tollerable as the former excuse , no nor tollerable at all in a learned man , especially in an accusation of so great weight , wherin the accuser ought to be exact , and precise . M. Morton saith it importeth no more , then in an examinatiō of a murther , whether the wound were giuen by the right hand or by the left : but ●e is deceiued , or would deceiue in this : For that error personae is of another māner of weight in such kind of accusatiōs then M. Mort. would seeme to make . For if Thomas Haruey ( for example ) should be accused to haue murthered secretly Henry Denham , and that Thomas Harueys friends could proue that Henry Denham was dead two hundred yeares before Tho. Haruey was borne ( as Henry the second was very nere before Fredericke and Adrian ) should this import no more , then whether Denham were slaine with the right or with the left hand of Haruey , wheras he could not be slaine by him at all ? Heere then you see that matters are not exactly handled by M. Morton in this his false accusation of Pope Adrian . 27. Wherfore in the fourth place concerning the principall point it selfe of alleaging Nauclerus , as a witnesse of the disastrous death of Pope Adrian by a fly , he answereth litle or nothing to the purpose , for excuse of his guilfull dealing therin , though he turne himselfe many waies to get out . He saith , that though Nauclerus doth not affirme it , yet Abbas Vrspergensis , related by Nauclerus , doth . But why had not M. Morton mentioned Vrspergensis at the firs● ? and sincerly haue told his Reader that he did only relate the matter with this clause ( vt fertur ) as it is said ? Why , if he would haue dealt plainly , had he not confessed that Nauclerus did mislike and improue the said report , & that by the testimony of all Italian writers that he could read ? Nay , why doth he now againe , being taken in flagrante delicto , misalleage Nauclerus words after that he had seene and read him , saying : Verùm cùm multi Itali nullam de hoc mentionem faciunt &c. but wheras many Italians do make no mention of this , wheras Nauclerus true words are : Verùm cùm Itali , quos legere potui , nullam de hoc faciant mentionem , & Ioannes Flasboriensis alijque multam de Adriano reserant honestatem &c. But wheras the Italian writers , which I could come to see , do make no mention of this matter , & Iohn of Salisbury and other Authors do relate much good of Adrian , &c. Hae● et alia ambiguum me reddunt quid potiùs eligendum , quidùe credendum sit . Scribimus enim res gestas affectu nonnunquam plusquam veritatis amore ducti . Verùm vnum hoc adijcimus , Adrianū Virum ●uisse integrum &c. These and other such things do make me doubtfull , what were to be chosen , or what were to be beleiued . For that we do write other mens acts more oftentimes by affection , then led therunto by the loue of truth . VVhich wordes are euidently meant by Nauclerus , of Vrspergensis , taxing him that he wrote much of passion against Pope Adrian in behalfe of the Emperour Fredericke , with whome he held against the Pope , and that do the next ensuing wordes of Nauclerus shew which are cut of by M. Morton in relating them here , in his Preamble , Ver●m hoc adijcimus , Adrianum Virum ●uisse integrum &c. but we adde notwithstanding to this , that Pope Adrian was an irreprehensible man. So as in this small speach o● Nauclerus by vs now related , M. Morton insteed of Itali quos leg●re potui , reciteth his wordes to be , C●m multi Itali : he striketh out also Ioannes Flasboriensis alijque multam de Adriano re●erant honestatem : he addeth of his owne that he was maledictus à Deo : and finally he cutteth of the last of Nauclerus , which containe his owne iudgment . Adrianum Virum ●uisse integrum . So as , if now after he confesseth to haue seene Nauclerus , he doth relate him so corruptly , what great credit can be giuen to his former protes●ation , that he had not seene nor read him ? Or what importeth whether he saw him or no , for so much as he was resolute to corrupt him , and to make him speake no more nor lesse , then he would haue him to do , as now you haue seene . 28. So as to conclude this accompt , wee see that M. Morton in going about to cleere himselfe f●om this charge of treacherie , doth intangle himselfe with two or three other treacheries more . And last of all , not hauing what to say , runneth to a cōmon place , that foure other Popes are reported to haue had disastrous ends , to wit , Anastasius 2. Ioannes 10. Ioānes 12. & Vrbanus● . as if wee defended , that all Popes had good liues , or prosperous deaths , or that among our Kings of ●ngland & Scotland , who haue been peraduenture fewer then Popes , many lamentable ending● were not to be found : and yet may we not argue therof against the lawfullnesse of Kingly power , or due respect to be borne to their persons and places : or that it might be taken for an argument that God did abandon them and their dig●ity , for suffering them to dye disastrously , as this man would inferre of Popes . And finally how many Popes soeuer did dye vnfortunatly , this doth not excuse M. Morton in belying Adrian , and his Author Nauclerus , from which it seemeth that he cannot be excused . 29. And this in case all were true which he writeth of these other foure Popes , whom impertinently he bringeth in to accompany Adrian : but as in the one we haue found him manifestly false , so in these also you shall not find him exactly true , in any one thing lightly , that he saith of them , but still there must be some mixture of sleightfull tricks to disguise matters . And to help out the dye ( to vse his owne phrase ) he beginneth thus : But why should it be thought a matter incredible , that suth a dismall end should befall a Pope ? Whervnto I answere that the question is not whether it be incredible , that a dismall end may befall a Pope , but whether such an end as yow describe , did befall Pope Adrian , or no ? And whether you haue vsed true dealing in the manner of recounting the same ? 30. It followeth in your narration out of one of our Doctors ( as you say : ) Bene legitur Anastasium diuino nutu percussum interijsse : It is read that Pope Anastasius was stroken with the hand of God and perished , & you cite for it Ioannes de Turrecremata lib. de summa Eccles . de Anastasio . VVhich citation is so set downe , as I perswade my selfe , that at the next reply he will haue the like euasion as before in citing of Nauclerus , to witt , that he saw not the worke it selfe . For that Turrecremata doth not write only one booke de summa Eccles. as heere is insinuated , but foure , ech one of them hauing many chapters , and one only hath more then a hundred , which is this wherout this sentence is pre●ended to be taken . And yet doth M. Mortons citation specify neyther booke nor Chapter , w●ich allwayes you must imagin hath some mystery in it . He quoteth also de Anastasio , as though the Author had some such Chapter , wheras he only speaketh of this Pope Anastasius by way of answering certayne obiections about the cause of infallibility of not erring in the Bishop of Rome , when he is to decree any thing for the Church : wherabout some said , that albeit a Pope might fall into heresy , yet God would not permitt him to decree any thing hereticall , wherof an example was brought of this Pope Anastasius 2. that being inclined , as some thought , by instance of the hereticall Emperour ( of his owne name ) Anastasius then lyuing , to admitt vnto his communion the heretike Acatius , and expecting only for that purpose ( as was thought ) the returning of his legate Festus from Constantinople , God tooke him away before his returne . Turrecremata his wordes are these : Tertium etiam hic inducunt e●emplum de Anastasio , qui licèt voluerit reuocare Acatium , non tamen potuit , quia Diuino nutu percussus est . They bring in also heere a third example of Pope Anastasius , who albeit he had a will to recall the heretike Acatius , yet he could not do it , for that he was stroken by the hand of God and dyed . 31. This is all that ●urrecremata saith of the matter , which maketh much more for the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome , if you marke it , then any way against the same : for it sheweth that God hath such sp●ciall and particuler care of that Sea , and Pastor therof , as he will rather take him away then permit him to do any thing preiudiciall to the Church , which is the blessing , as we know of the elect , and dearly beloued of God , according to the saying of the Scripture : Placens Deo , ●actus dilectus , rap●us est , ne malitia mutaret intellectum eius , albeit I mu●t aduertise the Reader , that the whole current of other writers do deny this matter about the inclination of Pope Anastasius to recall Acatius , affirming that the said Aca●●us was dead diuers yeares before Anastasius was Pope , as do testify Nicep●orus Callix●us , Euag●ius , Anastasius Billiothecarius , Liberatus , Gelasius and others : all which , or the most , are nam●d in the first part of the Decree or * Gratian which is cyted also by M. Morton , and so if he looked vpon it , he abuseth vs greatly in dis●embling the matter : and if he did not , why doth he cite it ? And thus much of Anastasius , whome all writers commonly do hold for a very good man. And if any will see him further defended both for sanctity of lyfe , integrity of faith , and the remouing of this slaunder touching his death , let him see the learned discourse of Albertus a Pighius , Cardinall b Hosius , Doctor c Sanders , Cardinall d Baronius , Cardinall e Bellarmine , and others in the places heere cyted . All which M. Morton in his manner of playne dealing dissembleth , and passeth ouer , and alleageth only 4. or 5. words out of Turrecremata , which that Author proposeth only in the way of obiection , and not of as●ertion . 32. And as for the fable raysed about his suddayne death , it seemeth to haue beene taken by errour , and similitude of the name of Anastasius , of which name the hereticall Emperor being , that lyued with him , as before hath byn sayd , and being stroken suddaynly by death with a thunderbolt , as both Paulus Diaconus , Beda , Cedr●nus , and Zonaras do testifie , it fell out that the one was mistaken ●or the other , as diuers learned men are of opinion . 33. As for the other two Popes Iohn the 10. and Iohn the 12. as they were both violently intruded by fauour and force of friends into that Sea , and gaue no great edification in their liues , so no meruayle if ●hey had no very good ends . Albeit for so much as belongeth to Iohn the 12. otherwyse the 13. diuers Authors do defend him , and namely in our age Franciscus Ioannettus , citing both Otho Frisingensis , and Abbot Vrspergensis for the same . 34. The last of the foure , Vrbanustertius , whome M. Morton bringeth in as noted by Doctor Seuerinus Bin●us out of the testimony of Vrspergensis , that for sedition against the Emperour he was called Turbanus and died as stroken by the hand of God : true it is , that Binius relateth such a thing recorded by Vrspergensis , a Schismaticall Author , standing with the Emperor against the said Pope , but refuteth the same as false and malicious out of Platina , and other Authours , shewing how he died peacebly in his bed at Ferrara , for the sorrow he conceaued of the ouerthrow of the Christian army in the Holy Land , for preuenting wherof he had taken a iourney to Venice Anno Domini 1187. adding these words : Ita Platina de obitu optimi Pontificis , veriùs et melius sentiens quàm Schismaticorum fautor Vrspergensis . So writeth Platina of th● death of this excellent Pope , wherin his iudgment was truer , and better then the iudgment of Vrspergensis the fauourer of Schismaticks : which conclusion M. Morton according to his ordinary art of simplicity thought best to pretermit and conceale from his Reader : and yet to furnish his margent with sundry citations of Doctor Binius , as though he made for him . 35. And besides this testimony of Platina guylefully concealed , he dissembleth also two other Authors of greater antiquity of our owne Nation , to witt , Roger a Houeden , and b Neubrigensis , who both lyued in the same tyme when Pope Vrbanus did , and do write very honorably of his death , saying that when he hea●d the gri●uous calamityes happ●●ed at Hierusalem , dolu●t vehement●r , & incidit in aegri●udin●m , & mort●u●est apud Ferrariam : He ●eceyued ●xceeding griefe the●by , fell into s●cknesse , and so dyed at ●errara , which signifyeth both his piety in Gods cause , and the honourable cause of his d●ath . 36. Thus th●se two ancie●t Engl●sh writers to omit many other that do ensue . And now consider good R●ader the vayne vaunting of M. Morton● speach vpon this fiction : VVhat is now wanting ( saith he ) but an example of one Pope to be produced vpon whome the vengeance of God seiz●d , because of his re●el●ious opposition against temporall Lords ? This was Vrban the third ( saith Abbas Vrspergensis ) commonly called Turban &c. so little cause could I haue to wound my adu●rsaryes with forged inuentions , being thus sufficiently furnished , and prepared to con●ound them with true and playne conf●ssed t●stim●nyes . So he . And do you heare him how he croweth ? Hath he cyted any one Author but V●sp●rge●sis and Binius , wherof the later is expressly against him , as you haue heard , and fully ouerthroweth the former ? And haue not we alleaged three for his one to the contrary ? and may do thrice as many more of those that ensued the other , if we would stand vpon it ? How then is M. Morton so sufficiently furnished to con●ound vs with true and playne confessed testimonyes ? VVhere are they ? ●Vhat are their names ? When lyued they ? VVhere dwell they ? VVhy did he not bring them forth with the rest ? Is it not playne that Morton●elleth ●elleth wynd , and wordes , and vaunts for workes ? but let vs furnish him with testimonies to the contrary , of Authors who write right honourably of this Popes death . Let him read and consider what Sabellicus hath left written , Aenead . 9. lib. 5. What Cranzius , lib. 6. histor . Saxon. cap. 52. What Na●ul●●us , pa●te 2 , generatione 43. What VVe●ne●us in fas●●●●lo temporum a●tate 6. anno 1184. What Onuphrius Pa●●inus in vita Vrbani te●tij . What Ioanne●iu● in Chron. cap. 151. What Phili●pus in suppl●mento ●istoriarum anno 1186. What Carolus Sigonius lib. 15. de ●egno Italiae anno 1187. What Genebrardus in Chronico anno 1185. And finally what Blondus doth testifie lib. 6. de●ad . 2. anno 1181. whose wordes be these and may stand for all the rest that agree in the same : Orb●m Christianorum ( saith he , speaking of the life and death of this Pope Vrban the third ) de mittendis in Asiam copiis monuerat &c. Pope Vrbanus 3. aduertised the Christian world by an vniuersall decree to send forces into Asia , ( for recouering the holy Land ) the succes●e wherof when he saw to proceed more slowly and negligently , then the feruour of his hart desyred , he dete●mined to go in person to Venice , there by his presence , to draw togeather more aboundantly , and with greater speed a Christian army . VVherfore being arriued vnto Ferrara , and aduertised first by common rumour of an vnfortunate fight had with the Infidels , and then afterward vnderstanding more certainly the truth therof , he fell into such sorrow , as caused an Ague , and soone after death it selfe , through the force of griefe . 37. Thus wrote Blondus . And with him agree the rest of the Authors cited , & many others by me pretermitted . And now consider M. Mortons words , VVhat is now wanting ( saith he ) but an example to be produced of one Pope vpon whom the vengeance of God seized , because of his rebellious opposition against t●mporall Lordes ? Was it a vengeance of God to dye peaceably in his bed , through the feruour of holy desires to see the holy Land recouered ? But I will pose M. Morton no further in th●se matters , for that euery man seeth what necessity driueth him to speake and write so absurdly , as he doth . THE THIRD Charge of falshood against M. Morton , which he pretendeth to answere . §. III. IN the third place it pleaseth M. Morton to choose out another imputation of mine against him , in t●e same 2. Chapter , & 4. Paragraph of my booke , which is about the egregious abusing of a place of D. B●ucher the French-man De iusta abdicatione &c. th●rby to make all English Catholicks odious , as allowing his doctrine . The controuersy is clearly set downe in my reprehensiō of his fraud , expressed in these wordes . The Charge . 29. An other like tricke he plaieth vs some few pages before this againe , citing out of D. Bouchers booke , De iusta abdicatione these wordes : Tyrannum occidere honestum est , quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur , quod ex communi consensu dico . And then he English●th the same thus : Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant , which I defend ( saith he ) by common consent . But he that shall read the place in the Author himselfe , shall find that he houldeth the very contrary , to wit , that a priuate man may not kill a Tyrant , that is not first iudged and declared to be a publicke enemy by the common wealth . And he proueth the same at large , first out of Scriptures , & by the decree of the generall Councell of Constance : his wordes be these . Neque verò eo iure quod ad regnum , habet , nisi per publicum Iudicium , spoliari potest &c. Neither can a tyrant be depriued of that right which he hath to a Kingdome , but only by publicke iudgmēt : yea further also so long as that right of kingdome remayneth , his person must be held for sacred , wherof ensueth , that no right remaineth to any priuate man against his life . And albeit any priuate man should bring forth neuer so many priuate iniuries done by the said Tyrant against him , as that he had whipped him with iron rodds , oppressed him , afflicted him , yet in this case must he haue patience , according to the admonition of S. Peter : That we must be obedient not only vnto good and modest Lordes , but also vnto those , that be disorderly : and that this is grace when a man for Gods cause doth sustayne , and beare with patience iniuries vniustly done vnto him &c. 40. And in this sense ( saith he ) is the decree of the Councell of Constance to be vnderstood , when they say , Errorem in fide esse &c. It is errour in faith to hold ( as Iohn VVickliffe did ) that euery Tyrant may be slayne meritoriously by any vassall or subiect of his , by free or secret treasons &c. Thus writeth that Author , holding as you see , that no Tyrant whatsoeuer , though he be neuer so great a tyrant may be touched by any priuate man , for any priuate iniuryes though neuer so great , nor yet for publicke , though neuer so manifest , except he be first publickly condēned by the Commonwealth , which is an other manner of moderation and security for Princes , then the Protestant doctrine before rehearsed , and namely that of Knox vttered in the name of the whole Protestant congregation both of Scotland and Geneua : If Princes be tyrants against God and his truth , his subiects are freed from their Oathes of Obedience . So he . 41. And who shall be iudge of this ? The people : for that the people ( saith he ) are bound by oath to God to reuenge the ini●ry done against his M●iesty . Let Princes thinke well of this , and let the Reader consider the malicious falshood of this Minister T. M. who in alleag●ng that litle sentence before mētioned , about killing of a Tyrant , strooke out the wordes of most importance quem hostem Resp. iudicauerit : whome the common-wealth adiudged for a publick enemy , & adding that other clause , which I say by common consent , which is not there to be found : and with such people we are forced to deale that haue no conscience at all in cosenage : and yet they cry out of Equiuocation against vs , where it is lawfull to be vsed ; making no scruple at all thēselues to lie , which in our doctrine is alwaies vnlawfull for any cause whatsoeuer . Thus farre were my wordes of charge & reprehension to him in my former Treatise of Mitigation . The pretended discharge . 42. And now you hauing heard this large Inditement , it is reason you heare also what the prisoner at the barre can bring forth for informing the Iury to his discharge . You must stand attent , for he would gladly slyde away , vnder a veile of wordes . Wherfore first he layeth forth at larg the drift of D. Bouchers discourse , saying that he maketh a double consideration of a Tyrant : one , as he doth any iniury to any priuate man , and that for this he may not be slaine of a priuate man : the other , as he doth commit publicke iniurie and violence either in case of religion , or the ciuill state , and this Tyrant may be slaine by the common wealth ; yea also and by any priuate man , when the common wealth hath declared him for a publicke enemy . And then he inferreth thus for himselfe : VVe see now that Boucher hath def●nded , both that no priuate man may kill a Tyrant for priuate iniuries done against priuate men , and also , that any priuate man may kill a Tyrant for common iniuries . I haue alleaged the later , and P. R. hath opposed the former , both of vs haue affirmed a truth , where then is the falshood ? Thus seeketh M. Morton to escape , and goeth about by two similitudes to confirme this manner of answering . The first , that if an Esquire haue a sonne that is a knight , he shall sit aboue him in publike meetings , but not in priuate : that is , that he shall fit aboue him , and not sit aboue him , and so Christ commaunding ( ●aith he ) that we should do as the Pharisies did ordaine , but not as they did in their lif● & manners : he willed vs to do , & not to do as the Pharisies do , in different respects and senses &c. And thus thinketh to haue quitted himselfe learnedly by a distinction , for that as he saith the selfe same Tyrant may be killed , and not killed by a priuate man , in regard of publicke or priuate iniuries . 43. But this euasion is ouerthrowne by the words & whole discourse of Doctor Boucher now alledged , for that he speaketh not only against killing a Tyrāt for priuate iniuries by a priuate man , but also in publicke iniuries : for so doth shew his allegation of the Decree of the Councell of Constance that condemned as an errour in faith to hold with Iohn VVickcliffe , that euery Tyrant may be slayne meritoriously by any vassall or subiect of his , by open or secret treasons , which is vnderstood , as well for publicke as priuate iniuries . 44. But it is graunted by D. Boucher , saith M. Morton , that when the common wealth hath condemned and declared any Tyrant for a publick enemy , he may be slaine by a priuate man. Wherto I answere , that then he is no priuate man , for that he doth it by a publike authority of the Common Wealth , as doth the ex●cutioner , that cutteth of a Noble mans head , by order and authority of the publicke Magistrate : so as in this M Mor●ons distinction se●ueth him to no purpose , for that neither for priuate or publicke iniuries can a priuate man , as a priuate man , that is to say , by priuate authoritie kill any Prince though he were a Tyrant for any cause either priuate or publicke whatsoeuer . So as in this principall charge M. Morton remaineth wholy conuicted as you see . 45. There do rest the two other wings of falshod obiected vnto him : the first , that he stroke out the wordes of most importance frō D. Bouchers discourse , which made the matter cleare , to wit , quem hostem Respublica iudicauerit , whome the Common-wealth hath adiudged for a publicke enemie , him may a priuate man kill : and the second , that he addeth the other clause of his owne that are not found in Bouchers wordes , VVhich I say by common consent . The first of these two falshoods he would excuse by saying , that albeit that D. Boucher in the place before alleadged , out of his third booke , doth set downe this position with the foresaid restriction , priuato etiam cuiuis Tyrannum quem hostem Respub . iudicauerit , occidere licitum esse : that it is lawfull also to any priuate man to kill a Tyrant , whome the Commonwealth hath iudged for a publike enemy , ( for then he doth it not by priuate authority : ) yet that in his fourth booke he hath a whole Chapter to proue , that in some vrgent cause the matter may be preuented , as when the thing is so notorious , instant , and perilous , as the said publicke iudgement cannot well be expected , and may be presumed , as graunted , especially ( saith he ) in po●na priuatiua in priuatiue punishment , that is to say , when subiects in punishmēt of open and manifest tyranny do withdraw their due respect and obedience , by seeking only to defend themselues : though not in positiua , in positiue punishment of actuall rebellion or warre offensiue . But this doth not any way satisfy the falshood obiected in striking out thes● wordes in the former booke & place , where D. Boucher set them downe for declaration of this doctrine , that a priuate man was not licenced to kill a Tyrant by his owne priuate authority : for when Subiects are forced to vse this way of preuention by armes defensiue , before the common-wealth can make publicke declaration ; in such cause they do it not , as priuate men , but as the body of the Common-wealth : So as considering what heere is in question , he must needs be condemned of a nihil dicit , if not also of ●alsum dicit . 46. And the very like may be said about the second accessory vntruth , for adding the wordes ( which I say by common consent , ) for excuse wherof he runneth to the other Chapters wherin he saith that D. Boucher auoucheth , Mirum esse in affirmand● consensū , there is wōderfull cōsent in allowing this doctrine , and then in another Chapter , that he who denieth this ( that he sayth ) is destitute of common sense : But these are of other matters and spoken vpon other occasiōs and not annexed to the former sentence of D. Boucher , produced and corrupted by M. Morton , and consequently they are mere impertinent euasions , that do more confirme and establish , then any way remoue the fraudes and falshoods obiected against him . And so much of this matter , which would grow ouer long , if we should prosecute the same , as M. Mortons manner of answere would inuite vs. THE FOVRTH Charge of falshood pretended to be answered or rather shifted of by M. Morton , and cast vpon R. C. §. IIII. AMONG other examples that I alleaged of M. Mortons spirit in dealing vnsincerely by calumniating our Catholicke writers , therby to get some shew of aduantage against them , and the Catholick cause , I produced a place out of M. VVilliam Reynolds his booke de Reipublicae authoritate , most notoriously abused and peruerted to make him seeme to abase the authority of Kings , and Princes in that very place where M. Reynolds did specially imploy himselfe in aduancing their dignity : I shall heere lay forth the fraude ; you shall iudge what manner of consciences these men haue , and whether they defend their cause as a cause of truth or no. This then was my former reprehēsion about his dealing in this point . The Charge . 48. In his booke of Discouery pag. 8. hauing set downe this false proposition , that all Catholick Priests did pro●esse a prerogatiue o● the people over all Princes , for proo●e therof he cy●ed this position of M. Reynolde● in the place aforsaid , Rex human● creatura est , quia ab hominibus consti●uta : and englisheth it in this manner , a King is but a creature of mans creation , where you see first that in the translation he addeth , but , & mans creation of himselfe , ●or that the latin hath no such aduersatiue clause as , but , nor , creation , but rather the word constitution . Secondly these words are not the words of M. Reynolds , but only cited by him out of S. Peter , and thirdly they are alleaged heere by Thomas Morton to a quitte contrary sense from the whole discourse and meaning of the Author , which was to exalt and magnify the Authority of Princes , as descending from God , and not to debase the same as M. Reynolds is calumniated to say . For proofe heerof whosoeuer will looke vpon the booke and place it selfe before mentioned , shall fynd that M. Reynolds purpose therin is , to proue , that albeit earthly Principality , power and authority be called by the Apostle , humana creatura : yet that it is originally from God , and by his commandement to be obeied . His words are these : Hinc enimest &c. Hence it is , that albeit the Apostle do call all earthly principality a humane creature , for that it is placed in certayne men ( from the beginning ) by suffrages of the people : yet election of Princes doth flow from the law of Nature , which God created , and from the vse of reason , which God powred into man , and which is a litle beame of diuine light drawne from that infinite brightnes of Almighty God : therfore doth the Apostle S. Paul pronounce , that there is no power but from God , and that he which resisteth this povver resisteth God himsel●e . So M. Reynolds . 49. In which wordes we see that M. Renoyldes is so farre of from debasing Kings in this his discourse or subiecting them vnto the people , as he doth both extoll & magnifie their dignity , as proceeding frō God himselfe , and reconcileth togeather the speach of P. Peter , calling a King a humane creature , with the wordes of S. Paul , pronouncing it to be of God , and vnder payne of damnation to be obeyed . And can there be any more vntrue dealing then this ? Let vs see then how M. Morton will heere discharge himselfe : you shall see him somwhat more humiliated then before ( would God to his conuersion , and not to his greater obduration and confusion : ) and yet will he in any case defend & not amēd his error : for thus he procedeth . The pretended discharge . 50 This Allegation is ( saith he ) of all which yet I haue foūd most obnoxious , and alliable vnto taxation ; which ( God knoweth that I lye not ) I receiued frō suggestion , as the Author therof R. C. can witnesse . For at that time I had not that Rosaeus , aliâs Reynolds , neither by that present importunity of occasions could seeke after him , which I confesse , is greatly exorbitant : for I receiued it as a testimony debasing the authority of Kings . So he . And truly when first I read the beginning of this answere , and heard him so earnestly , and solemnly to protest before God that he receyued this fraud against M. Reynolds by suggestion , I imagined he would haue said of the Diuell , for that he cōmonly is the proper suggestour of all such vniust and wicked calumniations : but when I saw the letters of R. C. follow insteed of the Diuell , I began to muse and thinke with my selfe whether there were any Diuell of that name or no , or if it were no Diuell himself , what instrument or chosen seruant of Sathan it might be , that had made this false suggestion , which M. Morton himselfe confesseth heere to be greatly exorbitant from the truth , and insteed of one thing to haue suggested the quite contrary , & that wittingly against his conscience ; yea with a double malice as may seeme . The first to calumniat● M. Reynolds , and Catholike doctrine by him : and the other to disgrace M. Morton , by making him put in print so notorious a lye and corruption . 51. But when afterwards I was aduertised by some that would seeme to know the mistery , that R. C. did signify Ri. Can. I was driuen into a farre greater me●uaile , how M. Morton could be permitted to publish such a matter in print ( the thing hauing to pas●e the view of R.C. his officers ) and how he could presume to haue more care of his owne credit , then of the others that is his head and Chiefteyne ? For as a scarre the more higher it standeth in the forhead , the more deformity it worketh to the whole body : so such a notorious cryme of wilfull falsification being proued to be in the Head it self , euen by the asseueration and testimony of so principall a member of the same Head , cannot be but very disgracefull to the whole body : though it may be that M. Morton being the party most interessed , might pretend in this , not only his owne personall defence , in this particuler escape , but a protection also more generall heerby for all Ministers to vse this art with lesse reprehension , when the Head of Ministers should be conuinced to vse the same with such liberty and lacke of conscience , especially in a matter so odious , preiudicious and calumnious to all the ranke of Catholiks . I do confesse ( saith M. Morton ) that it is greatly exorbitant , for I receyued it as a testimony debasing the authority of Kings . And from whome ? From R. C. But did he gather it himselfe ( thinke you ) or did he take it also by tradition of others & vpon credit as you professe your selfe to haue donne ? The later were disgracefull : the first hatefull . For if he looked vpon the Authour himselfe he must needs see , that M. Reynolds drift was to aduance Kingly authority , and not to debase it : and therfore for R. C , to sett downe the quite cōtrary , and make another to print it also with his allowance and approbation , was a double or triple iniquity . And surely if the like may be proued in any Prelate of ours , let him haue for pennance neuer to be trusted after , which is the greatest satisfaction that I would wish to be exacted of R. C , if he acknowledge this accusation of M. Morton for true . 52. But now , though this charging of R. C. be some disburdening to T. M. that he inuented not the slaunder of himselfe : yet doth it not wholy free him frō all falshood in the matter . For he should not haue yealded to the false suggestion , nor● e● admitted so vniust a temptation : for supposing that R. C. would needes play the part of the tempting and lying serpent , yet ought T. M. not to haue followed the frailty of the credulous & infirme womā : & although R. C. had deliuered vnto him the note so ba●ely , as he puteth it downe , out of M. Reynolds , to wit , Rex humana creatura est , quia ab hominilus cōstituta : yet could not M. Morton but remember , that the effect therof was in the Epistle of S. Peter , and that in no sense it could be truly Englished as he doth , A King is but a creature of mans creation : both for that the word ( but ) which is a particle aduersatiue or exclusiue , is not to be found in the latin wordes of M. Reynolds : nor could it stand in any reasonable good meaning , that a Kings authority is nothing els but a humayne creature , as though it had no dependance or causation from God. Wherfore as there was great malice in the suggestor of this false imputation : so was there no lesse want of truth in him that so willingly yealded to so bad and false a suggestion . But what saith he heere for his defence ? This which now ensueth . 53. Vpon this presumption , saith he , ( if true , ) ( to wit , that M. Reynolds had spoken to the debasemēt of Kings authority as he did not , but to the contrary ) it could be no falshood in me , to insert the particle ( but , ) especially being acquainted with the doctrine of Cardinall Bellarmine , who that he may disable the authority of a King in comparisō of the dignity of a Pope , doth defend , ●hat Kings , being chosen by men , are not immediatly created by God : and yet , the Pope elected by Cardinalls , hath his authority immediatly from God. 54. Wherto I answere , that well he might say so , for that Christ both God and man did institute in particuler , and immediatly the Supreme Authority of S. Peter , and his successors , when he gaue to him , and by him to them the keyes of heauen , but he i●stituted not the Authority of Kings immediatly , but left to each people to be gouerned by what sort of gouernment they best liked : albeit , that where that forme of gouernment , or any other ( as of Dukes , Common-wealth , or the like ) was once lawfully introduced , he commanded due obedience to be performed therūto . So as though we may truly say , that Kingly Authority is immediatly but from man ; yet can we not say , that a King is but a creature o● mans creation , for that this includeth both immediatly and mediatly , which is false : For that kingly Authority is the creature of God mediatly and originally ; for that God giueth power to the people to chuse him , with commandement to obey him when he is chosen , and it is the creature of man immediatly , for that by choice of men that dignity is appointed in some Coūtries , and not in other , which is not so in the Popes , and their Authority . For though their persons be chosen immediatly by Cardinalls , that are men , as here M. Morton obiecteth : yet is not their office , power or authority chosen or appointed by those men as in Kinges , but immediatly by God. So as this hole will not serue M. Morton to runne out at , or to excuse his fraudulent thrusting in of the word ( but ) that peruerted the whole sentence of his aduersary . 55. And yet is it further to be considered by the Reader● that all which heere he hath said for his excuse therin , is but vpon a supposition , that this sentence in M. Reynolds did tend to the abasing of Kings Authority : which suppositiō being t●ue●●aith he ) it could be no falshood in me to insert the particle ● but● ) which I haue shewed to be●alse . For that albeit we admit the supposition to be true , that M. Reynolds intention was in that place , to preferre the Popes authority before the Kings , in that it is immediatly from God● and the other mediatly only : yet that the sentence of S. Peter could not admit the inserting of the particle ( but ) without falshood . 56. But now this supposition is not true but false that M. Reynolds pretended that , in the place alleaged , but the quite contrary , as was deliuered in my reprehension : and M. Morton hauing seene the place before the making of this his last Reply , & therupon made his protestation which you heard , saying , God knoweth that I lye not , but receiued it from suggestion of R. C● yet this notwithstanding he maketh all his defence out of a supposed presumption , saying : If it be true ( sayth he ) then it could be no falshood in me : but now being proued and graunted not to be true , it must needes follow that it was a falshood in him . And this is the substantiall manner of clearing himselfe . 57. Lastly he frameth to himselfe an obiection , & seeketh to intertaine time by answering the same to no purpose in the world , for thus he saith . I know that P. R. may possibly insist , that he cited the text o● S. Peter 1. Pet. 2. who calleth a King or Gouernor constituted by man , humanam creaturam , a humane creature , and then how could those wordes be reprehensible in M. Reynolds , which are warrantable by S. Peter ? This is his obiection , which indeed hath no solution : for that the wordes being taken out of S. Peter , and vsed by M. Reynolds in S. Peters sense , and to ●he same end that S. Peter did , as heere ●s both proued and confessed , th●y can haue no reprehension , except we will reprehend the Apostle himselfe , and consequently they were absurdly brought in by M. Morton against M. Reynolds as picking a quart●ll where none was . 58. But to this M. Morton answereth , that the selfe same sentence may be vsed by diuers in seuerall senses , laudably in the one , and reprehensibly in the other , as haile Maister was to Christ by the Disciples , and by the Pharisies , and , thou art the Sonne of God by S. Peter , and by the Diuell , & so it might haue bene presumed ( saith M. Morton ) that M. Reynolds vsed S. Peters wordes , but not in S. Peters sense . And let the Reader obserue that he saith that it might haue be●ne presumed , to wit , when R. C. did falsely suggest it so , but now that M. Morton hath seene , and read the place both in my reprehension heere set downe , & in M. Reynolds himselfe , and hath found that he vsed this place in the very sense of S. Peter for exalting the Kings authoritie ; yea in the sense of M. Morton here set downe , saying : Let euery Christian learne that , that Gouernour whome S. Peter calleth a creature of man , S. Paul calleth the Ordinance of God. If this I say be so , how can M. Morton excuse himselfe from a grosse malicious falshood , in that he obiected this sentence in his Discouery against M. Reynolds , as though therby he had debased Princes Authority ? Heare I pray yow his last shift . Though not the place alleaged ( saith he ) yet the scope of M. Reynolds whole booke doth conuince him of rebellious doctrine , as will more plainly appeare in the Encoūter . Marke now whither he is fled . He confesseth , that in the place alleadged by M. Reynolds ( wherabout only standeth our controuersy ) his dri●t was not to debase , but exalt Princes Authority , and consequently he must graunt , that he abused him in that crimination . But he saith , that the scope of his Booke is otherwise , which he deferreth to proue vntill he make his larger Encounter , which I suppose will require a large tyme : and in the meane space we haue both by our euiction and his owne confession , that he be●ied M. Reinolds in this accusation , and fraudulently also put in the particle ( but ) to make it seeme more heynous and odious , especially to his Maiestie , whome both he & R. C. purposed to incense by this their false cōspiracy against vs , and our whole cause , vsing such inuentions of their owne for our assertions ; then which manner of proceeding nothing can be more malicious or wicked . And it being once discouered to his Maies●y by so authenticall witnesses as are the confessions of these two Ministers so cōbyned togeather , may iustly moue his Maiesty not so ●asely to belieue hereafter , what is presented by such people vnto him . And now to the sequent imputation , for this is not only not put of , but confessed and confirmed , as you haue seene . THE FIFTH Imputation of lying pretended to be answered by M. Morton , or rather by M. Stocke for him . §. V. NEXT vnto this M. Mort. culleth out of my book some dozen pages after the former , an imputation of false dealing about certaine places cited out of the Canon law . My reprehension of his said false dealing is set downe in these wordes . But will you heare a case or two more out of the Canō law , how dextrous Syr Thomas is in corrupting that which he loueth not , nor seemeth well to vnderstand ? You may read in the fourth page of his pamphlet an ancient decree ( for so he calleth it ) alleaged by him out of Gratian in the Glosse , determining , that though a man hath sworne to pay money to one that is excōmunicated , yet is he not bound to pay the same , & he alleageth the latin text thus : Si iuraui me soluturum alicui pecuniā qui excōmunicatur , non ●eneor ei soluere : If I haue sworne to pay money to any mā that is excommunicated , I am not bound to pay it , adding this reason , quia qualiter cumque possumus , debemus vexare malos , vt cessent à malo : We ought to vexe euill men by what meanes soeuer we may to the end they may cease from doing euill . In the allegation of which little text a man would hardly belieue how many false tricks there be to make Catholicke doctrine to seeme odious and absurd . For first these wordes not being found in any text of law , or decision of any Pope or Coūcell , but only in the Glosse or commētary , they ma●e not any anciēt or moderne decree , as the Minister falsely auouch●th , but rather shew the opinion of him who writeth the Commentary , if his wordes were as heere they are alleaged . 60. But the truth is that the wordes of the Glosse cōteyne only a certaine obiection , vpon a clause of a Canon , cōcerning promise to be obserued to one that is exōmunicated , after the promise was made : and the obiection or doubt is made in these wordes by the Author of the Glosse or Commentary : Sed quid dices , si iuraui &c. But what will you say , if I haue sworne to pay money to any persō , or haue promised the same vnder some forfeiture , and in the meane space , he , to whom I made the promise , is excommunicated , am I bound to pay the same or not ? This is the question : and then he argueth on both sides , and first for the negatiue , Vi●etur quòd non , It seem●th I am not : for the Canon law saith causa 23. q. 6. That we ought to afflict wi●kedmen by all meanes possible , to the ●nd they may cease from their wickednesse . So he● alledging diuers other arguments for the same opiniō , but yet afterwards comming to glue his owne resolution he saith thus : Verius credo , quòd licèt ill● non habeat ius petendi , tamen debet et solui : I do belieue the truer opinion to be , that albeit he , that is so excommunicated , do leese his right to demaund his money yet is the other bound to pay him . And for this he citeth diuers lawes and reasons , therin mentioned , as namely Extrau . de iure debitoris , & Extra . de senten . Excom . Si verè & 11. q. 3. Cum excommunicato . 61. So as heere our Minister , not of ignorance but of falshood , taketh the obiection for the resolution , as Pl●ssis Mo●nay did in his booke against the Mas●e , where he would proue , that S●otus , Durand , and other Schoole diuines did doubt of the Reall presence , and transubstantiation , for that hauing proposed the question , they began to argue for the negatiue part , saying : Videtur quòd non , though afterwards they resolued the contrary , and solued the argument . And the very like doth our Minister heere , calling this obiection of Videtur quòd non , not only a resolution but an ancient Decree . Secondly , there is willfull deceipt in leauing out the first wordes of the Author , Sed quòd dices , si iuraui ? But what will you say , if I haue sworne ? which doe plainly shew that it is but an obiectiō . Thirdly that he alledgeth the reason of the obiection , Quia quali●ercumque possumus &c. for the reason of the solution , which is false : for that the resolution is made against that reason . Fourthly , the true resolution of the Commentor is vtterly concealed , and a contrary determination by him impugned set downe , and this not as a priuate opinion , but as an ancient decree of the law and Canon it selfe . Consider I pray you how many fraudes and falshoodes there be in one litle quotation , and what a volume I should be in●orced to make , if I would examine exactly such a multitude of citations , as he quoteth against vs. Thus farre wrote I at that tyme in my Treatise of Mitigation : now let vs see how M. Morton will quit himselfe heerof . He beginneth his discharge in these wordes . 62. My aduersary , P. R. ( saith he ) may satisfy himselfe for me , who a litle afte● concerning this same allegation of this Authority hath said , that , It may seeme to import that he ( T. M. ) scarce read the bookes thems●lues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes . Heere , we see , in his vehement crimina●ion of malitious falshood , he hath inserted a charitable and true diuination of my integrity . I am glad to see in the mingling of a poūd of worme-wood , and ten ounces of gall , he had the grace to let fall this drame of sugar , and that so seasonably . For the truth is , that I tooke vp these allegations of Gratian vpon credit , & therfore returne these peeces vnto him , of whome I receiu●d them , who is to proue them currant , and to satisfy for himselfe . So M. Morton . 63. Wherby we may see , first how doughty a man M. Morton is to be a publike writer , when so often he is forced either to cōfesse that he neuer saw the Authors which he citeth , or that he tooke them vp by credit or borrowing of others : we may see also how poore men in substance our Ministers are , who for some shew of defence of their bad cause , and for some ostētation or rather calumniation against Catholicks they ioine their labours togeather like emmitts , the one to carry straw , the other earth , the other some more contemptible matter to make a cōmon treasure , out of which euery man may take for furnishing himselfe : but yet when it cōmeth to be handled and weighed , it proueth nothing but drosse , euery one of them following rather his preiudicate passion & appetite in making his collections , then the truth or substance of the things he gathereth together : and wheras he taketh so kindly the dram of sugar , that I l●t fall , in saying , that it seemed that he scarce read the books which he citeth against vs , I cannot but be delighted with his gratitude : yet if he had set downe my whole words , they had some worme-wood ●lso in them : for I say , that this fau●t we●e more pardonable , if he did not vse fraud in like manner in the things themselues deduced by him f●om those m●salleadged authorities , as you shal heare in the next imputation . 64. Now then finding himselfe pressed in such so●t as he cannot tell which way to turne for defending his credit , he is forced to make recourse to stockes aud stones , blockes and bones , ( as their phrase is , of our recourse to intercession of Saints and honouring of their reliques ) that is to say , he is constrained to referre vs ouer to one M. Richard Stocke a brother-Minister of his , and digni●ied by him in the margent with the title of a learned Preacher of London . This Stocke then being a bad storehouse of such as write against vs to furnish them with false wares , lent M. Morton the places , or rather deceaued & abused him with them , as Ri. Can. did before , which Stocke acknowledgeth the matters & beginneth his recognisance thus : I Richard Stocke brought this allegation with some others to the Author of the Discouery &c. And can there be any thing more ridiculous then this , when one Minister is brought in to help out another in matter of false dealing . If I would bring in a Colloquium here betweene M. Morton and M. Stock about the defence of this place for sauing mutually their honesties , should I not haue other manner of matter for an interlude the M. Morton framed to himselfe before out of his fingers ends betweene the Moderate Answerer , and the Mitigator . 65. But I meane not to spend time in such trifles : only I would haue the iudicious Reader in earnest to consider , that if M. Morton either of himselfe or with the help of his creditor M. Stocke , that lent him the falsified authorities before alleadged against Catholickes , could any way in the world with any probable shift haue answered the said falsities himselfe though neuer so slenderly ; it may be presumed that for his credits sake he would haue done it rather in his owne name , then haue confessed his pouerty , or rather patchery in borrowing it of another , and much lesse would he haue sent vs to M. Stocke for answere therof , but rather would he haue taken Stockes direction , & haue deliuered the same as frō himselfe , if any way he had foūd it to be sufficiēt for some probability of truth ? But indeed they cōferring matters togeather , and examining the places , and finding that they were both of them taken in a false measure , the one for lending the false authority , the other for borrowing and abusing ; they concluded like good fellowes & frends to deuide the shame betweene them , M. Morton for his beggarly borrowing and deceiptfull vsage of that which he had borrowed , and M. Stocke for his fraudulent lending of that which was not true , nor verifiable . 66. Let vs come then to the tryall how both ioyning togeather , do indeauour ech one for his part to satisfie my former charge . There be foure or fiue points of falsity obiected to them as you haue heard . The first , that M. Morton in his Discouery auerred ( & repeated the same afterward againe in his full Satisfaction ) that it is an ancient decree of the Canon law , that Catholickes are not bound to pay debts vnto hereticall creditors , notwithstanding they haue sworne to do it . And for this he citeth thus : Apud Gratian● causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. yet cited he no particuler Canon but only certaine wordes in latin found in a Glosse vpon the 4. Canō that beginneth Nos Sanctorū &c. but so fraudulently patched togeather by M. Morton , or by his Creditor M. Stocke , as where the said wordes lye not togeather , nor are spoken by the Glosse to one purpose but to quite contrary and opposite senses , M. Morton alleadged them as appertaining to one & the same effect : the wordes are before set downe : Si iuraui me soluturum &c. and the different fraudes and falsities therin vsed haue byn before displayed . Now only we must see how M. Stocke ( the Champion or vndertaker ) can defend himselfe about the first point , whether there be an ancient decree or no , for not paying debts to excommunicate persons , which both he , and his borrower M. Morton are bound to bring forth vnder paine of discredit , for that the wordes of any Glosse do not proue a Canonicall decree , nor do these heere alleadged , Si iuraui me soluturū , make to that purpose but expresly to the cōtrary that a man is bound to pay , as hath bene declared . How then are these two first pointes answered of falsifying a decree , and peruerting the Glos●e ? Let vs heare the new aduocate M. Stocke speake for himselfe . 67. This allegation ( saith he ) with some others , I Richard Stocke brought vnto the Author of the Discouery , which P. R. challengeth to be maliciously cited , partly for that the wordes of the Glosse were only set downe , when the decree is mentioned , wherin I conceiue P. R. complayneth no otherwise , then one , who being smitten with the scabbard , should complayne that he was not strucke with the sword : So he , because T. M. talked of the decree , and vrged only the Glosse . For the decree is farre more playne against them then the Glosse . Nos sanctorum praedecessorum statuta tenentes , eos qui excommunicatis ●idelitate aut Sacramento constricti sunt , Apostolica Authoritate à iuramento absoluimus : & ne sibi fidelitatem obseruent , omnibus modis prohibemus , quousque ipsi ad satisfactionem veniant . This is the Decree , which in the generall carrieth as much or more , as is set downe by him , and so cleareth him from any malice in this point . So M. Stocke . 68. But as for malice , we shall treat afterwards . Now wee are to see how he hath beaten vs with both the sword & scabbard , that is , both with the Canon or Decree it selfe of Gregory the 7. Nos Sanctorum : as also with the scabbard , which is the Glosse vpon that Canon : and for this later we haue proued before , that being peruerted & manifestly corrupted by M. Morton , quite contrary to the sense , wordes , and meaning of the writer , who saith , and proueth the quite opposite to that which he was made say by M. Morton : though it be but a scabbard ; yet hath it wounded and broken M. Mortons head , and M. Stockes also , if he had part in the corrupting therof . 69. As for the sword it selfe which is the Canon Nos Sanctorum heere alleaged , M. Stocke himselfe confesseth , that it striketh not vs in particuler in determining any thing about or against paying of debts to excommunicate people , and therfore he maketh his inference thus : This is the Decree which in the generall carrieth as much or more as is set downe . Marke that he saith , that it carrieth as much in generall : but generalities are not sufficient to auouch particulers . This Canon doth prohibite obedience to be exhibited to excommunicate persons vntill they do conforme thēselues : it speaketh nothing of debts : how shall we try it ? First by the wordes themselues , wherin there is no mention at all of debts : and for that cause it is probable that M. Stocke was ashamed to English them , as M. Morton before to recite them . Secondly by the Cōmentary or Glosse , whose wordes are plaine Licèt excommunicatio tollat obligationem quoad ●●●●li●at●m , non tamen quoad alios contractus : albeit Excommunication do take away obligation of fidelitie or subiection towards the person excommunicated , yet not in other contracts : So as if I do owe to an Excommunicate person money , I am bound to pay him . Thus doth the Glos●e expound the Canon , and the scabbard doth agree with the sword , and both of them do hurt M. Mortō & M. Stocke , though neuer so good fencers in a bad cause . 70. After this M. Stocke , to helpe out somwhat his Client M. Morton , telleth vs that the selfe same Glos●e ( that after disputing to and fro , concluded before for vs , as we haue seene , that we are bound to pay debts to excommunicate persons ) granteth notwithstanding in the end , that probabiliter dici potest &c. probably , notwithstanding , it may be said that by excōmunication of the person a man is excused from paying debts vnto him in respect of the sundry authorities and reasons that he had recited for that opiniō before : but what of this ? We know his owne resolution before was , Verius credo &c. I do thinke the truer opinion to be , that we are boūd to pay , though this other be not improbable also for the reasons alleaged : what maketh this for the excuse of M. Morton that alleaged this Glosse , as holding the quite contrary . 71. M Stocke goeth further to alleage another begining of a Canō , Absolutos se nouerint , which was made by Pope Gregory the 9. almost two hundred yeares after the former , wherin the very same thing is decreed as in the other , to wit , that he who falleth into manifest heresy , ( and is by name denounced , as both Medina and other expositours do obserue ) leeseth all se●u●ce and obe●●ence due vnto him , vntill he be absolued againe : Wherin there is no one word of debts , though by occasion of this decree a certayne Glos●e● , which is of Bernardus de Buttono Parmensis , doth probably hold , that to such a man there is not obligation of payment of debt ( at leastwise of such debts as are only contracted by promises , but are not reall debts ) so long as he remayneth in that case . And to this effect also speaketh Tolet in the place heere cited by M. Morton , and we haue heard before , how the other Glosse of Bartholomaeus Brixiensis held it for probable , though the contrary for more true , vpon the Canon Nos Sanctorum . 72. Wherfore to conclude , we see that neyther M. Mort. nor his new Aduocate M. Stocke , nor both of them together haue beene able to bring forth the ancient decree which was promised about not paying of debts due to Protestants ( for this he would inferre to make our doctrine more odious vnto thē ) for besides that Protestants are not nominatim excommunicati , and cōsequently not comprehended in the cases alleaged , the two decrees mentioned , do speake only of temporall seruice and obedience , and secondly the Glosse , alleaged and corrupted by M. Morton and M. Stocke both in wordes and sence is not heere iustified nor defēded at all , according to their former allegation therof , but that the foure abuses obiected by me out of the same , remaine still lyable vpō them , as if they had answered nothing at all , so valiāt vndertakers haue they shewed themselues , and stout Champions . Let vs passe vnto another no better defended by them then this . THE SIXT Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton with the help of the same M. Stocke . §. VI. THE sixt charge giuen by me vpon M. Morton for wilfull and fraudulent dealing , chosen out by him to be defended is set downe by me somwhat largely in my Treatise of Mitigatiō , for that it contayneth sundry branches : and I beseech the Reader to haue patience to read it out , & to marke with attention the poynts therof . Thus then I wrote before . The Charge . 74. In the sixt page ( quoth I ) of his Discouery he hath this grieuous accusation out of the Canon law against vs : Haeretici filij , vel consanguinei non dicuntur , sed iuxta legem sit manus tua super eos , vt fundas sanguinem ipsorū . And then he quoteth thus , apud Grat. gloss . in decret . lib. 5. Ex decret . Greg. 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . which distracted kind of quotation separating the first and last wordes that should haue gone togeather , seeme to import that he scarce read the bookes thēselues , but cited the same out of some other mans notes . But that fault were easely pardoned , if he vsed no greater fraud in the thing it selfe . For first he Englisheth the words thus , Heretickes may not be termed eyther children or kindred , but according to the old law thy hand must be against them to spill their bloud , and then in the margent he setteth downe this speciall printed note , The professed bloudy massacre against the Protestants without distinction of sex or kindred . And what can be more odiously vrged then this ? Now thē let vs see how many false trickes and shiftes , fit for a Protestant Minister , do lye lurcking in this short citation . 75. First of all is to be considered that this Glosse or commentary of the Canon law , which heere is both vnt●uely cited and maliciously applyed , is vpon a Canon , beginning Si quis ; which Canon is taken out of the third Councell of Carthage , wherin the famous Doctor and holy Father S. Austin was present , as a chiefe Bishop that had voyce in that Councell , and the decree of the Canon is : That if any Bishop should institute heretickes or pagans for his heirs , whether they were consanguinei or extranei , kinsmen or externes , ei Anathema dicatur , atque eius nomen inter Dei Sacerdotes nullo modo recitetur : let him be accursed , and let not his name be remēbred any way among the Priests o● God. 76. This is the seuerity of that Canon : for ground wherof , another precedent Canon s●tteth downe out of the same S. Augustine , quòd haereticus perseuerans , aeternaliter damnatur &c. that an hereticke perseuering in his heresy is da●ned eternally ; Neither can he receaue any profit by baptisme , almes , martyrdome , nor any other good workes . So hath the tytle of the Canon . But the wordes of S. Augustine are these : ●irmissimè tene & nullatenus dubites &c. Hold for most certaine and no wayes doubt , but that euery hereticke or schismaticke shal be partaker of hell fyre euerlastingly , togeather with the Diuel and his Angels , except before the end of his life he be restored and incorporated againe into the Catholicke Church . Ne●ther shall baptisme , nor almes n●u●r so aboundantly bestowed , no nor death it selfe suffered for the name of Christ , profit him any thing to saluation . So S. Augustine . 77. Vpon this ground then that hereticks out of ●he Church & so censured as here you haue heard , t●ough they be neuer ●o neere of kin , may not be made heires , especially by Church men , the Glosse yealding a rea●on therof , hath these wordes : Qui● isti Haeret●●s , iam non dicuntur filij vel consanguinei . Vnde dicitur in lege ; si frater tuus , & amicus tuus , & vxor tua depra●are volue●it veritate , s● manus ●ua super illos : For that these heretickes are not now called childrē or kinsfolkes , therfore , as such , they cannot be made Inheritors by Ecclesiasticall men . Wherupon it is said in the law ( of Deutronomy ) if thy brother , & friend , or wi●e will go about to depraue the truth , let thy hand be vpon them . And presently he citeth to the same effect , th● Authority of S. Hierome , out of another Canon , in another place of the law , as presenly we shall see . 78. So as first heere we may behold that T. M. hath not put downe this his quoted Glosse , as it is foūd in the true Glosse it selfe , but left out both the beginning , Quia isti haeretici &c. which imported sōwhat to the vnderstanding of his meaning : as also he le●t out the reason alleaged by the Glosse out of Gods owne wordes in Deutronomy , to wit , the wil●ull corrupting o● his truth . And thirdly he added these words vt ●undas sanguinem ipsorum , which heere ( as you see ) the Glosse hath not , but they are cited out of S. Hierome , in another Canon , & volume of the law , where the holy Father excusing to his friend Ripariu● a Priest his earnest zeale & desire to haue Vigil●ntiu● the hereticke ( against whome he had writtē ) punished by his Bishop , alleadgeth diuers examples of seuerity in like cases out of the Scriptures , as of Phin●es , Elias , Symon Can●naeus , S. Peter , S. Paul , & lastly citeth also the foresaid words of Gods Ordinance in Deutronomy : I● thy brother , thy wife , thy friend , &c. shall go about to peruert thee from Gods true worship &c. heare him not , nor conceale him , but bring him forth to Iudgement , and let thy hand be vp● him ●i●st , & then after the hād o● all the people &c. which is to be vnderstod according to the forme of law appointed afterward in the 17. Chapter , that he be orderly brought ●orth to Iudgement , and then when sentence is passed against him , he which heard or saw him commit the sinne , and is a witnesse against him , must cast the first stone at him , and the rest must ●ollow . And this also doth the ordinary commentary or Glosse of Lyranus , and others vpon those texts of Scripture , declare . 79. And now let the iudicious Reader consider how many corruptiōs this crafty Minister hath vsed to bring forth to his purpose this one litle distracted text for profe of professed bloudy massacres intēded by vs against Protestants . For first he corrupteth the words of the Glosse apparantly , and that in diuers poynts , leauing out that which the Glosse saith , and adding that which the Glosse hath not ; then he corrupteth the meaning both of Glosse and Canon , deprauing that to a wicked sense of bloudy massacring without distinction of sex or kindred ; which the Canon and Councell of Carthage , with S. Augustine , meant only of ciuill punishmēt against heretickes , to wit , that they could not be made heires to Ecclesiasticall men . Thirdly he peruerteth in like manner S. Hieromes intent , which was , that albeit he wished that heretiks should be punished also bodily , yet by order and forme of law , and not that any one should kill another , and much lesse by ●loudy massacres , as this fellow setteth it downe in his marginall note . And lastly he presumeth to peruert the very wordes of God himselfe in the law , by translating , fundas sanguinem ipsorum , spill their bloud , in steed o● shed their bloud , as though God were a bloud-spiller , or commaunded the same to be done vniustly by others . But all is ●trayned by the Minister , to make vs odious , wheras himsel●e indeed is therby made ridiculous . And thus farre endured my former Charge . The pretended Discharge . 80. To this impo●tant Charge , let vs see now how Morton●●ameth ●●ameth his discharge : for it ●ay be presumed , that if he had not byn ab●e to do the same sufficiently in his owne conceipt , he would not haue made choice of defending this before so many others as he hath let passe without answere . First then , you must know , that heere agayne he referreth vs to his frend M. Stocke , to help him out , which he doth so miserably , as it is pittifull to see in what plight they both are . For that M. Stocke , though ●e confesse that he lent him this place also out of the Glos●e , yet he will not take vpon him to iusti●y any thing the●in , but only the citation to be true which notwithstanding he cannot performe , as presently shall be shewed : ) but as for the corruptions and falsi●ications vs●d about the same , he leaueth them all to M. Morton to shift with them as he can . And in truth it is a very Comedy to see , how they deale togeather . For first you must imagine M. Morton to enter on the scaf●old , and there being charged with this imputation of so many falsityes , as now you haue heard , first looketh round about him who will come forth to help him therin : and then seing no body appeare sayth thus : To the allegatiō o● thi● place of Gratian , Ric. Stocke doth owe you an answere . And so goeth of the scaffold agayne , leauing the other to play his part , who cōming vp , prosecuteth the matter thus . 81. This second place also I brought ( saith R. Stocke ) vnto T. Morton , the whole being no otherwise distractedly quoted then the Glosse , whence I had it , warranted by me : so that if P. R. reproue me , he must checke his Glossary : for when the Glosse had set downe the first part , he quoted for the later , Causa 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . &c. And this being said , he presently recoyleth , and leaueth the stage for M. Morton againe to make the Epilogue , and end the Comedie . But we must call him back againe , for the glos●e cited by him doth not warrant this citation , to wit , apud Gratianum Glossae in decret . lib. 5. ex Decret . Grego●ij 9. caus . 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . for it had bin ridiculous that this Glosse heere cited vpon the 5. of the Decretals of Pope Gregory , should haue beene found cited in Gratian , as the Collectour of these Decretals of Gregory the ninth , for so much as the said Gratian was dead many yeares before this Pope Gregory the 9. was made Pope , which was vpon the yeare 1227. as in the beginning of the said Decretals is set downe : and Gratian collected his Decrees seauenty & six yeares before , to wit , 1151. So as M. Morton in his first two bookes , the Discouery , and full Satisfaction , citing the sentence , Haeretici filij vel con●anguinei non dicuntur , quoteth the place thus , apud Gratian. Glossa in Decret . lib. 5. ex decreto Gregorij noni , did miste ●irst in saving apud Gratianum Glossa , for that the Glosse cyted is not vpon Gr●ti●n , but vpon the Dec●etals of Gregory , and the Author therof is Be●nardus de Bottono . Secondly it is not in Decretis gathered by Gratian , but vpon the Decretals of Pope Gregory , gathered by Saint Raimondus Bar●inon●●sis almost a hundred yeares after Gratian , as hath beene sayd . 82. VVherfore , though before I said to M Morton , that this ●ault of distracted quotation were easely pardonable , if he vsed no greater fraud in the thing it selfe , for that it was likely he read not the bookes which he cyted ( & he thanketh me hartely for it , as now you haue heard , as for a dram of sugar ●alling seasonably vpon him out of a pound of worme-wood , that had gone before : ) yet I cānot so easely pardon it in M. Stocke , who will cōfesse nothing , nor imitate M. Morton in his humility , but will needs stand to his former errour , and redouble it by a new out-facing that he quoted the place no otherwise then the Glosse had warranted : which is manifestly false . For albeit the Glosse did cite the later part well out of Gratian , to wit causa 23. q. 8. cap. Legi . which I reprehended not : yet the former part , to wit , Apud Gratian. Glossa in decret . lib. 5. ex decret . Greg. 9. can neuer be defended or iustifyed . And so M. Stocke , though he tooke but litle vpon him for defence of M. Morton which was to defend only the bare quotations : yet hath he not performed so much as he promised , but left his Client more intangled then before . For now the errour is not only of ignorance , as befo●e , but made malicious also by this extrauagant defence . Let vs heare how M. Morton will satisfie the rest . He beginneth his defence in these wordes , after M. Sto●ke is departed of the stage . 83. So hath M. Stocke satisfied ( saith he ) for ●i● all●gation : It remayneth that I likewise iusti●y both my collection and ●ranslation . VVherto may be answered , that if you do iustify no better thē he hath done , you will proue both of you iust men alike . And first of all it is ridiculous in you , that being charged with so many graue matters of shiftes and falsi●ications , as are set downe in the precedent charge , which you haue related most brokenly and corruptly , leauing out many chiefe partes therof to hide them from the sight of your Reader ; yow runne to a certayne Dilemma , set downe in your margent , and say , that you will take me vp vpon a Logicall racke , demaunding me whether the Canon of murdering kindred ( which wordes are taken out of Deutronomy , & applyed by S. Hierome against the hereticke Vigilantius ) if they should be applied to Protestants , whether I would hold it for a Massacre or for Catholicke iustice . For if I answere the one , then am I a Traytour , if the other , then am I against the Canō . VVherto I answere , that the demand is foolish , and not worthy the answering at all : for that the like odious demandes may be made about the execution of all criminall lawes . And it is a token that M. Morton is at a Non-plus , when he seeketh to intertayne tyme in these impertinences . VVhy doth he not answere directly to some of the mayne charges layd against himselfe before : as first , the manifest corruption of the wordes o● the Glosse it sel●e : secondly , the falsification of the meaning , b●t● o● the Glosse and Canon : thirdly , the perue●●ing of S. Hieromes sense and intention : ●ourthly the peruerting of the wordes of God himselfe b● translating bloud● insteed o● shed their bloud , as though that God were a bloud-spiller , and commanded the same to be done vniustly by others : for that spilling of bloud is commonly vnderstood in the worst sense . And this translation is seemed to be vsed by him , rather then the other to make the very wordes of Deutronom● odious , as they lye in the Popes Canon taken out of S. Hierome . 84. But now he pretermitting all the other three points , taketh vpon him only to write some few lynes in defence of this fourth and last poynt about spilling of bloud , going about to shew out of diuers places of the Rhemish Translation of the new Testament , that not only spilling of bloud , but shedding of bloud also is somtimes taken in ill part , as Rom. 3.15 . Their feete are swift to shed bloud : and aga●ne Apoc. 16. They haue shed the bloud of Saints , and other such places , where shedding of bloud is vnderstood vn●u●● shedding , or spilling of bloud : which I deny not , but that oftentynes shedding of bloud may be taken for spilling of bloud : but yet this difference you shall finde , if I be not deceaued , that spilling is alwayes taken in the euill part , and shedding somtymes in one , and somtimes in the other , as k●lling a●d murthering for example , killing may be applyed both to good and bad , iust and vniust slaying , but murthering can neuer be taken in good part . And so M. Morton , if passion against the Popes Canon had not letted him , would neuer haue translated the wordes of God sundere sanguinē , to spill bloud , which alwaies is takē in the worst sense , but rather shedd bloud , that may haue a good sense . And against this distinction , and obseruation , let M. Morton alleadge me but three examples , where spilling of bloud is taken in good sense for law●ull shedding of bloud , & I will say he hath done some what . And for so much as he hath not bene able to do it heere , where most it imported him , & where he most endeauoured to seeke out some one example for the purpose , the discreet Reader will easely consider of his passionate speach and conclusion in this place , which is this : Now then ( saith he ) what a notable Critike haue I met withall , whome euery good wise is able to conuince of idle dotage , the vulgar vse of speach being , tha● drinke is spilt , and drinke is shedd : this is the man priuiledged to send me to the Vniuersity to make a syllogisme , whom I may more iustly send to an Ale-house to learne English. So farre M. Morton in his choller . And now all this ( as you see ) requireth no answere , but compassion rather towards the party , so pittifully put out of tune by the weaknes of his cause , as he is forced to draw vs to an Ale-house for ending therof . But let him proue by any of his Ale-wiues , that spilling of good ale is takē in good ●ense , to wit , that it is well spilt , & then he proueth somewhat out of his Ale-house , where I p●rswade me that he shall find few good drinkers , that will be of his opinion . 85. Finally then he concludeth his defence in these wordes : The last point ( saith he ) which is obserued in our Mitigator , is , that he a●fi●meth this Canon to haue byn de●reed in the third Councel● o● Carthage , where no such thing can be ●ound : ther●ore must his o●ne ●●●mes of falshood , fraud , treachery , reue●b●rate vpon himselfe . Thus he . And truly I cannot but maruaile greatly what he meaneth to deny matters so resolutly , that are so apparant as this is , & may inuincibly be proued against him . For first the Canon it selfe that b●ginneth : Si quis Episcopus &c. If any Bishop do institute hereticks for his heirs &c. is cited by the Collector of the Decretals ex Concilio Africano , out of the Councell of Afrike , wherby some do vnderstād to be meant the said ● . Coūcell of Carthage , as held in Afri●ke : but the note in the margent vpon the Canō it selfe doth expressely referre the reader to the said third Councell of Carthage , and 13. Chapter , and to the testimony of Theodorus Balsamon a Greeke writer in his Collections vpon the Councel of Carth●ge , and 25. Chapter . 86. But what need more testimonies when the thing is cleerly extant in the Councell of Carthage it selfe , where it is written in the 13. Canon , Vt Episcopi vel Clerici &c. that neither Bishops nor Clergie mē shall bestow any of their goods vpon any that be not Catholick●ly Christian , though they be their kinsfolkes . And the Councell of Hippo where S. Austen was Bishop , which Councell professeth to make Abbreuiationes Concilij Carthaginensis tertij , an abridgment of the third Carthage Councell , hath this Canon : That Bishops and Clergie men shall bestow nothing of their goods vpō any , but such as are Catholickes . So as for M. Mort. to deny this matter now , and to say boldly that there is no such thing found , ye● t● t●●ne it ouer againe to me as falshood , fraud , and t●each●●y , I know not in what accompt of speach or proceeding it may be reckoned ; but onely that the necessity of intertaining his Reader forced him to say somwhat , though neuer so false or farre from the purpose , yea voyd of modesty and shame , as now you haue seene , in denying that , which his own eyes must needes testify against him . But let this passe with the rest . THE SEAVENTH Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton . §. VII . THE Reader cannot forget how that in the beginning of this Chapter M. Morton protested that he had not chosen out those imputatiōs which were most easie to be answered , but such rather , as his Aduersary did most insist and insult vpon . Now he layeth further forth against me , that I do charge him with falshood about alleadging an Extrauagant of the Pope insteed of a Glosse , and that after my whole charge giuen , I do insult in these words : Thus much ●or his variety o● corruptions in this littl● sentence . To which I answere , that this is no great insuitatiō , if the particulers of the Charge giuen be considered . For thus it standeth in my booke of Mitigation . The Charge . 88. To passe no further ( said I ) in this second poynt of arguments , vnder the n●w Testamēt , we shall say a word or two only of the third , to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason , for so M. Morton intituleth them , to wit , Popish Arguments from Reason . And to the end you may see his talent therin , we shall examine only the third reason in this place , which he declareth in these words : Except ( saith the Romish pretence ) there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes , God had not prouided sufficiently ●or his Church . And for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Boni●acius , and saith , this obiection is in your Extrauagants , and so it may be called , because it rangeth extra , that is without the boūds of Gods Ordināce &c. But as in all his other citations generally he is neuer lightly true , and sincere in all poynts , no not thrice ( I thinke verily ) throughout all this lying Booke of his : so neyther heere . And it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shifts & corruptions , they are so many , and thicke , & craftily hudled vp togeather . As for example heere , first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all , but only in a certayne addition to the ordinary Glosse , or Commentary of Iohn Picard , which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer . Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes , but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonists to be true , that Christ was Lord absolutely in this life ouer all , not only in spirituall authority , but in temporall also , he inferreth therby , Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church , and Kingdome vpon earth , Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia posset , except he had left some such one Substitute or Vicar after him , as should be able to performe all these things , to wit , as belong both to spirituall & temporall power , according as necessity shall require , which later clause you see , that T.M. cut of , as he added the other about Apostata Princes . And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this litle sentence . The pretended discharge . 89. We see the points of iugglings heere obiected , let vs also see how sincerly they will be now answered by M. Morton in this his last Reply . First he sayd in his Booke of Full Satisfaction , that the sentence by him proposed , was in the Popes Extrauagants , or Extrauagant Constitutions : now it is shewed that they are not found in any Extrauagant Constitution at all , but only in a certayne addition of one Petrus Bertrandus a late writer vpon the Glosse or Commentary what answereth he to this ? For cityng ( saith he ) the Extrauagants of the Pope , an ingenious Reader would haue vnderstood a figure called Synecdoche , where the part is put for the whole : as when we say , This man shall not come vnder my roofe , meaning by roofe , which is ●ut a part of the house , the whole house i● sel●e : so heere by Extrauagāt might haue byn meant the whole body of their Constitutions , which contayne both Extrauagāts and Glosses &c. 90. This is the first part of his answere , that we must vnderstād him by a figure , Pars pro toto , as if a man should say in diuinity , the Scripture hath this or that , because some that write Commentaryes or Annotations vpon it haue it : so as all Commentaryes must be held for Scriptures . And the like in Philosophy , Aristotle may be affirmed to say this or that , for that some of his Expositours doe say the same . VVere not this a substantiall kind of arguing ou● of the figure Synecdoche , which is Pars pro toto , a part for the whole ? Will not M. Morton be ashamed of this shift , and blush at the consequence ? But indeed here is not so much as any Synecdoche , or such figure at all , but only the figure of playne lying . For neyther are the Extrauagant Constitutions of Popes , partes of the ●losses , nor the Glosses are parts of the Constitutions , & much lesse may Additions or Annotatiōs be accompted any partes at all of the same : So as heere M. Morton cannot be defended or excused by his Synecdoche in cyting an Annotation for an Extrauagant Decree , or Papall Cōstitution . And this is his first shift : let vs see his second . 91. The second is not so fyne , but much more soule and ●raudulent , or rather shameles , which he deliuereth in these wordes , therby to proue that Glosses and Annotations are not only partes of the Popes Constitutions , but of the very same Authority and validity with them : a strange desperate assertion , if you consider it well . But how will he proue it thinke you ? Let vs heare his wordes and reason . 92. Pope Gregory the 13. ( saith he ) hath ratifyed the foresaid Glosse and Annotatiōs , with priuiledge and authority equiualent and answerable to the anthority o● the Decretals & Ex●rauagants themselues . Wherof he inferreth , that whether a man do cite Decretals , Extrauagāts , Glosses , and Annotations , all is one , for that all haue equiualent authority . And will any man of sense belieue this to be true ? It is incredible . And how then doth he auouch it ? Or what reason can he alleadge for it ? You shall heare his ma●ner of proofe how substantiall it is . First then you must know that Pope Gregory the 13. in these our dayes being demaunded licence to print the Canō●aw a new , prefixed an Epistle before the Decretals of Gratian with this tytle , Ad suturam rei memoriam , wherin he giueth licence to Paulus Constabilis Magister Sacri Palatij to reuiew the same , and to the Printers to print it exactly according to the Roman example , saying among other things therupon : Vt hoc Iuris Canonici Corpus fideliter & incorruptè , iuxta exemplar Romae impr●ssum , imprimi possit , that this Corps of the Canon law may be faithfully , and without corruption printed , according to the Copie set forth at Rome : wherof M. Morton will needs inferre , that for so much as Pope Gregory did ordayne , that all the whole Corps of the Canon law should be printed togeather , according to the Roman Copie , as well of Constitutions , Decrees , Extrauagants , Glosses , Annotations , and the rest , he made them all equall , and of the same and equall authority , for so runne his wordes : Pope G●egory the 13. ( saith he ) hath ratifyed the foresaid Glosse and Annotations with priuiledge and authority equiualent and answerable to the autho●ity of the Decretals and Extrauagants thēselues . 93. And what man in the world in his right witts , besydes M. Morton , would haue had the face to alledge this Licence of printing , for an equalling the credit and authority of all the things printed ? Can there any match be found to this ? Tell me I pray you , when king Henry the eight did allow at the beginning , and gaue priuiledg for printing the great English Bible with Tindals notes ( which afterward he called in againe & censured for hereticall , did he therby make these notes of Tindall of equall Authority with the Scripture it selfe ? Or if Queene Elizabeth did approue the printing of the English new Testament with Beza his notes , did she therby equall the said Notes with the text of the Testament it selfe ? VVho would reason so , or who would go about so to abuse his Reader , and himselfe , that had care of conscience or credit ? Can these fraudes be committed but of deliberation and set purpose ? Surely if any one such tricke should be brought and proued against any writer of ours , it were inough to shame him for euer . Let any man read the said Breue of Gregory the 13. and he will say , that these men are driuen to great extremities , when they are forced to lay hands vpon such base and bare thiftes . 94. But let vs see how he shifteth of the last two charges of adding to the beginning , and cutting frō the end of the sentence alleadged out of the Glosse . He sayth to the first , that albeit the wordes Apostat● Princes be not in the text of the Glosse , totidem verbis , that is in precise wordes ( nor indeed are they found at all : ) yet may the matter handled in that Glosse be extended vnto them , and to their deposition , for so much as in that glosse is disputed the Popes authority in generall ouer temporall Princes : which is farre fetcht as you see , to be set downe by him in a different letter , as the very wordes not only of the Glosse , but also of the Canon or Extrauagant it selfe . And as for the second clause which is the cutting of the last wordes of the sentence , Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset &c. he answereth thus : VVhat needed any addition of that which was sufficiently expressed in my Aduersaryes obiection ? But Syr , we require no addition by you , but why did you cut of these last wordes of the sentence that immediatly followed in the Glosse , and made so much for explication of his meaning ? What need these niblings , strechings , and other such shifts in so small sentences ( as now we are to see also in the next imputation ) but only that the misery and necessity of your cause cannot else be defended ? For that otherwise it may be supposed , that you are not so delighted in falshood , as to vse it so often , without vtility or necessity : yea more or les●e in euery least sentēce lightly , that is alleaged , as now the Reader shall see in another that ensueth . In the meane space it is euident , that you are so farre of from being able to deliuer your selfe from the Charge and imputation of falshood in this place obiected , as you haue incurred new , and that most notorious in slaundering Pope Gregory the 13. to haue equalled Glosses and Annotations with Extrauagants and Canonicall Decrees , which neuer passed through his cogitations . And the mistaking is not only ridiculous , but also malicious , to discredit therby Pope Gregory , as by it self is most euident . THE EIGHT Imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by T. M. §. VIII . THIS eight imputation in like manner , is about an other wilfull corruption vsed by M. Morton in a litle sentence alleaged by him out of Cardinall Bellarmine , which though it conteyne scarce two or three lines : yet hath it two or three corruptions therin , so set downe , as could not by any probability be of ouersight or errour , but of set purpose for helping of a bad cause . I handled this matter somewhat before in the precedent Chapter , but Morton●or ●or want of new store , draweth it heere in agayne . The controuersy arose about a certayne speach brought in by M. Morton of Caluin and Beza , how they were accused by F. Campian , Genebrard , & other Catholike writers , for holding the heresy of the Autotheans , who deny Christ to be God of God● & Light of Light , as the Councell of Nice teacheth vs to speake , but that he is God of himself : which doctrine notwithstanding M. Morton said , that Cardinall Bellarmine holdeth for Catholicall , and consequently he both deliuereth Caluin and Beza from imputation of heresy therin , and is contrary to his fellowes , who of ignorance or passion ascribed this for heresy to Caluin and Beza ; wherin M. Morton goeth about by Equiuocation to beguile his Reader . For albeit Bellarmine doth teach that in some sense it may be truly said , that Christ is God of himselfe : yet absolutely doth he condemne the speach of Caluin for hereticall therin , and he proueth it by many arguments , which point M. Morton concealed , and besydes craftely corrupted the words alleaged out of Bellarmine , as presently will be seene . For thus my former Charge was made after the recitall both of M. Morton and Cardinall Bellarmines wordes at large . The Charge . 96. But now ( said I ) aswell Caluin and Beza ( as also M. VVillet and Doctor Fulke their Schollers ) in a particuler sense ( saith our Minister ) do deny Christ to be God of God , to wit , that the Essence of his God-head hath no generation , though as he is Sonne , and the second person in Trinity , he is by generation from his Father : which doctrine he sayth our Bellarmine doth hold for Catholicall , whose wordes he alledgeth in the margent thus : Dum rem ipsam excutio , non facilè audeo pronuncia●e ill●s in errore fuisse , while I do examine well the thing it selfe , I date not presume to pronounce them to haue byn in errour , to wit , Caluin and Beza : wheras Bellarmines words are , fuisse● while I examine the matter it selfe , and diligently consider Caluins opinions , I do not easely presume to pronoūce him to haue bin in this errour , to wit , in the particuler errour , or heresy of the Autotheans , set downe and confuted by Genebrard , and in his sense condēned expresly by the anciēt Catholike Church , for denying Christ to be , and to haue his Essence from the Father : but yet though in some sense it seemeth to Bellarmine , that Caluin may be excused in this priuate & particuler meaning of his , yet not absolutely as T. M. would m●ke his Reader to thinke , by striking out cūningly the particle hoc ( this errour ) & leauing the word ( error ) in cōmon , as though Bellarmine had excused him from all kind of errour , which is most false , for that presently after , he both impugneth of purpose and confuteth by many arguments his manner of speach , as hereticall in this behalfe . 97. Restat ( saith he ) vt modum loquendi Calumi , qui dicit Filium à se habere essentiam , simpliciter esse repudiandum , & contrario modo loquendum esse demonstremus &c. It remayneth that we do demonstrate Caluins manner of speach , that saith the Sonne to haue his essence of himselfe , is simply to be reiected , and that we must speake in a quite contrary manner , to wit , that the Sonne hath not only his person , but essence also from the Father , and so is God of God , and light of light , as the Councell of Nice declared : and this he proueth by foure wayes . First , Quia pugnat cum Verbo Dei , for that Caluins manner of speach is opposite to the word of God &c. Pugnat secundò cum Concilijs , and secondly it is repugnāt to the manner of speach of ancient Councels , as the Nicene and others . Pugnat tertiò cum doctrina Patrum , thirdly it is contrary to the doctrine of the old Fathers . Fourthly it agreeth with the speach of the old Arians : and other such proofes , which Bellarmine doth prosecute at large , cōfirming ech one of these members by diuers examples and instances , and that Caluin spake heretically in fauour of the Arians in this behalfe . 98. So as the cosenage heere of striking out ( hoc ) out of Bellarmines wordes , making him to say , non audeo pronuntiare illos in errore ●uisse , insteed of illum in hoc errore fuisse , though it be small in sound of wordes , yet in substance it is much . For that therby Thomas Morton would make his reader belieue that Bellarmine cleareth Caluin & Beza frō all sortes of errour in this point , and for that propose turneth illum into illos , & hoc errore , into errore , that is to say , him into them , and this errour , into any errour at all : wheras Bellarmine though in one sense he excuse him , yet absolutely doth he condemne him , as you haue heard . And no man can deny , but that his latin wordes were heere fraudulently and per●idiously alleadged , and mangled by Thomas Morto● , for that he could not do it but wittingly and of purpose : and yet forsooth this man will not equiuocate as he saith for a world , though lye he will manifestly for much lesse as yow see . Thus wrote I then . The pretended Discharge . 99. For answere to this Charge M. Morton saith three things . First , that for a signe of his sincere meaning , and that he had not any such diuelish disposition to cosen his Reader , as is pretended , he alledgeth that he left the latin sentence of Bellarmine vntranslated : wheras if he had recited it also in English , he had layd as it were a double nett to trap his Reader &c. But this is a poore excuse : For he that shall read the contexture and threed of his text in that place , shall see that he could not conueniently bring in the sentence of Bellarmine Englished , but it was inough to cite the latin wordes for the more learned , and deceaue the vulgar Reader with the false assertion , that Bellarmine held the doctrine of Caluin and Beza for Catholike , without any mislike or reprehension at all . 100. Secondly for nibling of the word hoc , and citing errore , for hoc errore , he saith the fault was nothing , for that all was one in Bellarmines speach . For proofe wherof he runneth to diuers experiments of speach , as before to the Alehouse and Ale-wyues about spilling and shedding ale : so heere he taketh example of his Hostesse and of eating at the table , affirming that if one should say , of two sortes of bread vsed at table , giue me the courser bread , and his seruant should fetch him hors-bread , ●or that he had not added ( hoc ) that is to say , giue me of this sort of courser bread , and not hors-bread , for so much as it was so to be vnderstood of it self : so when the question was about a particuler heresy of the Autotheans , when Bellarmine deliuered Caluin ( ab errore ) it was as much to say , as ab hoc errore , from this particuler errour . And the like he answereth about illos for illum , saying that for so much as Bellarmin doth afterward in the same place exuse one Simlerus a follower of Caluin for the same opinion o● Caluin , he doth consequently also excuse Beza : and so M. Morton might quote illos for illum . 101. Thus he trifleth out matters ad excusanda● excusationes in peccatis . And what may not be defended or deluded in this sort ? but let him answere directly and substantially to this demaund ? VVhy had not he ( if he had meant playnly and sincerely ) set downe Bellarmines wordes as he found them in his text ? especially they being so few ? VVhy did he alter them ? VVas it by chance or of purpose ? If by errour he missed in the citation , why happened it vpon those things that were all to his aduantage ? To witt , the leauing out of ( hoc ) therby to make it seeme that Bellarmine cleered Caluin of all errour in that matter , wherin he expressely condemned him quoad modū loquendi , in his manner of speach , which he proueth to be hereticall by foure sortes of arguments , as now you haue heard . Or why had not M. Morton so much as mentioned this condemnation by Bellarmine , seing it imported the matter so mightely ? If it were not by chance , but by industry and set purpose ( though it be but a word : ) yet is it sufficient to argue the faulty mynd of the Corrupter . And in this sort might I argue in all the rest of other points , that are peruerted : It could not probably fall out ( especially so often ) by chāce or errour , ergo of purpose , ergo of fraudulent meaning , and of desyre to deceaue . And so much for this to prooue in M. Morton mentem reā , a guilty mind , that according to S. Augustins iudgement maketh him mendacij reum , guilty of willfull lying , though it be but in smaller things , where malyce is more thē the matter it self . 102. Hytherto M. Morton hath gone vp and downe , seeking and picking out the weakest sort of imputatiōs layd against him● wherunto he thought himself best able to make some shew of probable answere : wherin notwithstanding you haue seene how litle he hath beene able to performe in any substance of truth , and how in three or foure of these eyght aready proposed , he hath beene forced eyther to confesse , that he saw not the Authour which he cited , or to remit vs to other men for answering the falshoodes therin obiected . And now he betaketh himselfe to another shift , for making vp a number of imputations , as satisfyed by him ( for it seemed somewhat to touch his credit to answere fourteene imputations , which was the nūber he obiected against me , though he leaue more then twice fourteene vnanswered ) and this new shift is to repeate , and bring in agayne in this place fiue seuerall imputations treated both by him , and vs before , and some of them twice at least : and yet would he nedes fetch them in the third tyme , not for want of other layd against him , of much more force & difficulty to be answered , but for that these being things of small moment , and lightly obiected for such by me , they do serue him to make a bulke of worke , as though he had dispatched much matter , and solued great difficultyes , wheras indeed they are nothing but wordes , on his behalfe , and ostentatiō without substance . Let vs see then what they are . THE NINTH Imputation twice handled before , and now again● brought in by M. Morton . §. IX . THIS is about a place of Isay the Prophet in the 29. Chapter and 9. verse , where it is said in the common Latin trāslation of S. Hierome , Obstupescite & admiramini , fluctuate & vacillate , inebriamini , & non à vino , mouemini , & non ab ebrietate : Be ye astonished and wonder , wauer yee and reele , yee are drunke , but not with wine , ye are moued but not with drunkennesse : and cōforme to this are the other texts also both in Hebrue & Greeke . VVhich sentence M. Morton translateth into English , & setteth it forth for his poesie in the first page of his booke in these wordes : But stay your selues and wonder , they are blind and make you blind , applying it to our Catholicke Doctors and doctrine : for which I noted him only in the end of my second Chapter , for falsly alleaging , corrupting , and mangling this place : the Reader will se my reason by looking vpon the text . And how little he hath bene able to say for himselfe in iustification of this his fancy , may be seene in the two Chapters before mentioned . And so we passe to another as trifling as this . THE TENTH Imputation twyce also handled before , and now againe brought in by M. Morton . §. X. THIS also is a Colewort twice already sodden , and now brought in agayne the third tyme , for lacke of better victualls , to witt , about the text of Carerius the Paduan Doctor , whether it should be Nuperrimè verè Celsus , or nuperrimè verò Celsus , wherof I spake but a word or two in my Treatise of Mitigation , censuring it for a trifle : and now M. Morton hath so stretched out the matter , for that he may seeme to haue some litle patronage for his errour by the later errour of another prynt , as hauing brought it in twice already in two seuerall Chapters for an ostentation of his manhood , he cōmeth now againe the third tyme with the same thing , as you see , wheras my booke might haue lent him a great many of other more reall Charges , wherin his said manhood might better haue beene tryed . But he desired only to make a florish . THE ELEVENTH Imputation pretended to be answered , which is handled also before . §. XI . THIS Imputation was for that M. Morton had affirmed that Doleman doth pronounce sētence , That whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince , is a most grieuous and damnable synner . VVhich sentence I do affirme in my Treatise of Mitigation , that it is neyther in wordes nor in sense to be found in Doleman , which I do proue by producing his whole text that hath no such wordes , though M. Mo●ton hath sett them downe in a different letter , as Dolemans prope● wordes . Nor are they there in true sense , as more preiudiciall to Protestants , then to men of other religion : for that the discourse is generall for all sortes of men of what Religiō or sect soeuer , that they do sinne grieuously , if willingly they doe concurre to the making of a King , whome they thinke in their conscience to be contrary to Gods true religion ? Where M. Mortō ( saying nothing to the substance of the matter it selfe ) indeuoureth to shew , that as a man may sometymes alleage the sense of Scriptures only , and not the very wordes , citing for the same diuers examples , as Ephes. 5.14 . Heb. 1. 1. Heb. 3.5 . Act. 10.43 . and so might he alleage the sense of Doleman though he varied from his wordes . But I deny , that eyther the true wordes , or true sense of Doleman was related by him , and consequently , it cannot be excused from a witting falshood . See this matter handled before Cap. 1. § . 7. THE TWELVTH Imputation handled before Chap. 1. and pretended now againe to be answered . §. XII . THIS Imputation was about false dealing on M. Mortons behalfe , in setting downe a generall as●ertion , that all Popish Priests vpon the pretended supremacy and prerogatiu● of Pope and People ( ouer Princes ) do vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Prin●es . Wherin he is conuinced of diuers falshoods , handled before by vs in the first Chapter of this Treatise , where we haue shewed euidently , that he cannot defend his position , but with multiplying more fal●ityes one vpon another , for view wherof I remitt the Reader to the place quoted : for so much , as M. Morton in this last Reply writeth only fiue lines therof in this place , remitting vs in like māner to that which before hath bene handled . THE THIRTEENTH Imputation handled also before , and now brought in againe by M. Morton . §. XIII . IT is a great argument of M. Mortons penury that he is forced to repeat things so often , thereby to make some shew of answering to somwhat , though in truth it be nothing in effect : for that he dissembling aboue 30. weighty and maine Charges giuen him by his Aduersary , as will appeare in the next Chapter , he seeketh to intertaine his Reader heere with smaller matters , twice or thrice repeated . And now this thirteenth Imputation , if yow remēber , was about alleaging the authority of the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis , against the cause of Pope Gregory the seauenth , in fauour of the Emperour Henry the fourth , quite contrary to the wordes & meaning of the said Historiographer , who defendeth the cause of the said Pope , speaking much good of his lyfe & vertue . And M. Mort. is so farre of frō being able to quit himself from false dealing in this behalf , as he is forced partly to lay the fault vpon others , as vpon Doctor Tolo●anus , partly to abuse the name and testimony of Claudius Espencaeus , and make him to say and auerre that which he doth not , but relateth out of others : And in no one Imputation hitherto touched was he more graueled then in this , as the Reader may see by turning to the place it self . So as it is strange that M. Morton will bring in this againe , but only to make vp a nūber , and yet leaue out so great store of other of farre greater importāce as hath bene said . But now leauing this , let vs peruse another defence of his , which he hath chosē to make , as the last prize of his maistery in this behalfe : and it being reserued by him for the last place , we may imagine , it will be a good one . THE FOVRTEENTH and last Imputation of falshood pretended by M. Morton to be triumphantly answered . §. XIIII . FOR the last place and vpshot of this Combat , M. Morton hath made choice of an Imputation which he pretendeth not only with great aduantage to be able to repell and shake of from himselfe , but to retort the same in like manner vpon his aduersary , & therfore he intertaineth himselfe longer therin then in any other hitherto named , & deuideth his answere both into a seuerall preface & foure distinct heads or paragraphs , promising in the one to shew the falsity of this obiected Imputatiō : in the second the foolishnes : in the third the vn●ortunatnes : in the ●ourth the blasphemy . And surely if he can , not only cleere himself from the imputation , but proue also these foure points against me for obiecting the same , or any one of them ( which is more liberality then he demādeth ) I will say that he hath shewed manhood indeed in this last attēpt , to recompēce the Childhood we haue found in all the rest . 109. But yet before we passe to the particuler triall , I must needes tell him friendly , that this aduētrous anymosity of his is not allwaies either cōmēdable or fortunate , as we shall shew in our eight Chapter , where we shall be forced to treat somewhat of his cōfident & audacious o●fers & protestatiōs . And for that he termeth the Charge made by me of this imputation an Inditemēt , I shal vse the same Metaphor in this my Answere & aduertismēt vnto him , which is that I haue heard of sundry in England , who being called into suspition about criminall imputations , & bound ouer only vpō sleight bandes to appeare at the next Assises , haue vpon like animosity , & to daunt the aduersary with voluntary appearing & defending their owne cause , remayned condemned , & executed , notwithstanding their indiscreet courage in presenting themselues at the barre , when it needed not , & somtimes perhaps the sooner , for that they shewed therby so little respect to the Sea● of Iudgmēt , as to thinke themselues able to delude the same : And euē so fareth it in our case , M. Mort. hauing seene the parts of his inditemēt , as himselfe calleth it , & pondered ( no doubt ) of what weight they are , would , notwithstanding , needs call the matter into question againe before a new ●ury & haue al particulers r●●i●wed , & more exactly looked into , whereas the thing might haue bi● passed ouer with silence , or at least with les●e publicity , if himself had not prouoked the contrary . 110. VVell then for so much as he will needes haue i● so , let vs bring forth our Charge set down in the Trea●ise of Mitigation , which he call●th an Indi●emen● , the subiect wherof is about egregious false dealing , in alleaging the authority of the Germā historiographer Lambertus Scafnaburg . against Pope Gregory the 7. whom Lambertus doth highly commend , euen as the same M. Mor● . had done b●fore in alleaging Otto Frisingensis ; but yet with more audacity , for that he would seeme to excuse the other fact , by laying the fault vpon Doctor Tolosanus as you haue heard . But heere he doth not only not lay it vpon another , nor excuse the fact , nor acknowledg any error or ouer sight , but auerreth both falsity , ●olly , infelicity and blasphemie to be in the imputation . Let vs come thē to the discussion of the whole . My former wordes were these . The Charge . 111. But the next fraud ( after that of misalleaging Fri●ingensis ) or impudency , or rather impudent impiety ( said I ) is that which ensueth within foure lynes after in these words : Pope Gregory the 7. ( saith your Chronographer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolike Sea by Symony & other capital crymes . And then cyteth for proof hereof Lambertus Schasnaburg . Anno 1077. As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth against the said Pope , or that it were approued by him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour . Let any man read the place and yeare heere c●ted , and if he be a modest man , he will blush at such shameles dealing . For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause & vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand , thē this man , whose words are : Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clariùs constabat falsa esse quae dicebantur : Nam & Papa tam eximie tamque Apostoli●è vi●am instituebat &c. But with all men of sound wisdome , it was more cleere then the sunne , that the things which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false ; for that the Pope did lead such an excellent & Apostolicall life , as the sublimity of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him , he lyuing in that great Citty & open concourse of men , it could not haue byn hidden , if he had cōmitted any vnlawfull thing in his life . And moreouer , the signes & miracles which by his prayers were often times done , & his most feruent zeale for God in defen●e of Ecclesiasticall lawes , did sufficiently defend him against the poysoned tongues of his detractours . And againe : Hildebrandi constātia et inuictus aduersus auaritiā animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae ●allaciae . The constancie of Pope Hildebrand and his inuincible mind against the corruption of auarice , did exclude all arguments of humane fallacie and deceipt . So Lambertus . 112. And now let the Reader consider , with what conscience & fidelity T. M. hath cyted him for cōdemnatiō of Pope Hildebrād . He relateth indeed , what certaine Noblemen , Captaines & others that came with the Emperour to the Cas●le of Canusium , & would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place , said in their rage afterward , for that against their Coūsell he had submitted himself vnto the said Pope . And when a certaine Bishop named Eppo was sent to their Camp by the Pope and Emperour to informe them of the agreement & submission made : Fremere omnes ( saith this Storie ) & seuire verbis & manibus coeperunt , Apostolicae legatio●i irrisorijs exclamat●onibus ●bstrepere , conuitia & maledicta turpissima q●aec●mque f●●or sugg●ssisset irrogare . All of them began to fret and wax ●ierce , both in words and casting their hands , & with scornfull outcries to contradict this Apostolicall legation sent vnto them , & to cast vpon the Pope all the most foule reproaches & maledictions that furie could suggest vnto them . Thus saith Lambertus : and then setteth downe the particuler slanderous reproaches heere cyted by T.M. which he approueth not , but condemneth as you haue heard , and highly commendeth not only the vertue , but sanctity also of the Pope . And will euer any man credit T.M. any more in any thing that he alleageth , when this cōscienceles falsification is once discouered in him ? yea though it were but once throughout his whole Booke , it were sufficiēt to proue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all . 113. If an enemy would discredit both Christ & Christian Religion , and say , your owne Euangelistes do recount foule things against him ( as here this Minister saith our historiographer doth of Pope Gregory ) and namely that he was accused by the Scribes & Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Beelzebub , for deceauing the people , for denying tribute to be paid to Cesar , for mouing sedition , and other like crymes , which our Euangelistes doe recount indeed , but do condemne them also as false and calumnious : were not this as good and faithfull a manner of reasoning , as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Fri●ingensis against pope Hildebrand , who is by thē both most highly cōmended , as you haue heard , and his aduersaries condemned ? Truly , if any man can shew me out of all the Catholicke writers that be extant , English or other , that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing , where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood , then will I grant that it is not proper to the Protestant spirit alone . Hithert● I must confesse that I neuer found it in any : and if I should , though it were but once , I should hold it for a sufficient argument not to belieue him euer after . And this shall suffice for a tast only of M. Mortons manner of proceeding : for that to prosecute all particulers would require a whole volume , and by these few you may ghesse at the mans veyne and spirit in writing . So I wrote then in my Treatise of Mitigation . The pretended Discharge . 114. To this Charge M. Mort. beginneth his Discharge thus : Thou seest ( Christian Reader ) I haue had patience to heare my Inditement deliuered vnto the full , and suffred my Aduersary without any interruption to say so much in this accusation , as that by this tyme he may seeme to h●●e runne himself out o● breath &c. Now ther●ore I turne my self vnto thee ( good Reader ) as to my Iudge , who may seeme by this tyme to exact of me an answere , and of whome I must desyre and expect a iust censure . Vouchsafe there●ore ( I pray thee ) an inten●iue examination , and I dare presume , thou wilt ackn●wledg this accusation to be both so false , and foolish , and vnfortunate to his cause , and indeed blasphemous , as though he had studied to be eyther ●aithl●s , or fond , or vnluckie , or impious &c. So M. Mort. And you see how passionate the man is in these his speaches , and how needfull it was for me to intitle this Answere A quiet and sober Reckoning , for that otherwise we might haue fallen from all reckoning of reason and moderation . But to come to the matter , what saith he to the point it self of iustifying his allegation of the vn●ruth of Lambertus against Pope Gregory ? You shall heare it deliuer●d by himself . 115. In the beginning ( saith he ) I am charged with impudent impiety for citing Lambert Schafnaburge to affirme that , The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate Pope Gregory for capitall crimes . But why is this impudencie ? As if ( saith P. R. ) this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth , or that it were approued of him , and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour &c. The point now in question is , whether this Author Lambertꝰ Schafnaburge was of this opiniō ? Which P. R. denieth , calling my assertion an impudent impiety . Let vs be iudged by the euidence of the Author himself who in the place alleadged hath these words : Postquam per It●liam fama percrebuisset &c. After that the fame was spread abroad throughout Italie that K. Henrie had set his foot in their coastes ( certatim omnes Italiae Episcopi &c. ) All the Bishops of Italy did flocke by troups vnto him , receauing him with all honour worthy the magnificence of such a person , and within a few daies after , an army of an infinite multitude was gathered vnto him : for from the first time that he was King , the longed for his comming into Italy , because at this time Italy was pestered with the euery . And what els ? It followeth a litle a●ter . Besides they ( viz. the Bishops & people ) did cōgratulate his cōming , because it was reported that he came with a resolute courage to depose ( Gregory ) the Pope . Heere we see it graunted by Lambert , that all the Bishops of Italy were desirous to haue this Pope Gregory deposed . Thus far are M. Mortons wordes . 116. But to beginne with that which he last mentioneth of all the Bishops of Italy , the word all is fraudulently vrged by him , as you will see : so that scarsly in any thing doth he deale sincerely , for albeit these wordes be in Lambertus , Certatim ad eum omnes Italiae Episcopi & Comi●es confluebant : All Bishops and Earles of Italy did flock vnto him , yet that they were only certaine Italian Bishops & Earles , that dwelt about the Alpes is euidēt by the narration it selfe . For the very next precedent words le●t out by M. Morton are , Superatis asperrimis rupibus , iam in●ra Italiae fines consistere , certatim ad eum omnes Italiae Episcopi . After that it was vnderstood that the Emperour had ouercome the high rockes , and was within the borders of Italy , all the Italian Bishops & Earles flocked vnto him . And what sort of Bishops these were , he expoundeth with in few l●nes after saying : Qui fe iampridem ab ●cclesiastica communione suspenderat : they hated Pope Gregory● as him that had suspended them from Ecclesiasticall Cōmunion . And againe a litle after , about the cause of their suspension : Passimiactantibus Regis sa●●●ribus & pre●ipuè Cleri●is , quibus i●ici●a & con●ra s●ita Canonum cont●acta coniugia prohibe●at . The Emperours ●auorers did cast abroad , especially Clergimen , vnto whom Pope Gregory had forbidden vnlawfull marriages , contracted against the Decrees of the Canons , that he liued dissolutely &c. 117. These thē are the Bishops of Italy whome he mētioneth , to wit , some of Lobardy that liued about the Alpes & were of dissolute life and excommunicated by Pope Gregory , who were the first that ranne to the exommunicated Emperour , hoping , as the said Lambert saith , by his meanes , vt iniuriam suam idoneè vindicarent , that they should fitly be able to reuenge by his power their iniury receiued , as they acompted it . And albeit in respect of the multitude of German Bishops , and also of Burgūdi● and other Countries that came with the Emperour , some for him and some against him , Lambertus doth call them Ital●s & Italiae Episcopos : yet doth h● no● meane that all the Bishops of Italy , nor yet all of the Northward partes therof ( and much lesse of the Southerne ) were against Pope Gregory , or fauoured the Emperour . For that expres●ely he sheweth that the Countesse Mathildes which was Lady of the most and greatest Sta●es bordering vpon those Countries of Lombardy was wholy with the Pope against the Emperour : so as all those Italian Bishops ( in which word M. Morton standeth much ) that did make Conuenticles against Pope Gregory , were only those , and of that sort which I haue mentioned . And this did M. Morton craftely conceale , as his fashion is though it lay in the very same lynes , from whence he tooke the rest . 118. But this is not the chief question , that now we must handle , whether these Bishops were all the Bishops of Italy or not ( which no man will imagine , that shall read the endeauours o● S. Anselmus of Luca , and of many other holy Bishops of Italy for the Pope : ) but whether Lambertus did affirme or approue , that those Schismaticall Bishops did depose Pope Gregory or no● For if he did not te●tify both these points , ●●en was he no fit witnes for M. Morton to disgrace Pope Gregory withall , yet doth he to auoid this illation propose the matter otherwise in the●e words . 119. The point in question is ( quoth he ) whether this Author Lambertus did thinke that those Bishops of Italy had condemned this Pope Gregory ( for whether they did it iusty or iniustly is the second question ) for such crimes or no. I haue affirmed that Lambertus was of this opinion , but P. R. denieth it . So he . 120. VVherto I answere , that this is not the point in question , wh●ther Lambertus did thinke , that they had excōm●nicated him or no ? Ne●ther did we euer ioyne issue therupon , as doth appe●re in my charge before set downe : though Lamber●us is not found any where to affirme that they did excomunicate him , but only rela●eth , that some of his enemies in their fury , rage , and passion did obiect ●uch things against him : but the true question is , Whether Lambertus supposing such a thing had byn done , were of opinion , that it was iustly or iniustly , rightly or wrong●ully done , for otherwise he should impertinently be brought in for the cōdemnation of Pope Gregory : for so much as if he had bin wrongfully and iniuriously so condemned , it would haue bin more for his praise , as by the examples of S. Athanas. S. Chrys. & other holi● men so cōdemned by multitudes of either bad or deceyued Bishops , may appeare . 121. Wherfore we see M. Morton brought heere into great straites , and forced first to chang the whole state of the question : and then to say , that I did deny that which I did not , and himselfe to affirme that thing which is neither to the purpose , nor can be proued to be true . For neither did I deny that Lambertus knew of such a condemnation , nor is M. Morton able out of him to proue , that he knew it . And if it were , yet is it a very absurd and iniurious manner of proceeding , vpon another mans relation only , without approbation or liking the fame , to infame & condemne so grea● a man as P. Greg. was . Let vs set down the Case in true tearms . 122. A Sonne complayning that his Father hath byn iniustly infamed , saith , that his enemies amongst other things did slaunderously accuse him of murder , stealth , adultery and the like , but that all was false & done of hatred against him . Wherupon notwithstanding som● of them hauing no authority therunto did depriue him of an high office which he bare in the Comonwealth● and his cōplaint remaining in Record , some enemy of his house many yeares after , should alleadg these things for true against him , and should cite the ●estimony o● his owne Sonn● for witnes therof , might not he be accompted for a notable bad fellow & malicious calumniator , that would do this ? M. Mort. Case is iust the same towards P. Greg. and Lambertꝰ alleaging the later for infaming the first : wheras he doth defend , prayse and extoll him . Can there be more wilfull malice then this ? But let vs examine yet further some wordes of his defence . 123. Besides this ( saith he ) the said Bishops and people did congratulate the Emperours comming , because it was reported that he came with a resolute courage to depose ( Gregory ) the Pope . And thē he inferreth thus . Here we see it graunted by Lambertus that all the Bishops of Italy were desirous to haue this Pope Greg. deposed● But we haue shewed a little before what manner of Bishops those were . And now if M. Morton would haue dealt plainly , and without fraud ( as scarce he doth in any thing ) and haue continued the wordes of Lambertus but a little further , as they ly in his text , we should hau●●eene the causes of this their desire : for thus L●●bertus writeth . Praeterea quia fama vulgauerat ad deponendum Papam ●er●cibus eum ●nimis properare ( which M. Morton translateth , with a resolute courage ) admodum gratulabantur oblatam sibi occasionem esse , qua in cum , qui se iampridē ab Ecclesi● comm●●ione suspenderat &c. Moreouer , ●or so much as the same was now publike , that the Emperour came hastening his iorney with a ●yerce mynd to depose the Pope , they did greatly congratulate , that they had an occasion offered , whereby they might fitly reueng their iniury vpon him , that had before suspended them fr● Ecclesiast . Cōmunion . And by this you see the true case why these delinquents were glad to see a potent enemy come to vex him that was their lawful iudg : was this any dispraise to him ? but let vs see yet further in M. Mort. defēce . 124. After all this ( saith he ) the Emperour goeth to Rome , seeketh absolution of the Pope , returneth backe againe , and the Bishop Eppo is sent after to signify to the Italians this submission to the Pope . VVhat now ? Now followeth the testimony which was alleaged : Qui cum causā Italis expofuisset &c. VVhen Eppo had told his message to the Italians , all of them began to rage and fret &c. casting vpon the Pope all opprobrious reproaches , whom all the Bishops of Italy had before iustly excōmunicated , because by Symony he had defiled the Sea Apostolicke . Could this Cronologer but acknowledg that the Pope had byn excōmunicated by the Bishops of Italy , who ( as he cōfessed in the beginning ) did reioice at the cōming of the Emperour , because he came with a resolution to depose the Pope ? 125. To this now I haue answered , that this is not the point in question , whether this Cronologer acknowleged the Pope to haue byn excōmunicated by sōe schismaticall Bishops of Italy or no : but whether he approued the same or no , by alleaging a cause : for so saith M. Mortons first accusation in these words before alleaged : Pope Greg. the 7. ( saith Lābertus ) was excōmunicated of the Bishops of Italy , for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Symony , & other Capitall crymes . By which words it is euident that M. Mortons intent was to make his Reader belieue , that Lambertus knew there was such a deposition , and besids reproued not the same , in that he alleaged so graue a cause and motiue therof . In both which points M. Morton doth maliciously deceaue his Reader : for neither doth Lambertus expressely affirme the thing it self , ( that is to say , that he was excommunicated by those bishops , but only that his passionate enemies in their fury & rage said so : ) neither did he any way approue or allow thereof , but impug●e it . Neither doth he assigne this Reason ( for that he had defamed the Apostolike Sea by Simony ) as M. Morton affirmeth , and after againe in other words , because by Simony he had defyled the Sea Apostolick . For making vp of which sense M. Morton corrupteth againe the text of Lambertus , putting in ( quia ) for ( qui ) so as euer he must help the die in somewhat . The words of Lambertus may be sene a litle before in our Charge , to wit : That those seditious Italian people that were banded against the Pope , and grieued with the peace made betwene the Emperour and him , did fret and wax fierce both in words , and casting their hands , and with scornefull outcries to contradict his Apostolicall legation sent vnto them : and did cast vpon the Pope all the most foule reproaches and maledictions that fury could suggest vnto them . VVhich words for the most part M. Morton leaueth out , as you may see in his English citation , & he adioyneth , whome all the Bishops of Italy had before iustly excōmunicate , because by Symony he had de●yled the Sea Apostolik . But the words of Lābert are , Sese excōmunicationem illius nihili aestimare &c. that they did esteme nothing his excōmunication , whom all the Bishops of Italy for iust cause had excōmunicated , who had by violence obteyned the Sea Apostolike by the heresy of Simony , and had defiled the same by murthers , adulteries , and other Capitall crimes . In which words we find nothing spoken against the Pope on the part of Lābertus , or as approued by him , but vtterly reproued as proceding from rage & furie of those schismaticall people . And is this a good witnes ? & secōdly we fynd no causatiue for that , or because by Simony he had defiled &c. vttered either on the part of Lābert , or of the Schismatikes , but a thing made out of the malice of M. Morton , who turneth Qui Sedem Apostolicā ; into Quia Sedem Apostolicam per Symoniā &c. to make it seme to be a reasō of their deposing Pope Greg. wheras Lamb. doth not recite it as a reasō ( which allwais supposeth some ground of truth ) but ōly as a meere malicious calūniatiō , cōtumely , & reproach proceeding from men put in fury by suddaine discontentment and despaire . And thus hath M. Mort. deliuered himself in the first point from falsity according to his fashiō , in adding more falsityes to the former . Let vs see his second point which he termeth the foolishnes & so●tishnes of his Accuser . 126. This ●olly he foundeth vpon this principle : That an Author may be cited to testify some fact , without regard of his approouing or reproouing the thing : and that so he cited Lambertꝰ as testi●ying that Pope Gregory was excōmunicated by the Bishops of Italy , though not approouing the same as lawfully donne . Wherunto first we answere , that whē nothing is fought but the bare testimony of the fact , this ground may be admitted : as in the example before alleaged of the Child in the case of his Father , if a man would only make knowne that such and such crimes had byn obiected against the Father , which there we mētioned , he might with sincerity alleage the testimony of his sonne that complained of the same , as we are wont to do in the history of Saints liues , putting downe their reproches published against them by aduersaries ; but in this , if we will proceed with Christian truth and sincerity , we must alleadg such facts in such sense as the Relator or witnes meant them , to wit , shewing that they were falsly , wrongfully and iniuriously obi●cted . And so in this our Case , if M. Morton had only alleaged the testimony of Lambertus for the fact and speaches of these passionate men against Pope Gregory , and had added more ouer sincerely for the discrediting therof , that which the Author addeth , to wit , that it it was false and spoken in passion and fury of anger &c. and had told in like māner the contrary vertues that were in Pope Gregory which Lambertus recounteth , it might well haue passed : but doing the plaine contrary , and endeauoring to defame Pope Gregory by him that greatly defēdeth and cōmendeth both his person and cause , it may be wit in M. Morton , as wit goeth with him , that calleth me a foole for holding the contrary : But sure I am , honesty it can not be , which is neuer separated from truth & plaine dealing . 127. And this shal suffice for this point , p̄termitting sōe other trifles , which M. Mort. toucheth in this place vpon some stomake of reuenge , as it semeth , though meerly false , & without any ●oundation . And therfore passing to his third point of infelicity , which he will needs lay vpō me , for obiecting this matter of Lambertꝰ against him , we shall see , whether he hath any more substance in this , then in the former . 128. First of all noteth me not only for not acute ( as his words are ) but for absurde , in that I do say , that Lambertus doth highly commend not only the vertue , but also the sanctity of Pope Gregory : as though ( saith he ) vertue and sanctity were different things , and might be separated . Wherin I know not how acute M. Morton may seeme to the iudicious Reader , for so much as euery man knoweth lightly that vertue is commonly held but for the way to sanctity , & that via & terminus are different things . And I presume M. Mort. himselfe will make profession of some kind of vertue , though not pretend perchance to be yet a full Saint , at leastwise in this common sense of Sanctity , wherin it is taken & vnderstood ordinarily for aggregation of all vertues in their perfection . 129. Well , I know that the word Sanctity is takē also in some other sense , as namly for that Sanctity which we receaue by our redēption & vocation by Christ , in which sense all baptized Christiās are called Saints by vocatiō , though afterward in life they should be neuer so wicked euen as S. Paul writing to the Corinthiās , termeth thē vocatis Sanctis , Saintes by vocatiō : though afterwards he signifieth diuers of thē to be loaden with grieuous & heinous sinnes , and of these Saints there is store in the world . 130. Thirdly , Sanctity is takē also of Scholmē for a speciall vertue , not differing in substāce from the verue of Religiō , but only that it hath a certaine generality in it , not only to apply our minds firmly to Gods seruice , but also to li●t vp all the works of other morall vertues vnto the same seruice & honor of God : as for exāple the act of abstinēce or temperance which in a morall man may be vsed to other morall ends , as to the health of body , opinion of sobriety & the like , this speciall vertue of Sanctity directeth the same to the glory of Almi . God : & the like in the actions of all other moral vertues . But for so much as concerneth our matter , Sanctity was taken by me in the first sense , wherin a man may be vertuous , and yet no Saint , according to the definition of S. Dionysius Areopagita . Sanctitas quidem est , vt secundū nos loquamur , omni scelere libera perfectaque & penitus in coinquinata munditia . Sanctitie ( to speake according to our vse ) is a certaine perfect and vnspotted puritie o● life , free from all touch o● wickednes : which is somewhat more if you marke it then common vertue , as M. Morton would haue it . And thus much for his acutenes in reprehending my speach in distinguishing vertue from sanctitie , which it seemeth that either he vnderstood not , or considered not well of his reprehensiō before he vttered it : but to the matter it selfe for proof of my vnlucky imputing falshood vnto him in alleaging the authoritie of Lambertus , he bringeth forth three witnesses , to wit , Benno Cardinalis , Abbas Vrspergensis & Sigebertus , all German writers , that reprehend the life of Pope Greg. the 7. called before Hildebrandu● . But what infelicitie is this vnto my imputation out of Lābertus ? It is felicitie inough for my attempt ( if M. Mort. will needs haue it so ) that he hath not byn able to cleere him selfe from opē fraud in alleaging Lambertus against Pope Hildebrand , as now you haue heard . This other is a new matter and from the purpose : whether there be other Authors that speake and write euill of Pope Gregory or no ? it is sufficient for me to haue shewed that Lambertus did not , but in his behalfe and prayse , & consequently that he was falsely brought in for his discredit . 132. But yet to say somewhat of these three other Authors also alleaged here by M. Morton to proue my infelicitie , that in taking frō him one Lambertus I haue gotten three others to come out against me , to wit , a Monke , an Abbot , & a Cardinall : I will answere first vnto the Cardinall , to wit Benno , who being not made by the true Pope Gregory the 7. but by the Antipope calling himselfe Clement the 3. at the procurement of the Emperour , that was his professed enemy , he cānot be accompted either a true Cardinall , or a lawfull witnes , & therefore no maruaile , though in the booke ascribed vnto him by the Protestāts of our days , he be found to raile most intēperatly against the true Pope Greg. about which booke of Bēno notwithstanding I referre me to the Iudgment of another Cardinall whose name beginneth with the same letters , I meane Card. Bellarmine , who hauing diligētly pervsed the said rayling booke , testifieth that he found it excessiue railing , & so extreme full of lies , cōtrary to the writings of all other Authors , that had written of the same Pope , either whiles he liued or after his death vntill Luthers time ( wherof he nameth 32. Anthors in particuler , & ten of thē that wrot whiles he was liuing ) as he protesteth , that he was forced to doubt least some L●theran had writtē the same vnder the name of the foresaid false Card. Benno . Wherfore of this man , being such as he was & conuinced for an open liar by so many witnesses , we say no more , but leaue him to M. Morton , as a fit Knight of the Post for his purpose . 133. As for the other two monkes , Vrsperg . & Sigebertus , the same Card. Bellarmines iudgmēt is , that albeit they being fauorers of the Emperour in that factiō , durst not write ouer plainly in the praise of Pope Greg. & dispraise of his enemy the Emperor their patrone ; yet doth he shew out of their workes , that setting aside a manifest error of Sigebert , that imagined Pope Gregory to be of opiniō that the Masle of a Concubinary Priest was not good ( which he neuer said , but for a punishmēt only cōmanded men not to heare such a naughty Priest ) in the rest Card. Bellarmine , as I said , doth proue that in sundry other occasions both of thē did rather cōmend Pope Greg. thē discommend him , as is euident out of sundry places in their owne workes which Bellarmine citeth . 134. But nothing doth discredit more the bringing in of these two witnesses by M. Mort. then the ioyning thē to Benno , as though they had byn of his opinion , or had written against Pope Gregory as he did . Let vs examine but only this one place alleaged heere out of Vrsperg . & then let any man say , what is to be thought of M. Mort. fidelity : thus he alleageth him . The Abbot Vrsperg . ( saith he ) writeth thus : P. Gregory was an vsurper of the Sea of Rome , not appointed by God , but intruded by fraud & money , a disturber o● the Empire , a subuerter o● the Church . So he . But now let any man read the place & yeare by him quoted : and he shal find the wordes indeed and wors● related by Vrspergensis , as vttered against Pope Gregory by certaine enemies of his gathered togeather iussu Regis Henrici , by the cōmandment of K. Henry , in forme of a Councell or Synod at Brixia , they being in number 30. Bishops : but that Vrspergēsis did affirme any thing of himselfe , or approue the same is not to be found , but rather the quite contrary . For in the very same place and page , he sheweth how these things were cōtradicted & refuted by the famous Anselmus Bishop of Luca then liuing● A man ( saith he ) most excellent , well learned , sharpe in wit &c. and that which exceedeth all , a man knowne to ●eare God , and o● all holy conuersation , in so much as both in his li●e and after his death he was famous in doing miracles . So Vrspergēsis of him , that did defend Pope Gregory against these slaunders which M. Morton alleageth as auerred by Vrsperg . & wil not he yet blush at this new fraud of his discouered ? wil he still cōtinue of forge new lyes against the Authors expresse wordes and meaning ? 135. But yet me thinks that the other which ensu●th is more shamefull , to wit , the ioyning of Seuerinus Biniꝰ for a fourth witnes to the former three , wherof he writeth thus : I● three witnesses be not sufficient against the Pope , wherof one is a Monke , another an Abbot , the third a Card. let vs further vnderstand , that fourthly Seuerinus Binius in his new Editiō o● the Councells , confesseth that the Bishops in a Councell at Wormes An. 1076. declared that Gregory was to be deposed : And that the Councell at Papia An. 1076. did excommunicate ●im : and that the Coūcell of Bishops at Brixia did depose him : the Asts of which Coūcell , as they are recited by Vrspergēsis shew these causes : because he was an vsurper o● the Sea &c. And the Coūcell at Mentz An. 1085. declared him to be iustly deposed . Thus we see that P. R. by denying one Coūcell of Bishops of Italy in Papia , to haue opposed thēselues against this Gregorie , hath contrary to his desire , gayued with that one of Papia , three other Councells , one of Brixia , another of Wormes , the last of Mentz . So vnlucky hath he byn &c. 136. To this I answere first , that the whole supposall of this narratiō ( to wit ) that I did deny the Coūcell or Conciliabulū of Pauia to haue excōmunicated Pope Gregory is vtterly false . For that this was not in questiō betweene vs , as hath appeared by the former discourse , but whether Lambertus did relate and allow of the same , or no : wherof neyther point is found in him , to wit , neither that he relateth the fact , as out of his owne asseueration , but only as obiected by passionate enemies , & much lesse doth he approue the lawfulnes therof but impugne it . This was the state of our question , which now M. Morton seing his errour would willingly chang : but nothing falleth out more aptly for his conuiction then the bringing in of Seuerinus Binius in this place to be a fourth witnes with Benno , Vrspergensis , and Sigebertus for disgracing of Pope Gregory , by affirming that he was condemned in foure seuerall Councells here mētioned . But what if Binius do expressely say , that all these Coūcells were but factious metings and no Councells , and set vp by the Emperour & the Antipope made by him , for malice against the true Pope : & that they were wicked and schismaticall Bishops that met there in conspiracy against their true head ? doth this serue to M. Mortons purpose for disgracing of Pope Gregory by Binius his testimony ? Or doth he deale plainly with his Reader in telling him that Binius is a 4. witnes that ioyneth with Benno , Vrspergensis , & Sigebert , in condemning Pope Greg ? 137. As for Benno the counterfait Card. no man denieth but that he did condemne Pope Gregory , if that Booke be his that goeth in his name : & the like we must vnderstand of Vrspergensis and Sigebert , if we belieue M. Morton , who saith that they wrote out of their owne iudgment against him , wherof notwithstanding we haue shewed the contrary : how then can he coople Binius as a fourth witnes to these three , which Binius he confesseth to be contrary in iudgement , and to defend Pope Gregory most ●arnestly , calling these Councells Conciliabula , factious and schismaticall conspiracies ? Let vs set downe here a comparison for better cōceauing the matter . If a Iew of our time should take vpon him to disgrace the Apostle S. Paul , as many of them haue sought to do , for enuy , that he was first a zealous follower of their law , and should reckon vp the conspiracies made against him in diuers tymes & different places , how he was condemned by sundry metings of principall men , both Iewes & Gentiles , often layd in pryson , often escaped by flying , and the like : inferring therof that he was a troublesome & euill man , & should for witnes hereof bring forth the testimonies , not only of some ancient hereticall enemy of his that liued with him , but other two also , who in the accu●ers opinion were not his frends , and then for a fourth witnesse should ioyne vnto them the testimony of S. Luke himself , that recounteth these things , but in the Apostles high praise , and then should vaunt , & tell his Reader , as heere M. Morton doth , that now he had foure witnesses conspiring togeather in the same matter : would you say that this man dealt otherwise then as a Iew indeed , that is to say , perfidiously ? 138. Let vs heare then what this Binius cited here for the fourth witnes , saith against , or rather for , & in the behalfe of Pope Gregory . First he speaking of a certaine pious embassage or Legation sent by the said Pope to the excommunicated Henry , he saith thus : Quam cùm numinis contemptor & cultor per●idiae excepisset &c. VVhich embassage when the Emperour that contemned God & followed perfidiousnes , had receiued , & cōtrary to the law of Natiōs had beaten with w●ips the Legates that brought the same , & had afflicted thē with most grieuous iniuries , he presently thereupon gathered together at Wormes in Germany a Cōuenti●le of excommunicated & Schismaticall Bishops against the Pope , in which Cōuenticle with the greatest cōtum●ly that could be deuised , were appointed set forth & published those things which Lambertus Schaffnaburge doth relate in his history , to wit , about the deposing of Pope Gregory &c. This is his narration . And is not this a good fourth witn●sse to ioyne with the former for discrediting of Pope Gregory ? and may not a man aswell alleage S. Luke against S. Paul as Binius against this Pope in this cause ? Or might not wee obiect the sacred sufferings and persecutions of that holy Apostle out of S. Luke by the same sort of argumēts that M. Morton doth here the conspiracies of the wicked Emperour & schismaticall Bishops against Pope Gregory their Apostolicall gouernour ? though I do not compare the person of Pope Gregory with the person of S. Paul , as M. Morton will presently calumniate , but the manner of proceding and arguing in their supposed aduersaries , the Iew & M. Morton . But we shall haue occasion to speake more of this in the next point concerning blasphemy : for needs he will haue this my reprehension of him , not only to be false , foolish & vnlucky , as you haue heard , but also blasphemous : this point then we must in this last place consider of . 139. In the end of my former charge I do set downe an example to shew the absurdity of M. Mortōs disgracing of Pope Gregory out of the writings of Lambertꝰ & Frisingensis , by a comparison takē out of the new Testament in these words . If an enemy ( said I ) would discredit both Christ & Christiā religion , & say , Your owne Euangelists do recount foule things against him ( as heere this Minister saith that our Historiographer doth o● Pope Gregory ) & namely that he was accused by the Scribes & Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Beelzebub &c. which our Euangelistes do recoūt indeed , but do condemne thē also as false & calumnious , were not this as good & as faithfull a manner of reasoning , as this other of T. Morton out of Lambertus & Frising . against Pope Hildebrand , who is by them most highly commended ? 140. Thus I said at that tyme : & now M. Mort. āswereth that this comparison conteineth blaspemy , which to me semeth strange . And if he had proposed the definition of blaspemie togeather with his accusation , the question would quickly haue byn decided . For that Schole-doctors do define blasphemie to be , Cùm aliquid negatur de Deo , quod ei conuenit , vel asseritur de eo , quod ei non conuenit . VVhen any thing is denied to be in God which is in him , or when any thing is affirmed to be in him , which agreeth not vnto him . By which definition M. Mort. who●e accusation falleth to the ground . For that in my comparison nothing is falsely affirmed or denied to be in God at all : neither doth the comparison touch God himselfe in any affirmation or negation , but only a certaine māner of reasoning , that may be vsed by an enemie , concerning him ; which I do shew to be like to that of M. Mortons : but let vs heare his proofes . 141. VVhosoeuer ( saith he ) shall exactly examine the Analogy of this comparison , must needs acknowl●dg it to be in a manner blasphemous . Marke how he beginneth to temper the matter , calling that in a manner blasphemous , which in the title of his Paragraph he absolutly calleth blaspemie . Let vs heare his reason : For either must Christ ( saith he ) the Sonne of God be compared with Pope Gregory , or ●lse the likenes consisteth in the cōparison of th● Reporter , matching the holy ●uangelists & their Monkes Frisingensis and Lambertus togeather . Wherto I answere , that M. Morton misseth wholy the cushion : for that in neither of these two is the comparison made , but in the manner of reasoning . For as it were no good forme of argument in an enemy to say , These & these things were obiected against Christ as your owne Euangelists do testify , ergo , he was no good man : So is it not in M. Mort. to say , These & these enormious crimes were obiected against Pope Greg. , & recorded by your owne Monk●s Frising . & Lambertꝰ , Ergo , he was a wicked man. Wherein you see that the comparisō by me here brought in , is only in the forme of argumēt in the one & in the other case , and neither betwene Christ & Pope Gregory , nor betwen the Euāgelists & our Monkes is there any comparison made , except only in this , that as Christ was wrongfully slādered , so was Pope Gregory , & many other of his seruāts are daily : & as the Euāgelists should be greatly iniured to be brought in for witnesses as accusing our Sauiour , whō they most dutifully reuerenced & highly cōmended for that they recount slanders obiected against him , by enemies : so are Lambertꝰ & Frising● no lesse abused in being cited ●or authors to disgrace Pope Gregory , whom they defended , iustified , & reuerenced . One other cōparison also may be betweene M. Morton & the enemy , who do reasō after one fashiō , & do seeke to deceiue after one manner . 142. These three later cōparisons I made not in my former speach , but only the first about the form of argumēt : these other do follow ex natura rei : nor is it blasphemy to frame a cōparison betwene God & man , or betweene him & inferior things to mā , so the point be true , wherin the comparison is made . And it seemeth great simplicity or peruersity in M. Mort. to hold the cōtrary : for that all the Scripture is full of comparisons betweene God , heauen , man & other Creatures ; which things , though in themselus they be not cōparable for their natures and qualities , yet may they be in some other points . As the kingdome of heauē is cōpared to a mustard-seed , & God to a husband man , yea to a couetous man , to a theefe that commeth in the night , which in the proportiō of their owne natures , worth , value , dignity or indignity are incōparable : yet in some respect cōparisons may be made without all blasphemy , which I do note the rather to the Reader , for that it is a cōmon refuge of M. Mort. & his fellowes , when they are pressed with any similitude or cōparisō , to runne frō the point wherin the cōparison is made indeed and to seeke out disparities between the things thēselues in points wherin no comparison is made : As if a man out of the Ghospell should alleage any one of the forsaid similitudes ; as that God is like the husband-man , in this point of cultiuating or dunging his groūd , his aduersary should laugh at him , and say it were blasphemy to cōpare such base things as dūging , to the vnspeakable maiesty of almighty God , which were a vayne cauill as you see , because in that point of dignity or indignity , worthines or basenes , the cōparison is not made ; but only in cultiuating : & so is this of M. Morton . And with this we shall leaue him for this argument , only noting by the way , that notwithstanding all the disgrace he hath receaued for vnsincere dealing , yet cā he not passe ouer this place without shewing a tricke or two in that kind , euē in recityng my words . 143. For wheras I said : If an enemy would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion , and say your owne Euangelists do recount &c. he reciteth my wordes thus : If any man would discredit both Christ and Christian religion , and say our Euangelists do recount &c. turning ( an enemy ) into ( any man ) and ( your Euangelists ) into ( our Euangelists ) in the first person , and all this to make my speach seeme more odious by these slippery trickes and helping the dye vnderhand , for that my similitude soundeth differently from the mouth of an enemy , and from a man of our owne Religiō . And finally I would aske M. Morton why he did change these words , if he had no intent of falshood , for so much as the other were as few and as easily to be written as these : but because this Paragraph was to charg me with blasphemy , and finding nothing in my words sounding that way , he thought good by altering them , to make some little appearance : which is an art most vsuall with him . Let him shew the same but in any of our writers , and I promise to stād to my offer before made of neuer belieuing him afterward ; which I confesse , that I must performe in like manner towards M. Morton , vntill I see him alter his course , and become more scupulous of truth , and punctuall sinceritie in his writings . THE SVMME AND finall Reckon●ng of this whole Chapter . §. XV. TO come then to an end of this triall , and to see what substance there is on either syde : M. Morton taking vpon him to answere to the charges of falshood & vntrue dealing layd against him in my late Treatise of Mitigation , chose out fourteene of those which he thought he could best answere , or make some shew at least of satisfaction vnto them , which he hath performed in the manner that you haue heard , to wit , first leauing out the greatest number of such as pressed him most , as in the sequent Chapter you are to behold And albeit he professed in the beginning to satisfy those that I most insisted in , yet that hath appeared to be false , and may be tried for such by any man that will but looke vpō my booke . 145. Secondly , for furnishing vp the shew of these fourten Charges pretēded to be discharged by him , he hath layd hāds of sundry that are very impertinent , & scarse obiected by me as pointes of moment . For which cause he hādleth thē ouer againe & againe , & some three tim● as you haue heard : as namely the 9.10.11.12 . & 13. where as once handling had bin sufficient , especially for that others remayned of far greater weight to haue bin treated , if he had listed or thought it easy . 146. Thirdly , of the rest which he pretendeth to satisfy ( for touching sōe , he cōfesseth in effect his owne weaknes & imbecility , either dēying that he read the books & Authors , which he had cyted & vrged against vs , or remitting vs to other men for the answere , that had lēt him the said authorities ) are the 2. the 4. the 5. & 6. So as these two sorts making vp ten of his fourteen Charges , there remayned to him but foure more to discharge , which how māfully he hath performed I remit me to the view , wherby wil be seen ( I doubt not ) that he hath not ●nly not wyped of the scarrs ( to vse his phrase ) of the former imputatiōs , but hath made also many more , not only scars & scratches , but also deeper woūds a new by making new escapes no lesse enormous then the former : & cōsequētly you may consider of the truth of his promise and vaunt made in the entrance to this Chapter , to wit , that he would giue such satisfaction , as that not only the wound of slander may be cured , but euen also the s●spicious scars of imputation wiped away . Thus he promised then , but now for lacke of performance , both scarres & wounds are renewed , & deeply impressed , as will appeare more euidently by the ensuing Chapter , which is to lay downe a very pittifull list of many scarres & wounds left vncured by him , that is to say many grieuous charges of vntrue dealing , that were obiected vnto him , & vrged by his aduersary , are now wholy pretermitted , concealed , & dissembled by him in this his Answer , whē most effectually he should haue sought to heale them . THE SIXT CHAPTER CONTEYNING A recapitulatiō of many manifest vntruthes wherwith M. Morton being charged by his Aduersary P. R. did wittingly pretermit to mention them in his last Reply , & therby left suspitiō , that he could not answere thē . PREFACE IT hath appeared now by that which hath byn writen before , that albeit the first & principall end , for which T.M. framed this Booke of Preamble was to make some shew of answering , or shifting of some of the great multitude of vntruthes & falshoods layd against him , or to vse his owne words , to s●ay the preiudice of his Reader : yet that the successe therof hath byn far wide frō his expectatiō ; for that he hath not only not cleared , but much more intāgled himself therin , especially in regard of these 2. or 3. points . First that he making a seuerall Chapter for answering the accusations of falshood ( which is the precedent ) he chooseth out both the fewest & weakest of all the rest , & secōdly answereth thē in such sort , as he addeth new falshods to the old : & thirdly though he professe not to haue singled out such , which might seeme vnto him most easily answered , but those which P. R. hath most vehemē●ly p●●ssed & vrged , as he saith : yet doth he in very deed the quite cōtrary , chusing out both the weakest & least insisted vpon , as will appear by examinatiō . For which cause though I desired here to make an end : yet haue I byn inforced , for the presenting more liuely to the Readers eye the falshood of this assertiō , to set down some nūber of other vntruths laid against him in my Treatise , & for the indignity therof pressed & vrged by me against him , as much , or more thē any of these 14. which he hath chosen out , wherof diuers were of the lightest sort that I obiected against him , & many of thē treated & discussed before , as now you haue seen . Let vs run ouerthen if you please some nūber of other falshoods obiected to him by me ( for that to resume & discusse all would aske a seueral Treatise ) which are cōcealed by him in this his answere . The cause why is easy to be cōiectured . THE FIRST Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton without mention or answere . §. I. ANd first I shall begyn with that , which I obiected against him of the abusing of the learned man Gabriel Vasquez concerning the nature of heresy , wherof I wrote thus . In the third page ( quoth I ) of his said reply ( of satisfactiō● he beginning to talke of the nature of heresie , hath these words : VVe may not be ignorant first that seing the nature of heresie is such , that it is a vice proper to the mind , it may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an hereticke , without obstinacie , which is only a peruerse obliquity of the will , & therfore a man may be an hereticke , though he be not obstinate . And for proofe of this false doctrine he citeth in his margent , Vasquez Iesuita , whose words are : Malitia huius peccati intellectu non in voluntate consummatur : The malice of this synne of heresie is prefected and made consummate in the vnderstāding & not in the will , which our Mynister vnderstanding not , and yet desirous , as in the preface to the Kings Maiesty he insinuateth , to deuide our tongues , and to make our wryters seeme contrary the one to the other ; hath fondly slandered the learned man Vasquez in this place , by making him seeme to be patron of this his absurd doctrine , that heresie may be without obstinacy , wheras Vasquez in the very same disputation heere by him cyted , expresly doth imp●gne this doctrine and establisheth the contrary , defyning heresy thus : Haeresis nihil aliud est , quàm error in rebus ●id●i cum pertina●ia : Heresie is nothing els , but an ●rrour in matters of faith with obstinacy . 3. Which an other learned man of the same schoole , by somewhat a more ample definition declareth thus : Heresie ( saith he ) is an errour contrari● to the Catholicke fayth , ●herunto a man that hath professed ●he said faith in his Baptisme doth adhere , with an obstimat● mind : which definition he proueth ex communi mente D●c●orum , by the common consent of schoole doctours . And finally not to stand vpon a thing so cleere among vs , S. Thomas for decision hereof hath th●se wordes : de ratione haer●sis sunt duo , ●lectio priuatae disciplinae , & pertinacia . Two things are of the es●ence and intrinsecall nature of heresie , without which heresy cānot be : the one , the choice or election of a particuler doctrine , discipline or opinion , contrary to the doctrine of the vniuersall Church : the oth●r , pertinacy or obstinacy in defending the same , though the party know , that it be against the doctrine of the Church , without which knowledge & obstinacy there can be no heresie . 4. This is our Catholicke doctrine about the nature of heresy , to wit , that it cannot be without obstinacy , which is so common and triuiall , as it is now come into an ordinary Prouerb , to say : well I may be in errour , but hereticke wi●● I neuer be , for that I hold nothing obstinately . And as for the words of Vasqu●z : That the malice of heresy is consummated in the vnderstanding , and not in the will : If our Mynister had read the other words immediatly going before , he might perhaps haue vnderstood Vasquez meaning , for they are these . Vt aliquis sit v●●è reus h●resis &c. To make a man be truly guilty of heresie , it is not necessary , that he be carried directly in his affection or will against the authority of the Church , that is to say it is not needfull , that he haue an expresse will ●nd purpose to disobay or contradict the Church , but it is inough that he do contradict the same re ipsa , indeed , knowing that opinion which he defendeth to be against the authority of the sayd vniuersall Church , albeit he be not induced to this belief with a direct will to impugne the Church , but either by desyre of glorie or other inducement : so as indeed the malice of this sinne is consummated in the vnderstanding , and not in the will. 5. This is the dis●ourse and doctrine of Vasquez in this place about the nature and essence of Heresie , wherin he doth not exclude either the vnderstanding or will , but includeth them both expresly : for that as there must be knowledg , which apperteyneth to the mynd or vnderstanding : so must there be choice with obstinacie , which belongeth to the will and affection : but his scholasticall consideration is , in which of these two powers of our soule this synne of heresy receaueth her consummation . For better explication wherof , let vs vse this example . 6. If a man should hold or belieue an erroneous proposition contrary to the doctrine of the Catholicke Church : as for example , that there were but one nature in Christ , not knowing yt to be against the Catholicke Church , yt were false in yt selfe , and an errour in his vnderstanding , but not Heresy , except also by act of his will , he should choose to hold it with resolution and obstinacy euen after that he knoweth the same to be against the doctrine of the said Church : for then this knowledg ( saith Vasques ) that it is against the Church , maketh it perfect and consummate Heresy : albeit the matter passe not to a further act of will , to wit , that he chooseth expresly to contradict the authority of the Church therin , which should be a greater synne , but yet is not necessary , for that the perfect nature of heresy is consummated , by knowing that it is against the Church . And for that this notice or knowledg belongeth to the vnderstanding , therfore Vasquez holdet● that the last perfection or consummation of this synne is in the vnderstanding , and not in the will , not meaning to exclude therby obstinacie of the will ( as ignorantly T.M. doth when he sayth , VVe● may not be ignorant : ) but to shew in what power of the mind the last perfection and consummation of this heynous synne consisteth , to wit , that a man may be a perfect and consummate hereticke by holding ob●tinately any opinion against the Doctrine of the Church , after we once know it to be against the said Churches doctrine , though wee haue not that further malice also of expresse will & purpose to contradict therby the sayd Church , but only we hold the same , for that the opinion pleaseth vs , or is profitable , or honorable vnto vs , or thereby to contradict an other , or some such like inducement , according to those words of S. Augustine to Honoratus : Haereticus est , qui alicuius temporalis cōmodi , & maxime gloriae principatusque sui gratia , falsas ac nouas opiniones vel gignit , vel sequitur . An hereticke is he , who in respect of some temporall commodity , but especially for his owne glory and preheminence , doth beget or follow false and new opinions . 7. The same S. Augustine also against the Donatists proposeth this example : Consti●uamus ( sayth he ) aliquem sentire de Christo quod Photinus &c. Let vs imagine one to thinke of Christ , as Photinus the heretike did , perswading himselfe , that it is the Catholicke faith &c. Istū nondum haereticum dico ( ●ayth he ) nisi mani●estata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit , & illud quod tenebat , elegerit . I do not yet say this man is an her●tick , vntill a●ter that the doctrine of the Catholicke fayth being opened vnto him , he shall choose notwithstanding to resist , & to hold by choice that whi●h before he held by errour . In which words S. Augustine doth euidently declare , how necessary both knowledge and will are vnto heresie : and consequentlie how absurd and ridiculous the as●ertion of M. Morton is , that heresie being a vice proper to the vnderstanding , may denominate the subi●ct whatsoeuer an her●ti●ke , without obstinacie of will. For a●beit we grant withall Deuines , that heresie is in the vnderstāding as in her subiect ( & so is faith also that is her opposite ; ) & further that her last persection & consummation is from the forsaid knowledge in the vnderstanding , as Vasquez doth explane yt : yet doth not Vasquez or any Deuine els exclude the necessity of pertinacity also and election in the will : and consequently both his words and meaning haue byn euidently falsifyed and calumniated by T. M. And so much of this first charge , wherby you may see what bookes might be made against him , if wee would follow his ●●●pps in all his fraudulent traces . 8. This was my charge to M. Morton at that tyme , and yt was a great Charge as yow see , and more earnestly pressed then diuers of these other smaller matters , which in the former Chapter he singled out to answere , though as you haue heard he professeth the contrary . But why said he nothing to this , seing it hath more difficulty in it , then many other layd togeather ? Surely no other so probable cause can be alleaged , as the difficulty made him to flie the endeauour of answering it . But let vs see some others , of not much vnlike quality to this . THE SECOND Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. II. THIS is a like abuse practized by M. Morton against the learned Azor , thus by me set downe , in my former Treatise . In the very same page ( said I ) he going about to make vs odious by our seuere censuring of hereticks , putteth downe first these words of Alphonsus de Castro : He that vnderstanding any opinion to be expressely condemned by the Church , shall hold the same , is to be accompted an obstinate hereticke . Wherupo● M. Morton plaieth his pageant thus . What obstinate ? It may be , some do but doubtingly defend it , what will yow iudge of these ? Wherunto he answereth out of Azor : If he doubt therof willingly , he is certainly an hereticke . But by our Ministers leaue Azor addeth more . Quoties quis voluntariè & per●inaciter de fide dubitat , eo ipso est Haereticus . As often as a man doth doubt willingly and obstinatly of his faith , he is thereby an hereticke . For that faith is a sure and certaine assent of mind vnto those things that are to be belieued : and he that willingly and obstinatly doubteth of the truth therof , ●an not haue this firme and perfect assent and consequently hath no fayth during the tyme of this wilfull and obstinate doubting . 10. And that yow may vnderstaud of what importance this word Pertinaciter is , that this ma● cūningly so cutteth out of Azor his words , yow must know that he in the very same Chapter holdeth that if a man doubt without pertinacity , being ready to submit his iudgment , when he shal be instructed in the truth , incurreth not heresie at all . So as heere the most substantiall word is left out , and craftily conueyed away by our deuider of tongues , wherby the Author is made to say the quite opposyte to that he sayth and protesteth . 11. These were my words at that tyme. And now let the iudicious Reader iudge , what cause I had to complaine as I did , and yet got no satisfaction of M. Morton at all , though the title of his former booke was a full Satisfaction : and this later Preamble was cast out for a supply or complement to the said Satisfaction . Did not this obiection deserue to be satisfyed before diuers other trifles , wherwith you haue heard him now to fill vp paper , and intertaine his Reader ? Let vs go forward . THE THIRD Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. III. AND for that we haue begone to talke of Azor , whome M. Morton some tymes will seeme highly to esteeme , wee shall cyte an example or two of his abuse towards him , which is s●t downe in my Treatise , about a Case of comming from a Citty infected , or belieued to be inf●cted , in these wordes . 13. The first Case shal be ( quoth I ) that which our Mynister so often proposeth , and odiously doth exaggerate about Couentry , saying : That our English Equiuocators do teach , that if a man come from Couentry , for exāple , which towne is held to be infected with the plague , himselfe dwelling in a part of that Citty , which is free frō infec●ion , and being asked at London gates , whether he came from Couentry , th●y intending to aske him concerning a place infected he may answere , no. For that herin he deceiueth not the mynd of the questioner , but answereth directly to his intention . So propoundeth he the Case , as he pretendeth , out of the Catholicke Treatise of Equiuocation , which hitherto I haue not seene , and consequently cannot affirme , how truly or falsely the same is related : but he hauing so vttered the said Case , doth in opposition therof cyte the foresaid Iesuite Azor his sentence against this , as though he said , that if we admit this Case : Nihil tam falsum esse posse , quod non queat ab omni mendacio liberari : nothing is so false , but that it may be freed from a ly : which words are indeed in Azor , but not applied by him to this Case , but to another , saying : That is it were lawfull ●or vs , to feigne what words wee would in an Oath without regard to the circumstances of tyme , place and persons before mentioned , t●en nothing were so false indeed , that might not be freed from all lying . But this Case of ours goeth not cōioyned with these words of Azor , as M. Morton hath perfidiously heere tyed them togeather : but Azor speaking twice of this our Case in one page , first in the name of others by way of obiection , and againe in his owne name by way of resolution , he saith : Libenter concedimus de eo , qui ad portas Vrbis rogatur &c. VVe do willingly grant the example of him , who comming to the gates of a Citty & being asked whether he came from a certai●e place , which by errour is thought to be infected with the plague , and is not , tutò citra mendacium iurare pot●st● se ex eo loco non venire : he may secur●ly sweare without lying , that he commeth not ●●om that place : so as he vnderstand that he commeth not ●rom any place infected with the plague , nor that himselfe ●s infected This is Azor his iudgment & resolution . And before him this Case was resolued by Doctor Syluester , Nauar , Tolet , Roderiquez , Cosmus Philiarchus and diuers other learned men : as after him also by our often named Countrey man Gregorius Sayer : and the reason of the lawfulnes of this answere is , for that the answere being sure , that either the place is not infected from whence he came , or that himselfe hath brought no infection about him ( for otherwise he should be periured ) it were great iniurie vnto him to be staied at the gate wit●out cause . And therefore for declyning this iniurie and iniustice , it is lawfull for him to answere to the finall end and intention of the keeper , and of the Citty or Common wealth ( whose intention only is to exclude infected people ) and not to their immediate words about the particuler place . 14. And now all this being so , cōsider , I praie yow ( said I ) the shamelesse forehead of this deceauing Minister , in citing Azor quite against himselfe , and his owne sense and meaning : and tying his wordes togeather that were spoken separately to another end : and yet as though he had played no such iugling tricke , but had gotten some victory ouer vs , heare his insolent speach about this answere , set downe by so many learned men as yow haue heard named . An answere ( saith he ) so grossely false , that a Iesuit , of high esteme in your Church ●to wit Azor ) writing against this spirituall iuggling of his subtile lying brethren doth confesse , that if this kind of answere concerning a place infected with the plague &c. be not false , then there is no speach so false , but it may be freed from falshood . By whome your Equiuocators ( sayth he ) may learne , that if the man yow fancied came not from a place infected with bodily pestilence , yet this your Equiuoting procedeth from mynds spiritually infected w●th the contagion of pestilent lying . So he 15. And I do willingly remit my selfe to the indifferent Reader , where this contagion of pestilent lying raigneth , either in these graue learned m●n , that haue decided this qu●stion without lying and against lying : or in M. Morton that hath multipli●d so many lies togeather in this place , as is a shame to number them ? For b●sides all that I haue noted alreadie , he cor●upteth also h●re the v●ry text of Azor , which himselfe alleadg●th in his marg●nt , by translating it falsely into English , where as Azor saith in the Case proposed , Si venit ex loco aliquo p●ste minimè insecto , qui ●alsò habet●r pro ins●cto : he ●ngl●sh●th the same by le●uing out the words ( minime & ●alsò ) saying : If ●e c●me ●rom a place in●●c●ed : which alt●r●th the whole Case . For if either the place , or h●mse●fe be in●ected , he cannot sweare without periury , as hath byn sayd . Secondly , he sayth that Azor t●● lesuite doth write against the spirituall iuggl●ng o● his subtile-lying br●thr●n : & yet are neither the principall Authors of this answere and resolution Iesuites , as by their names you haue heard ; nor writeth Azor against them , but with them , and for them in this Case , conforming his iudgment as you see to theirs , that a man comming ●rom such a place , may ius●lie sweare in the ●or●e that hath byn sayd . Nor is their answere subtile iuggling , as the Mynister slaundereth , but plaine and reall dealing , yelding their resolution , togeather with the reason therof , as hath byn declared . And all the iuggling is on M. Mortons syde , who declaming against lying , doth nothing but lye : and yet fynally concludeth most rydiculously his speach thus : Therefore be you exhorted ●or the loue of God , who is truth , to recant your doctrine of Equiuocating , the M●tropolis o● lies Wherunto my answere is , that in my opinion T. Mort. is well worthy to be the Metropolitan of that Metropolis : for if euer man , honest or vnhonest , lay or clergie , l●arned or vnlearned ( to vse his manner of exaggeratiōs ) did tell so many lyes togeather , ●nd in print , and within the compasse of so few lynes , as Morton here hath done , I am much deceiued &c. Thus I wrote at that tyme , & can M. Morton say that this abuse is not much insisted vpon by me for wringing out some answere ? Let the Reader be iudge betweene vs. He sayth in the beginning of his precedent Chapter , that he tooke vpon him to answer , not such points as were easiest to answere , but such as I most insisted vpō : which you see to be false in both points . Let vs passe to others . THE FOVRTH Pretermitted falshood by M. Morton . §. IIII. THERE followeth another falshood vsed against the same Author Azor , more notable perhaps thē any of the former : & thus by me expressed in my Treatise of Mitigation : where hauing shewed how impertinētly M. Mortō had produced a place of Exodus , to wit , Thou shalt not beare false witnesse , to proue that euery mentall Equiuocation was a lye , I went forward with this speach . 17. But harken further ( quoth I ) for that M. Morton will bring another proo●e more strange then this . Your great Moralist Azor ( saith he ) doth condemne all Equiuocators herin ( to wit for mentall Equiuocation in an Oath ) as periured lyars , or otherwise ( sayth he ) there is nothing in an Oath , that may not be affirmed and denied without a lye . Thus he . And I would demaund M. Mortō about this matter , whether he will sweare this to be true which he sayth of Azor ? For if Ministers & Priests go in equall ranke in England , a Mynisters word ought to be equall to an Oath : as a Priests word , laying his hand on his brest , is with vs : and then must I needs cōclude Morton●or ●or a periured lyar indeed , who hath so perfidiously belyed Azor in this place , and that in so many points . For first Azor handling in the Booke and Chapter by him cyted , De iure●urando cui videtur veritas aliquo modo deesse : Of an Oath which may seeme in some sort to want truth , he doth put downe diuers example● ( 8. or 9. at least ) wherin the swearer may sweare truly in his owne s●nse , though false in the sense of him that exacteth the Oath . All which are so many plaine approbations of swearing equiuocall propositions without periury , and so many publicke contradictions and confutations of Tho. Mortons notorious slaunder auouch●d here against him , that he condemneth all Equiuocators for lyars . Of which Cases here determyned by Azor against M. Morton , the first is , Si Sacerdos rogetur &c. If a priest be asked any thing which he hath heard in Confession , he may answere , Se ●ihil scire , nihil audiuisse : that he knoweth nothing , he hath h●ard nothing . And how thē doth this great Morali●● condemne all Equiuocators herin as periured lyars ? Is not this public●e lying in Tho. Morton ? and that in print ? And were not this formall periury , if he did sweare it in any Court whatsoeuer ? as namely in his Lords Court of the Arches ? And should he not be punished in that Court , as a periured person , if it were proued against him ? And how then dareth he to commit the same so publikely without blushing ? But let vs leaue him to his Lords correction in this behalfe , and so passe on to another point . 18. Secondly th●n , not only the sense and drift , but the words themselues set downe by T.M. out of Azor , are most fraudulently and falsely alleaged : Quidam putauit ( saith he ) ●as esse cuiquam , vt vitam suam conseruet , hosti iurare , tantūmodo ●o sensu , quem mente in●us concipit : possemus enim hac ratione quiduis negare , & nihil non absque menda●io dicere . Some haue thought it lawfull ( sayth he ) to euery man , for the conseruation of his life to sweare to his enemy only in that sense which he conceiueth inwardly in his owne mynd , which if it should be graunted , then might we by this meanes deny anything , & speake what we will without a lye . 19. These are alleaged for Azor his words , and indeed the most of them are in Azor , but not togeather as they lye heere , but some in one place , and some in another , spoken to different purposes , & in different sense from that T. M. alleageth thē corruptly in this place . And for proofe herof , & of the egregious consenage of this Minister , it shal be sufficient to let yow know , that this speciall example alleaged here as out of Azor , & as reiected by him of one that sware to his enemy for sauing his life in another sense thē his words did soūd , is not reiected , but allowed & approued by Azor. For that he hauing proposed the Case first vnder other learned mens names , much after the sense as here is set down by M. Mortō , he commeth at length to resolue , and approue the same in his owne name saying : quare libenter concedimus id quod paulò ante dicebatur de co , qui , vt se saluum tueatur , promittit latroni , Tyrano , aut hosti , daturum se illi pecuniae quantitatē &c. Wher●or● we do willingly grant that , which before was proposed of him that by Oath doth promise vnto a theefe , a Tyrant , or his enemy for sauing his life , to giue him a certaine quātity of money , which yet notwithstanding in his mynd he hath no purpose to do , he swearing with this reseruation ( of mind ) dabo si debeo : I will giue yt , if I owe yt . 20. Now then consider , good Reader , the honestie and truth of T. Morton that bringeth in Azor to condemne that as lying periury , which he doth not onlie allow , as truth , and no lye ; but proueth also the lawfulnes therof by many examples , and especially by this of him that sweareth by Equiuocation , which example M. Morton bringeth in as condemned by Azor for periurious lying . What will you say ? or what will you do with such men ? And do you note also that in the former words of Azor he cutteth of La●roni & Tyranno , and this to peru●nt a Case resolued against him afterward by Ci●●ro predonibus & pira●is , to theeues and pirats periury is not committed : what then ( I say ) is to be thought , or said , or done with such men ? Himselfe setteth downe a rule in his epistle Dedicatory to the Kings Matie cyted out of ●ully , which is , that such are as taken once in lying , may neuer after be credited againe , which he applieth against the Catholicks : but how iustly it ought to be practised in him and his followes , that are taken at euery turne in such notorious willfull lying , is euident to the discreet Reader , &c. 21. So wrote I in my la●t Treatise , laying downe the falsity and indignity of this manner of dealing . And this I thinke also to haue byn sufficiently insisted vpō by me , which might haue moued M. Morton to haue yelded vs some peece of answere , if he had pleased , or had thought himselfe able : Wherunto he was specially bound , for that in the precedent Chapter , as you haue heard , he cyted Azor for one of his three Iesuits that condēne all Equiuocation : but it semeth that he careth litle what he saith in one place , so he may scape out in another , where he is most pressed . And yet after all this in the very end of his book , he maketh new Chalēges of sincere integrity , as freshly , as if he hadneuer bene taken in the turnings , windings , and contradictions , which now you haue heard and wondered at , I doubt not . THE FIFTH Pretermitted falshood by M. Morton . §. V. LET VS passe from these two Iesuits to a third : for ●t seemeth that M. Morton hath a speciall grace in ●i●gracing these men , though with his owne litle grace & credit . The falshood obiected against him in this place is about a 〈◊〉 of the w●●ds & sense of Cardinall ●olet by a sleight or two of M. Morton , thus by me recorded in my Treatise of Mitigation . 23. If followeth presently in the same text ( said I ) where M. Morton continueth his pleasant veyne of playi●g with vs. But i● may ●e ( saith he ) that he which doubteth is ignorant : ●ill no ignorance excuse him ? Wherunto he ●rameth of himselfe this answere , cyting Tolet in the margent for the same : Affected ignorance doth argue him an obstinate Heretick . Which if you marke , doth not answere the demaund , for he demaundeth , whether no ignorance at all doth excuse him , and then answereth ; that affected ignorance doth not excuse him , but doth rather argue him an heretick . Now those that be learned do know , that there be diuers sortes of ignorance , and of diuers d●grees , wherof affec●ed is the most culpable : so as this is very impertinent . For that albeit affected ignorance do not excuse him , yet some other , lesse faulty may do yt . And this for the sense . But if we looke vpon the words themselues of Tolet , cyted by this man in the margent , we shall discouer much more impertinency or impudencie rather : for they are these : Ignorantia crassa non excusat aliquem à pertinacia : Grosse ignorance doth not excuse a man from pertinacy . Now grosse ignorance and affected ignorance are two different things , which may be vnderstood by this example : That one may be ignorant o● Catholicke R●ligion by grosse ignorāce , in that attending to worldly a●●airs , he doth not care to informe hims●l●e : but he is ignorant by affected ignorance , that doth purposely fly to be informed . So as here still our ignora●● Mynister either ex ignorantia crassa or aff●ctata , telleth vs quid pro quo , in translating affected i●norance , for grosse ignorance . And then againe in eng●●sh●ng , non ex●u●at aliquem à per●inacia , doth argue ●●m ●n ob●●●●●●●ereticke : ●or that it is one t●ing to argue , and another not to excuse . And wh●r●s ●e●ore ● . M. held , that pert●nacie appertained not at all to the nature of heresy , here contrary wise he translateth pe●tinacia , an obstinate here●ick , making it to signify both substātiue & adi●ctiue , subs●āce & q●a●ity . But yet further then this you must note , that in cyting this sentēce out of Tolet , he cunninglie dissebleth the Authors assertiō set downe clerely not six lynes before these word● : Pertinacia necessaria est ad consti●uendum hominē●ae●e●i●um : Pertinacie is necessary to make a man an heretic●e : being the quite contrary proposition to that of this man before set downe in the first example of his corruptions in the former part of his Reply &c. 24. This was myformer discourse and conuiction against him . And was not this worthy of some consideration in his answere ? But we must go forward , for there resteth much to recount . THE SIXT Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. VI. AFTER Cardinall Tolet may succeed Bellarmine of the same dignity , and of no lesse fame for learning and vertue , whome as you haue heard him abused before by M. Morton in the precedent Chapter ( though he wēt about to excuse it : ) so more notably shall yow see it heere , which I insisted vpon so earnestly , moued with the indignity of the abuse , as I cannot but maruaile , that M. Morton with any credit could pretermit to answere somewhat therunto . My words are these : 26. But yet in the very next page after , he vseth a farre greater immodestie , or rather per●idie in my opiniō , in calūniation of Cardinall Bellarmine , whom he abuseth both in allegatiō , translatiō , application , and vayne insultation : for thus he citeth in his text out of him . Ancient generall Councells ( sayth the Romish Pretence ) were not gathered without the cost of good and Christian Emperours , and were made by their consents . For in those dayes , the Popes did make supplication to the Emperours , that by his authority he would gather Synods : but after those tymes all causes were changed , because the Pope , who is Head in spirituall matters , cannot be subiect in temporall . Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil . c. 13. § . Habemus ergo . 27. And hauing alledged this resolution of Bellarmine , the Minister insulteth ouer him in these words● Who would think this man could be a Papist , much lesse a Iesuite , how much lesse a Cardinall , who thus disableth the title of the Pope , granting to vs in these words : After these tymes ( that is a●ter six hundred yeares ) the truth of purer antiquities challenging Popes to be subiect vnto Christian Emperours . And yet who but a Papist would ( as it were in despite of antiquity ) defend the degenerate state , saying : After those tymes Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters ? as if he should haue sayd : Thou gracious fauour of ancient Christian Emperours : Thou sound iudgment of ancient reuerend Fathers : Thou deuout subiection of ancient holy Popes : in summe , Thou ancient purity and pure antiquity , adieu . But we may not so bastardly reiect the depositum and doctrine of humble subiection , which we haue receiued from our Fathers of the first six hundred yeares : and not so only , but which ( as your Barkley witnesseth ) the vniuersall Christian world imbraced with common consent for a full thousand yeares . So he . 28. And do yow see how this Mynister tryumpheth ? Who would thinke that men of conscien●e or credit could make such ostentation vpon meere lyes deuised by themselues as now we shall shew all this brag to be ? And as for D. Barkley alleadged ●n the last lynes , let any man read him in the book● & Chapter cyted and he will wonder at the impudency of this vaunter : for he speaketh no one word of gathering Councells , or comparison of spirituall authority betweene the Pope and Emperour , concerning their gathering of Councells or Synods : but of a quite different subiect , of taking armes by subiects against their lawfull temporall Princes . And what will our Minister then answere to this manifest calumniation so apparently conuinced out of D. Barkley ? But let vs passe to the view of that which toucheth Cardinall Bellarmine , against whom all this tempest is raised . 29. First then we shall set downe his words in Latyn according as T. M. cyteth him in his margent . Tunc Concilia generalia sievant ( sayth he ) non sin● Imperatorum sumptibus , & e● tempore Pontifex subijcie●at se Imperatoribus in temporalibus , & ideo non poterant inuito Imperatore aliquid agere : idcirco Ponti●ex supplica●at Imperatori , vt iuberet conuocari Synodum . At post illa tempora omnes causae mutatae sunt , quia Pontifex , qui est Caput in spiritualibus , non est subiectus in temporalibus . Then in those daies generall Councells were made not without the charges of Emperours , and in that tyme the Pope did subiect himselfe vnto Emperours in temporall affaires , and therefore they could do nothing against the Emperours will : for which cause the Pope did make supplication to the Emperour , that he would commaund Synods to be gathered : but after those tymes al● causes were changed , for that the Pope who is head in spirituall matters is not subiect in temporall affaires . So he . 30. And here let vs cōsider the varietie of ●leights and shifts of this our Mynister , not only in cyting Bellarmynes wordes falsely and against his meaning and drift in Latin , wherof we shall speake presently : but in peruerting this Latin , that he hath so corruptly set downe in his former English translatiō . For first hauing said according to the latin , that generall Councells in these daies were not gathered without the cost of Emperours , he addeth presently of his owne , & were made by their consents , which is not in the Latin : & then he cutteth of the other words immediatly ensuing which conteine the cause , to wit , for that the Popes subiecting themselues in those dayes touching temporalities vnto the Emperours ( as hauing no temporall States or dominion yet of their owne ) could do nothing without them , and therefore did make supplication to the said Emperours , that they would cōmaund Synods to be gathered : which T.M. translateth that they would gather Synods , as though Bellarmine did affirme , that it lay in the Emperours by right to do it : but after those tymes omnes causae mutatae sunt , all causes were changed : but he should haue said are changed , as Bellarmyns true words are , omnes istae causae , all these causes are changed , to wit , foure sortes of causes , which he setteth downe why generall Councells could not be well gathered in those dayes without the Emperours help and authority , with causes are guilfully cut of by this deceiuer , as in like manner the last words put downe here by himselfe , Pontifex non est subiectus in temporalibus , are falsely translated , cannot be subiect in temporall . And againe afterward , Popes might not be subiect in temporall matters , which is to make Bellarmine contrary to himselfe , who saith a litle b●fore , that the Popes did subiect themselues for many yeares : wherby is proued that they could do it . But Bellarmyns meaning is , that in right by the prehemynence of their spirituall dignity , they were exempted and not bound therunto . 31. And thus much now for the corruptions vsed in the words heere set downe both in Latin and English. But if we would go to Bellarmyne himselfe , and see his whole discourse , and how brokenly & perfidiously these lynes are cut out of him and heere patched togeather , as one entire context , contrary to his drift and meaning● we shall maruaile more at the insolencie of Tho. Morton , tryumphing ouer his owne lye , as before hath byn sayd . For that Bellarmyne hauing proued at large , and by many sortes of arguments and demonstrations , throughout diuers Chapters togeather , that the right of gathering generall Councells belongeth only to the B. of Rome , and hauing answered all obiections that could be made against the same in the behalfe of Emperours or other temporall Princes , granting only that for certaine causes in those first ages , the same could not be done ( in respect of temporall difficulties ) without the help and assistance of the said Emperours , that were Lords of the world ; he commeth to make this conclusiō , which heere is cyted by T. M. but in farre other words and meaning then here he is cyted . Yow shall heare how he setteth it downe , and therupon consider of the truth of this Mynister . Habemus ergo ( sayth he ) prima illa Concilia &c. Wee haue then by all this disputation seene , how those first Christian Councells were commanded by Emperours to be gathered , but by the sentence and consent of Popes , and why the Pope alone in those dayes did not call Councells , as afterward hath byn accustomed : the reason was● not for that Councells gathered without the Emperours cōsēt , are not lawful , as our aduersaries would haue it , for against that is the expresse authority of S. Athanasius , saying : Quādo vnquā iudicium Ecclesiae ab Imperatore authoritatem habuit ? When was it euer seene that the iudgment of the Church did take authority from the Emperour ? But for many other most iust causes was the Emperours consent required therin &c. So Bellarmyne . 32. And heere now see , that Bellarmins drift is wholy against M. Mortons assertion : for that he denieth that euer the Emperours had any spirituall authority for calling of Councells , but only that they could not well in those daies be made without them , and that for foure seuerall causes : wherof the first was for that the old Imperiall lawes made by Gentills were yet in vse , wherby all great meetings of people were forbidden , for feare of sedition , except by the Emperours knowledge and license . The second , for that Emperours being temporall Lords of the whole world , the Councell● could be made in no Citty of their● without their leaue . The third , for that generall Councells being made in those daies by the publike charges and contributions of Cytties , and especially of Christian Emperours themselues , as appeareth by Eusebius , Theodoretus , and other writers , it was necessary to haue their consent and approbation in so publike an action , as that was . 33. The fourth and last cause was ( sayth Bellarmine ) for that in those dayes , albeit the B. of Rome were Head in spirituall matters ouer the Emperours themselues : yet in temporall a●fairs he did subiect himselfe vnto them , as hauing no temporall State of his owne ; and therefore acknowleging them to be his temporall Lords , he did make supplication vnto them to commaund Synods to be gathered by their authority and licence . At post illa tempora istae omnes caus● mutatae sunt : But since those dayes all these ( foure ) causes are changed , & ipse in suis Prouincijs est Princeps supremus temporalis , sicut sunt Reges & Principes alij . And the Pope himselfe now in his temporall Prouinces is supreme temporall Lord also , as other Kings and Princes are : which was brought to pas●e by Gods prouidence ( sayth Bellarmyne ) to the end , that he might with more freedome , liberty & reputatiō exercise his office of generall Pastourship . 34. And this is all that Bellarmyne hath of this matter . And now may we consider the vanity of M. Mortons triumph ouer him be●ore , and how falsely he dealeth with him , alleaging him against his owne drift and meaning : leauing out also those foure causes by mer● cited , & then cutting of frauduiently the particle ( istae ) these causes are now changed , which includeth reference to these foure : and furthermore speaking indefinitely , as though ●ll causes , and matters were now changed , seeketh therby to deceaue his Reader , and to extort from Bellarmyne that confession of antiquity on his syde , which he neuer meant , and much lesse vttered in his writings . What dealing , what conscience , what truth is this ? &c. 35. Thus I insisted then : and was not this sufficient to draw some answere from M Morton , if he had resolued to answere the points of most moment and most insisted vpon , as he professeth ? But it shameth me to see him thus taken at euery turne . Let vs go forward , THE SEAVENTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. VII . AFT●R Bellarmine yt shall not be amysse to bring in Salmeron another Iesuit , whome M. Morton will needs shake also by the sleeue , and shew him a tricke or two of his art in sundry places of his Booke , wherof one is somewhat largely handled by me in this manner . 37. In the second page ( quoth I ) of his pretended Confutation , M. Morton hath these words : In the old Testament the Iesuits are forced to allow , that the King was supreme ouer t●e Pri●sts in sp●ri●uall a●faires , and ordering Priests . For proofe wherof he cit●th in the margent Salmeron a Iesuite , a very learned man , that hath left written in our dayes many volumes vpon the Gospells , Epistles of S. Paul , and oth●r partes of Scripture , and was one of the first ten , that ioyned themselues with the famous holy Man , Ignatius de Loyola , for the beginnyng of that Religious Order : in which citation diuers notable corruptions are to be seene . First , for that Salmeron proueth the quite contrary in the place by this man quoted , to wit , that neuer Kings were Head of the Church or aboue Priests by their ordinary Kingly authority in Ecclesiasticall matters in the new or old Testament : and hauing proued the same largely , he commeth at length to set downe obiections to the contrary , and to ●olue and answere them saying : Sed contra hanc solidam veritatem &c. But now against this sound truth by me hitherto cōfirmed I know that many things may be obiected , which we are diligētly to confute . First thē may be obiected that Kings in the old Testament did sometymes prescribe vnto Priests , what they were to do in sacred things , as also did put some negligēt Priests frō the executiō of their office . To which is answered : Vbi id euenisset , mirum esse non debere : If it had so fallen out , yt had byn no meruaile : for that the Synagogue of the Iewes , albeit it conteyned some iust men , yet was it called rather an earthly then ●n heauenly Kingdome : in so much as S. Augustine doth doubt , whether in the old Testament , the Kingdome of heauen was euer so much as named , and much lesse promised for reward : and therfore those things that were then done among them , foreshewed only or prefigured diuine things that were to succeed vnder the new Testament , the other being not diuine but humane and earthly . So Salmeron . 1 38. Here then are sundrie important corruptions and frauds vttered by T. M. the one that the Iesuits and namely Salmeron are in●orced to allow the temporall King to haue byn supreme ouer the high Priest in spirituall matters , vnder the old law : whereas he doth expressely affirme and proue the contrary , both out of the Scripture it selfe , by the sacrifice appointed more worthy for the Priest , thē the Prince , and many other Testimonies , as that he must take the law and interpretation therof at the Priests hands , that he must ingredi & egredi ad verbum Sacerdotis , go in and out , and proceed in his affaires by the word & direction of the Priest , and the like : as also by the testimonie of Philo and Iosephus two learned Iewes : and other reasons handled at large in this very disputation , and in the selfe same place from whence this obiection is taken . And this is the first falsyfication concerning the Authors meaning and principall drift . 39. The secōd corruptiō is in the words as they ly in the latin copy , & as by me before mentioned : 2 Vbi id euenisset mirū esse non debere . If any such thing had fallē out as was obiected , to wyt , that Kings sometimes had prescribed to the Priests what they should do in Ecclesiasticall things , deposed some &c. yt had byn no maruaile : for so much as their Ecclesiasticall Kingdome or Synagogue was an earthly & imperfect thing , but yet this proueth not that it was so , but only it is spoken vpō a suppositiō : which suppositiō this Minister that he might the more cūningly shift of and auoid , left out of purpose the most essentiall words therof , vbi id euenisset , if that had happened &c. as also for the same cause to make things more obscure , after those words of Salmeron that stand in his text , Synagoga Iud●orum dicebatur terrenū potiùs quàm caeleste regnum : The Synagogue or Ecclesiasticall gouerment of the Iewes was called rather an earthly then an heauenly Kingdome ( where as contrarywise the Ecclesia●ticall power in the Christian Church is euery where called Celestiall : ) after those words ( I say ) this man cutteth of againe many lynes that followed● togeather with S. Augustines iudgment before touched , which serued to make the Authors meaning more plaine , and yet left no signe of ( &c. ) wherby his Reader might vnderstand that somewhat was omitted , but ioyneth againe presently , as though it had immediatly followed ; Itaque cum populus Dei constet corpore & animo , carnalis pars in veteri populo primas tenebat . Wheras Gods people doth consist of body & mind , the carnall or bodily part did chie●ly preuaile among the Iewes : and herewith endeth , as though nothing more had ensued of that matter , thrusting out these words , that imediatly followed , & made the thing cleare , which are : Et ad spiritualia significanda constituebatur : & that kind of earthly power was appointed to signify the spirituall , that was to be in the new Testament : Wherby is euidētly seene that Salmeron vnderstood not by carnalis pars , and regnum terrenum , the temporall Kingdome of Iury , as this Mynister doth insinuate to make the matter odious : but the Ecclesiasticall gouerment of the Sinagogue vnder the old law , in respect of the Ecclesiasticall power in the new , wherof the other was but an earthly figure or signification . 40. But now the third corruption , 3 and most egregious of all is in his English Translation out of the Latin words of Salmeron : for thus he translateth them in our name : In the Synagogue of the Iewes ( sayth Salmeron ) was a State rather earthly then heauenly : so that in that people ( which was as in the body of a man , consisting of body and soule ) the carnall part was more emynent : meaning the temporall to haue byn supreme . In which translation are many seuerall shiftes & frauds . For where as Salmeron sayth : Synagoga Iudaeorum dicebatur potiùs terrenum , quàm caeleste regnum . The Synagogue or Ecclesiasti●all power among the Iewes was called rather an earthly , th●n a heauenly Kingdome : he translateth yt : The Synagogue of the Iewes was a State , rather earthly then heauenly . And this , to the end he might apply the word of eart● to the temporall Prince , and heauenly to the Iudaicall Priests , which is quite from Salmerons meaning . Secondly those other words of Salmeron being , Cùm populus Dei constet ex corpore & animo : VVhere as the people of God do consist of body and mynd , meaning therby aswell Christians as Iewes : and that the Iewes are as the bodily or carnall part of the man , and the Christians the spirituall , and consequently their Ecclesiasticall authority earthly , and ours heauenly : this fellow to deceiue his reader putteth out first the word ( Dei ) the people of God , which could not but signify Christians in Salmerons meaning , and then translateth , In that people ( to wit the Iewes ) the carnall part was the more eminent , meaning ( sayth he ) the temp●rall : which is fals● , for he speaketh expresly of the Ecclesiasticall power among the Iewes , which he calleth carnall and terrene , in respect of the spirituall Ecclesiasticall among the Christians , and not the temporall or kingly power vnder the old Testamēt , as this man to make vs odious to temporall Princes as debasing their authority would haue it thought . And Salmerons contraposition or antithesis is not betweene the temporall and Ecclesiasticall gouerment among the ●ewes : but betwene their Ecclesiasticall gouernment and ours , that of the Synagogue , and this of the Christian Church , wherof the one ( he sayth ) to be terrene and earthly , the other spirituall and heauenly : the one infirme , the other powerfull ouer soules &c. So as all these sortes and kinds of corruptiōs being seene in this one litle authority , you may imagine what wil be found in the whole Booke , if a man had so much patience and time to leese , as to discusse the same exactly throughout . So in that place . And did not this require some answere also among the rest ? Had it not bene good that M. M●rton had ●ent vs some few lines of satisfactiō to this , insteed of so many idle triflings , as he hath prosecuted largely in this his Reply ? But it is easily seene , that he sought for choice matter , wherby to intertayne his reader , and seeme to say somewhat . THE EIGHT Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. VIII . THERE remayneth yet another notable abuse , which I may not pas●e ouer , against the same Salmeron , though by order I should haue mentioned yt be●ore : thus it is la●d forth in my Booke of Mitigation . It followeth in the same place ( said I ) as a second Romish pretence , produced by M. Morton , That the old ●estament was a figure of the new in Christ , and th●rf●re that in the new , the spirituall power ( as the Popedome sayth he ) must be the chiefe or substantiue &c. which short sentence he patcheth out of two different authors Salmeron & Carerius , part of one & part of another , & then frameth this graue answere therunto : In this obiection ( sayth he ) there is more childhood then manhood , ba●ish grammer then sound diuinity . So he . And will you heare his manhood in sound diuinity ? It followeth immediatly . The old Testament indeed ( saith he ) in his earthlie elements was a figure o● this s●irituall and heau●nly , but o● the truly heauenly , the day of that eternall Sabboth , and the celesticall Hierusalem , the mother-Citty of the Sai●ts o● God. Behold his manhood in sound Diuinity ! 42. Let it be so , that the old Testament was in many thinges a figure of the heauenly Sabboth and celestiall Hierusalem : but what , Syr , will you cōclude of this by your sound diuinity ? was it not a ●igure also of many things vpō earth , which should be fulfilled in the new Testament ? Were not their Cerimonies and Sacrifices a figure of our Sacramēts & Sacrifice ? their Manna of our Eucharist ? their Circumcisions and washings figures of our Baptisme ? doth not S. Paul in the 9. an 10. of his first Epistle to the Corinthians set downe many examples to this effect ? as that of Deutronomy , Non alligabis os boui trituranti : thou shalt not bynd vp the mouth of the oxe that laboureth , applying it vnto our Preachers of the new Testament that must haue their maintenance ? as also he expoundeth the passing of the Red-sea by the Israelits , their being baptized in the Cloud , their food of the Manna , their drinking out of the Rocke which prefigured Christ , and diuers other things , wherof he sayth : Haec autem in figura facta sunt nostri : these things were done in figure of our present St●te . And againe : Haec autem omnia in figura contingebant illis : All these things did happen to the Iewes in figure , but were to be fullfilled truly and really according to the spirituall meaning in the new Testament Is not all this so ? Were not these things to be fulfilled aswell vpon earth as in heauen ? How then doth our Mynister put that aduersatiue clause ( but of the truly heauenly , ) as though the old Testament in her earthly elements had pre●igured nothing to be fulfilled but only in heauē ? Is this sound Diuinity ? Is this Manhood ? Nay is it not rather babish Childhood , that semeth not to know the very first elements of true Diuinity ? 43. I let passe the shameles corruption which he vseth in translating the very words cyted by him out of Salmeron , for proofe of his obiection made in our behalfe : and I call yt shameles , for that euery Child which vnderstandeth Latyn may see the Ministers shift therin . The Authors words are these as this man here recounteth them : Et hoc regnum terrenum vmbra tamen suit spiritualis regiminis in Ecclesia Christiana : and yet this earthly Kingdome ( of the Iewes ) was a shaddow of the spirituall gouerment , that was to be in the Christian Church : meaning therby the most excellent spirituall power and gouerment ouer soules , which Christ was to institute in his Church , at his comming in flesh , to wit , the power of absoluing from synnes vpon earth , the assistance giuen by the Sacraments , and the like , were shadowed in a certaine manner by the earthly Ecclesiasticall Kingdome among the Iewes . And how doth T. M. now translate these wordes and frame our obiection out of them . The old Testament ( sayth he ) was a figure of the new in Christ , therfore in the new , the Popedome is the substantiue &c. Here are two short propositions you see , the Antecedent & Consequent , and both framed with falshood : for that the Antecedent set downe , as out of Salmeron , is not that which he affirmeth in his Latin words , as already we haue shewed : though otherwise in it selfe the proposition be true , to wit , that the old Testament was a figure of the new in Christ : nor will ( I thinke ) T. M. denie it . There followeth then the Consequent or second proposition ( that therefore in the new the Popedome is the substantiue ) which is no lesse corruptly inferred in our name , then was the Antecedent affirmed : for that we do not inferre , nor yet the Author Carerius in the said second propositiō or Cōsequence by him alleaged , that for so much as the old Testament is a figure of the new , therefore in the new , the Popes spirituall authority is the substantiue &c. for that this were a weake inference , as euery man seeth . Nay Carerius maketh no inferēce at all in the place by him alleaged , but only vseth that similitude , which before you haue heard of the substantiue and adiectiue : So as this inference is only a fiction of the Minister to make himselfe & other men merry , and to giue occasion to play vpon his aduersarie , with reproach of Childhood and babish grammer , as now he hath done : but indeed the true Consequence that may be made vpon the Catholicke Authors words which hitherto he hath alleaged , is only this : that for so much as the Kingdome and gouerment among the Iewes , euen in Ecclesiasticall things , was but earthly , and a figure or shadow , in respect of that which was to be ouer soules , in the Christian Church , it followeth , that this in respect of spirituality was to be much more emynent then the other , as the thing figured , then the figure or shadow it selfe . And what inconuenience hath this doctrine that it should be called Childhood and babish grammer ? So much I set downe in my former reprehension of M. Morton for this abuse of Salmeron , all which he now in his last Reply thought best to passe ouer with sylence : for that belike he esteemed it not sufficiently insisted vpon by me , therby to presse him to answere it . But this may be amended at another tyme : and so I passe on now to recount others of like sort . THE NINTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. IX . THERE followeth now against Dolman a like sleight , thus recorded by me in my booke . M. Mortons second reason why his Maiesties Catholicke & Protestant subiects may not liue togeather in England is : For that all Popish Priests ( sayth he ) d● attribute a double prerogatiue ouer Kings , that is to say , a Democraticall and Monarchicall soueraigne Ciuill power : the first to the people , the second to the Pope . And for proofe of the first concerning the people , he alleageth foure seueral authorities of Catholick wryters , but so corruptly & perfidiously , as if nothing els did shew his talent of cogging & treacherous dealing , this were sufficient to discouer the same : though afterwards greater store will occure , we shall runne ouer briefly all those foure . 45. First he saith that Dolman in his Con●erence about Succession hath these words : The common wealth hath authority to choose a King , and to lymit him lawes at their pleasure : which if it were truly alleadged , as it lieth in the Author , yet here is no mention o● the people , or of Democraticall state , but only of the Common wealth , which includeth both nobility and people , and all other States . Secondly Dolmans words are not of choosing a King , but of choosing a forme of gouerment , be it Democraticall , Aristocraticall , or Monarchicall . Let vs heare the Author himselfe speake . In lyke mā●●r ( saith he ) it is euidēt , that as the Cōmon wealth hath this authority to choose & chāge her gouerment ( as hath byn proued : ) so hath it also to lymit the same , with what lawes and condi●ions shee pleaseth : wherof ensueth great diuers●●y of authority a●d power , which ech one of the ●ormer gouerments hath in it selfe . So he . Where we see that Doleman speaketh of the power which a Common wealth that is deuoid of any certaine gouerment , to chuse vnto themselues that forme that best liketh thē , with the limitatiōs they thinke most expedient : & so we see in Engla●d , France , Polonia , Germany , Venice , Genua , and in the Empire it selfe , different formes and manners of gouerment , with different lawes and lymitations , according to the choice and liking of ech Nation . This place then of Dolman is corrupted by T. M. both in words and sense . For he neither speaketh nor meaneth as the false Minister auoucheth him , of gyuing Democraticall power to the people ouer Princes established . 46. So wrote I in my former booke . And albeit I do not insist and dwell vpon the matter so long as vpon some other sleights : yet doth it conteine notable falshood , yf yow consider it well ; first to alleage the words of an Author that are not his : and thē to inferre therof , that , which neither the words thēselues do beare , nor the Author euer dreamed of . 47. And here I might alleage diuers other Wryters , but especially Iesuits wrongfully abused by him , both in cyting of their works and words , and falsifying their meaning : as namely those three whome he bringeth in for witnes in the end of the fourth Chapter against Equiuocation , euen in those places , where they do most resolutely affirme Equiuocation to be lawfull : namely Azor , Emanuel Sà , & Maldonatus : but these will haue their place afterward . And so from Iesuits I passe to other Authors , who haue receiued the like sort of dealing from him . THE TENTH Pretermitted falshood by Thomas Morton . §. X. AS you haue heard how M. Morton hath dealt fraudulently with the Iesuits , so shall you see him vse the same measure also towards others , as namely toward the Paduan Doctor Carerius , out of whome he hath made great styrre before , if you remember in answering three seuerall tymes at lea●t a certaine reprehension of myne , for that he cyted the words Celsus verè , for Celsus verò , though I obiected the same but sleightly , & by the way , & said expresly that I held yt for a tri●le . But now you shal heare a more graue and grieuous charge made against him for worse abusing of the same Carerius . Thus it lyeth in my booke . 49. The next sentence ( quoth I ) or obiection after the former preface ( which is the very first of his discourse ) is framed by him ( but yet in our name ) vnder the title of the Roman pretence in these words . The high Priests in the old ●estament ( sayth he ) were supreme in ciuill Causes : Ergo , they ought to be so also in the new . For which he c●teth one Carerius a Lawyer , that wrote of late in Padua , de potestate Romani Pon●ificis , defending the former opinion of Canonists for direct dominion , and citeth his words in Latyn thus : Dico Pontificem in veteri Testamento suisse Rege maiorem : and Englisheth the same as before you haue heard , That the high Priest was supreme in Ciuill causes : which words of Ciuill causes , he pu●teth in of his owne , and if you marke them , do marre the whole market . For that Carerius hath them not either in words or sense , but teacheth the plaine cōtrary in all his discourse , to wit , that he meaneth in matters appertayning to Religion and Priesthood , & not of temporall Principality : which temporall principality this Author granteth to haue byn greater in the old Testament in dealing with Ecclesiasticall men and matters , then in the new : and to that effect is he cited presently after by the Mynister himselfe , contrary to that which here he feigneth him to say . But let vs heare the words of Carerius . Tertiò dico ( saith he ) etiam in Testamento vete●i , fuisse Ponti●ic●m Rege maiorem : quod quidem probatur &c. Thirdly , I say , that the high Prie●t was greater a●so in the old Testament then the King : which is proued first out of the 27. Chapter of Numbers , where it is appointed by God , that Iosue , and all the people should be directed by the word of the high Priest Eleazar , saying : Whē any thing is to be done , let Eleazar the high Priest cōsult with God , & at his word aswell Iosue , as all the Children of Israell , and whole multitude shall go forth and come in &c. And secondly the same is proued out of the fourth of Leuiticus , where foure kind of Sacrifices being ordayned according to the dignity of the persons : the first two are of a Calse for the high Priest and Common wealth : the third and fourth of a hee and shee-goat for the Prince and priuate persons . Wherby Carerius inferreth a most certaine dignitie and preheminence of the Priestes state aboue the temporall Prince , though he say not in Ciuil causes , as this Mynister doth bely him . 50. And whereas Carerius had sayd in two former answers , first that in the old Testament , Ecclesiasticall and secular iurisdiction were not so distinct but that both might be in some Cases in the King : & secōdly that in the law , the new spirituall power was more emynēt thē in the old , he cōmeth thirdly to say , that in the old law , the high Priest in some respects was greater also then the King , which cannot be vnderstood of Ciuill ●ower , except the Author wil be contrary to himselfe . And ther●ore that clause was very ●alsely & perfidiously thrust in by the Mynister , & this with so much the lesse shame , ●or that in the end of the same Capter , he citeth the same Author to th● plaine cōtrary sēse saying : In veteri lege Regnū erat subs●anti●um , & Sacerdo●iū adiectiuū &c. That in the old Law the Kingdome was the substātiue that stood of it selfe , and Priesthood was the adiectiue that leaned theron : but contrarywise in the new law , Priesthood and spirituall iurisdiction is the substantiue or principall in gouernment , and temporall principality is the adiectiue depending therof for direction and assistance : the one , both by nature , and Gods law being subordinate to the other , to wit , the temporall to the spirituall . And thus much concerning this guyle by flat falshood . Now to a tricke or two of other sortes of shifting , by him vsed for deluding the Reader . 51. This was my reprehension and complaint then , and if M. Morton had dealt really , he would rather haue thought how to haue answered somewhat to this substantiall imputation , then to haue trif●ed so often with the other of verò & verè , out of the same Author , but that he had some shadow how to shift of that , by a shew of a later erroneous print of Cullen , but none at all for this . THE ELEVENTH Falshood dissembled by Thomas Morton . §. XI . AFTER the Paduan Doctor of law Carerius , followeth the famous Religious Doctor of the Order of S. Dominicke , named Franciscus de Victoria , whome in like manner he doth egregiously abuse , as by my former complaint may appeare , which I deliuered in these words . 53. It followeth in the 16. page thus : Your deuise ( sayth M. Morton ) of exemption of Priests ( from the ●urisdiction of temporall Princes in certaine Cases ) is too crude to be disgested by any reasonable Deuine , for ( as ●our Victoria sayth ) Priests , besides that they are Mynisters of the Church , they are likewise members of the Common wealth : & a King is aswell King of the Clergy as of the Laity : therfore the Clergie is subiect to the Ciuill authority in t●mporall things , for such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall . A plaine demonstratiō . So he . And I say the same , that indeed it is a plaine demonstration of M. Mortons egregious falshood and abusing his Reader . First in making him belieue that the learned man Franciscus de Victoria doth fauour him or his in this matter of exemption of Priests , whereas in this very place heere cyted by T.M. his first propositiō of all in this matter is this : Ecclesiastici iure sunt exempti &c. I do affirme that Ecclesiasticall men are by law exempted , and fr●ed from Ciuill power , so as they may not be conuented before a secular Iudge , either in criminall or Ciuill causes , and the contrary doctrine to this is condemned for hereticall among the articles of Iohn Wickliffe , in the Councell of Constance . So he . And now see whether Victoria make for him or no ; or whether he disgested well this crude doctrine of Pries●es exemptiō , as this Mynisters phrase is . 54. Secondly , if we consider either the English translation heere set downe out of the words of Victoria , or his Latin text for ostentation sake put in the margent by M. Morton ; we shall find so many & monstrous foule corruptions , intercisions , geldings and mutilations , as is a shame to behold : and I beseech the learned Reader to haue patience to conferre but this one place only with the Author , & he will rest instructed in the mans spirit for the re●t : but he must find them as I haue now cited them heere in the margent , and not as T. M. erroneously quoteth them , if not of purpose to escape the examine . For that Victoria hauing set downe his precedent generall proposition for the exemption of Clergy men , that they were exempted Iure , by law , he pass●th on to examine in his second proposition , Quo iure ? by what law , Diuine or humane they are exempted ? And in his third he holdeth , that aliqua exemptio Clericorum ●st de iure diuino : that some kind of exemptions of Clergy men from Ciuill power , is by diuine law , and not humane only : and fourthly he commeth to this which here is set downe by T.M. but not as he setteth it downe . Our ●ourth proposition ( saith Victoria ) is that the persons of Clergy men are not absolutely and in all things exempted from Ciuill power , ●ither by Diuine or humane law , which is euident by that cleargy men are bound to obey the temporall lawes of the Citty or Common wealth , wherin they liue , in those things that do appertaine to the temporall gouerment and administration therof , and do not let or hind●r Ecclesiasticall gouerment . 55. These are the words of Victoria , as they lye togeather in him , and then after some arguments interposed for his sayd conclusion , he addeth also this proofe . That ●or so much as Clergy men besides this that they are Mynisters of the Church , are Cittizens also of the common wealth , they are bound to obey the temporall lawes of that Common wealth or Prince in temporall affaires : and then ensueth the last reason ( here set downe in English by T. M. ) in th●se words . Moreouer ( sayth Victoria ) for that a King is King , not only of Laymen , but of Clergy men also , therefore , aliquo modo subi●ciuntur ei : in some sort they are subiect vnto him . Which words aliquo modo , in some sort , the Mynister leaueth out . And is this plaine dealing ? And thē it followeth imediatly in Victoria : And ●or that Cl●rgie men are not gouerned in temporall matters by Ecclesiasticall power , there●ore they haue their temporall Prince , vnto whom they are bound to yield obedience in tēporall affaires . And this is all that Victoria hath in this matter , and in ●hese very words . And let any man consider the patching , which T. M. vseth both in English and Latin in this place , to make some shew for his feygned demonstration out of Victoria , and he will see how poore and miserable a man he is , and how miserable a cause he defendeth . And in particuler , let the very last proposition be noted which he cyteth and Englisheth , as out of victoria , to wit , the Clergy is subiect to th● Ciuill authority intēporall things , ●or such matter is not ruled by any power spirituall : wherby he would haue his Reader to imagine , that no spirituall power may haue authority to gouerne temporall matters : whereas the words of Victoria are : Clerici quantum ad temporalia non administrantur potestate Ecclesiastica , that Clergy men ●or so much as apperteineth to temporall affaires , are not gouerned by Ecclesiasticall power , but by the temporall , which there beareth rule . So as this fellow by a subtile sleight changing the nominatiue Case from Clerici non administrantur , to temporalia non administrantur , frameth his plaine Demonstration out of plaine cosenage and forgerie . And is this naked innocency & c ? Thus farre I had in my former Treatise . And heere you see , I was earnest inough in vrging & pressing for an answere , if it might haue byn had : but none came at all , but other trifling toyes in steed therof : and that in great store , as our former discourses , haue declared : and yet we must go forward to recount more● THE TWELFE falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XII . VVE shall passe from priuate Doctors to an Archbishop and Martyr of our owne Countrey S. Boniface : whome M. Morton seemeth to make a Pope also , for that his speach is alleadged in one of the Popes Constitutions . My former charge against M. Morton about that matter , was this that ensueth . 57. Now ( sayd I ) to the second , wherin he sayth , that one of our Popes placed also in the Calends of our Martyrs , doth affirme , that though a Pope should carrie many people with himselfe to hell , no mortall man may presume to say , why do you so ? I do greatly maruaile with what conscience , or if not conscience , with what forehead at least , these men can write and print , and reiterate so often in their bookes , things that they know , or may know , to be meerly fa●se and forge ? Is not this a signe of obstinate wilfulnes , and that neither God nor truth is sought for by them , but only to mainteine a part or faction with what sleight or falshood so euer ? I fynd this very obiection set forth in print not many yeares agone by Syr Francis Hastings in his Watchword and Defence therof , and the same auouched stoutly after him for a tyme by Matthew Sutclisse the Mynister , Aduocate and Proctour of that De●ence : but afterward I find the same so confuted at large by the VVarn-word , and so many lies , falshoods , and euident frauds discouered therin , as the said M. Sutclisse in his Replie intituled , A full & round answ●re , though good roundly to let it passe without any answere at all , which I can find in his said booke , though I haue vsed some diligence in search therof : which I do adde , for that he changeth the whole order of answering , from the method of his Aduersary , to the end not to be found : and so answereth nothing in order or place , as it is set downed by him , whom he pretēdeth to answere , but rather taking a new , vast , and wild discourse to himself , snatcheth here a word and there a word to carp at , not as they lye in his Aduersaries booke , but as it pleaseth him to admit them , now from the end of the booke , then from the beginning , then from the myddle . And with this substantiall method he taketh vpon him to answere all books that come in his way : for so he hath answered of late the booke also of Three Conuersions of England , and may do easely all that is written by Catholicks , if carping only and scolding be answering . 58. Wherfore to this instance here resumed by T. M. though I must remit him , or rather the Reader , for larger satisfactiō to the said Catholick Treatise , intituled The VVarnwoord ; yet here briefly I am to tell him first , that he erreth grossely in affirming in this place , the Author of this Canon cited by him , Si Papa , to haue byn a Pope : for that the said Canon was gathered by Gratian out of the sayings of S. Boniface Martyr , as in the title of the sayd Canon is expressed : which Boniface , was neuer Pope , but a vertuous learned English-man , that liued aboue 850. yeares agone , and was the first Archbishop of Mentz or Moguntia in Germany : of which people , & Countrey he is called by all ancient writers the Apostle , for that he first publikely conuerted that Natiō , erected that primate Sea , and suffred glorious Martyrdome by the Gentills for the faith of Christ. Wherfore the scoffe of T.M. calling him our Pope placed in the Calends of our Martyrs , besides the ignorāce tasteth also of much profane malice and impiety . 59. Secondly , I say , that these words of his are corruptly set downe , as ouer commonly els where , and that both in latin and English. In latin , for that he leaueth out the beginning of the Canon , which sheweth the drift therof , whose title is : Damnatur Apostolicus qui suae & ●raternae salutis est negligens . The Pope is damned , which is negligent in the affaire of his owne saluation and o● his brethren : and then beginneth the Canon , Si Papa suae & fraternae salutis negligens &c. shewing that albeit the Pope haue no Superiour-iudge in this world which may by authority check him , vnles he fall into heresie : yet shall his damnation be greater then of other synners , for that by reason of his high dignity , he draweth more after him to perdition then any other . Wherby we may perceiue that this Canon was not writtē to flatter the Pope , as Protestants would haue it seeme , but to warne him rather of his perill , togeather with his high authority . 60. After this the better to couer this pious meaning of S. Boniface , T.M. alleaging two lines of the same in Latin he cutteth of presently a third line that immediatly ensueth , to wit , Cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum vapulaturus : that such a Pope is to suffer eternall punishmēts , and to be scourged with many stripes togeather with the Diuell himselfe , if by his euill or negligent life , he be the cause of others perdition : which threat this man hauing cut of he ioyneth presently againe with the antecedent words , these as following immediatly in the Canon : Huius culpas redarguere praesumet nemo mortalium : This mans faultes ( to wit the Pope ) no mortall man shall or may presume to reprehend , and there endeth . In which short phrase are many ●raudes . For first he leaueth out ( i●ti● ) here in this life : and then for ( praesumit ) in the present tense , that no man doth presume to checke him in respect of the greatnes of his dignity , this man saith ( praesumet ) in the future tense , that is , no man shall presume , or as himselfe translateth it , may presume to cotroll him , which is a malicious falshood . And lastly he leaueth out all that immediatly followeth conteining a reason of all that is sayd : Quia cunctos ipse iudicaturus , à nemine est iudicandus , nisi depre●endatur à fide deuius &c. for that whereas he is Iudge of all other men , he cannot himsel●e be iudged by any , except he be found to swarue from the true faith . Here then is nothing but fraudulent cyting & abusing of Authors . 61. But now thirdly remayneth the greatest corruption and abuse of all in his English translation , which is , that which most importeth his simple Reader that looketh not into the Latin , and this is that he translateth the former sentence of the Canon thus as before you haue heard : Though he should carry many peo●le with him to hell : yet no mortall creature may presume to say why do you so ? But in the Latyn neither here , nor in the Canon it selfe , is there any such interrogation at all , as why do you so ? And therefore I may aske T. M. why do you lye so ? Or why do you delude your Reader so ? Or why do yow corrupt your Author so ? Or why do yow translate in English for the abu●ing of your Reader , that which neither your selfe do set downe in your Latin text , nor the Canon yt selfe by yow cited hath yt at all ? Is not this wilfull and malicious fraud ? Wherin when you shall answere me directly and sincerely , it shal be a great discharge of your credit with those , who in the meane space will iustly hold you for a Deceiuer . 62. Thus I pleaded with M. Morton at that tyme , and was earnest inough as you see , if not ouer earnest , but all will not get an answere . Now we shall expect , that in his promised Reioinder he will answer all togeather , and that he may the better remember to do it , I thought conuenient to giue him this new record for remembring the sam● . THE THIRTEENTH falshood wittingly pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XIII . FROM S. Boni●ace an Archbishop and the Pope● Legate we shall passe to a Pope indeed , namely S. Leo the first , a man of high esteeme in the Churc● of God , as all Christians know : and therefore the abuse offred to him by M. Morton is the more reprehensible , wherof I wrote thus in my last Treatise . 63. The eight Father ( sayth M. Morton ) is Pope Leo , writing to a true Catholike Emperour , saying : You may not be ignorant that ●our Princely power is giuen vnto you , not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall , for the preseruation of the Church . As if he said not only in Causes tēporall , but also in spirituall , so far as i● belongeth to the outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them : and this is the substance of our English Oath . And further neither do our Kings of England challeng , nor Subiects condescend vnto . In which words you see two things are conteined : first what authority S. Leo the Pope aboue eleuen hundred yeares agone ascribed vnto Leo the Emperour in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall . ● The second , by this mans assertion , that neither our Kings of England challeng , nor do the Subiects condescend vnto any more in the Oath of the Supremacy , that is proposed vnto them : which if it be so , I see no cause why all English Catholickes may not take the same in like manner , so farre forth as S. Leo alloweth spirituall authority to the Emperour of his tyme. Wherfore i● behoueth that the Reader stand attent to the deciding of this question : for if this be true , which here M. Morton auoucheth , our controuersie about the Suprema●y is at an end . 64. First then about the former point , let vs cōsider how many wayes T. M. hath corrupted the foresaid authority of S. Leo , partly by fraudulent allegation in Latin , and partly by false translation into English. For that in Latin it goeth thus , as himselfe putteth it downe in the margent : Debes incunctanter aduertere , Regiam potestatem non solùm ad mundi regimen , sed maximè ad Ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam . You ought ( o Emperour ) resolutly to consider , that your Kingly power is not only giuen vnto you for gouerment of the world or wordly a●●aires , but especially for defence of the Church : and then do ensue immediatly these other words also in S. Leo , suppressed fraudulently by the Mynister , for that they explicate the meaning of the Author : Vt ausus nefarios comprimendo , & quae bene sunt statuta defendas , & veram pacem hijs quae sunt turbata , restituas . To the end that yow may by repressing audacious attēpts ●oth defend those things that are well ordeined and decreed ( as namely in the late generall Councell of Calcedon ) and restore peace where matters are troubled ( as in the Citty and Sea of Alexandria , ) where the Patriarch Proterius being slayne and murdered by the conspiracy of the Dioscorian hereticks lately condemned in the sayd Councell , all things are in most violent garboyles , which require your Imperiall power to remedy , compose and compresse the same . 65. This is the true meaning of S. Leo his speach to the good and religious Emperour of the same name , as appeareth throughout the whole Epistle here cited and diuers others . Nonne perspicuum est ( sayth he ) qui●us P●e●as Vestra succurrere & q●●bu● obuiare , ●e Alexandrina Ecclesia &c. ●s it not euident whome your ●mperiall piety ought to ass●st and succour , and whom yow ought to resist and represse , to the end the Church of Alexandria that hitherto hath byn the ●ouse of prayer , become not a denne of theeues ? Surely it is most mani●est that by this late barbarous and most furious cruelty ( in murdering that Patriarch ) all the light of heauenly Sacraments is there extinguished : Intercepta est Sacrificiij oblatio , defecit Chrismatis sanctificatio &c. The oblation of Sacrifice is intermitted , the hallowing of Chrisme is ceased● and all diuine mysteries of our religion haue withdrawne themselues ●rom the parricidiall hands of those hereticks , that haue murdered their owne Father and Patriarch Proterius , burned his body , and cast the ashes into the ayre . 66. This thē was the cause & occasiō , wherin the holy Pope Leo did implore the help & secular arme of Leo the Emperour , for chastising those turbulent hereticks : to which effect he saith , that his Kingly power was not only giuen him for the gouerment of the world , but also for the defence of the Church , which our Mynister doth absurdly translate , not only in worldly regiment , but also spirituall for the preseruation of the Church : turning ad into in , and praesidium into preseruation , and then maketh the Commentary which before we haue set downe : As if he had said ( quoth he ) not only in causes temporall , but also in spirituall , so far as it belongeth to outward preseruation , not to the personall administration of them . 67. Thus far I wrote hereof before , and proceded also further , shewing not only that he had corrupted both the text , sense and meaning of S. Leo , but also that fondly he had affirmed , that the Oath of Supremacie exacted by King Henry and some of his followers in England , was , nor is any thing els but the acknowledging of so much authority spirituall as S. Leo granted to the Emperour of his dayes . Wherupon I do ioyne is●ue with him and promise that if he can proue it to be no other , then that ; all Catholicks in my opinion will accept the same , and so come to vnion and concord in that point . And therupon I did vrge very earnestly that this assertion might be mainteyned , saying among other things : Me thinks such publike doctrine should not be so publikely printed and set forth , without publike allowance and intention to performe and make it good . If this be really meant , we may easily be accorded : yf not , then will the Reader see what credit may be giuen to any thing they publish , notwithstanding this Booke commeth forth with this speciall commendation of , published by authority &c. Which words in my iudgmēt should haue moued M. Morton to haue sayd somwhat to the matter in this his answere , and not to haue passed it ouer so slyly , as though neuer mention had byn made therof . But euery man will ghesse at the cause , and so we shall expect it at some other time . THE FOVRTEENTH Pretermitted falshood by T. M. §. XIIII . LET vs come backe from Pope Leo vnto another priuate Doctor named Genesius Sepulueda , whom M. Morton in words calleth ours , but yet would make him his , if he could , in the question of Equiuocation : and for that he will not come of himselfe so farre as he would haue him , he giueth him a " wrinch or two to force him to draw neerer , wherof my former accusation was this that ensueth . 69. And lastly ( quoth I ) where M. Morton concludeth the whole matter by the testimony of our Doctor Genesius , as he calleth him , I haue told before how he is ours , and how in some sort he may in this controuersie be called his , though he detested his Religion , as by his works appeareth . Ours he is , as in all other points of Religion , so in the subs●antiall and principall point of this question , for that he defendeth the vse of Equiuocation in concealing some secrets , but denieth it in others , wherein he fauoreth somewhat the aduerse party , with small ground , as in the next Chapter shal be declared . But what saith this Doctor Genesius ? He will tell yow ( sayth M. Morton ) that this sense ( of this text of Scripture ) which yow conceale , is not only contrary to the sentence o● all Fathers , but also against all common sense . And is this possible ? Will Sepulueda deny all those Fathers , alleadged by me before for our interpretatiō , to be Fathers ? Will he say , that their exposition is cōtrary to all common sense ? doth not Genesius himselfe in the very Chapter here cited alleage both S. Hierome and S. Augustine for this interpretation , and alloweth the same ? What shameles dealing then is this of our Mynister to charge Genesius with such folly or impiety which he neuer thought of ? For Genesius denieth not either the sense or interpretation of the place , and much lesse sayth , that it is cōtrary to the sentence of the Fathers , and least of all to cōmon sense : but denieth only the application therof for vse and practise to certaine Cases , wherin he admitteth not Equiuocation , and saith , that vpon this interpretation to bring in such a new law were greatly inconuenient ( wherin afterwards notwithstanding we shall shew him to haue byn greatly deceiued : ) & his Latin words are : Contrà non modò veterum & grauissimorum Doctorum , sed communem hominum sensum quasi legem inducere : to bring in as it were a law , not only against the iudgment of ancient & most graue schole Doctors ( for of thē only he speaketh in that place ) but also against the common sense or opinion of men . 70. This is Genesius his speach , wherin though his iudgment be reiected by other Scholmen as singular and paradoxicall in this point , as after shal be declared : yet is he egregiously abused by M. Morton , who first maketh him to say of the interpretatiō & sense of this place of scripture , that which he speaketh only of the applicatiō therof , to vse & practice in tribunalls . And secondly he maketh him to discredit the Fathers which himselfe alleageth : then he englisheth ancient Fathers for anciēt Schoole doctors : & last of all addeth consensum of his own , leauing out hominum , to make it sound common sense : and other such abuses , which any man may see by conferring the place . And these are other manner of synnes then symple Equiuocation , yf the art of falsifying or forgery be any synne with him at all . And so much for this place of Scripture . Thus wrote I in my said Treatise , being earnest , as you see , to draw some answere from M. Morton : but it would not come . It must be our patience to expect the same at his more commodity hereafter . THE FIFTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XV. FROM Sepulueda we passe to another Spanish Doctor his equall or rather much better learned , named Sotus , whom M. Morton erroneously taketh for Scotus , vnder the title of subtil Doctor , and abuseth him egregiously , as I do shew in my former booke of Mitigation in these words . 72. Behold ( sayth M. Morton ) one Doctor amōg you so subtile , that for that faculty he hath by figure of excellencie byn called The subtile Doctor , who doth conclude all your Equiuocators for Lyars , saying : To say that I did not that which I know I haue done , although I speake it with this lymitation or reseruatiō of mind , vt tibi significem , it is not Equiuocation but a lye . And then he quoteth Sotus in his books De iure & ius●itia , setting downe also in margent the Latin words conforme to this . But all is treachery , falshood and lying in this impertinent impugner of Equiuocation . For first by the subtile Doctor according to the phrase of Catholike Schooles , euery child knoweth to be meāt Ioan. Scotus , & not Dominicus Sotus , who liued more then 200● yeares after the other , & was of the order of S. Dominicke , the other being of S. Francis : so as this is folish & ridiculous errour , if it be errour : but the other is cleerly false and malicious , that these words as here they are cited , are in Sotu● , which M. Morton will neuer be albe to shew for ●auing his honestie in this point : and much lesse will he be able to proue , that Sotus doth conclude all Equi●●cators for lyars , which is an other incredible impudency in him to affirme . For that Sotus in this very booke , question and article by him cited doth te●ch and proue largely the plaine contrary , ●o wit , t●at to equiuocate is lawfull in diuers Cases , to which e●●ect wee haue cit●d him before , when he saith in generall : Poss●nt & debent sic contra ius requisiti quac●●que vti amphibologia . They which are vnlawfully required to speake or sweare as we haue declared , may and ought to vse any kind of Amphibologie or Equiuocation . 73. This is his generall assertion : but a●terward in particuler he putteth many examples to proue the same . And first he setteth downe this proposition : Dum testis de alieno actu interrogatur , potest ri●● respondere , Se nescire . When a witnes is ( vnlawfully ) demanded of another mans actiō which he knoweth , he may iustly answere he knoweth nothing : the reason wherof he sayth is this . Quia oratio illa , nescio , recipere hunc sensum citra mendacium potest , nescio , vt tibi modò dicam For that the answere , I know nothing therof , may without falsyty admit this sense , I know it not ●o tell it yow at this tyme. Sicut silius hominis nescit diem iudicij , vt dicat , as Christ knew not the day of iudgment , to tell or vtter yt to his disciples . And doth it seeme to you , that Sotus in this place doth go about to conclude all Equiuocators for lyars , as M. Morton affirmeth ? If he did , he concludeth one Sauiour Christ also in his sense . What extreme impudencie is this in a Myni●ter ? But let vs heare Sotus yet further in this matter . 74. In his booke De tegendo Secreto , the third member and third question , he repeateth againe the very same Conclusion heere mentioned : That a witnes being iniustly demaunded whether he knoweth such & such a thing of another , may answere he knoweth nothing , though he secretly know it : and then going further , he demaundeth : Whether I hauing seene Peter kill Iohn , and being after examined vpon the same iniustly , whether I may say , I know nothing therof ? To which he giueth this answere : Respondetur , quod iure possum respondere , nescio : quia iure intelligitur , nescio , vt dicam : aut nescio eo modo , quo iure debeam di●ere . I affirme ( saith he ) that I may rightly ans●ere I know nothing therof , ●or that by law it is vnderstood , that I know it not to tell it : or , I know it not in such manner , as by law I ought to vtter the same . And pr●sently he re●ut●th T. Mo●tons Do●tor Genesius Sepulueda , that calleth this pulchrum commētum , a faire gloze , and putting him in number of Iuniores quidam , certaine yonger fellowes , that would reprehend that which they vnderstood not , sayth : Hij aut non capiunt , aut dissimulant vim argumenti : These ( yonglings ) either do not vnderstand , or do dissemble the force of the argument , for this our doctrine &c. 75. Thus wrote I in my former booke , and hauing conuinced so euident falsificatiōs , as ●ere haue byn layed downe , quite contrary to the meaning & sense of the Author alleaged , I meruaile that some litle place had not byn allowed for some piece of answere to this also among the rest . But belike M. Morton was not ready . THE SIXTEENTH Falshood pretermited by Thomas Morton . §. XVI . FROM the Spanish Doctor Sotus we come to the Flemish Doctor Cunerus , for that from all sortes of men , and from all Countries M. Morton draweth t●stimonies , either gathered of himself or by others : but allwayes bestoweth some sleight of his owne bugget to peruert them from their owne meaning . Now then heare ( good Reader ) what I alleaged in my late Treatise as practized against a place of Cu●erus , noe lesse iniuriously , then against the former . 77. Within few lynes after this M. Morton beginneth his third Chapter with these words : That is only true R●ligion ( say your Romish Doctors ) which is tau●ht in the Romish Church , and therfore whosoeuer mainteyn●th any doctrine condemned in that Church , must be accomp●ed ●n obstinate hereticke . And in the margent he citeth Cunerus , alleaging his Latin words thus . Haec est Religionis sola ratio , vt omnes intelligant sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum , quemadmodum Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet , ac praedicat . which words if they were truly alleaged out of the Author , yet were they not truly translated : For if only true Religion ( a corrupt translation of Religionis solaratio ) be applied to particuler positions and articles of Religion : then we grant that such true Religion may be also among hereticks , & not only taught in the Romā Church , for that as S. Austine well noteth , Hereticks also hold many articles of true Catholi●ke Religion . But here the corruption and falsifycation goeth yet further , and it is worthy the noting : for that Cunerus hauing treated largly against the insurrections and rebellions of those of Holland and Z●land for cause of Religion and other pretences against their lawfull King , taketh vpon him in his thirteenth Chapter to lay downe some meanes , how in his opinion those dissentions may be compounded , giuing this title to the sayd Chapter : Quae sit vera componendi d●ssi●ij ratio : what is the true way of composing this dissention . And then after some discourse setteth downe this Conclusion : Haec igitur in Religione concordiae sola est ratio , vt omnes pio ac simplici animo , purè ac integr● sic sap●ant , viuant , loquantur ac praedicent , quemadmodum Sancta Catholica Romana Eccl●sia , quae Dei prouidentia magistra veritatis orbi praeposita ●st , docet , loquitur , ac praedicat . This therefore in Religion is the only way of concord , that all men with a pious and simple mynd , do wholy and purely conceiue , liue , speake and preach , as the holy Catholicke Roman Church , which God by his prouidence hath giuen for a teacher of truth vnto the whole world , doth teach , speake and preach . 78. And now consider yow this dealing , that whereas Bish. Cunerus sayth : Haec est in religione concordiae sola ratio ; this is the only way or meanes of concord in Religion ; this man alleageth it in his margent , Haec est Religionis sola ratio : this is the only way of religion , as though concord and Religion were all one : & then by another tricke of crafty translation in his English text , that is only true religion ; as though true religion and the way or meanes to come to true Religion were not different . And then for all the rest how it is mangled , and how many words and sentēces are put in by this Minister , which are none of Cunerus : and how many of his altered and put out , is easy for the Reader to see by comparing the two Latin texts before alleaged , and thereby to consider how facile a matter it is for this fellow to deuide tongues : A course ( sayth he ) which I professe in all disputes , when he deuideth and separateth the words from their Authors , and the sense from the words , and the whole drift from them both : a very fine course and fit for a man of his profession . So much wrote I at that tyme : which had as you see some acrimony to draw out some satifaction frō M. Morton , if he had byn as full therof , as the title of his former booke of Full satisfaction pretendeth . THE SEAVENTEENTH Pretermitted falshood by T. M. §. XVII . NOw we come to another abuse apperteyning to two men indifferētly , to wit Cassander● German School●maister and Bellarmine an Italiā Cardinall● but we shall ascribe it rather to the Germ●n for this present , for that we haue spoken often , and haue had diuers examples about Cardinall Bellarmine before . Thus then I did propose the matter in my former Treatise . 80. Albeit I haue not yet passed ouer ( sayd I ) the halfe of the first part of this first Treatise of M. Mort. Ful satisfaction : for it is deuided into sundry Treatises , and that in this● first halfe also I haue pretermitted willingly many other exāples , that might haue byn alleadged : yet fynding my selfe weary to prosecute any further so large a Labyrinth of these intricate iuggling tricks , vsed by this Mynister in his whole corps of citations , which do consist principally therof : I meane to draw to an end , adding only one example more in this place , about a matter more neerly concerning our argument , which is of Reconciliation of Protestants with Catholicks in points of Religion , which T.M. willing to accuse I●suits , as the only hinderers therof writeth thus . Only by the insolency ( sayth he ) of Iesuits , all such hope of reconciliation is debarred , as is playne by Bellarmyne : for whereas that most graue learned Cassander , honoured o●●●o ●mperours ●or his singular learning and piety , did teach , That Emperours should endeauour a reconciliation betwixt Papists and Protestants , because ( saith he ) Protestants hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions : the grand Iesuit doth answere , that this iudgment of Cassander is false , for that Catholicks cannot be reconciled with hereticks , heretically meaning Protestants . So he . 81. But here I would aske him , why he had not vttered also that which immediatly followeth in Bellar. that Iohn Caluin had writtē a book against this ●rrour of Cassander , and that among Catholicke writers Ioannes à Louanio had done the same , and shewed that it was an old heresie of Appelles , as Eusebius testifieth , and of other hereticks a●terward vnder Zeno the Emperour , named Pacifyers , as Euagrius testifyeth : who held that Catholicks & heretiks might be cōposed together : why ( I say ) did T.M. cōceale this ? As also the many great & strōg argumēts that Bellarmyne alleageth to proue his assertion ? And why would he lay all the fault of not agreeing , vpon the insolency o● Iesuits , seeing Ioannes à Louanio was no Iesuite , nor Caluin neither . 82. But to leaue this and to come to the thing it selfe , and to take some more particuler view of the false behauiour of Tho. Morton in citing this authority : yt is strange , that in so small a matter , he would shew so great want of truth , or true meaning as heere he doth . For first to pretermit that he goeth about to deceiue his Reader by the opiniō of grauity & learning in George Cassander of Bruges , who was but a Grammarian in his dayes : and that he was a Catholicke , who is censured for an Hereticke prima classis in the index of prohibited Bookes : and not only for heresies of this tyme , but also , quòd dicit Spiritum Sanctum minùs aduocandū & adorandū esse , for that he saith that the holy Ghost is lesse to be called vpon or adored &c. as the Index expurgatorius testifyeth : Besides all this , I say , M. Mort. corrupteth manifestly in the sentēce before alleaged , the words and plaine meaning of his Author , to wit Bellarmine , from whom he citeth Cassanders iudgment : for thus they lye in him : Tertius error ( sayth he ) est Georgij Cassandri in libro de Officio pij Viri : vbi docet debere Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos &c. Sed interim dum non inueniunt debere permittere vnicuique suam fidem , modò omnes recipiant Scripturam & Symbolum Apostolicū : Sic enim omnes sunt verae Ecclesiae membra , licèt in particularibus dogmatibus dissentiant● 83. The third errour is of George Cassander in his booke Of the office of a pious man , where he teacheth that Princes ought to seeke out some meanes of peace betwixt Catholicks , Lutherās , Caluinists & other Sectes of our tyme : but in the meane space whiles they fynd no such meanes , the ought to permit euery one to follow his owne particuler faith , so as all do receaue the Scripture and common Creed of the Apostles : for so all are true members of the Church , albeit they disagree among thēselues in particuler doctrines . These are Bellarmines wordes . Now let vs see how they are mangled by M. Morton both in Latin & English , as by him that hath the notablest talent therin ( notwithstanding his solemne protestations to the contrary ) that euer I read in my life . 84. He putteth downe first the latin wordes in his margent thus : Debent Principes inuenire rationem pacis inter Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas &c. qui omnes , dum Symbolum tenent Apostolicum , vera sunt membra Ecclesiae , licèt à nobis in particularibus dissentiant . Which wordes M. Morton doth very d●ceiptfully English thus : Emperours should endeuour a reconciliation betwixt Papists and Protestants , because Protestāts hold the articles of the Creed , and are true mēbers of the Church , although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions . So he . 85. And here now you see , first to be omitted cunningly and wilfully by this crafty Minister the wordes of much moment , before mentioned ; to wit , That whiles Princes do not find a fit meane of peace , they ought to permit all to liue according to their particuler saith : which sentence of his graue and learned Cassander not seeming to himselfe allowable in our English State , or to his owne brethrē the English Caluinists , that now hauing gotten the gouernment , will suffer no other Religion but their owne , he thought best to suppresse and cut them quite out . Secondly insteed of the conditionall speach vsed by Cassander , modò omnes ac●ipiant Scripturam &c. so that all do receiue the Scripture and Apostolicall Creed , he putteth it downe in English with a causitiue clause , as if it were , quia omnes Symbolum tenent &c. All Which Sects , because they do hold the Articles of the Creed , are true members of the Church , leauing out the word Scripture , and the English of ( dum ) that is , whiles they receaue the Scripture , and thereby doth , as yow see , peruert the other wholy in sense . For who will not hold it absurd , that Catholicks , Lutherans , Caluinists & other Sectes of our tyme , though in words they do admit both Scripture and Apostolicall Creed : yet differing in sense , and so many doctrines as they do , are all to be held notwithstanding for true members of one and the self same Church ? Can any thing be more ridiculous then this ? 86. Thirdly he doth most notably cogge in thrusting in the words ( à nobis ) from vs , which are not in the originall , meaning therby to make Cassander seeme a Catholicke , and to speake in the behalf of Catholicks , which is plaine cosenage : and to this end also he leaueth out dogmatibus . And fynally you see , that he shapeth euery thing to his owne purpose & by making C●ss●nder as a Catholike , seeme to wish and indeauour this vnion , and Bellarmine to reiect it , he would confirme his former calumniation , that only by the insolency of Iesuites , all such hope is debarred . 87. And thus much for the corruption of the latin text . But his English hath other corruptions also , according to his ordinary custome . For first he translateth Debent Principes , that Emperours should endeauour a reconciliation , to confirme therby his former vanity , that Cassander was so great a man with Emperours , as he talketh not but to Emperors , wheras the word Principes vsed by Cassander doth cōprehend all sortes of Princes . Secondly he translateth Catholicos , Lutheranos , Caluinistas● &c. which words of ( & caetera ) comprehend all other Sects of our time as Anabaptists , Arrians , Trinitarians , H●ssites , Picardians and the like : he translateth them , I say , Papists , and Protestants , as though all those Sects of our tyme were to be comprehended vnder the name of Protestants of the English faith : or as though Cassander , yf he were a Catholike , as here he is pretended , would call vs Papists . 88. Thirdly wheras in his owne Latin here set downe , he saith : Qui omnes dum Symbolum tenent &c. All which , to wit , Catholiks , Lutherans , Caluinists & other Sectaries , whiles they hold the Apostolicall Creed , are true members of the Church : he doth English it thus , because Protestants hold the Articles of the Creed , and are true members of the Church , excluding Catholicks from belieuing the said Articles , or being true members : which in his owne Latin ( and that of Bellarmines ) also are included . And fourthly is the corruption before mentioned ( although they dissent from vs in some particuler opinions ) which in Bellarmine is although they dissent among themselues in particuler doctrines . And finally the wordes by him cited of Bellarmines iudgment , which he controlleth , to wit , falsa est haec sententia Cassandri : non possunt enim Catholici reconciliari cum haereticis , are not so in Bellarmine : but these , potest facilè reselli haec Cassandri sententia : primum enim non possunt Catholici , Lutherani & Caluinistae eo modo conciliari &c. This sentence of ( Cassander ) may easily be refelled : first , for that Catholicks , Lutherans , and Caluinists ( for example ) cannot so be reconciled as Cassander appointeth , to wit , by admitting only the wordes of the Creed , for that we differ in the sense and somtimes in the Articles themselues , as in that , descendit ad inferos , he descended into Hell : & in like manner we agree not about the sense of those other Articles , I belieue the Catholicke Church , and Communion of Saints , Remission of sinnes &c. So Bellarmine : all which this fellow omitteth . 89. And so you see there is no truth or sinceritie with him in any thing . Neither can these escapes b● ascribed any way to ouersight , errour , mystaking or forgetfulnes : but must needs be attributed to wilfull fraud & malicious meaning , purposely to deceaue , as the things themselues do euidently declare . For which cause I shall leaue him to be censured by his owne brethrē , but specially by his Lord & Maister , for so notable discrediting their Cause , by so manifest false manner of proceeding . 90. These were my words in the other Treatise whereupon I insisted the more in regard of the multiplicitie of fraudes discouered . And so M. Morton had not any iust pretence to say ( as he insinuateth ) that this with the rest of the Charges layd against him , and pretermitted by him , were either of lesse importance , or lesse insisted vpon then those other fourteene which he chose out to answere . THE EIGHTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XVIII . AS the former example apperteyned vnto the abuse of two together : so doth this that next weare to alleage which are indeed two distinct things : but that drawing to an end I am forced to ioine diuers togeather . Wherfore I accused him in my former writing to haue corrupted two Authors ioyntly , Royard a Friar , and Cunerus a Bishop : which accusation I set downe in these words . 92. And heere will I passe ouer ( said I ) many things that might be noted out of the sequent pages namely 30.31.34 . where he doth so peruert and abuse both the wordes , discourse , and sense of diuers Authours alledged by him , as is not credible to him that doth not compare thē with the bookes themselues from whence they are taken . As for example , Royardus the Franciscan Friar is brought in with commendation of an honest Friar , for that he saith ; That a King when he is made by the people , cannot be deposed by thē againe at their pleasure : which is the same doctrine , that all other Friars & learned Catholiks do hold , so long as he conteyneth himselfe within the nature of a King : for that otherwise ( which is the question in controuersie ) Royard himselfe saith parendum ei non esse , that he is not to be obeyed : but this is not to be iudged by the people and their mutiny , as Protestant Doctors do teach . 93. And to like effect he citeth a discourse , though most brokenly out of B. Cunerus writing against the Rebels of Flanders , and testifying , that it lyeth not in the peoples handes to reiect their Prince at their pleasure , as those Protestant subiects did : and then M. Morton as though he had atchiued some great victory triumpheth exceedingly , saying : That for so much as Friars in our Councells haue no voice , but only Bishops , he hath brought forth a Bishop against vs ; whom for that the moderate Answerer had named a little before , this man scornfully telleth him Caesarem appellasti , ad Caesaremibis . You haue appealed to Cunerus , and now he shall be your Iudge against you . And is not this great folly & insolency ? for that Cunerus in all that his booke saith nothing against vs , but altogeather for vs , to represse the rebellion in Flanders , as ha●h byn signified . And secondly , notwithstanding all this exact obedience , which both he and we prescribe and require at subi●cts handes towards their lawfull Princes , he hath a speciall C●apter which is the third after this alleaged here by T. M. wherin he doth expressely & larg●ly proue , that in some Cases when Princes fall into intollerable disorders , there is authoritie le●t in the Common wealth and Church of Christ to restraine & remoue thē . What falshood is this then to alleadge Authors thus directly against their owne sense , meaning , and whole drift ? Doth this become a Minister o● simple truth ? Is this for a man that so much abhorreth Equiuocation ? So said I to M. Mor●ō at that time , when I expected that he would haue returned me some answere to my demaund . The like I do repeat againe now , and shall attend what may come from him herafter . THE NINTEENTH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XIX . FROM strangers we returne to a Countrey-man of our owne , no lesse abused by M. Morton , then any commonly of the former , which I set downe in these wordes . 95. But the greatest corruption in this page said I ( & it is notable indeed ) is of the words , sense & meaning of our learned Countrey-man Sayer , of whom T. M. writeth thus . In beiefe our Countrey-man vpon this Case of conscience saith : An obstinate hereticke is as well he that is presumed so to be , as he that is manifest . And againe in the same page : Seeing therfore that ( as your great Casuist hath said ) euery one presumed to be an Here●i●ke , is taken for an obstinate , who can be free from your censures ? And then citeth in the margent these wordes of Sayer : Contumax haereticus est tam praesumptus quàm mani●estus . An obstinate hereticke is as well ●e that is presumed to be so , as he that is manifest , or knowne for such : which may seeme to be a great iniustice in our doctrine . But if I do not shew this deuise to be one of the most manifest and faithles deceiptes and corruptions that euer any honest man put in paper against his Aduersary , thē let me be censured for too sharp a reprehēder . 96. For first● Sayer hath no such matter at all concerning obstinacy in heresy , his whole purpose being only to declare who may be excōmunicated by a Iudge for contumacie in not appearing ( which is a different thing from obstinacy or pertinacie ) & this whether he be hereticke or Catholike : nay he speaketh either only or principally of Catholicks , who do shew contumacie in any Court or Tribunall , in not appearing , and answering , according as they are cited and summoned by a lawfull Iudge : and so he defineth Contumacie in these words : Contumacia ( saith he ) nihil aliud est quàm inobedientia quaedam qua ius dicenti non paretur . Contumacie is nothing els , but a certaine disobedience , wherby he is not obeyed that ●itteth in iudgment . So as here is no mentiō or meaning of obstinacie in heresie . And further he puteth downe two sorts of contumacie thus : Cōtumax duobus modis esse potest , nimirum mani●estus & praesūptus : A man may be contumacious in two sorts or manners , either manifest or by presumption : and he giueth diuers exāples of both● as namely : Yf a man cited do refuse openly to appeare or obey his Iudge , this mans cōtumacie or disobedience is publicke and manifest , and therby he is made contumax manifestus : but if he do not refuse openly , but by idle dilations & shifte● doth put of , or delude the Court , he is contumax praesumptus , that is , presumed to be contumacious , and so may excōmunicatiō ( if it be a spirituall Court ) proceed against him , as if his contumacie were manifest . 97. Now then what hath all this to do with Contumax haereticus tā praesumptus quàm mani●estus ? Hath Sayer any such word or sentence ? No truely : or shall we thinke Tho. Morton to be so simple both in Grāmar , Law , & Deuinitie , as that he doth not know what difference there is betweene contumax and pertinax ? wherof the one is a fault in obedience towards our Superiours , as now hath byn shewed , the other of tenacity of opinion , as before we haue declared ? Of if Tho. Morton will not confesse this ignorance , but that he knoweth the difference of the wordes & of their significations , sense & applications here vsed by the Authors then must he cōfesse wilfull deceipt in vsing one for the other , and much more in twice translating the words Co●●umax haereticus in this one page , for an obstinate hereticke : and much more yet in foisting in the word haereticus , which Sayer hath not : and most of all in making his Reader belieue that contumax , praesumptus , & mani●estus doth signify in Sayer one that vpon presumption only is iudged to be as obstinate an hereticke , as if he were manifest : wherof Sayer neither spake nor meant , but in a quite different sense ( not appertayning to heresy at all ) saith : That a man may be condemned as contumacious by presumption , if he appeare not before his lawfull iudge , or vseth sleights , diuerticles or delayes , aswell as if openly he refused to appeare . Now then consider what a Mynister of truth this is , and of what naked innocencie , thus perfidiously to delude his Reader : and yet to come forth after all with this dissembled Hypocrisy , Now let me be beholding vnto you ( saith he ) for an answere . And so I thinke he is , but if not sharpe inough for so shamefull an abuse , it may be amended and augmented hereafter vpon like occasions , which euery where are offered throughout his whole booke . And there were no end if I would answere him to all . Hitherto was my former reprehension to M. Morton for his shamefull dealing , which seemed to me to import either great ignorance , or intolerable lacke of conscience in going about to deceiue his Reader . Some word of answere had bene worth the writing in so great a Charge : but he thought it not expedient . THE TWENTITH Falshood pretermitted by Thomas Morton . §. XX. FROM Christians and Coūtrey-men he passeth to Heathens & committeth such notorious falshoods against one of them , euen then and there , where he speaketh of faithfull dealing against perfidiousnes , as may iustly make any man admyre , what he did suppose his iudicious Reader would thinke of him , when he should see the fraud disclosed , of which fraud I wrote thus in my former Treatise , beginning first with the relation of his owne words in this manner . 99. There was a man ( saith M. Morton ) who togeather with nyne other prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage vpon his Oath , that he within a prefixed time should returne againe : as soone as he was out of prisō , he returned as though he had forgotten something , and by & by departeth home to Rome , where he stayed beyond the time appointed , answering that he was freed frō his Oath : But see now the opinion of his owne Countreymā Cicero , concerning this Equiuocatiō of returne . This was not well done ( sayth Tully ) for that craft in an oath doth not lessē but make the periury more heynous . Wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this cosening mate backe againe to the prison of Hanniball their enimy , from whom he had escaped &c. 100. Thus relateth M. Morton the Case , and then maketh this malicious Conclusion against vs : This was the honestie of the ancient heathenish Rome , whi●h must rise vp in iudgment against this present Rome to condemne it , which hath changed that faythfull Romā fayth in fidem Punicā into Carthaginiā●ayth , which now by custome of speach is taken for per●idiousnesse it selfe . And would not you thinke that M. Mort. did hold himselfe very free from this perfidiousnes , who obiecteth the same so freely against vs ? And not only against vs , but to the whole Church of Rome it selfe , and to the vniuersall Catholicke Religiō conioyned therwith ? Marke then the deportment of this man in this one point , and if you knew him not befo●e , learne to know him by this● 101. First then I would haue some Grammer scholler that studieth Tullies Offices , to turne to the places here quoted , and comparing them with that which this Minister setteth downe in english , consider how they hang togeather , & how he picketh out one sentence in one place , & another in another , and leapeth forth & backe to make some coherence of speach contrarie to the Authors order , sense & method , as is ridiculous to behould , and fit for the cosening mate , of whom he talketh in his text . And secondly after this , is to be noted , tha● he setteth downe the narration it selfe of ten men deliuered vpon their Oath by Hanniball , not as Cicero doth out of two historiographers Polybius & Accilius , and in particuler against the faith of both their histories , and Tullies asseueration , which saith that those ten were dismissed by Hāniball out of his Camp post Cānensem pugnā after the famous battaile of Cāna in Apulia , Mort. ignorātly saith , they were dismissed out o● the prison of Carthage , wheras they of all liklyhood had neuer seene Carthage in their liues . 102. But the most notorious cosenage is , that he peruerteth all Cicero his meaning , words , sense , and discourse in this matter , alleaging them quite contrary to himself , as before you haue heard him do many other Authors , so as he belieth and corrupteth them all , both profane and diuine . And if in this one point , he can deliuer himself from Punica fides , I will say he playeth the man indeed . For first Cicero whome here he would seme to bring against vs , doth fully agree with vs , for that we say in the Case of those ten Romans deliuered by Hanniball vpon their oath to returne againe , if they should not obtayne that with they were sent for ( which was to perswade the Senate to redeeme diuers thousands of other Roman souldiers , whome Hanniball had taken in the said victory at Canna : ) we hold , I say , first , that if they sware absolutly to returne againe , if they obteined not their suite , they were bound truly and sincerely to performe the same . And secondly , that they being now iustly by law of armes prisoners of Hanniball , they were bound to sweare sincerely to his intention , and not to any other reserued meaning of their owne , as in the former Chapter hath byn declared . And this very same doctrine also teacheth Cicero by light of nature , in these words , perfidiously ●ut of and left out by this Minister in the very same place , out of which he taketh the rest . Est aute● ( saith he ) ius etiam bellicum , fidesque i●siurandi saepe hosti seruanda : quod enim ita iuratum ●st , vt mens con●iper●● fi●ri oportere , id seruandum est : quod aliter id si non 〈◊〉 , nullum periurium ●st . There is al●o a law of armes saith he ) and a faith in our swearing to be obserued oftētymes , ●uen vnto our enemy . For that which is so sworne by vs , ●s our mind doth cōceiue that it must be done , that is to be obserued : but if it be otherwise sworne , that is no periury , if he per●orme it not . 103. Behold here the very same distinction which Catholike deuines put downe of swearing according to the intention & vnderstanding of the swearer , or of him to whome it is sworne : & that the former is that byndeth & maketh periury , if it be not performed , and not allwayes the second , to wit , when any violence or force is vsed : which Cicero doth expresse in the very next immediate words by the selfe same example that Azor vsed before : Si praedonibus pactum pro capite pret●um non attule●is , nulla ●raus est : ne , si iuratus quid●m id non seceris &c. nonenim ●alsum iurare peierare est . Sed si ex animi tui sentemi● iuraueris , sicut verbis concipitur more nostro , id non sac●r● periurium est . Scitè enim Erupides : Iuraui lingua , men●em iniuratam gero . If you should not pay the price or ransome vnto publick theeues , which was agreed betweene you for sauing of your life , it is no deceipt , no , though you had sworne to performe it : for that it is not periury to sweare false ( in any sort whatsoeuer . ) But if you sweare a thing which you determine in your mynd and do vtter it in words , according to the common custome of ●peach , and do not performe it , this is periury . For well and fytly to the purpose saith the Poet Euripides , I haue sworne with my tongue , but my mynd hath not sworne . So he . 104. And consider now here I pray you , the Punica fid●s of our Minister against our Roman faith . He saith that Cicero and other heathenish Romans shall rise vp against vs at the day of Iudgment , for that they condemne all reseruation or doubt●ull sēse in an oath , and do condemne it for periury : wheras Cicero affirmeth , that there is neither periury nor fraud therein . And the same Philosopher alloweth the very same example of swearing with a reserued intention to a publick theef , without either meaning or obligation to performe it , which M. Morton obiecteth to Azor in the precedent Chapter , though craftily leauing out the words Latroni and Tyranno , for auoiding the force of this place , as before is noted , saying : that Azor did condemne for lying all such Equiuocation against his subtile brethren : whereas he both affirmeth and proueth the same , no lesse then Cicero doth here in this place , as before hath byn shewed . Who then shall ryse in iudgement against T. Morton for all this wilfull lying ? No doubt but Sathā himself , that is the Father of lyers in this life , & shal be their tormentor in the next . 105. Thus farre at that tyme I wrote against M. Morton . And truly when I read it ouer agayne , togeather with many other points before mentioned and do consider how weighty matter of accusatiō they do conteyne , and how much I do insist vpon them to make the deformity therof appeare in the Readers ey●s , and in those also of M. Morton , if it were possible , and therby to draw from him either some sound answere , or a simple confession of his errours , so farre as such they may be called : or rather of his witting fraud to beguile his Reader , which were the best and truest forme of answere , if almighty God would giue him light to see the same ( though I will presume that he synned not wholy against his conscience therein , but framed rather ●is conscience so , as he might think it law●ull perhaps to streyne truth for helping such a cause as his is : ) yet I can not but meruaile , that he would passe ouer with sylence all these grauer matters , and betake himself to sleighter things in this his last Answere , telling notwithstanding his Reader , that he chose out 14. principall points to answere , such as I insisted most vpon : which by experience hath bin euinced to be most false by these 20. which I haue alledged , as wittingly pretermitted by him , & might sundry more , wherof the most are more weighty , & much more insisted vpon then any of the former . THE ONE and twentith , and two and twentith falshoods pretermitted by M. Morton §. XXI . ALBEIT my intention was to note only these precedent 20. heads of falshood wittingly pretermitted by M. Morton , wherof each one , or most of them do conteyne sundry branches vnder them : yet that you may know that this number of 20. is not precise , but that many others may be added also , if a man will but runne ouer my said Treatise : I haue thought good to note 2. more here togeather concerning one and the self same man , to wit , Doctor Barkley a Scottishman . The first , in that he relateth a certaine cholerick speach of the said Doctor Barkley vsed against an argument of Doctor Boucher , as though it had bene spoken against Bellarmine , whom it concerned not● My words were these . 107. Here then you see ( quoth I ) how many wilfull corruptions there be , first to bring in D. Barkley rating of Cardinall Bellarmine which magna sanè impudentia est &c. whereas he talketh not against Bellarmine at all : nor indeed is Bellarmines manner of speach cōtrary to that which Barkley will haue to be the meaning of the History : for that Barkley doth not so much stand vpon the thing in cōtrouersy for Priests authority , but vpon the manner of proofe by the examples alleaged by D. Boucher , of Ieroboam , Ozias , Athalia and some other Princes , in whose punishmēt God vsed Priests for means and instruments . Non ignoro ( saith he ) ius esse Ecclesiae in Reges & Principes Christianos , nec quale ius sit ignoro , sed id tam alien is argumentis ostendi , prorsus ignoro : imo non ostendi planè scio . I am not ignorant ( saith Doctor Barkley ) that the Church hath right ouer Christian Kings and Princes , nor am I ignorāt , what manner of right it is : yet do I not see , how the same may be proued by such impertinent arguments ; nay I know rather that it can not be so proued : which words going but very few lines before those that T. M. alleageth , he could not but see , and yet left them out , and then beginneth against vs his English text thus . Your owne Doctor calleth this your assertiō most false , & contrary to the direct History of the Bible , to wit , that Ozias was deposed of his Kingdome by Azarias the high Priest. 108. And this is the first abuse , as to me it seemeth , inexcusable . The second is about an authority of S. Ambrose , craftily cut of from the speach of the said D. Barkley by M. Morton wherof my accusation in my former Treatise was this . 109. But yet if we would exāine ( quoth I ) the particuler authorityes that be alleaged about this matter , though nothing making against vs , as hath byn said , and consider how many false shifts are vsed by T. M. therin , you would say he were a Doctor indeed in that science , for that a seuerall Treatise will scarse conteine thē . I will touch one for example sake . He citeth D. Barkley bringing in the authority of S. Ambrose that ●e resisted not by force his Arrian Emperour , when he would take a Church frō him for the Arrians : but he setteth not downe , what āswere of his D● Barkley doth alleadg in the very selfe same place , which is , Allegatur Imperatori licere omnia &c. It is alleadged , that it is lawfull for the Emperor to do all things , for that all things are his ( and cōsequently that he may assigne a Church vnto the Arrians : ) wherto I answere , saith S. Ambrose : Trouble not your selfe ô Emperour , nor think that you haue Imperiall right ouer those things that are diuine . Do not exalt your selfe , but if you will raigne long , be subiect to God : for it is written , that those things that belong to God , must be giuen to God : and to Cesar only those things that belong to Cesar. Pallaces apperteyne to the Emperour , but Churches to the Priest. The right of defending publike walles is cōmitted to you , but not of sacred things . Thus D. Barkley out of S. Ambrose in the very place cited by T. M. which he thought good wholy to pretermit and cut of , and yet to make a florish as though D. Barkley had cited S. Ambrose to prooue that the temporall Prince and Emperour was in noe case , nor in any cause spirituall or temporall , to be withstood or resisted . And what will yee say of this manner of dealing ? Out of what conscience may it proceed ? But let vs see another Charge that conteineth ten falshoods togeather , and so with that we will make an end . OF TEN OTHER Falshoodes set downe togeather and dissembled by Thomas Morton . §. XXIII . AS the former Charge had two examples togeather , so this last hath ten at a clap ( to make vp 32. ) which I set downe in my former Treatise in these wordes . 111. There followeth ( said I ) within 2. leaues after a heape not only of falshoods , but also of impudencies . For wheras his Aduersary the moderate Answerer had said , That not only Kings but Popes also for heresie by the Canō lawes were to be deposed : he answereth thus : The Authours of the doctrine of deposing Kinges in Case of heresy , do professe concerning Popes , That they cannot possibly be hereticks , as Popes , and consequently cannot be deposed : not saith Bellarmine by any power Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , no not by all Bishops assembled in a Councell : not saith Carerius , though he should do anything preiudi●i●ll to the vniuersall state of the Church : not saith Azorius though he should neglect the Canons Ecclesiasticall , or peruert the lawes of Kings : not saith Gratians glosse , though he should car●y infinite multitudes of soules with him to hell . And these f●renamed Authours do auouch for confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines & Canonists for the space of an hundred yeares . 112. So he . Wherto I replyed , that in these wordes are as many notorious and shameles lyes as there be assertiōs & Authors named by him for the same . For first ( quoth I ) the foure writers which he mentioneth there in the t●xt , to wit , Bellarmine , Carerius , Azor , & Gratiā , do expressely , clearly , and resolutely hold the contrary to that he affirmeth out of them : for that they teach and proue by many arguments● that Popes both may fall into heresies , and for the same be deposed by the Church , or rather are ips● facto deposed , and may be so declared by the Church . And their wordes here guilfully alleaged by Tho. Mort. as sounding to the contrary , are manifestly spoken and meant of manners only , and not of faith , that is to say , if they should be of naughty life , yet haue they no Superiour to depose them , for that cause , ( they being immediatly vnder C●●ist ) though for heresy they may be deposed : which insteed of all the rest you may read largely handled in Bellarmine in his second booke de Pontif. where among other proofes he citeth this very Canon of Gratian here mentioned by T. M● saying : ●aereticum Papam posse iudicari expresse habetur Can. Si Papa , dist . 40. It is expressely determined in the Canon Si Papa , that a Pope falling into heresie maybe iudged and d●posed by the Church . And more . That in the 8. generall Councell and 7. Session , Pope Honorius was deposed ●or heresie . So Bellarmine . And the same doctrine hold the other two cited by our Minister , to wit , Carerius , & Azor. So as here be foure notorious lyes togeather , that by no shift or tergiuersation can be auoided : for that T. M. could not but manifestly see , that he alleaged these foure Authors quite contrarie to their expresse wordes , drift and meaning . What then will you say of this ●ellow , and his manner of writing ? Shall he be credited hereafter ? 113. But yet not content with this , he citeth other foure or fiue Authors besids in the margent , to wit , Gregorius de Valentia , Salmeron , Canus , Stapleton , & Costerus : all which in the very places by him cited are expressely against him . And is not this strange dealing ? Let Canus that goeth in the myddest speake , for all fiue , who hauing proued first at large the opposit proposition to T. M. to wit , that Popes may fall into heresy and be deposed for the same , concludeth thus his discourse : negandum●saith ●saith he ) quin Summus Pontisex haereticus esse possit . It cannot ther●ore be denied but that the Pope may be an hereticke , adding presently : wherof one or two examples may be giuen , but none at all that euer Pope though he fell into heresy did decree the same for the whole Church . By which last words of Canus is discouered the ridiculous fallacy of T.M. alleaging here out of our fore●aid writer , That Popes cannot possibly be hereticks as Popes , & consequently cannot be deposed . wherof they say the flat contrary , as you haue heard , That Popes may be hereticks as Popes , and consequently may be deposed . But yet that God ( as Popes ) will neuer permit them to decree any hereticall doctrine to be held by the Church . 114. Consider then I pray you ( said I ) what a fellow this Minister is in abusing thus so many Authors so manifestly : but especially do you note the impudency of his Conclusion . And these ●orenamed Authors ( saith he ) do auouch for confirmation of this doctrine , the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonistes for the space of an hūdred yeares . So he . But I would aske him of what doctrine ? That Popes cannot be hereticks or be deposed for the same ? You haue heard them now protest the contrary , and you may read them in the places here cited , out of all the nyne seuerall writers before mentioned , who by their expresse contrary doctrine do proue T. M. to haue made nyne seuerall lyes against them in this his assertion , and now the tenth and most notorious of all , is this his Conclusion , That they do auouch ●or confirmation o● that which he obiecteth the vniuersall consent of Romish Deuines and Canonists for the space of an hundred yeares : which besids the ●anifest falsity therof seene in their owne words and works here by me cited , it cōteineth also great folly & simplicity to say , that they auouch the consent of Romish Deuines and Canonists for an hundred yeares : for that their proofes are much elder : & Bellarmine among the rest for deposition of Popes , doth cite the 8. Generall Councell vnder Pope Adrian the second for aboue six hundred yeares agone : and the Canon Si Papa , out of our Countrey man S. Boniface Archbishop of Ments & Martyr aboue seauen hundred yeares agon , and collected by Gratian and confirmed by Popes , as part of the Canon law , aboue foure hundred years agone . So as to say that now they auouch Authors o● an hundred yeares old , against that , which for so many hundred yeares before was held and established , is meere folly or rather foolish malice . 115. Thus I wrote in my former Treatise of Mitigation , wherby , as by all the rest that here hath bin set downe , the Reader will see , what store of graue matter M. Mortō had to answere for his owne defēce , if indeed he had meant to defend himself really and substantially , and not to haue slipt out vnder the shaddow of a Preamble for answering his aduersary : but indeed laying hands only vpon a few & the lightest imputations that he could picke out . And yet by the way the Reader must note , that euery one , or the most of these examples of falshood here obiected do cōteine diuers & sundry points , which being laid togeather do make ( I dare auouch ) a double number to that , which heere we haue sett downe , if they were seuered & singled out after the manner of M. Mortons mincing his imputations before produced about Goodman , Knox , Buchanan , Syr Thomas VViat , & the like , seuerally set forth to the shew . So as according to this reckoning we may boldly say , that he hath left out heere aboue threescore witting & voluntary vntruthes , which he knew could hardly , or neuer handsomly be answered . And besides these ●e hath purposely also left out the mention of other matters no lesse weighty then the former , though not in the same kind of falshood and lying , yet no lesse cūningly pretermitted , subtracted , or concealed to the aduantage of his cause , in this last Reply of his , thē any lightly of the former , which we are to lay forth in the Chapter that ensueth . THE SEAVENTH CHAPTER WHERIN ARE SET DOVVNE DIVERS SORTS OF M. MORTONS OMISSIONS , besides the former : and namely in not defending certaine Clients of his , whose credit was cōmended to his protectiō in the Tr●atise of Mitigation . And among others , SYR EDWARD COOKE , now L. Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas. THE PREFACE . HITHERTO haue we beheld the omissions or rather pretermissiōs ( to wit omissions volūtary ) vsed by M. Morton in answering the chiefe accusations layd against him in matter of falsity , and vntrue dealing ; now you are to see others of another kind , which though in my opinion they do proceed out of the same motiue ( which was by delaying the answere , to auoid the necessity of answering at all ) yet are they in a different subiect or matter , not so much concerning corruptiōs & falsifications immediatly , as the other , but about sūdry principall partes of my Treatise ( yea all in effect ) no lesse craftily concealed then the rest , though with a certaine pretence and faint promise to answere them afterward . But for that I haue iust cause to suspect this promise , as a dilatory shi●t and subtile ●ua●ion , wherby to deteine from the Readers knowledg what I wrote in may said Treatise , making him to thinke by the perusall of this his Preamble of Reply that I had handled nothing therin worthy the relation or confutation , besides those trifles which himself pleased before to lay forth : for this cause ( I say ) I am forced heere to detaine my selfe a litle longer in repeating againe some chiefe points of my said Booke , which M. Morton hath passed ouer with silence leauing only a hope , as hath bene said , that in time he will satisfie them . 2. But in this case I meane to proceed as Creditors do with old & doubtfull debtors , which is , to examine the accōpts , & make vp the Reckoning , while the debts ar yet sōwhat fresh in memory . For better declaration wherof I will vse this example , or comparison . If a marchant in London , or els where hauing many charges of debts laid vpō him , should promise , that ( at such a time , when accompts are wont to be clered , & made streight ) he would answere al , & thē the prefixed time approaching he should suddainly withwraw himselfe , leauing some small & scattered sūmes ( & those also of very bad coines ) to satisfie for great & many obligations , promising further that in time he would yeeld aboūdant satisfactiō for all the rest . 3. In this case I would demaūd , what the prudent Creditors would do , think , or suspect , especially finding the sūmes of money left to be so small , & of so bad coine , as now hath byn said ? Two things do occur vnto me , that they would do for their better assurance . First to informe thēselues well , what store of debts the said party was to be charged withall . Secondly quid habeat in bonis , what substāce he might be presumed to haue for satisfying therof . And this I take to be the very Case also betwene me & M. Mort. who being charged with very many debts and obligatiōs of answering matters obiected against him in my foresaid Treatise , he tooke a respite vntill the ordinary time of payment , which was the time of his Reply : which time comming , he gaue vs insteed of a booke a Preamble only ( though a large one ) answering not to the tenth part of that he was indebted : & this so weakely & fraudulētly , handling matters impertinent , as no way it can passe for currant coine , as now in part you haue seene , and shall do more in that which ensueth . 4. Wherfore I am cōstrained to performe the parts of the forsaid Creditors , making first a suruey of the chiefe debts lyable against him , and which he is to answere , & then to examine what liklihood of paiment , or satisfaction he may be thought to haue , for effectuating the same : both which points you haue in part seene already put in execution by me in my former discourse . For you haue heard the many charges laid against him for falsity & vntrue dealing & you will h●rdly I thinke conceiue , where he will haue the substance to answere them . Now we are to make the search in another sort of debts , wherin I perswade me that the like in many points , though not altog●ather the same will fall out , to wit , that the debts will be found cleare , & the satisfactiō not easy : wherin I referre my selfe to that which is to ensue . OF THE PRETERMISSION of the chiefest points concerning the argument and subiect of Rebellion , in my Treatise of Mitigation . §. I. VVELL then according to this designement let vs looke into the principall heads of matters treated by me cōcerning the first part of our argument about Rebellion : to wit , whether Catholick people aboue others be foūd obnoxious to that heinous crime , & this also by force of their Catholicke doctri●e , & beliefe ; for that this was the chiefe but , wherat M. Mortons first seditious libell of Discouery did leuell , bringing in ten pretended reasons , but indeed calūniations for some shew of proofe therof : which being confuted largely by me for almost twenty pages togeather , & couinced not only not to be reasons of any substance or force against vs , but plaine calūniations & arguments rather against himselfe & his people , did impose , as you see , a great obligation vpō him for answering the same in this his Reply : but he thought good volutarily to pretermit thē , & in●●eed therof to institute almost ten other different Paragraphes about the wit , learning , memory , skill in Logicke , Greeke & Latin , charity , modesty & truth of his Aduersary P. R. as before you haue seene handled : So as this first maine debt remaineth in eff●ct vndischarged : & what probability there is , or may be , how well it will be paid heerafter , is not hard to ghesse : at least I , as his Creditor , haue cause to suspect the matter , & that this putting of or delay vpon expectation of a ●urther Reioynder to come forth , was but a deuise to euacuate the payment . 6. And for so much as the first of these ten reasons again●t vs is ●ounded by him vpon the pretended opiniō that he saith we haue of English Protestants , that they are Heretiks , & that Protestācy is damned heresy , & consequētly are lyable , & obnoxious to all the Canonicall penaltyes , which are set downe against men conuicted of that crime , by the Canon law : albeit I shewed vnto him that this cōsequence in rigour was not necessary , for that all Protestants were not nominatim excōmunicati & denunciati , by name excommunicated , and denounced for such : yet for so much as concerned the guilt of heresy , as it is a choice of a particuler sect and difference of Religiō from that which the knowne Catholicke Church doth hold , and professe , I alleaged sundry authēticall proofes as well out of the definition of heresy , and an hereticke , set downe by S. Augustine vnto Honoratus infected with the heresy of the Manicheans , & out of the same Father against the Donatists , defining who is properly an heretike ( to wit ) Qui manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae ●idei , resistere maluerit , & illud quod tenebat , eleg●rit : he that after the doctrine of the Catholicke faith ( generally held ) is made knowne vnto him shall determine notwithstanding rather to resist and make choice of that , which before he held . As also I shewed and demonstrated the explication of this definition vnto English Protestants , and professors of the English Religion of our dayes , out of great variety of other Prōtestant Authors of other Countreys , who all affirme , a●d determine that the Religion & doctrine of Iohn Caluin , which is now most followed in England is form●lly and truely heresy , & consequently the Pro●essors and manteyners therof must needs be hereticks : for which I alleaged not only the Censure o● Franci●●us Stancarus a chiefe Protestant Superin●end●nt in Polonia , who saith , that they are deplora●issimi haeretic● , most desperate hereticks , but also the Censure of a whole Lutheran Vniuersitie in Germany named Tubinga , whose cheefe Reader of Deuinity Philippus Nicolaus in the name of the whole Vniuersity decre●th , that Caluinists are dānable heretikes , intituling his booke thus : Fūdamentorum Caluinianae sectae cum Arianis & Nestorianis communium detectio . A discouery of the ●oūdations of the Caluinian sect , which are common to them with the Arians and Nestorians : In which booke this Doctor proueth throughout many Chapters togeather that Caluinists are no lesse Hereticks , then the said Arians & Nestorians : that they agree with them at least in 17. or 18. articles : alleaging also Luthers Authority to the same effect , who saith , that they are alieni ab Ecclesia Dei , & Sathanae membra , cut of from the Church of God , and members of Sathan . 7. And after this I added further to this effect : I will passe ouer ( quoth I ) the testimony of many other learned protestant Ministers , Doctors , & teachers , as namely Conradus Sclusselburgius , who affirmeth Caluinists , To belieue and teach rightly no one article of the Creed : as also I will do that of Heshusiꝰ , affirming , That their associatiō is a most blasphemous & sacrilegious sect : that of Hunnius , That it is most damnable , & the right way to hell : that of Ioannes Schutzius , That it is the sinke of all wicked heresyes ; that of Ioannes Modestus , that affirmeth Caluinists , To be as bad as Iewes & Mahomets : that of Ioannes Matthias , and of Albertus Grauerus , and others , that affirme all those that follow the doctrine of Caluin , to be professed enemyes of Christ. All which I do cyte in my last book against M. Mort. quoting their names , works and Chapters , & years when they wrote , more largely , & particulerly in the pages heere set downe in the margent . All which men being chiefe Doctors , Readers , Preachers or Pastours of our Protestant people , & such as our Protestāt Ministers of Englād hold for their brethrē against vs that are Catholicks , do easely wype away with these their as●euerations , the childish clamour of M. Morton against Catholiks for holding his Caluiniā doctrine to be heresy , seing that so many learned & graue Protestants inlightened with the spirit of God ( as they must needs graunt ) do hold & auerre the same . 8. And why then had not he answered somwhat to this Charge , being so weighty , & substantiall as it is ? Why had he not giuen some satisfaction ? Or at leastwise mētioned the same in this his last Reply ? Was not this as necessary a subiect to be handled as to put himself to discusse the wit , memory , skill , and other qualities of his Aduersary ? Or when do you thinke will he be able to answere this matter ? Or what substance hath he , or may be presumed to haue for making this payment ? 9. Nay , that his substance is small , or rather none at all for discharging these debts , may well appeare , for that he being further pressed by me afterward about the like argument of Iohn Caluins being an hereticke , and that most heinous & damnable by the publike testimony of his said Protestant brethren the Lutheran Doctors , and this not only in the common known controuersies betweene thē , about the Reall presence , & other Sacraments , for which by Luther they were called Sacramentaries : but euen about the highest articles of the blessed Trinity , Diuinity of Christ , & equality with his Father , Godhead of the Holyghost & the like ; he hath shifted of the same in this his Reply by no lesse silence , then the former : not so much as naming the matter , but in generall termes telling vs that he will pay all his debts in time : & yet did I vrge him as much as might be , to draw frō him some answere . For thus I said vnto him , when he had accused al our writers of extreme malignity in cēsuring Caluin & Caluinists for heretiks , insinuati●g also in his booke of Full satisfaction , that the former Lutheran Doctors , wherof some had bene obiected before by the moderate answerer , had bene corrupted , & depraued by vs , ( a poore shift you see , when their owne bookes are extant in print , & the places knowne of their printing ) I told him , I say , that I would bring against him a new booke of a famous late Lutheran Doctor , & Reader of Deuinity called Aegidius Hunnius printed at VVittemberg vpon the yeare 1593. which should confirme this and much more . My words were these . 10. VVe shall heere ( quoth I ) with as much breuity as may be , bring ●orth the Iudgment of another renowned Protestant Doctor cōcurring with the forsaid , he being a publike Reader of Deuinity in another famous Vniuersity of Germany , namely Wittemberg , where Martin Luther himselfe once held the chaire , as Caluin did in Geneua , & this Doctour whose name is Agidius Hunnius in a seuerall Treatise set forth about a dozen yeares gone , intituled by him , Calu●us Iudaizans , & dedicated vnto one Dauid Pareus a principall Caluinian Doctor , setteth downe the argument of his booke thus , in the first front therof : This booke is to shew ( saith he ) that Iohn Caluin hath most detestably presumed to corrupt ( in ●auour of Iewes & Arians ) the most cleare places , & testimonies of Scripture , concerning the glorious Trinity , Deity of Christ , of the Holy-ghost , & aboue all , the predictions of Prophets ●or the comming of the Messias , his Natiuity , passion , ascension , and sitting at the right hād of God &c. with a cleare confutation of his false corruptiōs therin &c. This is the title & argument of the booke , which he doth prosecute for almost two hundred pages togeather , diuiding the same into two partes : the first wherin he sheweth , how Iohn Caluin most wickedly , & maliciously vnder pretence of interpreting the Scripture in differēt sense from the ancient Fathers , did go about couertly to weaken , infringe , or take from the Christi●ns all the strong●st arguments which they had , or haue out of the Scriptures for the Godhead of Christ , and his equality , and consubstantiality with the Father &c. And in the second part of his booke Doctor Hunnius sheweth that the said Caluin vseth the same fraud , and malice by ouerthrowing all the predictions , & fortellings of Prophets about Christ , is he was man. 11. Thus far I wrote at that time , and then produced somewhat largely and particulerly 18. examples partly out of the old , and partly out of the new Testament , maliciously peruerted by him in fauour of Iewes and Arrians , against the truth and certainty of Christian Religion , leauing out 20. more , which Doctor Hunnius doth handle , and in the end concludeth thus : Quapropter vt receptui canam , detectū satis superque iudico , Angelum illum tenebrarum Ioannem Caluinum , qui ex abyssi puteo emergens &c. VVherfore that I may now ( saith he ) retire my selfe , I do iudge that Angell of darknes Iohn Caluin to be sufficiently , and more then sufficiently discouered , who being raysed from the pit of hell to the peruerting of mankind , hath partly by his detestable desire of wresting Scriptures & ouerthrowing the bulwarkes of Christiā Religion , which it hath against Iewes and Arians : partly also by his impious pen against the holy and sacred Maiestie of Iesus Nazarenus , now exalted in heauen ; partly also by his peruerse doctrine of the Sacraments , and horrible monstrous paradoxes of his absolute predestination , hath obscured in these our later dayes no small part of the light and sunne of Gods truth , and drawne with him a great number of starres , as the Apocalyps saith , headlong into hell : from whom God euerlasting by his mercy signe & protect his seruants , least they may be in●ected with this most pestilent plague o● Caluinian errour , & conuert those that are infected , vnto Iesus Christ the Pastour of their soules , to the end they perish not in their error , but be saued euerlasting with those that faithfully do loue God : And this I had to warne the Church of Christ of the most wicked deceipts of Iohn Caluin . 12. Hitherto are the wordes of Doctour Egidius Hunnius which you see with what vehemency of spirit and protestation he vttereth them against the heresies of Caluin and Caluinists , so as they may easely be seene to come from his hart , & full determination of his setled iudgemēt , who being so principall a Protestant , and learned Doctour , and Professour of Deuinity , & held for a brother of the selfe same Church by which M. Morton meaneth to be saued ( if he haue any such meaning ) I meruaile what impression it maketh in him , or whether it maketh any thing at all , which I should haue beene glad to haue vnderstood by a word or two of his answere : but nothing commeth from him ; and so this debt must be laid vp with the rest , vntill the day of payment come , which when it may be , or how much , or what he will be able to pay , yea ( though he de●erre it vntill doomesday ) is a matter easily to be coniectured , by such as cā cast vp accompts , & looke into debtors abilityes , or possibilityes for their discharge . But yet one thing is cleare without any answere of his , & I would haue it noted by the reader , that all his inuectiues to his Maiesty against vs , for calling and holding them as heretiks out of the fo●said definition of S. August●n , & other Fathers do fall to the ground , as vayne & friuolous , for so much as so principall men of their own brotherhood do affirme the same , as now you haue heard . And thus much about the first head or questiō , whether the Protestant Religion of Engla●d , so f●r forth at leastwise , as it followeth the doctrine of Caluin , be truly accompted heresy , or no ? And consequētly damnable to the holders thereof . 13. Two other great heads of cōtrouersy there were betweene vs in this first part of my forsaid Treatise about Rebellion : the first , whether the doctrine of Catholicks , or of Protestants did more fauour obedience vnto their temporall princes , & secondly which part did most practize the same . And about the first for Catholicke doctrine , it is largely proued by me throughout the whole first part of my Treatise , that it is exact in all respects for obliging men to do all due obediēce both vnto temporall & spirituall superiours , not only when they are good and vertuous , but also dis●●lis , that is , bad & fastidious , as the Apostles word is ; & that we must obey thē out of conscience , as Ministers of God , frō whom they haue their authority , & power . And when the exorbitāt defects of any Prince , or gouernor shall impose necessity of redresse or restraint , it may not be by priuate Authority , or popular mutiny : but by order , iudgmēt , & publike authority . Wheras on the other side the Protestāt doctrine is shewed out of their owne words , writers , & authors , to teach the quite cōtrary , which authors I do cite , as namely Caluin , Beza , Hottomā , & others in France , by the testimonyes of Launay , Belforest , & other French writers , & in England & Scotland , Goodman , Gilby , VVhittingham , Knox , Buchanan , & others , by the testimonies of their owne writings , & stories , & of the Archbish● of Canterbury out of his first Booke Of dangerous positions , & of D. Sutcliffe in his Suruey o● pretēded discipline , against the Puritās , that is , the most zealous sort o● Caluinists , all which haue set downe their resolute opiniōs , that it is lawfull , when the Prince offereth iniuries , or becometh , as they call it , a Tyrant , especially in matters of Religiō : they hold it lawfull , I say , by their Deuinity , for the Nobility , or people , or priuate men , as they haue , or may ha●e cōmodity to do it , to make reuenge either vpō his person or otherwise , yea by death it selfe . 14. And as for the second point , which is the practise of this doctrine , I do shew such a notorious difference betwene Catholicke , & Protestant people , out of the experiēce of this our presēt age , as nothing can be more conuincing out of publike histories , & mens memory ye● aliue , that there hath byn more violence offered by the Protestant people & subiects , to their lawfull , & true Princes by armes , actions , cōspiracies , rebellions , & other forcible means , within the compasse of almost one halfe age in the Northern p●rts of the world , to wit , Germanie , France , Flanders , England , Scotland , Denmarke , Sweueland , Polonia , and other partes , then was prac●ised , or heard of in a thous●nd yeares before , throughout all the Christian wor●d . Wherin , for that his Maiestie of England , that now is , vnto whom my Aduersary presumed to dedicate his booke , can be the best , and most honorable , a●d authenticall testimony of any Prince perhaps l●●●●g : in regard of the many troubles and perills , which he and his Royall linage haue passed therin . I do stay my selfe longer vpon the contemplation of broyles raysed by that means in Scotlād , both before the birth of his Maiestie , and afterward , which is so lamentable a storie as no man can read it , but with horrour , and infinite regre●t of mind . 15. These things being layd forth by me , & many other , to this effect , which for breuities sake I doe pretermit here to repeat , had it not bene conuenient that M. Morton in this his last Reply ( seing he would needs reply ) should haue signified in some few words vnto vs , how he would or could satis●ie this mayne charge and debt : especially , for so much as this touched the very hart of his cause in this first argument about rebellion . For albeit his Reply be but a preamble , yet is it a large one , of aboue a hundred & twentie pages in quarto , wherof he might well haue bestowed some one or two in acknowleging at least vnto his Reader , what I had touched concerning this mayne poynt , that is so important . But it seemeth that he would haue his Reader imagin , that no more substantiall matter was treated by me , then he hath set down , in those skirmishes , & other trifling contentions , in this his preamble before discussed 16. But his greatest omission , and pretermissiō indeed , was in this matter , the concealemēt of what soeuer in e●fect I had said for laying open the absurdities , hurts , & inconueniences , that did , and must needs ensue to the Realme and Common wealth by this intolerable licence , taken vp by rayling-Ministers to traduce and slaunder at their plea●ure ●o many thousāds of quiet , & well-meaning people , & faithfull Subiectes of his Maiestie , by way of Sycophancie , drawing them into suspicions of Rebellions , Treasons , conspiracies , & faithles meaning towards their Prince & Countrey , and this in r●gard of their religion , faith and conscience , which lyeth not in their power by force to alter , but with the euerlasting perdition , and ●uine of their soules . 17. This I shewed how damnable a course it was , how seditious , & pernicious to all quiet S●ates : and I declared in particuler , what stinging exasperations there had byn layd vpon English Catholikes for many yeares togeather out of such motiues as these ar● : how grieuous , and dangerous a thing it is to driue men to desperation : how litle thanks , or reward he deserueth , that casteth in fyre-brands to kyndle sedition , & deuideth any Princes subiects among themselues , and from their said Prince : how potent and happy his Maiesty of great Britany were , if such makbates would suffer him to enioy his greatnes and felicitie , and to be beloued and serued of all his people ioyntly : that the pursuing of Catholiks with that ●agernes , that now is seene , for their only religion , & this in the sight of the whole Christian Catholike world , that is of the same religion , cannot but worke pernicious , and preiudiciall effects both at home & abroad , in begetting sinister , & auerse affections , & iudgments , worse wordes and writings conforme therunto : how that when Protestants began their sect , & were vnderlings to Catholiks , all their books preachings and speaches tended to shew , and proue that it was again●● the ghospell of Chris● , and contrary to all reason , Religion , equity , and pietie to vexe men for their conscience : & that now they hauing the gouernement in their owne handes it cannot be but extreme dishonorable vnto them to vse such continuall vexations , & angariations vnto Catholiks for their said Religion , which they neuer changed , nor inuented of themselues , but continued in that , wherin their ancestours had both liued and dyed , from the first planting of Christian faith in that Iland . 18. Many of these points did I touch and handle more largely in this first part of my Treatise , concerning obedience and Rebellion , and did expect that M. Morton would haue returned me some part of substantiall answere in this his Reply . But this credit also remayneth vndischarged , as the rest : & we must expect the full payment at his further leasure , and ability . Yet some few scatterings he left about this matter in his third Inquiry , and eleuenth Paragraph which we haue discussed befor● in the second Chapter of this our Answere , and haue found it to be of no force at all , to giue satisfaction to any of these points which heere we haue mentioned . And therfore we conclude , that in effect he hath omitted and pretermitted all the principall points handled by vs in this affayre . Let vs now pas●e to the secōd generall argument of my said Treatise of Mitigation , which is about ●quiuocation : & let vs s●e , whether M. Morton haue vsed the same sleight of concealment therin also , as in the former . OF M. MORTONS Pretermissions in the second argument of my Treatise , about Equiuocation . §. II. YOV haue heard how many principall points M. Morton hath passed ouer with a deepe silence ( as it were ) in the first argument of my Treatise , concerning the controuersy of Rebellion : Now let vs turne our eyes vpon the second subiect , which is of Equiuocation , against which he made such great clamours and outcries in his former empty booke of full Satisfaction , as if it had beene the most strange , new , absurd ridiculous , and blasphemous doctrine in the world . For clearing of which point I was forced to write fiue or six large Chapters , and bestow almost three hundred pages to represse his sayd clamours , vaine exasperations , and childish insultations against the same , reducing first the whole matter to fiue serious , and important considerations as it were , for an entrance into the whole Treatise . The first , how peruersely , and calumniously M. Morton and his fellowes do deale with vs to make vs odious in this controuersy , mistaking of purpose the true state of the question of which point I wrote then as followeth . 20. And first of all ( said I ) to the end the indifferent Reader may vnderstād with what kind of aduersaries we are to deale in this matter , I thinke it necessary for declaring their peruersity and preuenting some calumniations , to make a certaine briefe protestation or explication here , at the beginning , that we do not take this defence of Equiuocation in hand , either for patronage of lying , as this new discouered false Minister doth euery where most slaunderously in 〈◊〉 , nor for that we delight in this art , or manner of euasion by Equiuocation , though it be no lye at all , but rather do allow , and like ●ar better o● simple , plaine , and resolute speach in all Catholikes , concerning as well matters of ord●nary conuersation , as of their conscience and religion , especially at this t●me when God hath giuen them so singuler an occasion to professe the same to his great honour , & their owne euerlasting good , & increase o● m●ri●t : yet ●or that perfection is one thing , & obligation is another , we may not bind men to more , then Gods precept byndeth , which is neuer to lye , or vtter anyvntruth . But as for the other of Amphibology , doubtfull speach , or Equiuocation , i● law o● nature , diu●ne , and humane , do in certayne cases permit it vnto men , ( as afterward shall be shewed ) eyther for concealing of things secret , or for necessary defence of innocency , we may not without iniustice take that right from them , which by so many titles they may duely challenge . 21. It were greatly to be wished by all good & peaceable men , that the most excellent ●orme of Christian speach prescribed b● our Sauiour , Yea yea : No no , were vsed by all in common conuersation , and no other ; as also Nolite iurare omnino , s●eare not at all : but yet for that the infirmity of man is such ( saith S. Augustine ) as one will hardly belieue another without an oath , the Church of God hath allwaies so interpreted those words of Christ , so as they take not all liberty of swering from Christians in necessary cases , albeit perfect men would passe with the same . And this is S. Augustines reason in sundry partes of his workes , and is translated into the Canon law by Gratiā , and consequently also allowed by Popes , and the sea Apostolicke &c. 22. Thus I wrote at that time alleadging many other authorityes & examples of Scripture , for proofe of the same , shewing that many things are cōmended for perfection , but yet are not cōmanded by ordinary obligation : as , bonum est homini mulierem non tangere 1. Cor. 7. It is good ●or a man not to marry at all . And then : If a man do marry , not to make any diuorce at all , Matth. 19. And so likewise it were good not to striue , or go to law at all , 2. Cor. 6. And it were perfectiō for a preacher not to take any wages , or temporall rewardes at all , but maintayne himsef by the labors of his owne hands , as S. Paul did , which he called his glory , 1. Cor. 15. 23. All these things I say , were good & higly to be cōmēded , but yet the cōtrary therof is not to be cōdēned for sinne , but permissible : & the li●e in Equiuocation . Vnto which consideration I adioyned 4. others . First that the allowāce , & vse of this Amphibologie , or Equiuocation was knowne , & practized in Catholick Christiā Schooles ouer the world for aboue 400. yeares past , by M. Mortons owne confession . The second , that the men that both taught , and vsed the same , were holy , learned , & graue , and great louers otherwise of truth , & consequently would neuer haue approued , or exercised the same , if it had byn so great an iniquity , & offensiue to God , as M. Mort. & his fellowes do pretēd . 24. The third consideration , or rather fourth in order is , that there be many cases , which do fall out in mans life , ( as afterward more at large , & in particule● is declared ) wherin a man is bound in consciēce to vse the refuge & help of this kind of doubtfull speach , or Equiuocatiō , for defence of innocēcy , and auoyding other greater inconueniences . And lastly the fifth consideration is of the great seuerity in detesting all sorts of lying both great and small , mortall , and veniall , which those men had , that permitted notwithstanding the vse of Equiuocation , as S. Augustine & others , in such a rigour , as for sauing a mans life , either our owne , or our neighbours , we ought not to commit the least sort of lying that can be imagined , which is an euidēt argumēt , that they did distinguish between lying and Equiuocation , which M. Morton euery where holdeth to be the same , and would haue vs to be of that mind too . And for approuing the one condemneth vs of the other , against all right , and reason as you see . 25. And these were my first fiue Considerations for stopping M. Mortons clamours , exaggerations , and exclamations , and reducing him to a more moderate temper in treating this controuersie . And it had byn good , that in this his Reply he had bestowed some ●ew wordes vpon the answering of these reasons . ●●uth it is , that he maketh mention of the one of them , which is the 2. by way of an obiection , as though I had presumed him to cō●es●e more thē he doth , about the 400. yeares , wherin the doctrine of ●quiuocation had byn receiued , but this is ans●ered be●ore in the fourth Chapter , & shewed to be a meere cauill ; and consequently , we may truely say , as we do , that M. Mortō hath not answered any thing at all to these fiue considerations , at least foure of thē , nor yet so much as mentioned them in this his last Reply , nor giuen notice to the Reader , that any such thing was ●et downe in my behalfe . 26. Next vnto this entring into the substance of the matter it selfe , I do discusse the principall points belonging to this controuersy , as namely what Eq●iuocation truly is : what is the definitiō of truth ; what of falsit●e ; what of lying : what differēces they haue , and wherin they do agree , shewing the same by many reasons , & authorities not only of Philosophers , where the matters do appertaine vnto them , but out of ancient holy Fathers also , and variety of examples taken out of holy Scriptures , and of the wordes and factes of Christ our Sauiour , and his Apostles themselues : and this very largely , and copiously throughout diuers Paragraphes , wherby it is made most euident that the holiest men that euer were vpon earth , did equiuocate sometimes in their speaches , and vsed clauses of reseruatiō in a far different sense from that which the hearer did apprehend . And yet for that they had a true meaning in their owne mind , it cannot be reprehended without impiety , both in respect of their excellent persons for sanctitie , and the receiued sentence of S. Augustine , Non facit linguam ream , nisi mens rea ; Nothing maketh the tongue guilty of lying but a guilty mind , when one thing is meant , and another spoken . 27. As for example when S. Iohn Baptist was dem●nded , Propheta es tu ? Are you a Prophet ? and he answered , No. And yet doth Christ call him a Prophet expresly Luc. 7. And so did Zacharie his Father , before he was borne Luc. 1. yea more then a Prophet Matth. 11. which is shewed to import as much as whē a Priest is vnlaw●ully demaunded , Are you a Priest ? And he answereth , No : for as S. Iohn Baptist had a mētall reseruation in his wordes , and therby an Equiuocation ( as is shewed out of the exposition of Origen , S. Chrysostome , S. Cyril , S. Augustiue , Theophilact , Euthymius , Rupertus and others ) so saith the Priest in his answere : and consequently Equiuocation is a different thing from lying , and not so hellish , heathenish , heynous , & monstrous , as intēperatly M. Mort. calleth it . 28. After this do follow many other examples , as that of our Sauiour in S. Iohns gospel , Ego non iudico quēquam : I do not iudge any one . And yet himselfe saith in the same gospell , Pater omne iudiciū dedit ●ilio , my Father hath giuen all iudgmēt vnto ( me ) his Sōne . And againe in the Actes of the Apostles S. Peter auoucheth that Christ is appointed Iudg by God his Father , both of the quick & the dead : which S. Paul cōfirmeth in diuers places , as Rom. 13. 1. Cor. 3. So as that first ●peach of Christ that he iudged no man , cannot be verified , but by a mentall reseruation : which what it was , the holy Fathers and expositors do labour to explicate . And the like to this , is that speach of Christ , of the daughter of the Archisinagogue , The maid is not dead but asleep , and yet she was truly dead : and the hearers were deceiued in Christs meaning , which could not be true , nor was held for true in the literall & externall meaning , but by some mentall reseruation , which S. Augustine , and other holy Fathers do labour to seeke out what it was ; and in ●hat sense it was to be vnderstood . And many other exāples to like effect are produced , and discussed , both out of the old and new Testament , wherby it is made more cleare then the sunne , that this kind of speach in answering by Equiuocation and doubtfull speach when need requireth , that is to say , when one sense soundeth in the wordes conceaued by the hearer , and another is reserued in the mind of the speaker vpon iust causes , is no lye , but a truth , and most lawfull , & that it were impiety , and blasphemy to hold or say the contrary in sundry persons , and speaches , which holy Scriptures do recount . 29. Now then why hath not M. Morton in this his last Reply giuen some satisfaction about this great debt : I know his answere will be , to say , that he will do it in his promised Reioynder , which shall be his last day of payment : but there remayneth to be considered , what liklyhood there is , that he will be able to pay at that day : especially for so much as he hauing in his last full Satisfaction attempted to answere some like places alleaged before in a litle ●reatise of this matter writtē as he saith by Garnet● was not able to satisfy any one substantially , and to the contentment of any meane iudgement , as I do shew at larg throughout the third part of my ninth Chapter : adding further in the fourth part therof many more authorityes both of Scriptures , and holy Fathers to conuince M. Morton , that Equiuocation is to be freed both from the name and nature of lying , falsity or falshood . All which in like manner is concealed by him in this his friuolous Preamble . 30. Wherfore hauing cleared all this matter by Scrip●ures , holy Fathers , euident arguments and reasons , ●rom the imputations and calumniations of M. Mor●ō , ● do further set downe the assertions , groundes , and determinatiōs of School-Doctours , Deuines , Canon & Ciuill lawyers , with their reasons , foundations & practise : as also I do proue the same by the practise of our very aduersaries thēselues . And moreouer I do set downe sundry particuler cases , & occasiōs , wherin Equi●ocatiō may & must needs be graunted lawfully to be vsed . And ●inally I do āswere & solue all M. Mor●ōs pretended argumēts & obiectiōs made against vs , & this common doctrine , with such perspicuous euidency , as to me it seemeth , that no man can doubt therof hereafter . And last of all I do conclude with a large exhortatiō to Catholike people , that notwithstanding the lawfulnes of Equiuocatiō in sundry cases : yet for the seeming iniustice , that it may appeare to haue , and therby also giue disedification to them , that vnderstand not the true ground & reason of the lawfulnes : for this cause ( I say ) and for that in confession of our faith ( wherof the necessity is frequent in these our dayes of persecution ) it is no wayes to be admitted or tollerated : therefore I do counsell them to be very sparing in vsing the liberty of this Equiuocation , when they are not pressed therunto , for auoiding some greater euill . 31. All which limitations , restrictions , and explications of our Christian sincere meaning , and hatred of lying , M. Morton doth conceale from his Reader , & still cryeth out , that we are Patrons of lying , no● will he vnderstand the difference , nor heare our defence . And though he do heare and vnders●●nd vs , y●● will he conceale it from the Reader , and go on with his clamour , as before : nay , which is more strange , he will make proclamation , as he doth in this his preamble , that he hath gayned the victory in both causes , as well of Rebellion , as of Equiuocation : and yet hath he in effect said no more about the former , but what you haue heard touched before , which is plain nothing . And cōcerning the second , he hath chosen out the Example only of the poore woman Saphyra , that according to his imagination answered to S. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles with an Equiuocation , concerning the selling of her landes , but as we hold and proue , with a lye , and not with Equiuocation . And what is this to so long and large a discourse as mine was ? Wherfore M. Mortons voluntary omissions in this matter are notorious , & in my iudgement are ●uident signes of great weaknes in his cause . Now we are to see others also of an other ●ort which we shall handle in this next Paragraph . OTHER OMISSIONS OF M. Morton cōcerning the defence of ten other Protestāt writers charged with false dealing : which defence being remitted ouer vnto him , was wholy pretermitted & concealed by him . §. III. IN the the 12. and last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigatiō , for that M. Mort. had cōtinually in his former pāphlets & Treatises both o● Discouery & Full satisfactiō inueighed bitterly against all kind of Equiuocatiō as falshood & lying , and against Catholicks , as louers , & fautors therof ; I thought best to descend vnto some particulers with him , for the remouing this vniust reproach , and for laying it where it was due , to wit , vpon Protestant-writers themselues , granting , that as in a large sense , and vnproperly , Equiu●cation might be called lying and deceyuing , when the due conditions and circumstances of true Equiuocation are not obserued ( which are , to haue a iust cause , and true meaning ; ) so I said , that this kynd of vnlawfull Equiuocati● doth alwayes lightly fall vpon the Protestant side , and not vpon Catholiks . Which as I had shewed before in multiplicity of occasions against M. Morton himselfe ( as now you haue seeme and heard in the ●ormer eleuen Chapters of that booke of Mitigation : ) so in this last , I thought it not amisse to assigne him some parteners in his cōdemnation shewing that others also of his brethren were of like spirit in lying with him , though perhaps himself had out-gone most of them now in that damnable liberty . 33. And then for more easy vnderstanding herof I deuided Equiuocation into two sortes , the one lawfull , & the other vnlawfull , as hath byn said : and this vnlawfull , I subdeuided againe ( as also lying ) into materiall and formall vnlawfull Equiuocation● the later being much more heynous then the former : for that the speaker knoweth that he doth vniustly deceaue by Equiuocation . And albeit I do exemplify there in many particulers against M. Morton , wherin I do chalenge him to haue often vsed the worst sort of these formall lying Equiuocations , whilest he impugneth the other sort , that lawfully and without lying is vsed some tymes , and in some cases by Catholiks , and was by the Apostles , Prophets , and Christ himself , as now you haue heard , yet in this his Reply he pretermitting to answere to the things themselues obiected , picketh only quarrels at the forme of the diuision and subdiuision , as you may see before in our first Chapter , where the matter is hādled largely and the cauill layd open , and refuted . But to the end that M. Mort. omissions , and sly dealing in the principall poyntes may better appeare , it shal not be amisse perhaps to set downe some particulers wherwith he was charged at that time . The Charge . 34. As for example ( said I ) when he writeth in his late booke of Full satisfaction , No one iota of Scrip●ure , 〈◊〉 one example in all antiquity , no one reason in the natural● wi● of man , no one Author , Gre●ke or Latin , no one Father , no on● Pope Christian or Antichristian , doth make for Equiuocation ( as we defend it ) or any colour therof : neyther did they so much as 〈◊〉 any such thing . Heere is first seene a notorious vntruth of the assertion it selfe , and cōsequently it is a mat●riall lye , and materiall Equiuocation : for that the matter deliue●ed is vntrue . And secondly it is most probable that Tho. Mort. must needs know it to be a lye , hauing seene so many Authors and reasons alleaged ●or it by the Catholicke Treatise which he pretendeth to cō●ute . Wherof it followeth , that it was a ●o●mall ly● also , and a ●ormall lying Equiuocation in the highest degree of deceipt and falshood . 35. And so in like manner in the fo●mer Chapter when he alleageth Azor , Dominicus Sotus , and Cicero , directly against their owne meaning , words and drift in the very same places , which he citeth , and taketh words out of thē for his pretended purpose , he could not but see and know that it was a lye to cyte them to the contrary : and yet he thought best to do it , and tel his Reader that they were of a contrary opinion . This then is formally to lye , and Equiuocate in the worst and superlatiue degree of false Equiuocation . 36. About which point the Reader may be remitted to the second Chapter of this treatise , & last Paragraph therof , where he shall see diuers exāples layd togeather , and among other , that which he reporteth of the death of our English Pope Adrian choaked ( as he saith ) with a flye , and citeth Nauclerus for the same : who though he mention , yet refuteth expresly that ●able , which T.M. concealed : where he is shewed in like manner to corrupt notably a passage of Doctor Boucher , auouching him to say that which he expresly impugneth about the killing of a Tyrant by a priuate man , and priuate authority . 37. And the like corruption he is conuinced to haue vsed in citing Gratian the Collector of the Canon law●s , and his Glosses , peruerting their wordes , and whole sense , as is there set downe , with sundry other examples , which shew that the man did not lye of error , or ouersight , but meerlie out of malice to deceiue the simple and credulous Reader , knowing in deed , that he did lie . And the same is demonstrated by many exāples most apparent , & euident throughout the whole sixt Chapter of this booke , and other places : so as if we had no● other proofe of this spirit , but in Tho. Morton himself , it were sufficient to proue our purpose , for that of all other lightly of his coate , he professeth most innocency , simplicity , and sincerity in this behalfe , & by this doth principally proue our purpose , which is , that they Equiuocate & lye , both wittingly & willingly , & then most of all , whē they make greatest protestation of truth . 38. As when T. M. talketh of his naked innocency in his Epistle to the Kings Maiesty , of detesting Equiuocation from his soule , of styling himself A Minister of simple truth : & finally his vsurping of those protestations of S. Paul before mētioned , That in all things he spake the truth , and lyed not , which Thomas Morton , as we often haue proued before , could not choose but know to be a wilfull lye indeed , hauing seene & read the A●thors which so manifestly he be●yeth , as neuer in this he will be able to cleare himselfe . And heerof we do fynally inferre , that he and his do equiuocate in the worst kynd , which by vs and ours is neuer vsed : and so while he declameth against law●ull Equiuocatiō & practiseth vnlawfull , he sheweth himselfe a playne preuaricator . 39. And for that this matter is of so great importance for the Reader well to conceaue in these dayes of controuersyes betweene vs , I meane to stay my self somewhat in this Chapter vpon this point , & to shew that indeed it is a substantiall signe distinctiue betweene all Sectaries and Vs , at this tyme , and ●hat in matters of controuersy our writers shall neuer be found guilty in these kyndes of false lying , and malicious ●quiuocations , where not only vntruth is vttered , but it is wittingly also vttered , the writer knowing that he writeth vntruth , as often now hath bene said . Which manner of dealing inferreth two pointes : the one that such a writer or speaker hath no conscience that vttereth things against his owne knowledge , and which God seeth to be false , and falsely meant in his hart : and the other that his cause hath no ground of substantiall truth , which cannot be defended without such wilfull lyes . 40. In this thē if you please let vs insist a while , & let Tho. Mort. bring forth any Catholicke Author whatsoeuer , that wrote against Protestants since these heresyes began , that hath bene taken in this impiety , I meane , that hath set downe in print any such falsity , as cannot be excused eyther by ignorance , ouersight , negligence , errour of print , translation , diuersitie of editions , or the like , but that it must needes be presumed that he knew the vntruth , and yet would set it ●orth : of this kind ( I say ) let him shew me bu● one example among all Catholike writers of our time , and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust and discredit the Author , whether it be another or my selfe : but if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind , I shall neuer be able to belieue him more . And wheras the number and variety of Catholike writers is so great as the world seeth , it were no great labour to shew it in some , if that spirit did raigne amongst them , as it doth in Protestāt writers , out of whom great volumes might be framed of this one point , if a man would imbrace them all throughout all nations : but I meaning to speake of Englishmen , and those very few in respect of the multitude , and not hauing all their workes by me at this presēt , am forced only to vse some few notes taken heertofore out of their bookes , which notwithstanding shall suffice for this short view , which we pretend . And for better methode & memory , I haue thought good to reduce my notes at this time to three sortes of men , that haue written against vs. First Protestāt Bishops : then Ministers : and ●astly Lay-men , but of good sort , I meane Knightes : and of ech one of these shall we make our seuerall paragraphs . 41. Thus farre I wrote at that tyme : and as for the first part of that which I did set downe , that M. Morton had byn taken in many and inexcusable false Equiuocations , which in effect are the same with lying ; if before it was euident by the particuler examples heere alleaged and many others , I do presume that now it will be much more manifest after his Reply , and this my reioynder made vnto the same . For that not only his former faults cōmitted in this kind in his former Treatises o● Discouery & Full Satisfaction , are more orderly layd forth , as by the precedent part of this Chapter appeareth , then they were in my Treatise of Mitigation , but many ●ew escapes are detected in like manner , as will ●ppeare in the sequēt Chapter dedicated only to this particul●r effect . 42. And as for the second point to d●●lare that this spirit of false dealing ioyned with nec●ssity and mysery of their bad cause is comm●● not only vnto him but vnto many of his brethr●n , & must needs be vnto all of them , whensoeuer they tak● pen in hand to defend the same , for that one lye cannot be defended without another , as hath beene said : therfore I do produce tē seuerall witnesses , two of them called Bishops M. Iewell and M. Horne : fiue inferiour Ministers M. Iohn Fox , M. Cal●ield , M. Hanmer , M. Charke , & M. Perkins , and might haue named 5. tymes more : three lay men also & Knights that haue written against vs , Syr Frācis Hastings , Syr Philip Mornay , & Syr Edward Cooke , alleadging not one , but sundry examples out of ech o● their workes : & might enlarge my selfe to a volūe i● that argumēt if I would say what I haue foūd in their , & their brethrens workes in this kynd , stāding only & precisely vpō this , that they be such exāples , as there is not only materiall falshood foūd in the thing , but so apparāt also , as it must needs be presumed the partie knew it to be such when he wrote it , & consequētly was formall lying , & false equiuocating indeed . 43. As for example : when M. Iewell in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths time to draw her & the Realme to change Religion , & become Protestāt , did preach at Paules Crosse & in the Court , & with a most confident semblance , and sundry teares , did cast fo●th 28. seuerall articles against Catholike Religion , saying , that if eyther the English , or any other learned Catholicks in the world could shew but one place of Scripture , one Father , one Doctor , one allowed example of the Primitiue Church within the ●irst 6. hundred yeares after Christ for cleare proofe of any one of these 28. articles , he would yield & subscribe , & be no more a Protestant , adding also these words : I speake not this in vehemency of spirit or heat of talke , but euen as before God , by way of simplicity , and truth , least any of you should happily be deceiued , and thinke there is more weight on the other side , then in conclusion will be found &c. Which protestation he repeated diuers times and in diuers sermons . And then yet further he brake into this vehement Apostrophe : O merci●ull God! who would thinke that there could be so much wilfulnes in the hart of man ! O Gregory ! O Austine ! O Hierome ! O Chrysostome ! O Leo ! O Dionyse ! O Anaclete ! O Sixtus ! O Paul ! O Christ ! if we be deceiued herein , you are they that haue deceiued vs &c. 44. In which words & protestations I did shew by 5. or 6. conuincing reasons that there must needs be much hypocrisie , dissimulation , and Equiuocation against his owne conscience : and that consequently euery member and branch of this deceipt●ull speach must needs conteyne a formall lye , & knowne for such to himselfe , when he vttered them : for that he could not be ignorant how many , not only places and sentences the ancient Fathers , for example , had against diuers of these Protestant articles that he holdeth , but whole Treatises also against some . And as for that of the Reall Presence , which was one of his most principall , he had beene present himselfe , not many yeares before , and one of the Notaries also in the disputation of Cranmer , Ridley , and Latimer , at Ox●ord vnder Q. Mary , wherin there were so many , and so p●rspicuous places , and discourses of ancient Fathers brought against them for the said Reall Presence , as they remayned wholy confoūded , as may be seene by him that is diligent , and will stand attent , by the relation therof , s●t forth by Iohn Fox himself , in his Acts and Monuments , and more pithily collected out of him in a seuerall printed Treatise set forth these yeares past by N.D. in the ●hird Part of the Three Conuersions of England 45. And finally when Doctor Harding , & many other learned Catholickes began to write against M. Iewell , and this hypocrisie of his , they came forth with so huge a number of authenticall authorities in al these kyndes , which he nameth here , Scriptures , Fathers Doctours , Councells , examples of the primitiue Church within the first six hundred yeares , as they forced him to procure a prohibition of their bookes by the State. And thē was he vrged about these speaches of his : Now it standeth vpon you to proue but one affirmation agai●st me , and so to require my promise of subscribing . And againe : If you of your part would vouchsafe to bring but t●o lynes , the ●hole matter were cō●luded . And yet further : Shew forth but one Doctor o● your side , yea one sentence in ●our de●●nce &c. All which I do proue to be notorious cogging , and dissimulation : for that many other Protestants more learned then him selfe do acknowledg the Fathers to haue many sentences against him , and cannot be stood vnto by them , without ouerthrow of their cause . And among others I do alleadge these wordes of Doctor VVhitaker VVe repose no such confid●nce ( saith he ) in the Fathers writings , that we take any certaine proofe of Religion ●rom th●m , because we place all our faith and Religion , not in humane , but in diuine authority . If ther●ore you bring vs , what some Father hath thought , or what the Fathers vniuersally all togeat●er haue deliuered the same , ( except it be approued by testimony of Scriptures ) it auaileth nothing , it gayneth nothing , it conuinceth nothing . For the Fathers a●● such witnesses , as they also haue need of the Scriptures to be their witnesses . I● deceiued by errour they giue ●orth their t●stimony disagreing from Scriptures , albeit they may be pardoned , er●ing ●or want of wisedome , we cannot be pa●doned , if because they ●rred we also ●ill erre with them . So Doctor VVhitaker , more learned perhaps in the Fathers then M. Iewell , though not so confident . For if he had found by his experience , that no Father had any one place or sentence against Protestant religion , he would neuer so much haue discredited them all , as heere he doth . Wherfore the false Equiuocatiō of M. Iewell is notable in this place . 46. But besides this , I do lay forth six seuerall examples of egregious wil●ull corruptions taken out of M. Iewells bookes and wordes , which are ou●r long to be repeated heere : two or three also of M. Hornes practise in that behalfe who possessed the bishopricke of VVinchester for some yeares : sundry out of M. Calfield : diuers out of M. Charke , and M. Hanmer : and no lesse notorious , and wilfull out of M. Perkins : some very markable out of Syr Francis Hastings : a great nūber intolerable out of Syr Philip Mornay , who was chalenged by the Bishop of Eureux for 800. and affrōted with threescore at one offer , and conuinced of nine in one dayes conference before the present King of France , and his Counsell . 47. And finally I adioyne to the former , for my last witnesse of false dealing , Syr Edward Cooke late Attorney Generall to his Maiesty , and not long since manifesting himselfe to the world for a writer against Catholiks , whose spirit I do shew by sundry examples to be like the rest in that behalfe : leauing the defence both of him , and the others to M. Mortons patronage , who hath had so litle care of their credit , as it seemeth , that he hath not so much as once mētioned them , or any one of thē in this his Reply , but leaueth euery one to shift for himselfe , which omission cannot but seeme somewhat preiudiciall vnto them , for that euery man will therof inferre , that their causes were so bad , as he durst not take their defence in hand : but especially will this seeme to be true in the cause of Syr Edward Cooke , whome M. Morton had more obligation to de●end , in that in his booke of full Satisfaction against me , he serued himselfe of diuers examples , & authorityes taken out of the said Knightes booke , & allwayes repo●table Reportes , as there he calleth them . VVhich he hauing seene answered since that tyme , in my Treatise of Mitigation , and shewed to be impertinent , and nothing to the purpose , had obligation therby to haue defēded somewhat in this his Reply , eyther the things themselues , or the Author , or both : but neyther of them hath he donne , and therfore do I meane to handle this omission seuerally in the sequent Paragraph . OF M. MORTONS OMISSIONS Concerning the defence of Syr Edward Cooke , wholy pretermitted by him . §. IIII. ALBEIT perhaps M. Morton may say , that his meaning was , to take in hand the d●fence of his Client Syr Edward Cooke in his other promised Reioynder , and therfore said nothing of him now in this his Preambling Reply : yet hauing now seene him very hardly charged in two seuerall Bookes , the one of the Catholick Deuine in āswering to the fi●th part of his Reportes : the other , the Treatise of Mitigation , with the like imputations of vntrue dealing , as are laid against M. Morton himselfe , it seemed that it had byn a point of frendship ( if not of duty ) to haue said somewhat for preuenting and staying at least the Readers preiudice , as in his Preface he said he did for himselfe , especially for so much as he had seene now and read all those places which he borrowed out of M. Cooke to furnish one whole Chapter of his full Satisfaction , fully answered and confuted by the Catholicke Deuine in his foresaid Booke , which M. Mor●●● might haue at leastwise mentioned , among so many other poyntes of lesse importance , which he handleth , if his hart had not serued him to take vpon him the whole defence . 49. But all these indeed are signes of feeblene in both parties , I meane as well in the Patron 〈◊〉 the Client , for that it is no lesse strange , that Syr 〈◊〉 Cooke himselfe hauing set forth a certaine Preface for some excuse of himselfe , and this after my Treatise of Mitigation ( wherin he was so deeply charged with sundr● grosse and willfull falshoods ) had byn seene and read by him , and yet to say neuer a word of this charge , nor how he could discharge it : this silence ( I say ) is no lesse strāge vnto me then the other of M. Morton , but rather more , for that Syr Edward was to defend himself , M. Morton another : & propria magis premunt , our owne affayres do more presse vs then other mens . Wherfore to the end that I may somewhat oblige both M. Morton in his promised Reioynder to be more myndfull of this matter , and Syr Edward himself ( if he meane to write any more Bookes against vs ) to cleare somewhat this Charge that was layd against him , I shall repeate the same againe here as it was there set downe in my other Treatise : Thus thē I wrote at that tyme. 50. Our last example ( said I ) shall be of Syr Edward Cooke lately the Kings Attorney , who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to be both a sharpe writer and earnest Actor against Catholicks , semeth therwith also to haue drunke of this spirit in such aboūdant measure , as he is like in time to ouerrunne all the rest , if he go foreward as he hath begunne . For that being admonished not long a goe , by one that answered his last Booke of Reportes , of diuers notorious his excesses committed in this kind , he is ( men say ) so far of from correcting or amending the same as he hath not only in a late large declamatiō against Catholiks , in a Charge giuen by him at Nor●ich , repeated and auouched againe the same excesses , but hath added others also therunto of much more apparant ●alsity . As for example , he was admonished among other points , that it was a notorious v●truth which he had wrytten and printed , that for the first tenne yeares of Q. Elizabethes Raigne , no one person of what religion or Sect soeuer did refuse to go to the Protestants Church & Seruice : which the Answerer confuteth so clearly & by so many witnesses , as a man would haue thought that the matter would neuer haue byn mentioned more for very shame : and yet now ( they say ) that the Attorney being made a Iudge hath not only repeated the same , but auouched it also againe with such asseueration in his foresaid Charge , as if it had neuer byn controlled or proued false . 51. Nay further they wryte , that he adioyned with like asseueration diuers other things , no lesse apparantly false then this : As for example : that Pope Pius Quintus before he proceded to any Ecclesiasticall Censure against Q. Elizabeth wrote vnto her a Letter , offering to allow & rati●y the English Seruice , Bible and Communion booke , as now it is in vse in that kingdome , if she would accept it as from him : which she refusing to doe , he did excōmunicate her . By which tale he acquiteth notwithstanding Catholiks ( if you marke it ) from procuring that Excommunication for rebellion , which elswhere he oftē obiecteth most odiously against them . For if vpon this cause she were excommunicated , what part had Catholicks therin ? But yet I must needs say , that the fiction is one of the most vnlikely things , and the most impossible in morall reason , that any man can deuise . For that Pope Pius Quintus , albeit some man would imagine him to be so good a fellow , as to care for no Religiō ( who is knowne to haue byn most zealous ) yet had he aduentured his Popedome by making such an offer . For he should haue allowed of diuers points in the Cōmunion booke , which are held by the Catholicke Church for heresy , and so condemned by the Councell of Trent and other Councells . And now you know it is a ground among vs , that a Pope that should be an Hereticke , or approue of heresy , thereby ceaseth to be Pope : how improbable then is this of Pius Quintus his offer ? And why had not this Letter in so many yeares byn published to the world for the credit of the English Seruice , and discredit of the Popes ? And yet the voice is , that the Lord Cooke did so earnestly auouch this matter , as he pawned therein not only his credit and honesty by expresse termes of protestation , but euen his ●aith also to God and man : a great aduēture no doubt . And for that I assure my self that the greater part of the Auditory being discreet men , did imagine it to be quite false , as I and others in effect do know it to be : it mu●t needs be a great blemish to my Lords credit at the beginning of his ●udgship , that in other things also he be not belieued . 52. But I vnderstād that the Booke of this speach or charge now printed is expected shortly , togeather with some other appertayning to the same man , and then it may be , that some body will examine matters more particulerly ( especially those that appertaine to the iniuring of Catholicks ) and afterward returne with the agrieuances to the Iudge him selfe ( seing he is now a Iudge ) to giue sentence of his owne ouersightes . Albeit I must confesse that as well my selfe , as diuers other men haue lost great hope of his Lordship by this accidēt : for before we did thinke that his ouerlashing in speaches when he was Attorney did proceed in great part of the liberty of that office , and that when he came to be Iudge he would reforme his Consciēce ratione Status , in regard of his state of life : but now it seemeth that he is far worse : though this I say shal be left by me to others to be discussed vpon the sight of the foresaid printed Bookes . 53. My speach at this time shall be only about that which passed in his Booke of Reportes while he was Attorney , and which hath byn disputed these monethes past betweene him and a Catholicke Deuine of our party in his answere to the said Reports , which Answere is in England . And albeit thereby may easily be seene the talēt which M. Attorney had , while he was Attorney in this kind of worst Equiuocation ( notwithstanding his often declamations against the other sort , that with due circumstances we haue proued to be lawfull ) yet will I heere adioyne one example more , but such a one as is worth the noting and bearing away . And it is this . 54. That whereas in answering of diuers lawes , statutes and ordinances which the Attorney alleaged out of the Raignes of sundry ācient Kinges , to proue that they did exercise spirituall authority and iurisdiction , the Deuine sometymes not hauing the law bookes by him out of which the said lawes or authorities were cyted , supposing the allegations to be ordinarily true ( ●or who would suspect lawiers to be false in their citations , that were wont to be accompted most exact in that point ) did answere the same with that sincerity of truth and reason , as to a man of his profession apperteyned : though sometymes also he was forced to suspect some fraude , and therepon requested such as had commodity in England to see the Bookes , that they would peruse the places and take them out Verbatim : which some haue done , and haue found such store of Equiuocations and false dealing in the alleaging therof , as neuer could be imagined in a man of his calling . I shal only set down one example , and it shal be the first that is cited by him in the whole Booke , to wit , of the Charter of King Kenidphus of the VVest Saxons , vnto the Abbey of Abindon in Barkshire ; which Charter M. Attorney set downe with this Preface . To confirme ( saith he ) those that hold the truth , and to satisfy such as being not instructed know not the ancient and moderne lawes &c. these few demonstratiue prooses shall serue . 55. And then beginneth he with the said Charter of king Kenulphus before the cōquest , meaning to proue therby , that the said king did giue vnto the said Abbey of Abindō spirituall iurisdiction by vertue of his temporall Crowne , exempting the same from all authority of the Bishop : which indeed was done by the Pope ; and so the Charter it self doth plainly expresse , if it had byn truly related by M. Attorney . And for that the Case is not long I shall set it downe Verbatim , as the Attorney hath it in his Booke pag. 9. only putting into English that which is recited by him in Latin , and left without any translation to make the matter more obscure : & then shall we lay forth also the true Case , whereby wil be seene how true a dealer M. Attorney is in those his writyngs and protestations , which after we shall more largely consider of . Thus then beginneth the Charter . 56. Kenulphus Rex &c. per literas suas Patentes , cōsilio & consensu Episcoporum & Senatorū Gentis suae , largitus fuit Monasterio de Abindon in Comitatu Bark . & cuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij &c. quandam ruris sui portionem , id est , quindecim mansias , in loco qui à Ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam , cum omnibus v●i●itatibus ad eandem pertinentibus , tam in magnis quàm in mod●cis rebus , in aeternam haereditatem . Et quòd praedictus Ruchinus &c. ab omni Episcopali iure in sempiternum esset quietus : vt inhabitatores eius nullius Episcopi aut suorum Officialium iugo inde deprimantur : Sed in cunctis rerum euentibus & discussionibus causarum , Abbatis Monasterij predicti decreto subiiciantur : ita quòd &c. Thus goeth the Charter as M. Attorney alleageth it , which in English is as followeth . 57. King Kenulphus &c. by his letters Patents with the Counsayle & consent of the Bishops and Counsaylours of his Nation , did giue to the Monastery of Abindon in Barkeshire , and to one Ruchinus Abbot of that Monastery a certaine portion of his land , to wit , ●ifteene Mansions , in a place called by the Country men Culnam , with all pro●its and co●modities , gr●●t ●nd small appertayning thereunto , for ●ue●las●ing in●eritance . And that the ●oresaid R●●●inus &c. should be quiet from all right of the Bishop for euer : so as the inhabitāts of that place shall not be depressed for the tyme to come by the yoke of any B●shop or his Officers , but that in all euents of things & Controu●rsies , of Cases , they shal be subiect to the d●cree of the Abbot of the said Monastery . So as &c. And thē doth M. Attorney continue his speach thus : 58. This Charter was pleaded in 1. H. 7. & vouched by Stan●ord as at large appeareth : which Charter granted aboue 850. yeares syt●ece , was a●ter confirm●d per Edwinum Britāni●e Angiorū Regem & Monarcham , anno Domini 955 , By which appeare●h , that the King by this Charter made in Parliament ( for it appeareth to be made by the Couns●ll and cons●●nt of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdome which w●re ass●m●led in * Parlam●nt ) did discharged and ex●mpt the said Abbot fr●m the iurisdiction of the Bishop &c. And by the same Charter did grant to the same Abbot Eccl●sias●icall iurisdiction within his said Abb●● , wh●ch Ecclesias●icall Iurisdiction b●ing * deriued f●ō●he C●o●● , contynned vntill the dissolu●ion o● the said Abbey in the Raigne 〈◊〉 " K. Henry the eight . So he . 59. And by this you may see , what an important Conclusiō he doth in●erre of the Kings supreme Iurisdiction in spirituall affaires at that tyme : whereunto the Deuine comming to answere , and supposing that M. Attorney would not ●alsify or bely his Authors , hauing protested most solemnly fol. 40. o● his Booke , that he had cit●d truly the very words and texts o● the lawes , resolutions , iudgm●nts and actes of Pa●lament all 〈…〉 and in print without any in●erence , argum●nt or ampli●ica●i●n , quoting particulerly the Bookes , years , leaues , Chapters and other such l●ke certayne referenc●s , as euery man at his 〈◊〉 may see and read them &c. The Answerer , I say , hearing this formall protestation , and supposing besides , that the man would haue some respect to ●is credit & honour in this behalf , granting all as it lay , answered the same as you may see in his Booke . But now vpō better search it falleth out , that this whole Case was falsely alleaged by M. Attorney in the very point of the principall Cōtrouersy in hand about the Kings spirituall Iurisdiction : for that whatsoeuer the Char●ter did ascribe expresly to the Pope and his authority , the Attorney suppressing the true words , relateth it as proc●eding from the King & temporall authority of his Crowne . For proofe wherof I shall set downe the very words of my learned frēds letter out of England about this point , after view taken of the law bookes themselues : and then let any man say , how far M. Attorney is to be credited in any thing he writeth or speaketh against Catholicks . 60. As concerning ( saith my friend ) the Charter of King Kenulphus for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , you must know that M. Attorney hath egregiously abused his Reader in that and other pointes : for the Case standeth thus . That in the first yeare of King Henry the 7. Humfrey Stafford was attainted by Act of Parlament of high treason , & tooke Sanctuary first in Colchester in Essex , and after fled to Culnam , and tooke Sanctuary in the Abbey of Abindon : and being taken from thence brought vnto the Tower of London , and from thence brought vnto the Kings Bench he pleaded that he was drawne by force out of the said Sāctuary of Culnam : and praied his Counsaile to pleade that point : which by all the Iudges of both Benches was granted vnto him . And so they pleaded in this manner . 91. Idem Humphridus per Consilium suum dixit , quòd Kenulphus Rex Merciorū per Literas suas patētes , consilio & cōsensu Episcoporū & Senatorū gentis suae largitus suit Monasterio de Abindon , accuidam Ruchino tunc Abbati Monasterij illius , quandam ruris sui portionem , id est quindecim Mansias , in loco qui à Ruricolis ●unc nuncupabatur Culnam , cum omnibus v●ilitatibus ad eand●m partinentibus , tam in magnis quam in modicis rebus in aeternam haereditatem . Et quòd praedicius Ruchi●us ab omni Regis obstaculo & ●piscopali ●ure in s●mpit●rnum esset quietus , vt inhabitator●seius nullius Regis aut Mini●●rorū suorum , Episcopi●e , aut suorum Offi●ialium i●go inde deprimerentur , sed in cunctis rerum euentibus & dis●tissionibus causarum Abbatis Monasterij praedicti decreto su●ij●●r●ntur . Ita quòd &c. And here ceaseth M. Attorney leauing out as you see in his recitall the wordes that go before ab omni Regis obstaculo , that the Monastery should be free from all obstacle of the King , as also these words : vt inhabitatores eius nullius Regis aut Ministrorū suorum iugo deprimantur : that the inhabitāts be not opprest with any yoake of any King or his Ministers . Wherby is euidēt that the King in his Charter did for his part giue exemptions from temporall and Royall power But especially the fraud is seene by cutting of the wordes that do ensue , which decide the whole controuersy , which are these . Et etiam allegauit vltra , quòd Leo tunc Papa concessit dicto Abbati dictas immunitates & priuilegia . Et quod Edwinus tunc Britanniae Anglorum Rex & Monarchus cō●●ssit , quòd praesatum Monast●rium omnis terr●nae s●r●●tu●is esset liberum , quae à pr●dec●ssori●us suis Catholicis , videlicet à dic●o sancto L●●ne Papa , & dic●o Rege K●n●lpho &c. Et quòd virtute literarum & Bullar●m praediciarum & t●mpore con●ec●ionis earu●d●m , eadem villa de Culnam suit Sanctuarium & l●cus priuilegiatus &c. Which in English is thus . And moreouer the said ●umphrey Stafford by his Coūsaile alleaged further for himselfe , that Pope Leo had granted vnto the said Abbot the said immunities & pr●uiledges : & that king Edwin thē King & Monarch ouer all the English in Britany had granted that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , which by his Catholicke predecessors , to wit , the said holy Pope Leo , and the said King Ken●lphu● was granted : and that at the time of the making of the foresaid letters Patents and Bulles , the said village or Towne of Culnam was a Sanctuary & priuileged place by vertue of the said Patents and Bulles . 62. This is word for word the very plea of Humphrey Stafford for the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Abindon , as it was pleaded by his learned Counsaile in law , euen as it is recorded in the Reports of the years of K. H●nry the seauenth , as they are printed by Pinson the law printer in the tyme of K. Henry the eight , before the Protestant religion came vp . And the Lord Brooke in his Abridgement of the law , in the title of Corone , placito 129. doth accordingly set downe the same Case , with mentioning of the Bulles of Pope Leo for the said immunities and priuileges . But all the Protestant editions in the tyme of the late Quene Elizabeth printed by Tottell and Yestwort haue committed a notable tricke of falsification , in leauing out altogether these markable words : That Leo then Pope did grāt the said immunityes and priuiledges . And also those words of King Edwyn , which of his Catholike predecessors S. Leo & King Kenulphus were granted . And againe : By ●orce of the Letters and Bulles a●oresaid the said village of Culnam was a Sanctuary and place priuiledged . 63. And hereby also is euident , that the King did not by his Charter in Parlament ( for it appeareth to be made by the Counsaile and consent of his Bishops and Senators & not by Parlam●nt , as M. Attorney doth misreport it ) neither was there any Parlament held at that time in the land , or many hundreth yeares after ( for as it appeareth by Holinsheads Chronicle pag. 34. the first vse of Parlaments in England was in the tyme of King Henry the first : ) it is cleare ( I say ) that the King did not discharge and exempt the said Abbot from Iurisdiction of the Bishop , nor did grant vnto the said Abbot Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō within the said Abbey , neyther had that abbot any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō deriued frō the Crowne : But as it appeareth by the authētike report of the Case , the Pope & the King did ioyne both in making the said Sanctuary , according to their seuerall powers & authorityes . So that the exemptiō from Episcopall Iurisdictiō proceeded duly from the grant of Pope Leo : as likewise the exēption frō all Regall & temporall Iurisdiction proceeded frō the Charter of King Kenulphus . Note also that King Edwins Grant was only that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude , & toucheth not any spirituall immunities or Iurisdiction at all . 64. Thus far my friend out of England : and by this now you may see , how well M. Attorney hath obserued his foresaid protestation : that he had cyted the very wordes & textes of the Lawes , without any inference , argument or amplification at all . And this being my friends aduertisment from England with like obseruation of manie other places cyted by M. Attorney with like fydelity , I thought good to produce this one amongst manie ( being the first in order ) for a tast in this place , reseruing the rest to a fitter , or at leastwise to a second edition of the foresaid answere of the Catholike Deuine , where euery thing may be referred to his due place : and with this will I end this Chapter . Thus far wrote I at that tyme in charg of Syr Edward . THE DISCHARGE AND Reckoning about the former Charge made to Syr Edward Cooke . §. V. YOV haue heard now this Charge , how important & substantiall yt is : and who would not haue thought , but that either M● Morton or Syr Edward himself would haue answered somwhat to the same in their Replyes made since the publishing hereof , or at leastwise would haue asmuch as mentioned yt , especially M. Morton , who in a certaine manner and law of vrbanitie was more obliged to take the patronage of Syr Edwards wrytings then himself : for so much as the Charge was giuen in a Booke against M Morton , and he had so highlie commēded the sayd worke of his Reports , as he calleth them The allwaies reportable and memorable Reports : taking out of them sundrie heads of examples , as his words are , that improue the Popes Supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall & ascribe it to the king : which that yow maie see how substantiall they are , I shall take the paynes to set them downe here , as they stand in his Book . 66. I will point at some ●ew heads o● examples ( saith he ) o● our ancient Christiā kings which Syr Edward Cooke his Maiesties Attorney generall in his allwaies reportable & memorable Reports hath lately published . In the Raigne o● king Edward the fyrst ( saith he ) a Subiect brought in a Bull of excommunication against another Subiect o● this Realme , & published it : But yt was answered that this was th●n according to the ancient lawes o● England , Treason against the King , and the Offendor had byn drawen and hanged , but that by the mercie of the Prince he was only abiured the Realme &c. 67. At the same tyme the Pope by his Bull had by way of prouision bestowed a benefice vpon one within the Prouince of ●orke , the King presented another : 1 the Archbishop re●useth the Kings presentation , and yelded to the Popes prouision . This Archbishop then by the common law o● the land was depriued o● the lands o● his whole Bishopricke during ly●e . 2 And in the Raigne of king Edw●rd ●he third the king presented to a Ben●●ice , & his Presentee was disturbed by one , who had obtayned a Bull from Rome : for the which cause he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment &c. 68. In the Raigne o● Richard the second , 3 yt was declared in the Parliament ( R. 2. c. 2. ) that England had allwayes byn ●ree and in subiection to no Realme , but imediatly subiect to God & to none other : and that the same ought not in any th●ng touching the Regaltie of the Crowne to be submitted to the Bishop of Rome , nor the lawes of their Realme by him frustrated at his pleasure &c. 4 69. In the Raigne of King Henry the fourth it was confirmed that Excommunication made by the Pope is o● no force in England &c. 5 In the Raigne of King Edward the fourth , the opinion of the Kings Bench was , that whatsoeuer spirituall man should sue another spirituall mā in the Court of Rome for a matter spirituall , where he might haue remedy be●ore his Ordinary within the Realme , did incur the danger of ●remunire , being an heynons offence against the honour of the King , his Crowne and dignity . 70. Thus far M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke : then he addeth : Many other examples of like nature I pretermit , and remit the Reader desirous to be further satisfied , vnto the booke o● Reportes : habet enim ille quod det , & dat nemo largiùs . For he hath to giue , and no man giueth more aboundantly . This is his Encomium : But what doth he giue ? truth or falshood ? sincere or wrested allegatiōs ? matter to the purpose or impertinent ? That we shall here now discusse , & shew that neither the exāples themselues are altogeather true as here they are set downe : nor if they were , yet doe they not prooue the purpose , for which they are alleaged : And first we shall proue the second which most importeth : and it is easily proued . 71. For first Syr Edwards purpose & obligation was to proue , that Q. Elizabeth by force of her temporall Crowne had all manner of Supreme authority in spirituall affaires , no lesse then any person euer had , did , or could exercise in England , as the words of the Statute haue , alleaged by him : and the purpose of M. Morton was as appeareth by the title of his Treatise , to improue the Popes supreme authority in Causes Ecclesiasticall : So as both their ends and purposes were by different meanes to proue , that the Pope had no supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters for time past in England : the one by ascribing all to the King : the other by denying it to the Pope . But this purpose of theirs either in the one or the other point is not proued by any one of all these examples , nor by them altogeather , though they were granted to be true as here they lye . For that they do not proue , that either our Kings here mentioned did assume to thēselues to haue Supreme authority in spirituall affaires , or to take it from the Pope : nay the Catholike Deuine in answering to Syr Edwards obiections herein , doth euidently shew and proue , yea conuinceth , that these fiue English Kings here mentioned , to wit , King Edward the first , Edward the third , Richard the second , Henry the fourth , & Edward the fourth , vnder whom these Cases fell out , did all of them most effectually acknowledge the Popes supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters , and were obedient Children to the same , as he shewed by sundry most cleare and apparant examples of their owne actiōs towards the Sea Apostolike : and that these particuler Cases , supposing they were all true , and fell out as heere they are set downe , to wit , that the publishing of a Bull of Excommunication in some Causes , and vnder some King might be held for Treason : as also that the Archbishops lands might be seysed vpon for refusing to admit the Kings presented Clerke : & that in Parlament it was said , that the Regality of the Crowne of England depended not of Rome : and that in certaine Cases no suites might be made thither , without recourse first to the Ordinaries of England . 72. Albeit I say that these things were all granted as they lie , yet do they not inferre by any true cōsequence that which the Knight and Minister should proue , to wit : that for this either these kings were , or held themselues for supreme in spirituall authority at that tyme , or that it was denied vnto the Pope . Wherof this one is a most conuincent argument , that the like Cases do or may fall out at this day in other Catholicke Countries and Kingdom●s , as in France , Spaine , Naples , and Sicily , where ●here be diuers Concordates , res●rictions & limitations agreed vpon for auoyding further inconueniēces betweene the Pope and Catholicke Kings and Princes , concerning the manner of execution of Ecclesiasticall authority , without any derogation to the Supremacy therof in the Pope . And so might men be punished by the said Princes for breaking rashly the said agreements , as they may and are dayly in the said Kingdomes , especially in the last : and yet do not these Kings thereby either deny the Popes supreme authority , or take it to themselues ( as M. Attorney & M. Morton do falsely ininferre ) in these our cases . And thus it is manifest , that albeit these exāples were in all r●spects truly alleaged : yet are they impertinent to proue that which is pretended . And this for the first point . 73. But neither is it all true , that heere is set down , nor as it is set downe , which is the second point to be considered . For which cause though I find these fyue Cases sufficiently answered by the Catholicke Deuine in his late Booke against M. Attorney : y●t for t●at the said Knight in his last Preface to the sixt part of his Reports , doth say that he fyndeth him vtterly ignorant in the lawes of the Realme ( though as a Deuine he made no profession to be skilfull in the same ) yet shall I adde somewhat to the reuiew of these Cases : whereby it may appeare at leastwise , whether he , to wit , the Deuine , or M. Attorney , or M. Morton haue vsed the skill of their professions with more sincerity in this matter . 74. The first Case th●n is thus set downe by M. Morton , out of the Attorneys booke , though not altogether as it lyeth in his booke , but with some aduantage , as the Attorney did out of his Bookes whereof he tooke his Case . So as here is helping the dye on all hāds as you see . In the Raigne of King Edward the first ( saith M. Morton ) a Subiect brought in a Bull of excommunicati● against another Subiect of this Realme and published it : But it was answered , that this was then according to the ancient lawes of England treason &c. as before is set downe . 75. Wherein I must note first , before I come to examine the answere already made , that M. Mortō can not choose , as it seemeth , but to vse a tricke or two of his art of iugling , euen with M. Attorney himself . For whereas he relateth ( to with the Attorney ) that this Bull of excommunication was published to the Treasurer of England , M. Morton clyppeth of all mētion of the Treasurer , which notwithstāding in this Case is of great moment : for so much as it semeth that if he had published the same to the Archbishop or Bishops appointed to haue the view of such things and had brought their authenticall testimonies for the same , it seemeth by the very booke it self of Iustice Thorpe , who recounteth this Case by occasion of the Case of Syr Thomas Seaton and Lucy , 30. E. 3. that it had byn litle or no peril at all vnto the publisher ; for that this reason is alleaged for the offence therein committed : that for so much as the partie ( to wit , Lucie against Syr Thomas Seaton ) did not shew any writ of excommunication , or any other thing sealed by the Archbishop of England , nor any other Seale that was authentike prouing this : therfore the Bull was not allowed &c. 76. This then was a fine tricke , to cut of all mentiō of the Treasurer : the other also immediatly following hath some subtilitie in it , though not so much as the former , to wit , that it was answered , that this was Treason &c. for that in none of the bookes cited either of Thorpe or Brooke is any mention of such answere giuen , as M. Morton feygneth : nor any such iudgment of Treason passed theron , as M. Attorney would make his Reader belieue , as presētly shall be proued : So as these are the first two trickes of M. Morton , to helpe his dye : all the rest for the substance of the matter is like to fall vpon M. Attorney . 77. First then the Answere of the Deuine vnto this Case ( not hauing commoditie at that time to see the two bookes of Thorpe and Brooke cyted in the margent ) was , that it could not possibly be imagined , by reason that the Case stood altogeather as M. Attorney did set it downe , esp●cially with this note in the margēt , that the bringing in of a Bull against a subiect was Treason by the ancient cōmon lawes of England , before any Statute law was made therof : for that the Deuine demandeth what this Common law was , not made by Statute ? How was it made ? By whome ? Where ? At what time ? Vpon what occasion ? How introduced and commonly receiued ( for all this a Common law supposeth ) especially for so much as the said Deuine had shewed and aboundantly proued now , that all precedent Kings of England both before and after the Conquest were most Catholicke in this very point of acknowledging the Popes supreme and vniuersall authority in spirituall affaires , wherof the power of excommunication throughout the world vpon iust causes is a principall member : so as except they would introduce a law contrary to their owne beliefe , or suffer a law to grow and be made cōmon in their Realme without their knowledge or assent , it is absurd to imagine that there could be such a Common law against the Popes Excōmunications before the dayes of King Edward the first , and before any Statute was made against the same , as M. Attorney auoucheth . 78. Secondly he sheweth out of the testimony of Matth. VVestmonast . that this King Edward being in a great heat of offence against the Cleargy of England , for that they denied to giue him the halfe of their Rents and goods towards his warres , vpon the expresse prohibition of Pope Bonifacius to the contrary : which prohibition some Cleargie men vpon feare transgressing , had compounded & made their peace with the King in that behalfe , he doubting least some of the other part of the Cleargy would bring in an Excōmunicatiō against him , or against some of those that had compounded with him , made a Decree ( saith VVestmonaster . ) commanding vnder payne of imprisonment , that no man should publish any sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe , or those that had newly sought his protection : he making also a prouocation or appeale as well for himselfe , as those that stood on his side , to the Court of Rome . Thus he . And now let the prudent Reader consider ( saith the Deuine ) that if the King euen in his passion of choler did appoint but imprisonment , to be the punishment for bringing in an Excommunication against himselfe , and Cleargy men that stood with him , how vnlike is it , that by the common law it was treason against the King , his Realme , Crowne and dignity ( as M. Attorneys thundring words are ) to bring in an excommunication against a Subiect , which is much lesse , then against the Kings person himselfe . 79. Thirdly the said Deuine , though he had not perused the law bookes at that time ; yet did he yeld the true Cause , why priuate men might not bring in excōmunications and publish them at their pleasure , as now also is prohibited in other before named Catholicke Kingdomes : but they were to be shewed first to a Bishop , & vnder his Seale were to be certified vnto the Kings Courts : which since that time I haue foūd to be set down expresly in the law-bookes themselues and craftily concealed by M. Attorney : for thus is it found written 11. Henr. 4● fol 64. Hancford the chie●e Iustice said , that he found in his bookes , that in the time of VVill. ●erle ( who was Iudge in the beginning of the raigne of K. Edward the third ) euery officer or cōmissary of the Bishop might certify excōmunicatiō in the K. Court , and for the mischeefe that ensued therof , it was aduised by the Parlamēt that none ought to certify excōmunication but only the Bishop , & soe it is vsed at this day . Thus far are Hanckefords words : wherby we may see why the partie that published a Bull to the Treasurer of England without the Bishops approbatiō incurred so high displeasure . 80. Fourthly , the said Deuine doth conuince M. Attorney out of a Case alleaged by himself afterward in the 31. yeare of the Raigne of King Edward the third , where he saith , that in an attachment vpon a prohibition , the defendant pleading the Popes Bull of excommunication of the Plain●i●e , the Iudges demanded of ●he defendant , if he had not the Certificate of some Bishop within the Realme testifying this excommunication &c. VVhereby ( saith he ) it is made euident first , that priuate men were obliged to shew their Bulles vnto some Bishop , before they published the same : and secondly , it appeareth most clearly by the answers of the Iudges , that they held it not for treasō in those daies , nor made any such inferēce therof : for that their only resolution was this , that for lacke of this Certificate , the partie excōmunicated was not thereby disinabled to follow his plea in that Court : without saying any one word of danger or punishment against him , that had pleaded the Popes Bull of excommunication : which they would neuer haue omytted to do , if 50 yeares before that , vnder K. Edward the first it had bin held for treason by the Cōmon-law , to bring in or publish any Excommunication against a Subiect . 81. This then was the substance of the Deuines answere at that tyme , which though it doth sufficiently conuince M. Attorney to haue abused his Reader egregiously in auouching with such resolution , that in K. Edward the first his tyme , yt was by the ancient law of England , adiudged treason against the king , his Crowne and dignytie to publish any Bull of the Popes against any Subiect of the Realme : yet hauing synce that tyme had better commodity to informe my self of the lawbooks here mētioned , I wil adde some more proofes to those which now you haue heard . 82. First then I must let the Reader vnderstand , that neither of those two bookes cited by M. Attorney lib. Ass. pl. 19.30 . Ed. 3. and Brooke tit . Premunire pl. 10. neither of them , I say , doth affirme , that it was Treason , or that there was any iudgment of Treason giuen in that Case : which Case is related by Iustice Thorpe 30. Edwardi 3. thus . That wheras Syr Thomas Seaton sued a Bill in the Exchequer against a woman named Lucie for calling him Traytor , fellon , and robber , in the presence of the Treasurer and Bar●ns of the Exchequer in cont●mpt of the King and slaunder of the Court. Hereupon the said Lucy shewed forth the Popes Bull , prouing the plainti●e to be excommunicate , and therfore demanded Iudgement , whether he should be answered or not : And for that she did not shew any writ of excommunication , nor any other thing sealed by the Archbishop &c. the Bull was not allowed : whervpon she was forced to answere , and ●leaded not guilty . And in that plea Thorpe Iustice said , that in the tyme of the Grandfather of the King , which was K. Edward the first , ●or that one did notify an excommunication of the Apostle to the Treasurer of the King , the King would he should haue byn drawne and hanged , notwithstāding that the Chancelo●r and Treasurer did kneele before the King ●or him , yet by award he did abiure the Realme : and said that the woman was in a hard Case ●or shewing forth this excommunicatiō , if the king would . Thus far the said Book . 83. VVherein we see first , that here is no answere made about treason as M. Morton affirmeth , nor iudgment giuen as M. Attorney auoucheth , nor any such inference made by the Iudges : but only a case related , of what K. Edward the first in his anger would haue had to be done to a man , that presented an excommunication to the Treasurer , to wit , he would haue had him hanged and drawne about the same : which seming to his Iudges not to be iust , or according to law , did intreat the King not to put it in execution , but rather by way of award they made him abiure the Land ( though this also was not due vnto him by rigour of law ) to pacify thereby the Kings wrath . And it is not vnlike to that Case , that fell out in England Anno Domini 1578. vnder Q. Elizabeth , when in her anger she would haue had Peter Bourchet to haue byn put to death by Martiall law , when he had wounded Syr Iohn Hawkins insteed of Syr Christopher Hattō : but the Iudges would not yeald therunto , as being against law , & therefore found out this temperament , that he should be committed to the Tower , and accused of matters of Religion , as Puritanisme and the like . Where afterwards he gaue them a iust cause of putting him to death , by killing his keeper . But as the Queenes will & passion made this no law , so neither did that other vnder K. Edward the first . So as M. Attorney did much abuse his Reader in auerring it to be treason by the common law , & adiudged for such out of this Case . 84. And if he will vrge that the punishment of hāging and drawing implieth treason ; it is answered , no : but that this rather maketh much for vs. For that the punishment of treason ( I meane high treason ) is not only hanging and drawing but quart●ring also ( excepting only the Case of counterfeyting of money , Stat. de 25. Ed● 3. de proditionibus ) as appeareth by Stanford in his Booke of the Pleas of the Crowne fol. 182. but petty treasons , as of killing the maister or Mystresse by the seruant , or of any Prelate by his subiect &c. ( which in effect are but fellonies ) are punished by hanging & drawi●g o●ly : whe●eof is consequent , that albeit K. Edwards will and commandment had byn according ●o law , as ●t was not , yet had it in●erred no treason at all . 85. And further to satisfy this matter and make it more cleere , that the Reader was abused in this assertion , I will adde foure seuerall Reasons & argumēts more out of the law-books themselues . The first is concerning the abiuring the Realme for pacifying the King , awarded in iu●tice Tho●ps Case : which proueth euidently , that it was not an offence of treason in the delinquent , for that abiura●ce is no punishment for treason , but only for fellony , as appeareth by the said Iustice Stand●ord in his said Booke fol. 116. where he setteth downe the beginning of abiurance , & how it was first ordeyned by S. Edwa●d before the Conqu●st , and was grounded vpon mercy , when a mā had committed fellonie , and fled to a Church or Churchyard for safety of his life : and did choose rather perpetuall banishment then to stand to the law . So as abiurance by the old lawes of England was at t●e election of the Offendours , and not at ●he will of the Prince . And afterward the said Stanford shewing for what offences in particuler a m●n might abiure the Realme , saith , that abiuration doth not lye ●or h●m that hath offended in high treason 86. The second Reason is , that the said Stanford in his said booke of the Pleas of the Crowne fol. 182. intēding to set down all offenc●s of treason , which were either by the Common-law or Statute-law , doth not rela●e any such matter to be treason , as the bringing into the Realme Bulles of excommunication by one Subiect against an other : which he would neuer haue concealed , if he had found it held for such in any law booke before him . 87. The third Reason is to the same effect , that the Statute of 25. Ed. 3. being made for declaration of treasons , doth ●et downe what offences were treasons by the Common law . In this Statute , I say , no mention at all is made , that the bringing in of Bulls of excommunication was treason or any other offence : which of likelyhood cannot be presumed that they would haue pretermitted to touch or mention , if any such thing had bin . 88. The fourth Reason , and most concludent , is that we read in many Bookes of law , as 31. Ed. 3. ●xcommunicat . 6. Fitzh . tit . Excom pl. 6.14 . ●en . 4. ●ol . 14.8 . Hen. 6. fol. 3 and ells where , that diuers Excommunications were pleaded in the Kings Courts , and no matter of treasō or other offence made therof by the Iudges , which no doubt they would neuer haue passed ouer so negligently & carelesely , if it had bin treason by the common-law . Neither would any Counsel haue presumed to plead the same so often in the said Courts , if there had byn such perill or offence therein at that tyme as M. Attorney now pretendeth . Neither doth the authority of Brooke here cyted by M. Attorney patronize him in his voluntary mistaking & misconstruyng of the law-books a foresaid : For that Brooke doth not say , that the bringing in of Bulls was iudged treason by law , as M. Attorney doth , but on●y maketh this note : So see punishment of that before the Statute of Premunire : which maketh nothing for M. Attorn . purpose : and if it did , yet were it not to be equalled with so many graue authorities & euidēt cōuincing reasons , as before we haue alleaged to the contrary . 89. Wherfore we must conclude that in this first Case M. Attorney hath sundry wayes dealt vnsincerly , and gone about to deceiue his Reader , making him belieue : that the bringing in & pleading of the Popes Bulles in ancient time was treason according to the Common-lawes : which being now proued to be false , yet doth he so often repeate the same vpon all occasions against Catholikes both in wryting , speaking , pleading : and vbrayding : as if it were a most certaine truth or principle , and not to be controlled . Let vs see somewhat of the other Cases . TO THE OTHER FOVRE CASES obiected by M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke . §. VI. IT were ouer long to answere so largely vnto all the other Cases , as we haue done to this first , especially for so much as the Deuine hath done it very sufficiently and fully before , the second Case conteyning only a temporall matter about Advowsons and authority thereby to present Clearks to benefices , which was an ancient custome of the Church of England , where tēporall men hauing founded Churches and benefices , reserued to themselues the nominatiō and presentation of the persons that should enioy the same : who if they were found fit and nothing to be proued against thē , that might iustly be opposed for their exclusion , then the Bishop of the diocesse was bound to admit them . And if he did not , the Aduowsoner might haue an Action against the said Bishop at the Commonlaw of Quare non admisit , as in a temporall Case : and if the Bishop could not excuse his not admitting of the Clerke of the Recouerer by some sufficient cause , then the Plaintif should recouer domages against the Bishop , or els he might haue vpon the not executing the first writ to the Bishop an Alias , or a Pluries against him . And if these were not serued or sufficient excuse made vpon the return thereof , why they were not serued ; then the partie grieued might haue an Attachment against the Bishop for his contempt . And if he were attached and would obstinate●y re●use to obey the Kings commandment in admitting the sai● Clerk : then might the King for his contempt seyse vpon his tempo●alities which were o● t●e Kings endowment . And this was the vttermos● that the King could by law do against him : for that he could neither imprison , nor depose , or degrade him , there being no presidēt to be found ( as I suppose ) of the first . And for the second , the law it sel● semeth cleare against it , as may appeare by Bracton , fol. 401. Stanford , ●ol . 130. &c. But howsoeuer it be , this proueth nothing against the Popes spirituall Iurisdic●ion in England , this matter of Aduowsons being meere tempo●all things and of the kings temporall inheritance , wherein as in all other temporall affaires , Bishops were bound to obserue the temporall lawes . 91. The other point also that happened out vnder K. Edward the 3. when one was condēned to perpetuall prison for hauing disturbed the Kings Presentee by Bulls from Rome , is nothing to the purpose at all , for that it apperteined not to the Pope , but to the Kings temporall inheritance , as hath byn said , to present Clerkes to such benefices as were of his peculiar patronage : and therfore it was ordeined in the Statute of Carli●le in the 25. of Edw. the first , that such as went about to dis●urbe the same vniustly by false informations and negotiations at Rome , should be punished at the discretion of the Prince , so it were not with losse of lyfe , mēber , or of his liuood . And what inferreth this ? Are not the like lawes at this day in Spaine and Sicily , and els where against them that trāsgres●e ordinations of those Realmes about like affaires ? Or doth this proue that those Catholike Realmes do not acknowledge the Popes Ecclesiasticall Supremacy ? Euery child may see the weaknes of these inferences : and yet vpon these and the like doth all M. A●torneys Treatise layne and consist . 92. As for the other Case vnder K. Richard 2. where it was propounded by the Commons in a certaine narration that the Crowne of England hath byn at all tymes ●ree and in subiection to no Realme , nor to the B. of Rome touching the Regality of the Crowne &c. it is so fully answered by the Deuine in his Reply to the Reports , as no more needeth to be said . For that they speake but of temporall regalities , and haue some reference also ( as may be supposed ) vnto the time when the Sea Apostolicke after the concession of K. Iohn pretēded tēporall right also in that Crown . And the answere o● the Bishops in that Parliament with distinctiō that they would ●eld to that Statute , so far forth as they did not preiudic● the ancient iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall of the said Sea Apostolicke in spirituall affaires , doth euidently shew ; that this obiection maketh nothing to the purpose , to denie thereby any part of the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority ; and consequently as it was impertinently alleaged by M. Attorney to that effect in his Reports : so much more fondly was it chosen out by M. Morton , as a matter of moment to furnish his Booke withall . 93. And as for the last Case vnder K. Edward the fourth where he saith , That it was the opinion of the Kings Bench , that whatsoeuer spirituall man should sue another spirituall man in the Court of Rome for a ma●ter spirituall , where he might haue remedy before his Ordinary , that is the Bishop of the diocesse within the Realme , he incurreth the danger of Premunire , being an heynous of●ence against the honor of the King , his Crown & dignity : though the former answe●e of the Deuine be very sufficient in this case , yet must I needes adde ●n this place , that it is rather an heinous offence in such a man as M. Attorney is , or should be , to misreport and misconster his law-bookes , therby to make some● shew o● probability against the ancie●t power Ecclesiasticall of the Sea Apostolicke in England , whereas the said Books being rightly alleaged & vnderstood , do make wholy for it . As for example heere in this case alleaged out of 9. Ed. the 4. ●ol . 3. the saying is only of Yeluerton of the kings Bench : and his Report is meant , when a spirituall man shall sue an other that is a temporall man in the Court of Rome for a thing meere tempora●l he shall incurre the said punishment : For that for one spirituall man to sue another spirituall man in the Court of Rome in spirituall Causes , was a thing all waies lawfull and vsuall , both before the tyme of K. Ed. 4. and after , vntill it was forbid by King Henry the eight . And that this is true , that it was lawfull by the Cōmon-law in K. Henry 4. tyme appeareth expressely by the Booke of 14. H. 4. fol. 14. Neither can ( I thinke ) M. Attorney alleage any example , where the same is prohibited either by Commō or Statute law , during the tyme aforesaid . 94. And whereas for strengthning this his false assertion he citeth in his Margent , vide Fitzh . in Nat. Breu. fol. 45. lit . ● . agreeing herewith . And further ad●eth a Notandum for the same , as a matter notorious , he doth notoriously abuse his Reader : For that Fitzh . speaketh not at all of a Premunire , but only , That if one sueth another out of the Realme for debt or other cause , wherof the kings Court may haue conusance , he shall haue a prohibition against him : And so if one Clearke sue an other vpon title of Collation o● any Prebendary out of the Realme &c. he shall haue also this prohibi●ion . And if a man purchaseth out of the Court o● Rom against any Clerk or others , any Citation directed vnto the Archbishop of Canterbury or any others to cite such a person to appeare be●ore the Pope &c. to answere for the Collation or Presentation vnto any benefice or Prebendary ; a prohibition shall lye in this Case . Hitherto Fitzher . in his writt of prohibition . And this is all that he hath in that place of this matter . So you see , that all that Fitzherbert saith , is but that a prohibitiō shall lye , for suyng in the Court of Rome for debt or title of Patronage , or such other temporall Causes wherof the Kings Court may haue conusance : and he maketh no mention of any Premunire . And yet euery puny Studēt in the Law can tell how much difference there is betwixt a Premunire and a Prohibition : & that Syr Edward delt not sincerely , whē he brought in the one for the other . 95. So then we soe what striuing & wresting , & worse vsage M. Attorney offereth to his law-bookes , to make them seeme to say somwhat against vs , and for Protestant religion , against which most of them were written , as all of them before our times without exception in fauour of the Catholicks . We see also the pittifull choice that M. Morton hath made of these fiue Cases out of all M. Attorneys Reportable Reports against the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority . But if we will consider the wise glosses Commentaries , and comparings which the Minister maketh very Ministerially vpon euery one of those Cases after he hath related the same , it will appeare much more ridiculous . For to the first ( which euidently conuinced both him and M. Attorney of falsitie if you remember , for affirming that to be treason by the Common law which is not ) he saieth thus : Cōpare this Bull , which did only push at a Subiects benefice , with that Bull which goareth Kings . And to the second : Compare this Bull of disturbans the Presentee of Kings , with that which doth ordinarily violate kings persons . And to the third : Compare this English King imediatly not subiect to the Pope , with the Iesuiticall principle : All Kings are indir●ctly subi●ct to Popes . And to the fourth : Cōpare this that the excōmunication of the Pope is of no force in England , with those excōmunications , which in these later times haue byn m●de against England . 96. And to the fifth : Compare this ( o● the punishment of thē that drew men ●or suites to Rome ) with their acts , who haue made no other suite to Rome , but ●or meanes to d●spossesse English Kings o● their Crowne and dignity . All these comparings I say , are not worth a paring : and it was great idlenes in M. Mort. to fill vp paper & spend time in such cōparings : wheras the matters & things themselues wheron these ●on cōd parisons are founded , are foūd to be falsely applied as now hath byn shewed . Wherfore this hath not serued any whit to iustify his Cliēt or himselfe , but rather to confirme & aggrauate the former Charges giuen against them both . And it is to be considered , that if in these fiue Cases chosen out by M. Morton out of fiue & fifty cyted by M. Attorney against the Popes authority before King Hēry the 8. his Reigne , so many false tricks are found , what would the number be , if we should discusse all the rest with like suruey ? Surely if M. Attorney might be presumed to haue dealt no more sincerely in the rest of his Reportes ( wherof six seuerall parts are now published ) then he hath done in these , concerning R●ligi● , they might be called reportable reports indeed , in respect of the infinite vntruths reported by them : & few Lawye●s , I think , would be at the cost to buy them . But I will not suspect this , for that in those other there is no interest , as I suppose , to wrest them to partiality , as there was in this : both in regard of hi●●erswasion in religion , & fauour with the Pr●ce . But now let vs pa●se to peruse and saie somewhat of his late new preface which subministreth some new matter to be handled in this place . THE EIGHT CHAPTER WHICH BY OCCASION OF TWO NEW PREFACES lately set forth by the sayd SYR EDWARD COOKE , doth handle diuers Controuersies , as well about a Nihil dicit , obiected by him to his Aduersary : AS also about the Antiquity , & Excellency of the Municipall Common lawes of England , and some other points . THE PREFACE . AFTER I was well entred into this worke for answering M. Morton his Preamble , I came to the sight of a new Preface set forth by Syr Edward Cooke before the sixt Part of his Reportes , lately published : & for that the name and argument of Preamble and Preface came so ioyntly togeather from two different Authors , and that the ●inall purpose of the one and the other t●erin ( for so much as concerneth our subiect of Religion and iustifying themselues about that which they had written therof , to the slaunder & iniury of Catholick profes●iō ) semed to me to be one & the very same ; which was , to subtract their shoulders from the weight of the matter in answering the whole that was writt●n against them , and by a new ●leight and deuise o● Pre●aces and Preambles , and promising further ●reatise , to diuert the Readers attention from the principall busines , and to intertayne him with other fancies and generall tearmes , as though they had answered somewhat indeed . For this I thought yt not amisse to ioyne them also togeather in this my Reply ; and as I had answered the one largely and particulerly , so to say somwhat also to the other : especially , for so much as notwithstanding this Preface came forth long after that the Author therof Syr Edward had seene my former Charge layd against him , in the last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigatiō ; yet heere doth he not only not answere any thing therunto , but neyther so much as mentioneth the same , as before hath beene said : only in this place he hath a certaine snatch at the Deuines answere against his Reportes : and I call it a snatch , for that it conteineth scarce one page against the others whole Booke of aboue 400. and yet doth he so confidently condemne his aduersary both of ignorance , and boldnes , as if he had confuted him indeed by a large conuincement ; wherin yow shall heare his owne wordes . 2. VVhen I looked into the booke ( sayth he ) euer expecting some answere to the matter , in the end I ●ound the Author vtterly ignorant ( but exceeding bold , as commonly those qualities concurre ) in the lawes of the Realme , the only subiect of the matter in hand : but could not fynd in all the booke any authority out of the bookes of the common lawes of the Realme , Acts of Parlament , or any legall , or iudiciall records , quoted or cited by him for the maintenance of any of his opinions or conceipts : wherupon ( as in iustice I ought ) I had iudgment giuen ●or me , vpon a Nihil dicit , and ther●ore cannot make any replication . ●hus farre Syr Edward , wherin as yow see , he answered all that large worke of the Deuine in few words , cōdemning him of ignorance , boldnes , and of saying nothing at all , in so large a Discourse : but as for the former two points of ignorance and boldnes , and whether he cyted no one authority at all out of any law-books , shall be afterward discussed more particulerly : now only in this Paragraph shall we consider how true this last assertion is , that the Deuine said nothing at all , and that therupon Syr Edward had iudgment giuen for him vpon a Nihi● dicit . WHETHER the Catholicke Deuine might be iustly condemned of a Nihil dicit , or no ? §. I. FIRST then for trying of this point● I would demaund , what Iudge gaue this iudgement , ●ith●r Syr Edward himselfe ( for he is now a Iudge ) or an other , and vpon what due information ? If himselfe did giue sentence for himselfe , it may easily be excepted against , as suspected of partiality : for that no man , I thinke , can be both iudge and party , euen by Syr Edwards lawes ( for according to those of Saint Edward I am sure he could not ) in his owne cause . But if another Iudge gaue the sentence , let vs know , who it was and vpon what proofes & groundes ( for that such sentences , I suppose , are not yet brought to be arbitrary in England nor permitted to euery Iudges will , and liking , without any proofes or groundes at all : ) which being supposed , I am content to stand heerin , not only to any Iudge that sitteth vpon any of his Maiesties Benches at this day , but euen to Syr Edward himselfe , with condition only that he will be content with patience to heare my reasons , which are these that ensue . 4. First , a Iudgment of Nihil dicit cannot proceed , as I suppose , but vpon one of these two causes , that ●yther the party sayth nothing at all , as when one standing at the barre to answere for his life , will for sauing of his goods and lands vtterly hold his peace : or when he speaketh , his speach is nothing to the purpose . But neyther of these causes can be iustly alleaged in our case . Not the first , for that the Catholicke Deuines printed Answere is large , and conteyneth , as I haue said , aboue 400. pages in quarto . Not the second as now shall euidently be declared ; ergo , no iudgment could passe in iustice vpon a Nihil dicit in behalfe of Syr Edward against the sayd Deuine . 5. Now then , let vs come to demonstrate that the Catholicke Diuine did speake to the purpose in deed : for better vnderstanding wherof we must recall to memory , the true state of the question , and what Syr Edward Cooke , then Attorney , vpon his offer and obligation was to proue , to wit , that Queene Elizabeth by the right of her temporall Crowne had supreme spirituall , & Ecclesiasticall authority ouer all her subiects , in Ecclesiasticall affayrs , as largely as euer any persō had or could haue in that Realme , and this by the common lawes of England before any Statute law was made in that behalfe . For proofe wherof the sayd Attorney pretended to lay forth a great number of cases , examples , and authorityes out of his law-bookes , which he said should proue the ancient practice of this authority in Christian English Kings , both before and since the Conquest : which being his purpose , whatsoeuer his aduersary the Catholicke Deuine doth alleage substantially to ouerthrow this his assertion , and to proue that Q. Elizabeth neyther had , nor could haue this spirituall Authority , though she had beene a man ; neither that any of her ancestours Kings and Queenes of Englād did euer pretend , or practice the like authority : this ( I say ) cānot be iudged to be frō the purpose , & much lesse a Nihil dicit . Let vs examine then the particulers . 6. The Catholicke Deuine at his first entrance , for procuring more attention in this great and weighty controuersy betweene M. Attorney and him about the Spirituall power and authority ouer soules in the moderne English Church , doth auerre the question to be of such moment , as that the determination of all other controuersies dependeth therof . For that whersoeuer true ●pirituall authority and iurisdiction is found , there must needs be the true Church , to whom it appertaineth to determine of the truth of the doctrine taught therin , or in any other false Church or cōgregatiō , for approuing the one , & condemning the other . Wherof cōsequently also depēdeth euerlasting saluatiō , or condēnatiō of all those that belieue , or not belieue those doctrines . 7. He sheweth further , that the life , & spirit , & essence of the true Church in this world , consisteth in this true iurisdiction of gouerning and directing soules by preaching , teaching , bynding , and absoluing from synne , administring true Sacraments , and the lyke . And that where this true power & Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is not lawfully foūd , but eyther none at all , or violently assumed , there wanteth this vitall spirit . Neyther is it any Church at all , but a Synagogue rather of Sathan : and therfore that the fir●t and chiefe care of euery Christian ought to be for sauing of his soule , ( e●pecially in tymes of strife , contentions , and heresyes , as are these of ours ) to study well this point , and to informe himselfe diligently therin : for if he fynd this , he fyndeth all : and i● he misse in this , he misseth in all . Nor is it possible for him to be saued . 8. Moreouer he declareth , that as in England at this day there be three different professio●s of religion , the Protes●ant , the Puritan , and the Catholicke , all three clayming this true and vitall power o● Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to be in their Congregations : so do they deriue the same from three different heads and fountaynes immediatly , though all pretend that mediatly at leastwise it commeth from God. The Prot●stants taking it from the Temporall Princes authority , giuen him from God by right of his Crowne , as here is taught by M. Attorney : The Puritans from the people gathered togeather in their congregation . The Catholicks from their Bishops , and Prelats descending by continuall succession from the Apostles , to whome they belieue that Christ first gaue heauenly power and iurisdiction for gouerning of soules , and especially to the cheefe Bishop Successor to S. Peter , and not vnto temporall Princes , or to lay people or popular Congregations made by themselues , who cannot properly be called Successours of the Apostles : and this difference , as it is mani●est , and euident ; so is it of such weight , as it maketh these three sortes of men , and their Congregations , or Churches irreconciliable : for that which soeuer of these three partes hath this true iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , hath therby the tru● Church , as hath beene said , & maketh the other two to be no Churches at all , but rather prophane , and Diabolicall S●nagogues , and such as haue neyther true Prelats , nor Prelacy , nor true preaching , nor teaching , nor Sacramēts , nor absolutiō of sinnes , nor any one act , or thing o● a Christian Church in them . And that the tryall of all this dependeth of the discussion of this controuersie betweene M. Attorney and him . All this hath the Deuine in his first entrance . And did he not herin speake to the purpose ? or can this be condemned for a Nihil di●it ? 9. A●ter this for better vnderstāding of the whole controuersie , the Deuine layeth downe at large the ground , beginning and origen of all lawfull power and iurisdiction of men , ouer men , both spirituall and temporall , in this world : shewing how both of them are from God , though differently : the spirituall being instituted immediatly by him , and deliuered to the Apo●●les , and their Successours ; but the temporall mediatly , that is to say , giuen first to the Common wealth to choose what forme of gouernment they list , and by mediation of that election giuing to temporall Princes supreme Authority in all temporall affaires . 10. Then he ●heweth the different ends , and obiects of these powers : the end of spirituall power being to direct vs to euerlasting saluation , both by instruction , discipline , direction , and correction : & of the temporall or ciuill power by lyke meanes , and helpes to gouerne well the Common weal●h in peace , aboundance , order , iustice , and prosperity . And according to th●se ends are also their obiects , matter & meanes . As for exāple , the former hath for her obiect , spirituall things , belonging to the soule , as matters of sayth , doctrine , Sacraments , & such other : and the later handleth the Ciuill affayres of the Realme , and Common wealth , as they appertayne to the temporall good , and prosperity therof . 11. Next after the declaratiō of these three pointes , to wit , of the origens , ends , & obiects of these two powers , spirituall and ●ēporall , the sayd Catholicke Deuine deduceth out of the same the differēt dignity , excellency , & eminency , of the one , & the other power , the one being called Deuine , the other Humane , for that the ends , and obiects of the one are immediatly concerning the soule , as now we haue declared : and the other concerning humane affaires immediatly , though mediatly in a Christian Common wealth referred also to God. And this di●ference of these two powers he declareth by the similitude & likenesse of flesh and spirit out of S. Gregory Nazianzen , who in a certaine narration of his , doth most excellently expresse the same by the comparison of spirit and flesh , soule and sense : which thing ( saith he ) may be considered as two distinct Common wealthes separated the one from the other , or conioyned togeather in one Common wealth only . An example of the former wherin they are separated may be in beasts and Angels , the one hauing their common wealth of sense only , without soule or spirit : and the other Cōmon wealth of Angels , being of spirit only without flesh or body ; but in man are conioyned both the one , & the other . And euen so ( sayth he ) in the Common wealth of Gentils was the Ciuill and Poli●icall , Earthly and Humane power , giuen by God to gouerne worldly and humane things , but not spirituall for the soule : wheras cōtrarywise , in the primitiue Chri●tian Church for almost three hundred yeares togeather none or few Kings , Princes , or Potentates being conuerted , the Common wealth of Christians was gouerned only or principally by spirituall authority vnder the Apostles and Bishops that succeeded them . 12. Out of which consideration confirmed , and strengthened by sundry places of holy scripture , & ancient Fathers alleaged by him , he sheweth the great eminency of spirituall Authority aboue temporall , being considered seuerally in themselues , though they may stand ioyntly , and both togeather in a Christian Common wealth , where the temporall Princes be Christiās , though with this necessary subordination , that in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall affaires belonging to the soule , the spirituall gouernours be chiefly to be respected , as in Ciuill affaires the temporall magistrate is to be obeyed , and this he sheweth by diuers examples , and occasions out of S. Ambrose , S. Chrysostome , S. Gregory Nazianzen , and other Bishops and Prelats , that in Ecclesiasticall affayres prefered themselues , and their authorities before that of Christian Emperours , with whome they lyued , expresly affirming , that in those respects they were their Superiours & Pastours , & the said Emperours their sheep & subiects , though in temporall affaires they acknowledged them to be their Superiours . 13. All this is set downe by the Catholicke Deuine with great variety of proofes , many examples , facts and speaches of ancient Fathers . And will Syr Edward Cooke say , that this was frō the purpose , & a Nihil dicit ? doth not this quite ouerthrow his assertiō that all tēporall Kings by vertue & power of their temporall Crownes , haue supreme authority also in spiritual affaires ? If the forsaid three Fathers ( to pretermit all others ) S. Gregory Nazianzen , S. Chrysostome , and S. Ambrose , that had to do with Christian Emperours , which had tēporall authority ouer all , or the most part of the Christian world , did yet notwithstanding affirme vnto their faces , that they had no authority at all in spirituall matters belonging to soules , but were and ought to be subiect to th●m , their Pastours in that Ecclesiasticall gouerment : how much lesse could a woman-Prince haue the same by right of her temporall Crowne , as most absurdly M. Attorney auerreth ? Which absurdity the Catholicke Deuine doth conuince so largely by all sortes of proofes , both diuine and humane , as well vnder the law o● Nature , as Mosay●all and Christian , that a person of the feminine s●xe is not capable of supreme Spirituall iurisdiction ouer man , as nothing seemeth can be answered therūto . And was this also ●rom the purpose , to proue that Queene Elizabeth could not haue it ? What will Syr Edward answere here for his Nihil dicit ? 14. After all this , and much more alleaged by the Catholicke Deuine , which I pretermit for breuities sake , he commeth to reduce the whole controuersie betweene M. Attorney and him , vnto two generall heads of proofe , the one de Iure , the other de facto , that is of right , and fact , shewing , that in the first of these two proofes de Iure , which is the principall , M. Attorney did not so much as attempt to say any thing ●or proofe , that by right , Queene Elizabeth , or any of her Ancestours had supreme iurisdiction in causes Ecclesiasticall , but only that de ●acto some of them had sometymes taken , and exercised such an authority . Which if it were without right , was as yow know nothing at all : and therfore the sayd Deuine hauing proued more at large , that by no right of any law whatsoeuer , diuine , or humane , Queene Elizabeth , or her predecessours had or could haue supreame authority Spirituall , he cōmeth to ioyne with M. Attorney also in the second , prouing that neyther in fact any such thing was euer pretended or practised by any of her Predecessours , before the tyme of her Father K. Henry the viij either before or after the Conquest . 15. And as for before the Conquest , there haue beene more then an hundred Kings of different Kingdomes within the land , he proueth by ten large demonstrations , that none of them did euer take vpon him such supreme spirituall authority , but acknowledged it expresly to be in the Bishop of Rome ; of which demōstrations , the first is of lawes made by them generally in fauour , and confirmation of the liberties of the English Church , according to the directions and Canons deriued ●rom the authority of the Sea Apostolicke . The second , that Ecclesiasticall lawes in England made before the Conquest , were made by Bishops , and Prelats , who had their Authority from Rome , and not by temporall Kinges . The third , that all determination of weighty Ecclesiasticall affayres were referred not only by the Christian people generally of that Realme , as occasions fell out , but by our Kings also in those dayes , vnto Rome , and the Sea Apostolicke . The ●ourth , that the Confirmations of all Priuiledges , Franchises of Churches , Monasteries , Hospitals , and the like were in those dayes demaunded , and obteyned from the Pope . The fifth , that in all Ecclesiasticall controuersies , suites , and grieuances , there were made Appeales , and complaints to the Sea of Rome for remedy . The sixth , the succession of Bishops & Archbishops in England during that time all acknowledging the supremacy of the Pope , were notwithstanding in high fauour , and reuerence with the English Kings , with whom they lyued : wherof is in●erred , that these Kings also must needs be of the same iudgment and beliefe , and consequently make lawes conforme to that their fayth and beliefe : as contrariwise since the schisme began by K. Henry the 8. other Princes , being of contrary beliefe , haue also made the contrary lawes . 16. These heads of demonstration togeather with foure more not vnlike to these , which for breuity I do pretermit , being laid forth at large by the Deuine with the manifest proofes , and declarations out of the ancient , and irrefragable histories of our Nation to make this euident inference that our Christian Kings before the Conquest did all of thē acknowledge the Popes supreme Iurisdiction in spirituall affayres , and consequently they acknowledged also that it appertayned not to themselues . And wheras the Attorney to proue his assertion alleageth two examples before the Conquest , the one of K. Kenulphus about a Priuiledge he gaue to the Abbey of Abingdon , the other of K. Edward the Con●essour , that sayth , That a King as Vicar of the highest , must defend the Church : it is answered by the Deuine , that both of these examples do make against M. Attorney . The first , for that there is expresse mention , that this Priuiledge was giuen by Authority from the Pope : and the second , that it is nothing to the purpose , K Edward speaking of temporall Authority , whē he sayth , That the King is Vicar of the highest , and in the very same place insinuating most manifestly that in spirituall affayres the Pope is supreme , and consequently that both these authorities were frandulently brought in by M. Attorney : yea the former most will●ully corrupted , as I do shew more largely , and particulerly in the end of my twelfth Chapter of my booke of Mi●igation . And was not all this to the purpose ? Or will M. Attorney call this a Nihil dicit , whē the cause shall come before him in seat of Iudgment ? 17. Lastly , the Deuine comming downe from the tyme of the Conquest vnto our dayes , to wit , to the raigne of K. Henry the viij . sheweth largely in the seuerall liues of euery one of those Kings , that in this point of the Popes supreme Ecclesia●ticall Authority they were all vniforme in one & the selfe same beliefe , and acknowledgment : which he proueth out of their owne wordes , factes , lawes , histories , & other authenticall proofes . And if at any time there fell out any disagreement , or disgust betweene any King , and the Pope that liued in his tyme , it was only vpon particuler interests , complaints of abuses by officers , euill informers or the like : for remedy wherof some restrictions , agreements , or concordates were made , as now they be also in other Catholick Countries : & not for that any English King from the very first Christened , vnto K. Henry the 8. ( nor he neyther for the first 20. yeares of his raigne ) did euer absolutly deny the Popes supreme Iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall causes . 18. And secondly the sayd Deuine answereth fully to all those pieces and parcels of lawes , that M. Attorney produceth , which are shewed either fraudulently to be alledged , or wholly misconstred , or vtterly to be impertinent to the conclusion which they should inferre . And shall this in like manner be iudged from the purpose , and a Nihil dicit ? where now is that Iudge that gaue sentence ●or him in this behalfe , will he come forth & stand to his sentence ? Or will Syr Edward Cooke be so vnreasonable in this behalf , as to request any man to belieue him that such a Iudgment was giuē for him ? Or that he foūd so vniust a Iudge as would giue such a sentence so contrary to all conscience , sense , and reason ? But yow must note that many men haue noted this to be somewhat singular in Syr Edward Cooke ( as many other points be ) that when he talketh of Catholicks or their a●fayres , he is so confident , resolute , & precipitant in his asseuerations against them ( especially when he preacheth on the Bench , or giueth his Charge ) that except we belieue him at his bare word , contrary to all liklihood of truth , the most part of that he speaketh will seeme to be wilfull vntruthes spoken against his owne conscience : so litle he remembreth the saying of the prophet , Pone ostium circumstantiae labijs meis . I do not say they are lyes , for that were inurbanity , considering his present dignity , but that they may seeme such to the wyser sort , for that they lacke this doore of true circumstances to make them probable , wherof we shall haue occasion to touch some more examples afterward . Now we shall passe on to examine whether this Nihil dicit , obiected to his Aduersary , do not fall more iustly vpon himselfe , and therwith also an opposite charge called a Nimium dicit , which is to speake more then is true . THAT THE Imputation of Nihil dicit , doth fall more rightly vpon M. Attorney : as doth also the Nimium dicit , or euerlashing in his assertions . §. II. HAVING shewed now that the Nihil dicit cannot be ascribed to the Catholicke Deuine , for that he left written so much and so effectuall to the purpose he had in hand , it would be an easie m●tter to shew in regard of the contrary effectes that the sa●e remaineth with M. Attorney : both for that he answered litle or nothing , and that wholy from the purpose . The ●irst is manifest by this new Preface of his , wherin he answereth scarce halfe a page to more then 400. pages of my booke written against him . The second also is not obscure by that I haue written in the precedent Paragraph of the impertinencie of proofs produced against vs , which afterward perhaps may be better examined , and consequently for both these respects , the Nihil dicit lighteth vpon himselfe . 20. Now then l●tting passe this Nihil dicit , we shall contemplate a while the Nimium dicit , when more is vttered then the truth , with shall be the proper argument and subiect of this present section or Paragraph , and this only about such matters as he hath now freshly and las●ly vttered in this Preface , that in all conteyneth but one only printed sheet : wherby appeareth how great a volume it would arise vnto on our behalfe , if we should examine the vnt●uthes of all his other writings against vs. 21. To begin then with that which before we touched , he auoucheth in this his Preamble ; That he could not fynd in all the booke any aut●ority out of the bookes of Common lawes o● this Realme , Acts of Parlaments , or any legall , and Iudi●iall records , quoted or cyted by the Catholi●ke Deuine for the mantenance o● any of his opinions or conceipts : wherupon ( as in Iustice , sayth he , I ought ) I had iudgment giuen for me vpon a Nihil dicit . Thus farre the Knight : wherby you perceaue , that the immediate cause of this iudgment giuen in his fauour was grounded vpon this presumption , that the Deuine neyther quoted nor cyted any one such witnesse throughout all his booke : which if it be euidently false ( as now I shall proue it ) then must the Iudge confesse , if he will not be Iudex iniquus , that the sentence of Nihil dicit is to be reuoked as vniust . 22. Let vs see then how true or false this assertion is , or rather how many seuerall falshoods there are conteyned in one . First then page 163. The Deuin● doth cite the seuerall lawes of William Conquerour out of Roger Houeden parte 2. Annalium in vita Henrici 2. ●ol . 381. and by them doth proue , that the Conquerour acknowledged the Popes supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall . And is not this a legall record ? And in the next two leaues following , he doth cyte aboue twenty di●ferent places out of the Canon law and Canonists , which though perhaps M. Attorney will not cal legall in respect of his Municipall lawes , yet iudiciall records they cannot be d●nyed to be . Moreouer pag. 245. & 246. he doth alleage the testimony of Magna Charta cap. 1. made by king Henry the third , as also Charta de ●oresta made vpon the ninth yeare of his raigne , & Charta de Mertō made in the 18. of the same Kings raigne , as other lawes also of his , made vpon the 51. yeare o● his Gouernement , all in proofe of the Popes iurisdiction , and are all legall authorityes . And furthermore he doth cyte pag. 248. statut . anno 9. Henrici 6. cap. 11. and pag. 262. he citeth againe the said Great Charter , and Charter of the Forest made by K. Henry the 3. and confirmed by his sonne King Edward the first diuers tymes . And pag. 271. he citeth two lawes anno 1. Edward . 3. stat . 2. cap. 2. & 14. eiusdem statut . 3. pro Clero , and doth argue out of them for profe of his principall purpose against Syr Edward . And how then , or with what face doth , or can the Knight auouch heere that the said Deuine alleageth no one Act or law of Parlament or other iudiciall record throughout his whole booke ? doth he remēber his owne saying in this his Preface : That euery man that writeth ought to be so carefull of setting downe truth , as if the credit of his whole worke cōsisted vpō the certainty of euery particuler period ? Doth he obserue this ? How many periods be there heere false of his ? But let vs see further . Pag. 277. in the life of king Edward the first the said Deuine doth cite an expre●se law of King Edward 3. Anno regni 25. as also pag. 283. he doth alleage statut . de consult . editum anno 24. Edwardi 1. and another Anno 16. Edwardi 3. cap. 5. and all these things are cited by the Deuine before he commeth to treat peculierly of the lyfe of King Edward the third : but vnder him , & after him he doth not alleage as few as 20. legall authorities , and statutes of Acts of Parlaments : so as for M. Attorney to auouch here so boldly & peremptorily as he doth , that the Deuine in all his booke did not alleage so much as any one authority eyther out of the cōmon lawes or Acts of Parlament , or other legall or iudiciall record , is a strange boldene●se indeed : And yet he sayth , that he found the Author vtterly ignorant and exceeding bold . But if he could conuince him of such boldnes , as I haue now conuinced himselfe , for affirming a thing so manifestly false , I should thinke him bold indeed , or rather shameles : for that heere are as many vntruthes , as there are negatiue assertions , which is a Nimium dicit , with store of witnesses . 23. It is another Nimium dicit also , yf yow consider it well , that which he writeth in the same place , that , when he looked into the booke , euer expecting some answere to the matter , he found none at all . Wheras he found all that is touched in the former Paragraph and much more , which was so much in effect , as he saw not what reply he could make therunto : which himselfe confesseth a litle before in these wordes , saying : Expect not from me , good Reader , any reply at all : for I will not answer vnto his Inuectiues , and I cannot make any reply at all vnto any part of his discourse : & yet doth he endeauour to mitigate this also , saying : That the Deuine answereth nothing out of the lawes of the Realme , the only subiect ( sayth he ) of the matter in hand . And a litle af●er againe : I will not ( sayth he ) depart from the State of the question whose only subiect is the Municipall lawes of this Realme . But this re●uge will not serue , both for that I haue now shewed that the Deuine hath alleag●d many testimonies out of the Municipall lawes , as also for that this is not true , that the question is only about these lawes : for that as before hath beene shewed the true state of the question betweene vs , is , VVhether supreme Ecclesiasticall authority in spirituall af●a●res did remayne in Queene Elizabeth and her Ancestours by right of their temporall Crownes , or in the Bishop of Rome , by reason of his primacy in the Chaire of S. Peter : which great matter is not to be tryed only ( as in reason yow will see ) by the Municipall lawes of England , or by some few particuler cases deduced from them , but by the whole latitude of diuine and humane proofes , as Scriptures , Fathers , Doctors , histories , practises of the primitiue Church , lawes both Canon and Ciuill , and the like , as the Deuine doth teach in differēt occasions of his booke , adding further : That albeit it should be graunted to Syr Edward that this matter should be discussed by the common Municipall , and Statute lawes of England only , yet would he remayne wholy vanquished , as largely doth appeare by the deduction of the said Deuine throughout all the succession of English Kings from Ethelbert the first Christened , to King Henry the 8. that first fell into schisme against the Church of Rome . This then was a notorious Nimium dicit . 24. Another is when he sayth in reproofe of the Deuines answer to his Reports , that the booke is exceeding all bounds of truth and charity , full of maledictions and calumniations , nothing pertinent to the state of the question : and that it becommeth not Deuines to be of a fiery and Salamandrine spirit , soming out of a hoat mouth &c. which indeed will seeme to any indifferent man a stange passionate exaggeration of Syr Edward , exceeding all tearmes of simple truth , for that there is nothing found in that booke , but temperatly spoken , and with respect as it seemeth both to his Office and Person : but yet when he saw the exobitant intemperance of the Attorneyes hatred against Catholicks to draw him to such acerbity of bloudy calumniations , that he would needes inuolue them all in the heynons cryme of treason by meere sycophancy , & malicious collections vpō false supposed groundes , and fictions of Pius quintus his Bull , and such like impertinent imputations ; no meruaile though he were more earnest in the repulsion of such open wronges ; but yet with that moderation , as I perswade my selfe no iniurious , or contumelious speach can be alleaged to haue passed from him in all that booke , & much lesse such inu●ctiues as heere M. Attorney chargeth him withall : as also with that fierie Salamandrine spirit , foming out of a hoat mouth , wherein , besydes the contumely , which he will easily pardon , Syr Edward speaketh more then I suppose his skill in Philosophie , or history will be able to auerre or beare him out . For that ancient Pliny in his naturall history treating of the nature of the Salamander which lyueth in fyre , sayth not that he is hoat & fiery , but contrary wise so extreme cold of nature , as he resisteth the very force of the fire if selfe . So as whiles M. Attorney goeth about to accuse his aduersary of too much heate , his example inferreth that he is ouer could , & that he mistooke quid pro quo . And was not this a Nimium dicit in like manner ? 25. Another excesse though of meaner marke including also a Nimiū dicit , is cōmouly noted in Syr Edward , & all his speaches & writings , & not wanting also in this litle preface , which is , a heaping together of many latin sentēces without Englishing , or rightly applying them , therby to seeme more admirable to the ignorant , when they heare so frequent phrases and sentences which they vnderstand not : and in other Countries it is accompted Pedanteria , or playing the petty Schoolemaister , nothing fit for graue men to vse , wherof notwithstanding yow haue some store also in this litle Preface , though but of one print●d sheet of paper , as hath beene sayd : for both in the first and last page , he beginneth and endeth with that : and few other pages pas●e without some respe●sion therof , as ille didicit maledicere , & ego maledicta contenmere , which sentence is euidently false in the eye and eares of all men , that either haue read our books , or heard him speake . For as he cannot produce any maledictons of ours against him , so haue we as many witnesses of his most bitter rayling against Catholicks & Catholick Religion , whose cause euery good man ought to esteeme a thousand times more thē his own , as he hath writtē books , scroles , or libels against vs , or hath giuē cōtumelious Charges on the Bench , which are continuall , but especially , and by name I remit my selfe to the most insolent inuectiue which he made against vs in his own Coūtrey at Norwich on the 4. of August anno Domini 1606. set forth afterward in print ; and againe in the same place at sundry tymes in the ensuing years ; in all which iniurious speaches besydes his other poeticall inuentions to make vs odious or ridiculous , he triumphed also in this kynd of Grammaticall Pedanteria , of alleaging sundry la●in sentences against vs , wherof I may chance to haue occasion to treate more afterward . 26. But I am departed vnawares from the examples of his present Preface , and therefore shall returne thither againe . When he saw himselfe ouerloaden with the multitude and variety of testimonies for prouing the principall question of the Popes supreme authority spirituall , he answered thus : For his Deuinitie and histories cyted by him , only published in the sayd Booke , ad faciendum populum , I will not answere : for then I should ●ollow him in his errour . And is not this a goodly answere ? Was yt errour in the Deuine , or vanity ad ●aciendum populum , to proue by grounds of Deuinity , Scriptures , Fathers , practice of the Primitiue Church and other lyke Theologicall proofes , that Q. Elizabeth in right could not haue supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction : and out of all sortes of histories belōging to England to conuince , that none of her Ancestours did euer in fact pretend the same ? Was this only ad ●aciendum populum , to hunt after popular applause ? How impertmently is this Grammaticall phrase applyed by Syr Edward ? 27. But let vs see the next . In reading these and other of my Reportes ( sayth he ) I desire the Reader , that he would not reade ( and as it were swallow ) too much at once : for greedy appetites are not of the best digestion : the whole is to be attayned by partes , and nature ( which is the best guyde ) maketh no leape : Natura non facit saltum . In which words as I acknowlege the aduertisment to be good , that a man ought not to reade too much togeather , least he confound his memory : So why this phrase of Natura non facit saltum is brought in , but only for the forsaid Grammaticall oftentatiō I see not . Nature maketh no leape , but she procedeth orderly , digesting one thing after an other , it is true : but what is this to proue that a man may not reade to much at one tyme ? Surely this leape of M. Attorney was somewhat wyde from the purpose : and if his wrytings in law-matters be no more gracious and attractiue , then are his discourses in Deuinity , and Controuersies , I presume the Reader , that esteemeth his tyme worth the bestowing , will not haue need of this aduertisment , that he read not ouer much at once in his Reportes , for that wearines will soone bring him to that moderation . 28. And thus much haue I thought good to say briefly to such points of this Pre●ace as concerne his Reply to the Catholicke Deuine : for in effect Syr Edward answereth no more to all his large Booke thē now yow haue heard : albeit in the ●ormer part of this his Preface he taketh another matter in hand , which is first to auerre , that the antiquity and excellency of our Municipall lawes in England , which he calleth the Common , do exceed all other humane lawes whatsoeuer in the world . Then for proofe of this he bringeth in a Student of the sayd Cōmon law to propose vnto him foure particuler Cases , wherof the la●t ( for which all the other were brought in ) is : whether the ancien● lawes o●●ngland did admit any Appeales to Rome in Causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall : and then vaunteth presently thus : I had no so●uer seene these questions ( saith he ) but instantly I found direct and demonstra●iue answere vnto the same . But by his leaue Syr Edward must haue patiēce to let me tell him , that his Answers are so far of from being demonstratiue , that is to say , euident , certaine and irrepugnable , as that they are not so much as Logicall , that is to say , probable ; nor haue any true forme or force of a lawfull argument in them : for that they go about to proue vniuersalls by particulers , and yet do not so much in effect as proue those seely particulers which they pretend . These two points then are to be examined , first about the supposed antiquity & excellēcy of his Municipall lawes : and secondly his proofe and confirmation therof by his Answers to the Students foure questiōs deuised by himselfe . For that no Student I suppose , of any meane tallent of wit or learning would hau● proposed such questions , for confirmation of so great a matter as is pretended : or would haue byn content with so symple Answers , as here are set downe . VVHETHER THE Common Municipall Lawes of England be more ancient and excellent , than any other humane Lawes of the world . §. III. FOR better vnderstanding of this point I shall first set downe some lynes of Syr Edwa●ds narration , which beginn●th thus . Since the publishing of the fifth part of my Reports , a good Student of the Common Lawes desyred to be satisfyed in one speciall point of my Epistle to the second part of my Reports , where I affirmed that yf the ancient Lawes of this noble ●and had not excelled all others ( speaking of humane ) it could not be but some of the seuerall Conquerours & ●ouernours therof , that is to say , the Romans , Saxons , Danes or Normans , and especially the Romanes , who ( as they iustly may ) do boast of their Ciuill Lawes , would ( as euery of them might ) haue altered or chang●d the same . And ( sayth he ) some of another pro●●ssion are not persuaded , that the Common Lawes of England are of so great antiquity , as there superla●iu●ly is spoken . So he . And in these last words I presume he vnderstood the Deuine , that impug●ed this excessiue imaginary antiquity of our Municipall ●awes in his Answere to the Reports , and Syr Edward hauing seene the same , should in reason haue answered somewhat therunto , if he had byn prepared for it . 30. But he thought that course not best , but rather to help himselfe with the pretend●d authority of Syr Iohn Fortescue chiefe Iustice of England in the Raigne of King Henry the 6. saying , that he was a great Antiquary : & he was a notable man indeed , though more as it seemeth , in the skill of our Common Lawes , then in matters of Antiquity , out of whome Syr Edward , to help his cause and assertion , citeth the words following . As touching the antiquity of our Common Lawes ( sayth he ) neither are the Roman Ciuill Lawes , by so long continuance o● ancient tymes confirmed : nor yet the La●es o● the Venetians , which aboue all other are repor●ed to be of most antiquity , ●or so much as their Island in the beginning of the Britans was not then inhabited , as Rome also then vnbuilded : neither the Lawes of any Nation of the world which worshipped God , are of so old and ancient yeares : wher●ore the contrary is no● to be said , nor thought , but that the English customes are very good , yea o● all other the very best . Thus he : if he be rightly cited , for I haue not his booke by m● . 31. And though I do respect and reuerence both these mens professions , and much more their state & place of Iudges : yet doth force of truth oblige me to contradict their errour , which seemeth to me very grosse and palpable , or rather their errours and mistakinges in sundry points here downe . As first in that yt is auerred , that the Ciuill law and Roman lawes are not of so long continuance of ancient tymes , as the anciēt Municipall Lawes of England are , which he goeth about to proue by two seuerall meanes , wherof both do conteine aswell falsyties as absurdities , if I be not greatly deceiued therin . 32. His ●irst meanes of proofe is , ●or that in the beginning o● the Britans , Rome was then vnbuylded , and conquently that the British Lawes are more ancient , then those of the Romans . And then supposing further , that those British Lawes which were in the beginning of the Britans , were neuer changed , but rec●iued in England f●ō time to time , haue indured to our dayes , & are the Common Lawes of our Realme at this day : Wherin there are many suppositions , as yow see , strange to heare , but harder in my opinion to be proued . As first , that the Britans in their beginning euen before Rome was buylt , had such good Lawes as the Romans in Englād seauen hūdred years after the said building of Rome , were cōtent to accept for their Lawes in that land . And the lyke after them the Saxons , & other Cōquerous people that ensued : which is such a paradox vnto men of reason & learning , as the very naming therof cannot but cause laughter . For albeit the British nation be more ancient then the Roman , according to the Story of Geffrey Monmouth , that affirmeth thē to discend from Brutus a Nephew of Aeneas , from whom Romulus the founder of Rome some ages after descended : and that they were a valiant warlike nation from the beginning : yet that they had such good politicke and ciuill Lawes ( themselues being vnciuill in those dayes ) is a matter incredible , which I proue thus : That wheras the Roman Lawes began from Romulus himselfe & from Numa Pompilius & other ancient Law-makers among them , and this soone after the building of Rome ( I meane the more older Lawes of the twelue Tables , ) and the lyke continued from tyme to tyme afterwards , vntill the cōming of Iulius Caesar into Britany , which was aboue 600. yeares after Rome was built , & aboue a thousand after Brutus had byn in England : in which tyme yt is probable , that the British Lawes , would haue growne to greater perfectiō thē they were in the beginning : yet I say that the said Lawes & customes of the Britans are recorded to be such in Iulius Caesar his daies , & set downe by his owne penne , as also by the writings of diuers other Roman & Greeke Authors that succeded for two or three hundred years after him , as must needs be incredible that they should be continued by the Romans , Saxons , and other people that followed them . And then if they were such , and so rude so many ages after their beginning , what may we imagine they were at their very begynning it selfe , which was a thousand yeares before , from which tyme our two Knights heere do inferre their antiquity and eminency aboue the Roman Lawes ? 33● Let vs see then what ancient Histories do report of the British Lawes and Customes in Iulius Caesar his tyme and afterwards . Caesar the Roman-Captaine hauing made two iourneys into England , and informed himselfe diligently about the Lawes and Customes of the Brytans in those dayes , which was about 60. yeares before the Natiuity of our Sauiour , setteth downe many things of their small policy in that time . As first the description of their manner of consultations in their warre , wherin he sayth , that in commune non co●sulunt , they haue no common Counsells : and then describing the chiefe Citty of the Realme where their K. Cassiuelā that was head of all the rest , had his Court & Counsaile somewhat about the Thames ( though not where London was afterward built ) he sheweth that it was in a wood , and that the walles were trees cut downe round about , insteed of fortresses , within which they inclosed both themselues and their Cattle : and this was the symplicity of that tyme. 34. After this he setteth downe many Lawes and customes of theirs , farre vnfit to be receiued by the Romans , & other people after them , as Nummo aereo aut annulis ferreis ad certū pondus examinatis pro num●o vtebantur , Their money was of brasse , and rings of yron giuen out by weight . And then againe that they had a law and custome luto se inficere , quod caeruleum efficit color●m , to paint themselues with a certaine earth , that made a blew colour . And Solinus wryting more then an hundred yeares after Caesar againe , sheweth this law and custome to haue byn so inuiolable among them in his dayes , that the very Children had the figures and shapes of beasts imprinted in their flesh , by launcing & cutting the same first , to the end that the sayd painting with terrible colors might the better sinke in : and Pliny doth adde that the very women also did obserue the same custome , which seemeth also to haue continued somes ages after , for that the Poet Claudianus vnder the Emperours Arcadius and Theodosius about foure hundred yeares after Christ speaking of the Britans of his time , sayth of them : Inde Caledonio velata Britannia monstro , Ferro picta genas : cuius vestigia verrit Caerulus , oceanique●stum mentitur , amictus . In which verses the words ferro picta genas , and caerulus amictus signifying that their faces were paynted with the dint of iron , & their habit blew , do importe that this law and custome was long continued among them : & yet neuer receyued by the Romans , Saxons , nor Danes . And Caesar yet goeth further shewing their Lawes and Customes about their wiues and Children . Vxores habent deni inter se communes &c. Ten men agreeing among themselues haue their wiues and Children in common . 35. The same Caesar also , and Diodorus Siculus and Strabo , which two lyued soone after him vnder Augustus Caesar , do recount other Lawes and Customes of the Britans of their dayes , wherof we see no signe in ours : as their order of fight in Chariots and Coaches , with other thinges belonging to Chiualry . And Pomponius Mela lyuing vnder the Emperour Claudius , that went with an imperiall army into England some fyftie yeares after Christ , sa●th of the Britans in those dayes : Inculti omnes , tantùm pecore & ●inibus dites : that they were all witho●t po●icie , and only rych by their cattle and pastures : which importeth tha● they had no good Lawes to lend the Romās in those daies , and much lesse to deliuer them ouer to posterity . 36. And yet further an hundred & fyfty yeares after that againe , wrote Cornelius Tacitus vnder the Emperour Domitian , as also Solinus before mentioned , who do both concurre in this : that in their dayes the Britans were a people as on the one syde stout and valiant , so on the other very rude and vnciuill for policy , without discipline and order , as also Counsaile or good direction , especially in their warres . Whervpon Tacitus sayth : Dum singuli pugnant , vniuersi vincuntur . whiles euery one fighteth a part after his owne fancy they are all ouercome . And I might hereunto adde diuers Greeke Historians , as well as Latyn , specially Herodian , Dio Nicetus , Xephilinus , and others , writing o● the Brytans , their manners and customes vnder the Raigne of Seuerus the Emperour , who went thither in person , and dyed in Yorke two hundred yeare● after Christ , and almost 300. after the Brytans had byn vnder the Roman gouerment : and yet do the sayd Historiographers recount such extreame want of pollicy and Lawes among the Britans at that tyme ( which I take to be meant principally of the Northerne ) as scarce of any Countrey the like : Nec moenia habent ( say they ) nec Vrbes , nudi , sine calceis , vestis vsum ignorantes &c. they had neither walles nor townes , b●t wēt naked without shoes , not being acquainted with the vse of apparrel . And to the end we may not think that the Southerne p●rtes were in much better state for policy , Dio Nicetu● recoūteth the speach of the Qu. Brundeuica vnder the Raigne of Nero : which Queene dwelt in the most ciuill & wealthy partes of Britany , and yet obiected to the Romans , that they were delicate and could not liue without corne , meale , wyne , oyle , shelter of house , and other lyke commodities : Nobis autem ( sayth shee ) quaeuis herba & radix ●ibus est , quili●et succus oleum , omnis aqua vinum , omnis arbor domus . But vnto vs ( and let vs marke that she putteth her se●fe among the ●est being a woman , Captaine , and Queene ) euery herb and roote is meate , euery ioyce is oyle , euery water is wyne , and euery tree is a house . Thus shee . 37. And now here Syr Edward perhaps will say , a● before he did of Theologicall authorities , that I do alleage all these Histories ad faciendum populum : which I do not , but rather to shew that he hath no cause to vaunt , that either himselfe , or his fellow-Iustice are such Antiquaries as here he mentioneth , not hauing seene , as it seemeth , nor considered this variety of auncient Histories , wherby is proued that the lawes and customes of the Brytans were not such from the beginning , and before Rome was builded , as they may be preferred for their antiquity , and excellency before the Roman Lawes , whereas almost a thousand yeares after that the Roman Lawes had byn receyued in the world , the Brytans had scarce any vse of policy or common Ciuility : though afterward when by the benefit of Christian Religion especially they receiued the same , they exceeded perhaps many othe● Countries in piety and religious polycie . 38. Thus then is the first medium of Syr Edwards probation ouerthrowne about the antiquity of the Brytan Lawes before the Romans : which is neyther true ; nor yf it were , yet maketh it nothing to his purpose , to p●oue that the Cōmon Mu●●cipall Lawes of England were of that antiquity , as pr●sently shal be shewed . And as for the other two instances , that the sayd British Lawes are more an●ient then the Lawes of the Venetians , which are most ancient of any oth●r Nation of the world that worshipped God : this ( I say ) is litle lesse th●n ridiculous . For that first the Venetians ( as Blondus thei● owne Countrey man and Historiographer testifieth , writing of their antiquity ) began ●irst to build their Citty and Common wealth vpon the yeare o● Christ foure hundred fi●ty and six , which was vpon the point of twelue hundred yeares after the building of Rome , and consequently the Venetian Lawes cannot be imagined to be o● more antiquity then the Roma● , and much lesse then of other Nations more ancient then the Romans , as the Carthaginians , Grecians , Aegiptians , Medians , Persians , Syrians , and the like . 39. And secondly wher●as to temper the matter somewhat , he addeth , that the British Lawes are more anci●nt then of any na●ion of the world , that worshipped God : this addition ( of worshiping God ) is both from the purpose & vntrue . From the purpose , for that Syr Edward exprely heere pretēdeth to speake only of humane Lawes : so as whether the people whose Lawes they are , do worship God or not , is from the question . Besides that M. Cooke I thinke will not deny , but that the Romans worshipped God , and were Christians , at least many of them , before the Britans ( if this made any thing to the purpose : ) and yet will he haue the Britans Lawes to be more ancient then those of the Romans : so as this circumstance of worshipping God is neyther true , or to the purpose . 40. Secondly it is vntrue , that the British Lawes were before the Lawes of any Nation that worshipped God , for that the Iewes worshipped God , and may be presumed also to haue had some politicall Lawes for their Ciuill gouerment among themselues , long before the Britans ; yea before Moyses gaue them his written Lawes For that being a Nation so popul●us as they were , cannot well be imagined to hau● l●ued foure hundred yeares in Aegipt without some humane and Ciuill lawes among themselues also , be●●des those of the Aegiptians , albeit they were forced al●o to k●epe , perhaps , the Aegiptians lawes , which in that case may be accompted their lawes , and so more ancient th●n th● Britans . So as all these things were weakely considered by Syr Edward , and he sheweth himselfe no good Antiquary , though he would seme to couet much the opinion therof . 41. But more then in any other point , this def●ct of his is seene in setting downe his second Medium for proofe of the antiquity & excellencie of his Municipall lawes in these words , before recy●ed : That if the ancient lawes of this noble Island had not excelled all the others , speaking of humane , it could not be but some of the seuerall Conquerours and Gouernours therof , that is to say , the Romans , Saxons , Danes or Normans , and especially the Romans , would haue altered or changed the same . Where yow see , he holdeth it for a supposed knowne , & receiued principle , that none of all these Conquerous people , entring into Britany , did alter or chāge the old British lawes : and consequently that those which now we call the Cōmon lawes of England , were also the lawes of the ancient Brytans , and theirs ours : which is one of the most solemne absurdities in my opinion , that euer proceded from the mouth of a man , pretending to be learned in his owne Countrey affayres . 42. For fir●t besides the demonstration before made to the contrary , out of reason and euident probability , that the Britans generally hauing receiued very litle vse of Ciuill policy vntill two hundred yeares after Christ vnder the Emperour Alexander Scuerus , and almost three hundred after they had byn vnder the Romans , it was not likely that the sayd Romans , their Conquerours , would admit their lawes & customes so much condemned by them of barbarism● and inciuility , as by the former related Authors both Greeke and Latin hath byn declared . Besides this ( I say ) there is expresse mention found in antiquity , though M. Attorney seemeth not to know it , of the change of those Lawes and customes by the Roman Emperours . 43. For first Pliny that lyued presently after the Apostles , recounteth that the Emperour Tiberius Caesar , vnder whome our Sauiour suffered , did take away diuers of their Lawes and customes , especially about sacrificing of men , women and Children , in lu●o Andates , in a certaine groue dedicated to that Pagan Goddesse , which signified Victory . He remoued also Druid●s , and cancelled their Lawes which were the instruments , and ministers of those Cruelties . ●hereupon the sayd Pliny maketh this consideration : Non satis aestimari potest , quantum Romanis debeatur , qui sustulere Monstra , in quibus hominem occidere religiosissimum erat , mandi v●rò etiam saluberrimum . It cannot be sufficiently esteemed how much the Britans do owe to the Romans that tooke away these monstrous customes and lawes , wherby it was held a most religious thing , to kill men : and a most wholesome to eate them . Wherby appeareth that diuers lawes of the Britans were changed by the Romans , and namely those of their Pagan sacrifices ( which were their principall ) albeit the Romans were yet heathens and Pagans themselues : so as this ouerthroweth quite Syr Edwards false principle , that British lawes were neuer changed nor altered by the Romans . 44. But yet further , when very shortly after the forsaid speach of Queene Brundeuica ( that was vnder Nero ) Vespasian came to gouerne Britanny , and had that famous victorie , wherin he tooke King Aruiragus and his some Guiderius , and diuers other principall persons of the Brytish Nobility , Hector Boethius in his History of Scotland , doth shew , that vpon mature deliberation , I●ra & paternas leges postea Britonibus ademit Vespasianus , & Romanas introduxit ; V●spasian tooke away and changed their old British lawes & customes , and introduced those of the Romans in place therof . Behold heere a whole change of lawes denied so resolutly by our two Iustices as you haue heard before : were they good Antiquaries in this thinke yow ? If yow say , yea : I will oppose against them our other English Antiquary , and King of Armes VVilliam Cābd●n , who in his Description of Britany speaking of the said Emperour Vespasian , and of his sonne Domitian in their gouerment of England , sayth : Britannis iugum impositum &c. At this time the Britans receiued the Roman yoke : foure Legions of souldiers being appointed to lye there , that with terrour should hold them downe &c. Neque legibus suis patrijs vti permissi sunt , sed magistratus à populo Romano cum Imperio & securibus missi , qui ius dicerent . Neither were they permitted to vse any more their owne Countrey lawes , but Magistrates and Officers were sent to them from the people of Rome with supreme authority and ●nsignes of Iustice , to administer law vnto them . So he . 45. What will Syr Edward say to this ? Was this a change of lawes or no ? And will he still stand to his former assertion , that the Brytish lawes were neuer altered by the Romās ? But let vs adde yet one witnes more and that of great credit , to wit , Gul. Malmesburiensis , who as well in his story of England , as in his Fasti signifi●th the same alteration , saying in the later : That vpon the fourth yeare of Domitian , which was the 86. of Christ , Britannia nunc penitus primùm subiugata , ductu Agricolae , auspicijs Domitiani : Britany was now first of all vtterly subdued by the army of Agricola● and authority of Domitian the Emperour , &c. which full and complete subiugation includeth also the necessity to accept of the vanquishers lawes , and not to giue lawes to them . And what will Syr Edward now say to this also ? Will he recall his temerarious assertion ? Will he remember now his former saying , that Ignorance and bouldnes do commonly concurre ? 46. But let vs go yet forward : for as we haue demonstrated of the Romans in this affaire , so might we shew no lesse also of the other three nations by him mentioned , ●o wit , the Saxo●s , Danes and Normans . For that the Saxo●s comming in after the departure of the Romans , about 450. yeares after Christ , and falling into such extreme emnity and breach with the Brytans , as our histories do testify , both in regard of their quarrell about the Countrey and possession therof : as also for that the Britans were Christians and the Saxons pagans : so as one did not so much as communicate with the other , but as enemies in the field : This being so , I say , yt is not like nor any way in reason probable , that they ( the sayd Saxons● being Conquerours , and such professed enemies , would admit the Britans lawes , or gouerne themselues th●rby , both for that they brought theyr owne lawes with them , nor vnderstood nor regarded those of their aduersaries conquered by them . 47. And the like may be said of the Danes afterward when they came in vpon the Saxons , who had their owne lawes among themselues , & others they made in England , calling them the Danish Lawes , and some of them were admitted generally throughout the Realme in those few yeares wherein they had the peaceable gouerment therof , which in great pa●t were afterward excluded againe or altered by S. ●dward the Confessour , when by him the Saxon ●nglish bloud came to recouer the dominion : as those againe of S. Edward were for the most part changed and altered by VVilliam the Conquerour , as all our ancient Histories do testify , namely Ingulfus , Malmesbury , Polidore & the rest . 48. And albeit it were ouerlong to recount all the forsaid variety of Lawes in particuler brought in by Romans , Saxons , Danes & Normans , which import great chāges & alterations , & therby do cōfute Edwards●ssertion ●ssertion : yet haue some of our Nation not wanted to gather out of more ancient wryters , sundry lawes that haue byn made by seuerall Kinges of different Nations , as namely those of King 1 Inas , 2 Alured , 3 Edward the first , 4 Edgar , Aethelstan , 5 Agilred all Saxons : & of King Canutus the Dane , and of S. 6 Edward the Confessour restorer of the English bloud raigning all before the Conquest . And after the Conquest of King VVilliam that was the Conquerour , who like a Conquerour indeed tooke that liberty to himselfe , as to change and alter at his pleasure all lawes of what nation or people soeuer he found in vse before him in our Iland , which Polidore testifyeth out of ancient authorities in these words : Leges penè omnes à superioribus sanctiss . Regibus olim ad bene beateque viuendum sustulit , nouasque dedit minùs aequas , quas posteri non sine suo damno seruauerunt . He tooke away almost all the lawes , that had byn made before the Conquest by most holy Kings for their happie life and gouerment of the people , and gaue new lawes more vnequall , which they that ensued retayned to their owne losse : as though it had byn a great cryme to break those lawes , which a Conquerour that was no friend of the English natiō brought in , insteed of good lawes . 49. So Polidore , that had examined all our antiquities about this matter of English lawes : for so he saith of himselfe , Diligenter omnia veterum monumenta pers●ruta●us sum , I haue diligently sought all monuments of ancient wryters in this behalfe : and by this assertion of his , doth ouerthrow directly three positions of our two Iustices heere . First of the eminent antiquity of ou● present lawes in England . Secondly that they were neuer changed or altered . The third , that they were the best absolutely of all other Lawes : which last point about the goodnes , Polidore doth impugne expresly as yow see , adding also further for some example , of the iniquity and asperity of our said lawes , left by VVilliam the Conquerour as followeth : Non possum hoc loco ( sayth he ) non memorari rem , tametsi omnibus notam , admirat●one tamen dignissimam , atque dictu incredibilem &c. I cannot choose but recount in this place one thing , albeit knowne to all , yet most worthy of admiration and incredible to be spoken , which is , That these Lawes which ought to be vnderstood by all , were wrytten at that tyme , and now also are in the Norman tongue , which neither English nor French did rightly vnderstand . VVherupon yow should haue seene euen from the very beginning therof , partly by the iniquity or iniustice of the Lawes themselues , and partly by the ignorance or vnskil●ulnes of those that did interprete amisse these l●wes , this man to be depriued of his ancient inheritance : another to be condemned in criminall Causes by the iudgment of most vnskilfull men ; and yet vpon that iudgment put to death : another to be intangled with inextricable suites of law : and finally both diuine and humane a●●aires to be turned vpside downe by these new Lawes . 50. Thus yow see what Polydors iudgment was therof : and he that will see more inconuenience and mischiefes that ensued therof , let him reade Ingulfus , that liued and wrote in the same tyme , and was an eye witnesse of the said miseries . And fynally I will end this matter with the testimonie of Iohn Fox in his Actes & Monuments , a witnesse I suppose which Sir Edward will not refuse : who treating of things that passed in the life of VVilliam the Conquerour hath these words : For so much ( sayth he ) as he obtayned the Kingdome by force and dint o● sword● he changed the whole state of the gouerm●nt of this common weale , and ordayned new lawes at his owne pleasure , pro●itable to himselfe , but grieuous and hurt●ull to the poople● abolishing the lawes of King Edward : wherunto notwithstanding he was sworne be●ore to obserue and maintayne ; for the which great commotions and rebellions remayned long a●ter among the people , as Histories record , to haue the lawes of King Edward receyued againe . So he . And by this may appeare how true it is , that Syr Edward doth affirme , that neyther Romans , Saxons , Danes , or Normans euer altered or changed the ancient British lawes of our Iland , but that they be now the selfe same that they were then : And of all other Nations the best : An assertion worthy of such an Antiquary , as Syr Edward would be thought to be . 51. And albeit this may be sufficient and superaboundāt also for ouerthrow of Syr Edwards imagination , that our common lawes were neuer changed , but continued still for their excellency in goodnes in all tymes , euen from Iulius Caesars dayes downeward , for that he fyndeth , or at leastwise surmiseth some things or customes lyke the one to the other in different tymes , and vnder different Princes , as now you haue heard : yet will I adioyne one consideration more to the contrarie of his , concerning particuler lawes , which are found to haue bene both vnder the Saxons , Danes , and old English , that are not now in vse , and consequently the Iudge must confesse , that in those at least there hath beene a change . As for example , it is read that it was a law in King Inas his dayes the 12. King of the VVest Saxō● almost a thousand years gone , That if a bondman by commandement o● his Maister did worke , or do any seruile thing vpon a Sunday● his Maister should leese his dominion ouer him , and pay thirty shillings besides . Vnder the famous King Alfred , and his sonne Edward the elder , and King Guthrun the Dane , with whome they made peace , it was a law , That a man condemned to death , might not be hindred to confesse his sinnes to what Pri●st he would , nor that he could be executed vpon a Sunday . Vnder renowned King Edgar it was a law , which is yet extant in the Saxon language , That whosoeuer did slaunder an other in a grieuous crime , should eyther leese his tongue , or redeeme it deerly by other meanes . 52. Vnder King Canutus the Dane that changed King Edgars l●wes ( as Fox testifyeth ) it was made a law , That publike ●ayres and markets should not be holden vpon Sundayes . Item , That euery wife that shall , during her husbands li●e , commit adulterie , shall haue her nose and eares cut of . Item , That if a wyddow marrie within a yeare a●ter her husbands death , shee shall leese her ioynture . Item , That whosoeuer , hauing touched t●e holy Bible , haue for sworne himselfe , should leese his hand , except he had redeemed the same at the Iudgment of the Bishop . And the like seuerity was to be vsed vpon vniust Iudges , that by corruption gaue wrong sentēces . And this by the Danish lawes . But vnder King Edward the Confessour that reuiewed ouer all the former lawes againe , both of Saxons and Danes , retayning such as liked him , and excluding the rest , diuers others of his owne were made , which Polidore sayth , were called Leges communes , the Common Lawes ( which importeth farre lesse antiquity then M. Attorney auoucheth ) among which this was one , That Vsurers should leese all their goodes , and besydes be cast into banishment , as being plagues of the people : which rigour is not now vsed , and perhaps may not be by our moderne Cōmon lawes : as neyther the other before mentioned of cutting of the wiues nose and eares that is an adulteresse , which perhaps would make many a pittifull and foule sight in our Countrey . So then these and many other such lawes which were generally receaued in our Iland before the Conquest , are not at all now in vse , as all men will confesse , and therby it euidently followeth , that there hath byn change and alteration of lawes in our Realme , and that our Common Lawes at this day are not so excessiuely ancient , entire , and excellent , as Syr Edward Cooke would haue vs thinke , and belieue that they are . 53. Concerning which excellency next after antiquity and integrity , we must now adde a word or two more , for that notwithstanding all that Polidore , Ingul●us , and Iohn Fox haue said before of the iniquity of such lawes , as were promulgated by the Conquerour against rath●r , then for the English , Syr Edward heere with his fellow Iustice , as yow haue heard , sayth , that without all doubt they are absolutly the best of all other nations . Wherunto the Catholicke Deuine answered before , that as he would not discommend his Countrey lawes , nor diminish any part of that praise which is due vnto them , if they be well and rightly executed : so on the other side the malice and infirmity of men considered , they seeme to learned strāgers , & to diuers also of our own Countrey not to haue such excellēcy in them , but in diuers pointes to be defectuous , & to leaue the subiect open to many iniuries , oppressions , ruines , and other inconueniences in sundry cases , which are piously prouided for by other lawes . 54. As for example , among the rest is noted and censured for most strange , the manner of iudgment for life and death , where no Aduocate , nor learned Counsell is allowed the defendant , for defence , eyther of his honour , liuing , or life , but himselfe only must speake & answere for all , against the impugnations of many and potent aduersaries , that with their authority , and coun●enance , bitter wordes , threats , taunts , terrour of speach , & other like mean●s , may so oppresse him , and put him out of hims●lfe , as that when it importeth him to say most , he can say least , and so perish for lacke of iust defence , as more largely the Deuine doth prosecute : alleaging also many reasons for the same , against all which hu●ts , & inconueniences other countrey lawes , both ciu●ll , and Municipall , do make ample and car●full prouision . 55. Another defect also in the same matter seemeth vnto strangers to be very great , and importable , which is that any one of the 12. men who are to go vpon his life , may haue such passion against him , as he would ouer weary all the rest , except they will yeald to his condemnation . Wherunto this also being added , that if the sayd Iurours do condemne any neuer so wrongfully , there is no punishment for it in this life , but only before God : but if they deliuer him against the inclination of Prince or Court● ( which is easely to be knowne or coniectured ) great perill hangeth ouer their heads to be troubled , vexed , and forced to weare papers for periury . This I say considered by learned men , that are indifferent in the cause , doth make them wonder and thinke , that no Natiō liuing hath more harder lawes in this point , nor more vnequall for the subiect , then ours . 56. The like may be sayd about the dowry of women that do marry , which if it be in money , goods , or Chattels , may be spent and consumed by the euill husband ; against whome she hath no remedy , nor security at all , which by the Roman Ciuill lawes is most carefully prouided for . So as whatsoeuer disorders the euill husband doth commit , eyther in spēding , or offending : yet is his wiues dowry secure , nor can he spend or dilapidate any thing therof , but only the rent , or annuall Income for what occasions soeuer . 57. Another also not vnlike to this is the small prouision by our common lawes for yonger brothers especially of the Gentrie and Nobility , who being brought vp , during their Fathers life in equall condition with the elder brother , are afterward inforced to great inequality ; yea oftentymes to great misery , our common lawes not prouiding for them in the diuident of their Fathers goods , nor yet obliging their said elder brother to allow them competent maintenance , conforme to their state and birth , which other Countreys do . 58. The Case also of Pupils seemeth strange to forraine nations , that the wardship of them both for education and liuings , I meane of such as haue any tenure from the King in Capite should be in the Princes hand , without any obligation of yealding accompt for the Rents receaued , spent , or wasted . Nay that their marriage , and marriage-money , or wyues dowry must appertaine to the Prince , and be in his disposition : wheras in all other Kingdoms abroad there is singular care had , and prouision made by their lawes for Pupills , and Pupillage : and so doth their case in all equity require , as being orphanes , and destitute of their Father , that should protect them . I might touch heere diuers other markable points , which foreiners do consider , and one not the least , that our law doth not seeme to haue sufficiently prouided for the exorbitant liberty and auarice of some of our lawyers ( for all are not culpable ) in taking money without lymit , and enriching themselues therby more swiftly and excessiuely then any other sort of men whatsoeuer , which being ioyned with their authority , & power to oppresse whom they will , they become a terrour ( euery one in his Coūtrey ) to the best of the Kings subiects : so as no man dare to speake or looke against them . And truly the particulers that are recounted of exorbitant Fees taken by diuers , to purchase , as it were , their looke , without saying any one word for thē at the barre are strāg , & yet not so much to be wōdred at , as lamented : for that there is no hope of redresse . And whether Syr Edward himselfe haue beene one of these lawyers , and had his share among them proportionable to the ●est , or aboue the rest , let his neighbours speake , and his aboundant wealth , lands , and lyuings beare witnesse : I do not meane to be his accuser , but his answerer . 59. Only I must say one thing more which I would not haue spoken at this tyme if Syr Edwards last contumelious speach at his departure from Nor●ich in his publike Charge had not moued me therunto , & it is this : That wheras in that speach to make his auditours merry , he brought in an example framed by himselfe , as may be supposed , of a Prior or Monke that craftily induced a Gentleman to giue part of his lands from his sonne and heire to a Monastery ; for which act his sayd sonne comming into his sicke Fathers chamber whiles the matter was in doing , did by his Fathers leaue beat the monke out of the Chāber with good ●udgells , which he caryed away with him insted of inheriting the lāds : wherat the Auditory did laugh merrily . But I must needs te●l Syr Edward not in iest but in very good earnest , that ●f either Monke or Priest that is learned in Deuinity , & of a good cōscience should come to him on his death bed to helpe to make his testament ( according to the old custome ) for better discharge of his soule in the world to come , and should heare but the cōmon speach of people that runneth concerning his grea● wealth and hasty getting therof , should be bound ( according to Catholicke religion ) to seeke further into matters , and to tell him another manner of tale in his eare , then euer yet he heard about restitutions and satisfactions necessarily , & vnder payne of euerlasting damnation to be made before his departure out of this life : which doctrine if Syr Edward did belieue ( as all his ancestours did , and aduentured their souls therin : ) it may be that amōg other good works , he would resolue himselfe perhaps to giue some lāds also to Monasteries , Hospitals , Churches , & other places of piety ●or satisfactiō of thinges not so well gotten , though he left the lesse to his Sonne and heyre . 60. I haue recyted I thinke in some other place & occasion , a true story , that fell out not many yeares agone in the Indies , where a great rich man being very sicke , and hauing had great trafficke of affayres in his life , sent for a Deuine to direct his conscience at his last vpshot , who examining his estate found him obnoxious to great restitutions , as of some hundreth thousand crownes , perhaps , which he had gayned vniustly , and bestowed in rents and lyuings for his sonne and heire . Wherfore the learned man telling him that eyther he must make restitution , or be damned , quia non dimittitur peccatum , nisi restituatur ablatum , he answered him , that it was vnpossible : for that his sonne and whole house would be vtterly decayed therby . Wherūto the other answered that thē it was vnpossible for him to be saued , & that heerof he did assure him vpon his conscience and skill in Deuinity that there was no other remedy to be taken , or help to be had in that case , for that no absolution can saue betweene the Priest , and his Penitent , where is included the interest or hurt of a third . Wherat the sicke Father being somwhat astonished● and terrified desired him to deale with his sonne : but his sonne would not so much as heare any mention therof , but rather was as ready to haue beaten out the sayd Deuine , as Syr Edwards yong Gentleman was to beate out the Monke . Wherupon the Deuine tooke this resolution to bring him before his Father , and told him that vpon his conscience and soule his Father was to go to eternall flames of hell , if due restitutiō were not made : but yet that he had thought vpon a certaine meane , how some satisfaction might be made , wherby God perhaps might be moued to pardon his Father so great extremity of punishment : which was that his said sonne should hold his finger but one halfe quarter of an houre in the fire , or ouer a Candle , therby to deliuer his Father from eternall fyre . But he answered , that he would not do it for ten tymes so much land as his Father was to leaue him . Wherupon the Deuine inferred , saying : And will yow haue your Father to lye body and soule in eternall fire for these landes , and yet will not your selfe suffer halfe a quarter of an houres burning of your finger , for ten tymes as much ? Wherupō his Father resolued absolutly to make restitutiō though with no smal abatement of his sonnes estate . 61. And now of this example I shall not need to make any application , for it is cleere inough of it selfe . I do not wish ●uill vnto the temporall state of Syr Edwards sonne and heire , whom I know not , but rather do heare him commended : yet do I wish better vnto the Fathers eternall state of his soule , no lesse thē to myne own . And so much of this matter by his own prouocatiō , cōcerning the beating of the Mōke by the sonne & heire for giuing that coūsell to his Father , which the prophet Daniel did to one that was heauily loadē with sinnes , peccata tua cleemosynis redime , & iniquitates tuas misericordijs pauperū : sorsitan ignoscet deli●tis tuis Deus , Redeeme by almes thy synnes , and by mercy towards the poore thy iniquities : perchāce God will pardon therby thy offences . But this seemeth but a matter of iest to Syr Edward , and so we shall leaue to treate any further therof , and passe to peruse the second part of his present Preface , wherin he pretendeth by foure cases , or questions propounded by the student , and answered by himselfe , to confirme , and establish his precedent assertion of the supereminent antiquity , and excellency of our English Municipall lawes aboue all others ; but especially their antiquity ; which he doth performe in as strange a māner , as euer commonly I haue heard man dispute . ABOVT FOVRE seuerall questions said to be propounded by the Student in law , and solued by the Iudge for confirmation of the Antiquity , and Eminency of our moderne English Lawes . §. IIII. SYR Edward hauing set downe before the demaund of his student about the supereminent antiquity of the English Lawes maketh him to say thus : That some of another profession are not perswaded , that the common lawes of England are of so great antiquity as there ( in my Preface ) superlatiuely is spoken . In which words no doubt but he meaneth the Catholicke Deuine , and then as glad to see some doubt or cōtradiction made therof for him to shew his skill , and readines in answering , he writeth thus : I was right glad to heare of any exception ( sayth he ) to the end that such as were not perswaded might eyther be rightly instructed , and the truth confirmed , or that I might vpon true grounds be conuerted . Do yow see how confidently he writeth ? And do yow thinke , that he will be a true Conuertite in deed ? If he meaneth sincerly , we haue alleaged him now many and sufficient groundes , which either he must acknowledg , or take vpon him to answere them . Let vs heare how he goeth forward . 63. I desired ( quoth he ) to know some particulers , as many as they would , at length their great desyre was to see some proofs , that the common law in these 4. cases , was before the Conquest , as now it is . First , that the Queene , being wise to a King regnant was a person sole by the common law to sue and be sued , to giue , and take &c. solely without the King. Secondly , that a man seised of lands in see simple shall ●orseit his landes and goodes by Attainder of ●ellony by out-lawry , and therby his heirs should be desinherited . Thirdly , that a woman being attaynted o● petite treason ( for killing her husband ) should be burnt . Fourthly , whether the ancient lawes of England did permit any appeale to Rome in causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall . 64. Thus farre the questions framed by Syr Edward insteed of his student , for that he persuaded himselfe to haue somewhat to say for their proofe , though in deed it be nothing , as presently yow will see : for that no student of any capacity would haue proposed these particuler cases to proue a generall assertion that the lawes of England , were the most ancient of all other lawes . For though we suppose all these 4. points were true , and to be proued , as he setteth them downe , that they were in vse before the Conquest : yet do they not inferre , that the moderne English lawes are the same without change or alteration that were of the Britans , Saxons , and Danes . For that diuers particuler cases may be common to different lawes , as there were in the lawes of the Lacedimoniās , Carthaginians , Athenians , Romans : and yet we may not for that cause conclude , that they were the selfe same lawes deliuered from the one people to the other , without alteration ; which is heere the badde inference of Syr Edward . But now let vs see whether these particulers can be proued , as heere they are promised , and first let vs heare him vaunt yet once againe . 65. I had no sooner ( sayth he ) seene these questions , but instantly I found direct and demonstratiue answers to the same . Behold the fertility , and felicity of his wit , that fyndeth instantly so direct , and demonstratiue proofes : that is to say , such as are euident , cleere , vniuersall , and irrefragable ( for such only may be called demonstratiue according to the rules of Logicke : ) and yet shall yow now presently perceaue that no one of them is demonstratiue : For the first ( sayth he ) behold an ancient Charter made long before the Conquest , which followeth in these wordes . Our lord Iesus Christ raigning for euer , I Ethelswith Queene of the Mercians by Gods graunt , with consent of my Eldermen , will giue by graunt to Cuthwolfe my most faythfull seruitour a certaine peece of land , being part of my peculiar power ( that is to say ) a peece of land of 15. Manses , in a place which is called Laking , for his obedience , and payable money in this manner : that is to say , a thousand fiue hundred shillings of syluer and gold , or fifteene hundred si●les , that he may haue , possesse and enioy at his pleasure , as long as he liueth , and after his end , and limit of his dayes , he may leaue it to whome soeuer he will for euerlasting power , and perpetuall inheritance . And this my donation is couenanted in the yeare of our Lords Incarnation 868. the first Indiction . And we do charge all secular powers in the name of God the Father , the sonne & the holy ghost to obserue the forsaid inuiolate . These witnesses subscribing , and consenting therunto , whose names heere recited are vnd●r●r●ttē . I Ethelred King of the Westsaxons haue consented and subscribed . I ●urghred K. of the Mercians haue cōsented & subscribed . I Ethelswith Queene haue consented and subscribed &c. 66. Thus farre this Charter , but now I would demaund what Syr Edward meaneth to proue heerby ? He pretendeth to proue that the common law was the same before the Conquest , as it is now , about the priui●edge of Queenes to be able to buy and sell , giue and take of thēselues solely without licence of their husbandes . But first if he could shew this , or somewhat like to this out of some particuler fact of some particuler English Queene before the Conquest : yet what were this to proue eyther the antiquity of the common law before the Danes , Saxons , and Romans , as heere he promiseth ? or that this particuler fact of Qu. Ethelswith was a law , or according to the cōmon law in those dayes ? doth one particuler instance or action make a law , or proue a law with Syr Edward ? Might not Queene Ethelswith make that sale and gift which heere she doth to her seruant , out of her own dowry , portion , or inheritance , which she brought with her from her Father , and brother Kings of the VVest Saxons ? And if she did , the case proueth nothing . For so may not only married Queens , but all other wiues also giue of their owne . 67. And supposing she had receaued that land in gift from the King her husband , and had had his leaue , and consent also to alienate , sell , or giue the same , it had byn no proofe of a common law but a particuler fact by licence of her husband , as euery one will confesse . Now then , that not only one but both these conditions were in this fact of Queene Ethelswith ( to wit , that she disposed of her owne , & this also with the speciall consent of her husband ) appeareth clearly by the very wordes of the Charter it selfe , where first it is sayd : Donabo aliquam telluris partem meae propriae potestatis , I will giue a certaine part of land , which is of my owne proper power : that is to say of my owne right and possession . And secondly , both her brother King Ethelred of the VVest Saxons ( in whose dominions it may be that the sayd p●ece of land , or part of it did lye , ) and her husband King Burghred of the Mercians did expresly consent , subscribe , and beare witnesse therunto . And was this a good exāple to proue that it was a law at that tyme , that euery Queene might take , & giue solely without the King her husband ? did Syr Edward when he was Attorney make such good consequences , and frame such demonstratiue arguments in his pleadings at the barre● Surely among vs heere he would neuer haue gotten ha●fe his wealth , by such like disputing . 68. But to vnderstand better this Charter , it is to be considered , that , as all our ancient wryters do testify , this King Burghred of the Mercians being in great distresse by the ●anes of one syde , and the northerne Britans of the o●her , ●●at ioyntly inuaded his Kingdome , knowing not what to do for defending the same ( which after also was lost to the Danes ) he made recourse to Athul●hus , called also otherwise Adelnulphus K. of the VVest Saxons , who did not only help & assist him , but gaue him also this his daughter Ethelswith in marriage , with such wealth and riches , as it seemeth that it eased both vectigalium pen●●u●● , ●●ostiū dep●●dationē , ( to vse Malmesb. his words ) that is , both the paying of his pension or tribute to the Danes , as also the spoile of his enemies . And againe in another place he saith of him : Burghredum regem Merciorum & additamento exercitus contra Britones iuuit , & filiae nuptijs ●on par●m exaltauit . King Ethelwolfe of the VVest Saxons did both help King Burghred of the Mercians against the Britans by increasing his army , as also did not a litle exalt him , with the marriage of his daughter Ethelswith . And the lyke hath Huntington , and Ethelwerd in their histories , wherby it is euident that Queene Ethelswith came rich , and powerable to her husbād King Burghred , & was a great stay vnto him in his great distresse , and therfore she might well presume to dispose of such things as were her own ( propriae potestatis ) especially her said husband , and Brother King Ethelred then raigning after his Father , consenting and subscribing to the same , as now yow haue seene . And so this first demonstratiue answer of Syr Edward doth demonstrate nothing els but that he answereth nothing at all to the purpose . Let vs see the second ●hether it will be any better . 69. The second question was , as you well remember , whether it was a law before the Conquest , that a man seysed in ●ee simple shall forseyte both lands and goods by attaynder of ●ellonie , or by out-lawry , and that ther●y his heyres shall be disi●herited . Vnto which question , sayth Syr Edward , I haue heere s●t downe anot●er Charter of Record , made long before the Conque●t , ●or direct answere . And then he relateth a donation made by King Eth●ldred Father of K. Edward the Confesso●● , vpō the yeares 995. Which was but 71. yeares before the Conquest ( though Syr Edward sayd it was long : ) and the donation was of a certaine piece of land , that was forfeyted to the King by one Ethelsig , that hauing committed theft , and flying to the woods was out-lawed therupon : whereby the King came to haue his goods and lands & made donation therof to another , to wit Vls●icke , And this is all the proofe , direct or indirect which Syr Edward alleageth . But heere againe I would aske him , how doth this prooue the principall question , of the great antiquity of the moderne English Common lawes before the Danes , Saxons , and Romans , seeing the case fell out so neare before the Conquest . Secōdly ● would demand of him , how he can prooue that it is proper alone to our English Common lawes to punish theft , murther , out-lawry , and other such crimes , by losse of lāds & goods : for that I do see it practized commonly in all other countreis besides , except only in the Kingdome of Naples : where by peculiar graunt and Concession of the Kings of Spayne , since it came to their dominion , the goods and lands of such delinquents are reserued to their children , except only in crymes of high treason . But in other Kingdomes to my knowledge there is no such reseruation . And I haue vnderstood , that diuers Great men haue forfeyted their lands from their heyres , not only for being outlawes themselues , vpon murthers and such other fellonies , but also ●or fauouring & ayding such men : wherof I could giue diuers examples fresh yet in memorie , but that it is not expedient for vs to medle in matters of other Common wealthes : so as this is no proper law of England , as heere it seemeth to be presumed by Syr Edward , but cōmon to all or most Nations : and therefore no maruayle though it were in vse also among the English before the Conquest . 70. His third case proposed is this , that a wise being attaynted of petty treason , for killing her husband , should be burnt , as now is vsed in England : & to proue that this is an anciēt law of the Brittans , & frō them come down to our tyme without change or alteration , he citeth a place out of Caesar in his Commentaries lib. 6. affirming , that i● the wise be suspected o● the death of her husband , & si compertum est , igne &c. interficiunt : that is ( saith he ) if she be sound guilty of the death of her husband ( which is petty treason ) she is burnt to death , as she is in that case at t●is day in England . So the Iudge . For now he speaketh as a Iudge , though not like a Iudge , that is truly and sincerely , as presently yow will see . For first though the matter were so in Iulius Caesar his Cōmentari●s , as here is related : yet what doth this make to the maine questiō to prooue , that the English municipall lawes are the same now that they were vnder the Brittans in Caesars tyme without alteration ? Is one example of similitude sufficient to proue this ? May not the different lawes of diuers countries agree in some one case or other , without this inference , that therefore they are the same lawes ? Was not hanging for theft in vse also among the Brittans , Romans , and Grecians ? and yet were not the lawes one and the selfe same . And supposing that the Brittans had had this punishmēt of wiues for killing their husbands in Cesars tyme , how will Syr ●dward proue , that this endured allwayes afterward , & was neuer changed by the Romans , Saxons , Danes , or Normans ? why had he not alleaged some examples of the continued vse and practise of the same throughout the raignes of the subsequent Kings , and Nations ? Was his store house so barren , that he had but one only example to bring forth , and that so farre fecht as from Cesar by a leap to our time ? heere Natura ●acit sal●um indeed : or rather my Lord leapeth frō nature & against nature , in making such a skippe ab extremo , ad extrem●●n , sine medic , which nature neuer doth , or can do . 71. But now I must shew that nothing is heere sincerely related , but all corrupted & peruerted . For first Caesar in the place of his Cōmentaries heere alleaged , doth not talke of Britans , but expressely of Frenchmen , when he setteth downe their lawes and customes cōcerning the power and vse they haue in punishing their wiues , beginning his narration thus : Galli se omnes ( sayth Caesar ) ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant , all Frenchmen do affirme themselues to descend from Pluto the God of riches &c. And then a little after addeth further : Viri in vxores , sicuti in liberos , vitae necisque habent potestatem : & cùm paterfamilias illustriore loco natus decessit , cius propinqui conueniunt , & de morte si res in suspicionem venit , in seruilem modum quaestionem habent : & si compertum est , igne atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas int●rficiunt . Men ( in France ) haue power of life and death vpon their wiues , as also vpon their children : and when the head of any honourable family dieth , all his kinred do gather themselues togeather to make inquiry of his death , if there be any suspicion that he was made away , then they do vse torments vpon the wiues , as if they were slaues : and if it be found that they were guilty of the sayd death , then after they haue bene tormented by fire and all other torments , they put them to death . 72. In which narration first you see no mention of Britans , but only of Frenchmen , as hath bene noted : the nobility wherof are deuided by Caesar into two sortes ; the one Druides , that had care of their sacrifices , and matters of Religion , the other Equites , Knights that made as it were the lay nobility , and of whome he recounteth this that we haue here related . You will aske then perchance with what truth or syncerity Syr Edward can recite this as the Law of the Britans which is related by Caesar as the Law of the Frenchmen ? He hath no other shift for excuse of this , but to make this note in his margent : See in the Preface to the third part of my Reportes out of Caesars Comment . Disciplina Druidum in Britannia reperta , atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur . It is t●ought that the discipline o● the Druides was first found in Britanny , and ●rom thence translated into France . And is not this a good reason , that whatsoeuer is recounted by Caesar of Frenchmen should be ascribed to Brittans , ●or that in tymes past the discipline of the Druides is thought by some to haue come from Britanny ? What coherence hath this togeather ? May not all lawes of the Frenchmen be ascribed by this meanes vnto the Brittans ? Is not this a strange direct and demonstratiue proofe , to proue one thing by another ? This indeed is an argumēt à disparatis as Logitians do call it . But let vs see more tricks besids this . 73. Why had not he alleaged the whole place out of Caesar as I haue done ? and why doth he cyte the words so cuttedly , & si compertum est , igne &c. interficiunt : & yet in the English leaueth out ( &c. ) saying And if she be found guilty of the death of her husband ( which is petty treason ) the wife is burnt to death , as she is in that case at this day . Why had not he set downe ( &c. ) also in the English , therby to let his Reader vnderstand , that there were some words left out , to wit , atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas , interficiunt : they do kill such wiues as are found culpable after they haue byn tormented with fyre and all other torments . What needed the word ( &c. ) for excluding so few syllables but that yt stood not well with Syr Edwards purpose to haue them seene & read , for that they shew plainly , that neyther Brittans nor Frenchmen had any such Law or custome to put such wiues to death by burning , though they vsed the same for a torment , before their death . No more then it may be truly sayd , that Englishmen at this day haue a law or Custome , to put Priests or other men to death by the Racke , though diuers of them haue byn racked , and aft●rward put to death . And this could not my Lord but see in reading Caesar : wherby is euident that his Lordship also commeth into the Classes of them that auouch wilfull and formall vntruthes against their owne conscience and knowledge , when they make for their purpose : and yet is this far from the office & manner of proceeding of a Iudge , that ought to be exact and punctuall in his truth . 74. But now further to his inference , suppose that he had related his Author truly , and that Caesar had sayd as he sayth : That the ancient Brittans had this law and custome to burne wiues that should be ●ound guilty of their husbands deathes , which Syr Edward saith hath continued to our tyme : why if it were so ( to answere coniecture with coniecture ) should not the other part of the same law haue remayned also , that husbands should haue power of life and death ouer their wiues , as the Brittans according to Syr Edward had : or how , where , or when can he proue , that , that part of the Law was abrog●ted , and the other of burning them left to remaine ? or if he cannot , or that he will say that the other part in like manner doth in rigour remaine , then would it go hard no dout with many wiues at this day , that are scarse patient of farre lesse power and dominion in their husbands ouer them , then is that of life and death : which Case , as it apperteineth not to me to discusse , nor to Syr Edward , I thinke , to determine , so is it sufficient for our purpose to haue demonstrated , that his answere to this third question hath neither byn Direct nor Demonstratiue , nor sincerly handled , nor grounded vpon true relatiō . Now then to the fourth and last . 75. If in all the former three questions , the Iudges answere haue byn found to haue byn defectuous , much more in this then in all the rest . For whereas before yow haue heard them say , that the Students desire was , to see some proofes , that the Common law in these foure particuler Cases , was before the Conqu●st as now it is , and that Syr Edward had no sooner seene them , but that instantly he found dire●t and demonstratiue answere to the same : now comming to answere indeed , he alleageth an act of Parliament holden in the 10. yeare of King Henry the second , which was Anno Do. 1164. wherin it was enacted , That i● any Appeale came ●rom any Archdeacon or Bishop vnto the Archbishop , and he should fayle to do iustice , it must lastly come to the King , nor proceed any further without the assent of the King : which is a strāge falling from the purpose , if yow marke it well . For that the question was , whether this Common law of England , that is now in vse , was in vse also before the Conquest , and that as now it is vsed , which the iudge affirmeth , and for proofe therof alleageth a Statute made an hundred yeares after the Conquest . What will yow say to this ? Why had he not alleaged some one example or proofe before the Conquest as the Case and question required ? Or why had he not gone about to satisfy some of those examples to the contrary , alleaged by me in the 6. Chapter of my former Answere to his Reportes and fi●th demonstration , to wit , of Appeales to Rome of the two Archbishops of Canterbury , Lambert , and Athelard , vnder the two Mercian Kinges Offa and Kenulphus : as also the two other famous Appeales of S. VVilfrid Archbishop of Yorke against the two Kinges successiuely of the Northumbers , Egfrid & Alfrid ? All which are recounted by S. Bede & others long before the Conquest , which in my sayd Booke are set downe , and Syr Edward could not but haue read them , and are full to the purpose to proue the lawfulnes of Appeales in our primitiue Church of Englād : yet now he saith no one word of thē , but cōmeth in with an impertinent instance , that there was a prohibition of Appeales made vnder King Henry the second by Act of Parliament in the tenth yeare of his Raigne , whereas yet there was no Parliament in vse , nor Statute law was begone , vntill the 9. yeare of King Henry the third , which was aboue 60. yeares after , as appeareth both by the Collection of Iustice Rastall , and other Law-bookes . 76. I do not deny but that King Henry the second entring into passion against S. Thomas Archb. of Canterbury made a decree at a certayne meeting of the Nobility at Claringdon , rather moderating , as himselfe pretended , then taking away Appeales to Rome , not denying that they ought to be made in respect of the Popes supreme authority Ecclesiasticall : but for restrayning of abuses in appealing thither without iust cause or necessity , especially in temporall affaires , he ordeyned that matters should first orderly be handled in England , in the Bishops and Archbishops Courtes : and if that way they could not be ended , they should not be carried to Rome without the Kings assent : which declaratiō of the kings intention is set downe by Roger Houeden out of the Epistle of Gilbert Bishop of London to Pope Alexander the third , written by the kings own Commission : which not being admitted afterward by the said Pope , the king recalled the same with an Oath vnder his owne hand , wherof the said Houeden writeth thus : Iurauit etiam , quòd neque Appellationes impediret , neque impediri permitteret , quin liberè fierent in Regno suo ad Romanū Pontificem in Ecclesiasticis causis . He swore also that he would neither let Appellatiōs nor suffer them to be letted , but that they might be made in his kingdom to the Bishop of Rome in causes Ecclesiasticall &c. 77. All which things could not but be knowne to Syr Edward before he wrote this his Preface : and that the Catholicke Deuine in his āswer to the fifth part of his Reports , had produced so many euident arguments and probations , that King Henry the 2. was most Catholick in this point in acknowledging the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall authority ( notwithstanding the cōtention he had with S. Thomas , about the manner of proceding therin for the execution ) as none of his Ancestours were more : which in like manner is euidently seene and confessed in effect by Syr Edward himself , in that in his whole discourse of Reportes , for improuing the said Popes Supremacy he alleageth not so much as one example or instāce out of the raigne of this King : which in reasō he would not haue pretermitted , if he could haue found any thing to the purpose therin . 78. But yet now finding himselfe in straytes how to answere the Students demand about the ātiquitie of prohibiting Appeales to the Sea of Rome , he was forced to lay hands on this poore example , which was neither to his purpose , in regard of the time , being after the conquest , as now you haue heard ; nor of the thing it selfe , for that it was against him , as being only a moderation of abuses , yea and that in temporall things as Bishop Gilbert of London expresly a●oucheth , & recalled by the same King afterward● and finally is wholy from the purpose & chiefe question about the Popes supreame authority , whereof this of Appeals is but one little member only . And thus we see both how well and sub●tantially Syr Edward hath mainteyned his assertion of the supereminent antiquity and excellency of his Municipall lawes , and how direct and demonstratiue answers he hath made to the foure Questions or Cases deuised by himselfe , for confirmation of the ●ame . 79. And whereas he inserteth a note of Record of the decree of Claringdone , that this recognition was made by the Bishops , Abbots , Priors &c. of a certaine part of the Customes and liberties of the Predecessours of the king , to wit , o● King Henry the first his Grandfather , and of other Kings , which ought to be obserued in the kingdome : wherby it semeth the Knight would haue vs imagine ( though he vtter it not ) that the same prohibition of Appeales might haue byn made and practized by other former Kings liuing before the Conquest : it is found to be but a meere Cauill , both by the Catholicke Deuine , that shewed out of authenticall histories the cōtrary practise vnder all our Catholicke Kinges , both before & after the Conquest ; as here likewise it is conuinced by the words and confession of this King H●̄ry the second himself , that these pretended liberties of his Ancestours , were brought in by himself only , and in his tyme , as is testifyed by Houeden in two seuerall Charters , one of the Pope , and the other of the King : as also by an authenticall Record of the Vatican , set downe by Baronius in his tweluth Tome . So as here the Iudge hath nothing to lay hands on , but to giue sentence against himself , both of the Nimium , and Nihil dicit , as now yow haue seene . And so much for this matter . HOW THAT THE foresaid Nimium dicit , as it importeth falsum dicit , is notoriously incurred by Syr Edward Cooke , in sundry other assertions also apperteyning to his owne faculty of the law , which were pretermitted by the Catholike Deuine in his Answere to the 5. Part of Reportes . §. V. FOR so much as the most part of this seauenth Chapter hath beene of omissions , and pretermissions as you haue seene , and these partly o● M. Morton , in concealing such charges of vntruthes as had byn laid both against him , as also against his Client Syr Edward , & partly of Syr Ed. himself , in not answering for himself when he ought to haue done ; I thought it not amisse in this place to adioyne some other omissions in like manner on the behalfe of the Catholike Deuine , who passed ouer in silence sundry notable escapes of his aduersary M. Attorney , which he cōmitted in cyting law-books , and lawyers authorities against the Popes ancient iurisdictiō in spirituall cases in England , and this partly , for that he had not as then all the Bookes by him , which were quoted , and partly vpon a generall presumption , that in this poynt M At●orney would be exact , for that he had so solemnly protested the same in his booke of Reportes , as before hath byn touched , to wit , that he had cy●ed truly the ver● words and textes of the lawes , resolutions , iudgments , & Acts of Parlament all publike and in print , without any inference argumēt , or amplification quoting particulerly the bookes , yeares , leaues , chapters , and other such like certaine references , as euery man at his pleasure may see and read them . 81. This is his protestation : & who would not belieue a man ( especially such a man , and in such a matter ) at his word , or rather vpon so many words so earnestly pronoūced , especially if he had heard his new and fresh confirmation therof which he setteth ●orth in this other Preface to his sixt part , wherin he sayth , that euery man that writeth ought to be so care●ull of setting downe truthes , as if the credit of his whole worke consisted vpon the certainty of euery particuler period : which if it be true , then must it needs inferre a great preiudice to the credit first of the said 6. Part of Syr Edwards Reportes , for so much as so many periods haue beene now found false in this very Preface . And secondly it cannot but import the like discredit vnto his said fifth part , for which he framed his former protestation , for that vpon better view of the bookes , Statutes & lawes by him cyted , it is found , that he doth not only misalledge many both wordes and texts , resolutions , and iudgments , but peruerteth many other by wrong inferences , arguments , detorsions , and amplifications of his owne , quite contrary to his former protestation , which now breifly shall be declared more in particuler . 82. First then not to iterate againe the number of those many and manifold falshoods vsed by Syr Edward in the cyting of the Charter of King Kenulphus before the Conquest , for giuing priuiledge of Sanctuary to the Church of Cul●am belonging to the Abbey of Abindon , both by concealing the wordes that most imported , That all was done by the consent , and authority of Pope Leo : as also the like vnsincere dealing in Iustice Thorps case concerning the question , whether it were treason in the ●aigne of K. Edward the first for one subiect to b●ing in a Bull of excommunication against another subiect , wherof we haue treated in two seuerall precedent Paragraphes of this Chapter , and conuinced that there was much false , and fraudulent dealing in them both : this , I say , pretermitted , we shall note some more examples out of his other instances vnder English kings since the Conquest . 83. First he alleageth this instance vnder the Conquerour himselfe , not out of any law of his , but out of a fact . K. VVilliam ( saith he ) the first did of himselfe as K. o● England make appropriation of Churches with Cure to Ecclesiasticall persons : wherof he inferreth , that he had Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and cyteth for the proofe of his assertion 7. Ed. 3. tit . Quare impedit 19. which obiection though it be fully and substantially answered by the Deuine , shewing sundry and diuers waies , and namely foure , wherby a lay man may come to haue the collation or appropriation of bene●ices : yet the booke by him cyted being since that tyme examined , it is found that Syr Edward dealt very vnsincerly in alleaging this case to his purpose which maketh wholy against him . For this is the case set downe briefly by Brooke in his Abridgement , but much more larger , by the law-booke it selfe of 7. Ed. 3. fol. 4. 84. In the 7. yeare of King Edward the third by reason of an action of Quare impedit brought against the Deane , Chapter , & two Prebends of the Church of S. Peter of Yorke by the Abbot of Newenham , for that they had refused to admit his Clerke presented by him to the Church of T. wherunto he pretended to haue right to present : the case was handled in the Kings Bench , and the defendants pleading Plenarty for their defence , that is to say , that the place was full and not voyd , for that there was an appropriation , or vnion made of the said Church of T. with soke & sake , that is , with the appurtenances vnto the foresaid Church of S. Peter of Yorke , and vnto two Prebends of the same , by a Charter of King VVilliam the Conquerour , and afterward by another of K. Ed. 1. The chiefe Iustice at that tyme named Herle did foure or fiue tymes at least , during the discussion of that case , giue his iudgement , that by law the Conquerour , nor K. Edward could not make any such appropriation . And of the like opinion were the rest of the Iudges ( or at least contradicted not the same ) to wit , Syr Iohn Stoner , Syr Io●n Cantabridge , Syr Iohn Iugge , Syr Iohn Shardelow , and the rest , though two of them spake in the case , as may be seene , and gathered by reading the booke it selfe , and Stouffe and Trew that were of Coūcell of the Plaintife affirmed flatly , that no such appropriation could be made by the Cōquerour . All which the Attorney craftily concealed in his narration of the case , to the end that it might be deemed that the iudgemēt of the Court had beene in K. Edward the thirds tyme ( vnder whome this case was handled ) that the Conquerour might according to the cōmon-law , make an appropriation by his letters patent . And is this good dealing euen in the very first case which he proposeth a●ter the Conquest ? 85. After this he passeth ouer all the Conquerours lyfe , and six other kings ensuing , as VVilliam Rufus , Henry the first , K. Stephen , Henry the second , Richard the first , and K. Iohn , fynding no one example among all those Kings actions , lawes or orders , that might seeme to haue any shew of spirituall Iurisdictiō , but only that in the lyfe of K. H. 1. he alleageth a Charter of the said King , wherin he , as founder of the Abbey of Reading , doth appoynt out certayne orders and lawes , about the temporalityes of that Abbey , a thing very iust and lawfull for all founders to doe by their owne right , and consequently maketh nothing to the purpose of our questiō of Ecclesiastical power ; and moreouer the Deuine proueth by diuers examples , that sundry Popes were wont to giue faculty to Princes , and other founders to prescribe spirituall priuiledges for diuers pious workes erected by them : which the Popes themselues would afterward confirme , and ratify : so as this also was a fraud in M. Attorney to alleage so impertinent an example ; but it sheweth his pouerty and barennesse in examples of those yeares , which being aboue 150. vnder 7. kings , as hath beene said , he could fynd but these two poore examples ( nothing prouing the purpose ) to bring forth in all this tyme , wheras if he would looke ouer the tyme since K. Henry the 8. tooke vpon him indeed Ecclesiasticall authority by vertue of his temporall Crowne , and the other three Princes who in that haue followed him , whole volumes might be written of examples and presidents giuen therin of practising spirituall power : wherby it is euident : that those former Princes from the Cōquest downward , were not of the opinion and iudgement of these later Princes , and that Syr Edward doth but squeese and strayne them , to make them say or signify somewhat , which they neuer meant indeed : and this iniquity is not the least in the Attorneys proceeding in this matter , and yet doth M. Morton say of him , as you haue heard , exhorting euery man to resort vnto Syr Edwards storehouse for aboundance of good proofes , saying , habet ille quod det , & dat nemo largius , he hath store to giue , and no man giueth more liberally . Now then we shall peruse some of his store . 86. Vnder K. Edward 1. he alleageth this instance for proofe of his supposed Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiō , that when Pope Gregory the tenth had determined in a Councell at Lyons , Bigamos omni priuilegio Cl●ricali esse nudatos , & correctioni fori saecularis addictos , that all such as had beene twice married are depriued of all priuiledge of Clergy men , and are subiect to the iurisdiction of the secular Court ; There arose a question in England in tyme of Parliament how this decree of the Pope should be executed , and obserued , some of the Prelates inclining , that it should be vnderstood only of such Bigamies , as should fall out after the Coūcell : and therfore demaunded to haue deliuered into their hands , and freed from the temporall gaole , such as presently were in prison , and had beene bigamies before the Councell . But the K. & his Counsell were rather bent to haue all bigamies excluded frō that priuiledge , both present and to come , for that the Popes Constitution now alleaged seemed rather to sound that way : for that it is generall and without exception . Vpon which determination produced , the Attorney hath this note , insteed of an inference : Obserue ( saith he ) how the King by aduise of his Counsell ( that is by authority of Parlament ) expounded how this Councell of Lyons should be vnderstood , and in what sense it should be receyued and allowed . And therof would inferre , that the king and his Counsell held themselues to be aboue the Pope , for that they tooke vpon them to determine in what sense the Popes decree should be vnderstood . And yet M. Attorney protesteth as before you haue heard , that he maketh no inferences , but only alleageth the bare law books as they lye , but yet heere euery man will see that it is vntrue : for that heere he maketh an inference , and that very false and impertinent . For he should rather haue made the quite contrary inference , to wit , that for so much as the King and his Coūsell did subiect themselues to the acknowledgment and obseruation of the Popes decree , and did accommodate the law of England therunto ( which before was otherwise ) they did therby acknowledg that the Popes power in making lawes for Ecclesiasticall matters , was Superiour to that of the King : and can Syr Edward or any man else deny this consequence ? And this shall suffice for this case ; but only I may not let passe this one note by the way , that wheras M. Attorneys words are , that certayne Prelats when such persons as haue beene attaynted for fellons , haue praied to haue them deliuered as Clerkes , he forgot himselfe , for that the wordes in the booke are : quando de felonia rectati ●uer●nt , when they had beene arraigned of ●elony , & not when they had beene attainted of felony : for that Clerkes be●ore attainder were wont to be deliuered to their Ordinaries : but being once conuicted , and attainted they cannot make their purgation afterward , as appeareth by Stanford l 2. c. 49. 87. Vnder K. Edward 2. the Attorney writeth thus : Albeit by the ordinance of Circumspectè agatis made in the 21. yeare of K. Edward 1. and by generall allowance and vsage , the Ecclesiasticall Courts h●ld plea of Tythes , obuentions , oblatiōs mortuaryes &c. yet did not the Clergy thinke themselues assured nor quiet from prohi●itions purchased by subiects , vntill that K. Ed. 2. by his letters patents vnder the great seale , and by consēt of Parlament &c. had graunted vnto them to haue iurisdiction in those cases &c. So M. Attorney . And what doth he inferre heerof thinke you ? the questiō in hand teacheth vs , to wit , that K. Edward 2. is proued by this to haue had supreeme spirituall iurisdiction . An inference you will say , very farre fecht : but this is the manner of Syr Edwards disputing , and yet he saith , that he maketh no inference , nor argumentatiō at all : marke then his guilfulnes . 88. He cō●esseth that before king Edward the 2. there was generall allowance and vse of Ecclesiasticall Courts in England for Ecclesiasticall matters , as appeareth by the ordinance of Circumspectè agatis , vnder K. Edward 1. and of magna Charta before him againe vnder K. H. 3. & many other proofes : he confesseth also that this vse and allowance was confirmed according to the Custome of his Ancestours by the same K. Edward 2. by a new statute made in the ninth yeare of his raigne , called Articuli Cleri . But what of this ? hence he inferreth , that the king was supreme in spirituall authority , for that he graunted ( ●aith he ) to them to haue iurisdiction : and do you see the good consequence ? I will reason with him in the like . The parlamēt de prerogatiuis Regis held in the 17. yeare of the same K. raigne did nūber and explaine and confirme all the kings prerogatiues which were allowable at the cōmon law : ergo , this statute did giue vnto the king his prerogatiues , and that he had them not before : which consequēce I doubt not but M. Attorney himselfe will deny to be good , and yet is it as good as the other : for K. Edward 2. in his statute of Articuli Cleri , did but concurre with his Ancestours in confirming those priuiledges which had beene vsed before , time out of mind , and in subiecting his temporall lawes to the lawes of the Church in the cases there specified : so farre of was he frō taking supreme iurisdiction vpon himselfe , as falsely and fondly M. Attorney would make his reader belieue . But let vs passe from K. Edward 2. to his sonne K. Edward the third , out of whose raigne M. Attorney alleageth more examples & instances , then almost out of all the rest , wherof we shall touch some few , for all would be ouer longe , and perhaps we shall descēd no lower then the time of his raigne , reseruing the more ●ull discussion of these , and other exāples , vntill the Catholicke Deuine or some body for him shall prepare a second edition of his forsaid answer to Syr Ed. Reports . 89. First then fol. 14. b. of this his fifth part of Reports ; he reciteth out of the raigne of this K. Edward 3. ( but quoting no particuler place ) that it is often resolued , that all the Bishopricks within England were ●ounded by the kings progenitors , and therfore the aduowson of them all belonged to the king &c. And that when a Church with cure is void , if the particul●r Patron or Bishop of that Diocese do not present another within the space of 6. monethes , then may the Metropolitan conferre the same : and if he also do it not within six other moneths , then the comon law giueth to the king , as to the supreme within his owne kingdome , & not to the Bishop of Rome , power to prouide a competent pastour for that Church . This is Syr Ewdards narration , full of deceipt as now you shall see . For albeit the cōmon law doth giue to the king as to the supreme within his owne Kingdome to present by lapse , as hath beene said : yet not as supreme in spirituall authority , as he would haue his reader mistake and belieue ; but as supreme in the temporall patronage , or as supreme temporall Patron of that Benefice to whō in such cases the aduowson of presenting belongeth , as appeareth euidently by Cirendon , and the Bishop of Lincolnes case in Plowdens Commentaries , fol. 498. where it is said , that because all aduowsons and lands within the realme are held eyther immediatly or mediatly of the King , & the land where the Church is situate before the Church was builded , was held of the king , so in respect of the tenure of the king , the presentment by lapse accrueth vnto him , as supreme Patron , and not in respect of the supreme iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , which the Statute of 25. H. 8. did first of all ascribe vnto his temporall Crowne . 90. Vnder the same king 17. E. 3.23 . he citeth another law-booke thus : The king may not only exempt any Ecclesiasticall person from the iurisdiction of the Ordinary , but may graunt vnto him Episcopall iurisdiction , as thus it appeareth there , the king had done in ancient tyme to the Archdeacon of Richmond . So he . But if you read the booke it self here cited of 17. E. 3 23. you shall fynd that no such assertion can be founded there . For thus the case standeth in that booke : Stouff a Sergeant at law sayd , that the Archdeacon of Richmond had the office of the Ordinary , and I thinke , quoth he , by l●aue of the king . This is all the case there related : where you see that Sergeant S●ou●● affirmeth not that he knew it to be so , but did thinke so , that the said A●chdeacon of Ric●mond had the office of t●e Ordinary by leaue of the king , and much lesse did he auouch as Syr Edward doth for him , that the king gaue or graunted vnto him that ●piscopall iurisdiction , which is not warranted , but rather ouerthrowne by that booke , as you see , for that the Archdeacon might haue his Episcopall Authority , if he had any , by gr●unt from the Pope , and licence only of the king : and so this a●●●uera●ion ●tanding but vpon a collection of M. Attorney , falleth to the ground . 91. It ●olloweth in M. Attorney his Reports vnder the same K. Ed. 3. All religious , or Ecclesiasticall houses ( sai●h he ) wherof the king was founder , are by the king exempt fr● ordinary Iurisdiction , & only visitable , & corrigible by the K. Ecclesiastic●ll commission : and for this he citeth t●ese books 20. E. 3. Excō . 9.16 . E. 3. tit● Br● . 660.21 . E. 3.60.6 . H. 7.14 . Fitz. Nat. Breu● But in none of these bookes shall you find these words , that th●y are only visitable or corrigible by the K. Ecclesiasticall commissiō . This is Syr Edwards owne inuention . The books quoted do speake of hospitals , and free Chappels of the Kings foundation , which are not visited by the Ordinary , for that they are things temporall , and without cure of soules , and therfore not spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , nor to be visited in those dayes according to the common-law , by the Bishop , but by the kings Chancellour , as a temporall officer , as testifyeth Fitzherb . in his Nat. Br. ●ol . 42. A. though afterward in K. H. 5. tyme for remedying of disco●ders it was decreed in the 2. yeare of his raigne , that the visitation , and correction of such Hospitals and free Chaphels of the Kings foundation , or of his subiects , should be done by the Ordinaries , according to the Ecclesiasticll laws 2. H. 5. cap. 1. in Rastals Abridgment tit . Hospitals . So as heere , the principall wordes of controuersie , to wi● , by the kings Ecclesiasticall ●ommission , are feigned , and put in by M. Attorney ; and this is his ordinary art , to seeme to haue somewhat in fauour of his purpose , when it is nothing at all , but agai●st him . 92. It followeth in Syr Edw. instances ●ol . 15. The king shall present in his free Chappels ( in default of the Deane ) by lapse in ●●spect of his supreme Ecclesiasti●all iurisdiction , citing for i● , 27. Ed. 3. fol. 84. But heere againe I find a ●oule fitten , for his booke hath not these words , in respect of the kings supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction ( which is heere made the principall verbe of this part of speach , and often thrust in by M. Attorney of his owne inuentiō , ) but the meaning of his booke is , as he cannot but know , that the king in such cases shall present , not in respect of supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , but as supreme Patron temporall ; for that aduowsons , or patronage of such benefices are meere temporall inheritances , according to our cōmon-lawes , as oftē hath beene declared , and therfore the King being founder , may by lapse present . 93. An other like fitten or rather more foule is cōmitted by him in the same place , alleaging out of 22. Edward . 3. lib. Assis. pl. 75. that tythes arising in places out of any parish , the king shall haue them : ●or that he hauing the supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , he is bound to prouide a sufficient Pastour that shall haue the cure of soules of that place , which is not within any parish . And by the common lawes of Engl●nd ( saith he ) it is euident , that no man , vnlesse he be Ecclesiasticall , or haue Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction can haue inheritance of tythes . Thus much M. Attorney to proue that K. Ed. 3. had supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , & not the Pope in his dayes . But heere be so many scapes , fraudes and errours , as is a shame to see . For first in his booke quoted there is not foūd those words ( that principally import the controuersie ) that he , as hauing supreme Ecclesasticall iurisdiction● is bound to prouide a sufficiēt Pastour , but all this is thrust in by M. Attorney to make vp his market . Secondly much lesse is this yeelded for a reason , by his booke , why the king should haue such tythes , as lay out of all parishes : but another reason more substantiall is to be alleaged ( of being temporall Lord of the Lands ) which presently we shall touch . 94. Thirdly it is not true , that the king , as hauing supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is bound to prouide a sufficiēt Pastour to haue cure of soules , of that place which is not within any parish , both for that it may appertaine to a particuler subiect to dispose of those tythes , if he be temporall Lord of the place , without hauing supreame Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and the emolument may be so small , or the place it selfe so vast and remote , as eyther there be few soules to haue cure of , or the maintenance not sufficient for a Pastour . Fourthly it is false , that by the common-laws of England no man vnlesse he be Ecclesiasticall , or haue Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , can haue the disposing of tythes , for that euery man before the diuision of particuler parishes was made , though he was bound by diuine and Canonicall-law to pay his tythes of his lands : yet might he according to the cōmon-lawes of England haue assigned them to what Parish he would . Now let vs see the case it selfe , as it is proposed in 22. Ed. 3. lib. As● . pl. 75. 95. The king granted certayne tythes vnto the Prouost of C. out of certayne lands newly asserted in the forest of Rockingā ; and the said Prouost therupon brought a writ of Scire facias out of the Chancery against some that tooke away the said tythes &c. and then ( after some altercation to what Court the said sute belonged ) the plainti●e , that is the Prouost , prayed execution , but Thorp the chiefe Iustice said ; that it was wont to be law , when there is a certayne place that is not of any parish , as in Engelstwood and such like , that the king should haue the tythes ( and not the Bishop o● the place ) to graunt them to whom he should thinke good , as he hath graunted them vnto you : notwithstanding ( saith he ) the Archbishop of Canterbury hauing sued vnto the kings Counsel to haue those tythes , for that the matter is not yet tryed : vntil it by tryed you shall not haue execution . So he . And this is all the Case : wherin you see that albeit Iustice Thorp said , that it was wont to be law , that the king should dispose of the tythes of such places , as w●re newly assert●d , and cultiuated that were of his inheritance : yet doth he not so resolutly affirme it , that he would giue sētence of execution against the defendants , albeit they had made default after they had pleaded to the issue , as there is manifest , but would haue the Archbishop of Cāterburies sute to the cōtrary to be heard also . And indeed he could not but know , but that in the booke of 7. Ed. 3. fol. 5. ( which was 16. yeares before this case was treated ) the opinon of Herle chiefe Iustice was , that the Bishop should haue such tythes : and much lesse doth Iustice Thorp assign the cause of right of those tythes vnto the king , for that he hath supreme Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , as our Iudge doth now : but for that commonly such new wast asserted landes , appertained vnto the king , albeit as now hath beene said , they might haue appertayned also to a particuler subiect , if he had beene Lord of the place , as is most perspicuously declared , and set forth in an ancient Treatise intituled : O● the power of the Parliament , annexed to the Old Doctour and Student , or booke so intituled : where it is said as followeth . 96. If wast ground ( saith the Booke ) wherof was neuer any profit taken , and that lay in no parish , but in some forest , or that which is newly wonne from the sea , were brought into arable land , if the freehold therof were to the king , he might assigne the tythes to whom he would : and if the freehold were to a common person , he might do the like . For though tythes be spirituall : yet the assignement of tythes to other , is a temporall act . For before parishes were deuided , and before it was ordayned by the lawes of the Church that euery man should pay tythes to his owne Church , euery man might haue payed his tythes to what Church he would , & might one yeare haue giuen his tythes to one Church , and another yeare to another , or haue graunted them to one Church for euer if he would . And like as euery man before the seuering of the parishes might haue giuen the tythes to what Church he would , because he was bound to no Church in certayne : so may they do now that haue lādes that lie in no parish : for they be at liberty to assigne thē to what Church they will as all men were before the sayd law was made , that tythes should be payd to their proper Churches . 97. So farre this Law-booke : which doth not ascribe anything to the kings Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , as heere you see , as neyther doth Iustice Brooke , who in his Abridgement abridgeth the foresaid ca●e of 22. E. 3. lib. assis . vnder the tytle of the Kings Prerogatives , signifying therby , that the said tythes are due to the king ( if they be due ) in regard of his prerogatiue Royall , and not of his spirituall supreme power a●d iurisdiction , See Booke 22. Ed. 3. tit . Prerogatiue pl. 47. 98. And as for the law mentioned in the foresaid Treatise , wherby men were appointed to pay their Tythes to their peculiar parishes , wheras before th●y were free to pay them where they would ; it is meat of a Canon of the great Generall Councell of Lat●ran held at Rome vnder Pope Innocentius 3. in the dayes of K. Iohn of England vpon the yeare 1216 which was aboue a hundred yeare before this other case fell out in 22. E. 3. in which Councell it was ordayned , That eu●ry man should pay his Tythes to his proper Church and parish . To which Ordination of the Pope and Councell the kingdome of England submitted it self , and the temporall lawes therof : and so the matter endured vntill the breach of K. H. 8. So as in all this tyme the Popes supreme Authority , and spirituall iurisdiction was acknowledged and obeyed , about this matter of Tithes in England , as is euident also ●y these books ensuing , to wit , 7. E. 3. fol. 5.44 . Ed. 3. f. 5.10 . H. 7. fol. 16. but yet for that the said Canon of Lateran did not comprehend expresly all such landes as were then wast and should after be asserted , K. Edward 3● in the case proposed might according to the former ancient law that was vsed before the said Canon , giue and appoynt the tythes of these newly asserted lands of Rockingham , to whom he would , as he did , though not vnder the title of his supreme spirituall iurisdiction , as the Attorney very falsely doth pretend , but as temporall patron of that land , for the causes before specified . And so much of this Case . 99. Another he cyted out of 38. E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 22. in these wordes : The king d●d by his Charter translate Cha●ons secular● into Regular and religious persons : which he did by his Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction : and could not do it , vnlesse he had had iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall . So he : And heere is false dealing againe , for all that is said in that booke , is this , that it was pleaded for the king , that by his Charter he did graunt that the Prior & Couēt of Plymouth might transferre Secular into Regular Chanōs , which was but a grant or licence , as you see . Nor did the king translate Chanons Secular into Regular , which belonged vnto the Pope , but graunted only and gaue licence , that they might be so transferred ; nor hath the law-booke any one word of the kings Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , but all this is feigned by M. Attorney himselfe . 100. Agayne he cyteth out of 49. Ed. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 8. where , the Abbot of VVestminster , saith he , had a Prior & Couent , who were Regular and mort in law : yet the king by his Charter did deuide that corporation , and made the Prior and Couent a distinct and capable body to sue , and to be sued by thēselues : whereof M. Attorney would inferre the kings supreme spirituall authority , and iurisdiction . But his booke fauoureth him not at all heerin , for albeit Candish said that the possessions of the Abbot & Prior of VVestminster were seuered the one from the other , and that this began with the Charter of the king , yet is it playne by the law 11. H. 4. fol. 10. that the Abbot and Prior of VVestminster had their possessiōs in seueralty from tyme to tyme out of mynd &c. Nor is there any thing spokē there of the kings graūt at all : and if there were , yet must it be vnderstood according to that which is declared by the Catholicke Deuine of the concession and confirmation of priuiledges granted by Pope Leo the 9. and Nicolas the 2. to K. Edward the Confessor concerning the said Monastery of VVestminster , to wit , that they gaue him authority to graunt priuiledges , which they themselues did ratify after they were granted , and so in this case , the separation and seueraltie of the said Abbot and Prior of VVestminster hauing bene time out of mind , must necessarily be presumed to haue proceeded originally from the Pope , as the booke 11. H. 4. saith , and that the Grant of the K. was but his allowance and good leaue to the same . 101. I might produce heere many other particulers both vnder this K. Edward the 3. and much more if I would descēd any lower to the raignes of other ensuing kings , but I thinke best to stay my selfe heere , leauing the rest to some other more fit oportunity which before I haue insinuated● and this which already hath bene spoken may be sufficient to declare and make manifest that Syr Edward is neither so exact and punctuall in his truth , as he would seeme when he saith ; That the credit of euery writers whole worke must depend of the verity of euery period therof : nor yet so sincere in the simplicitie of his allegations , as that he vseth not either inference , argument , or exaggeration , as of him self you haue heard him protest before ; for so much as now more or lesse you haue seen & beheld both these two as●euerations of his contradicted by himselfe in deeds : the first by many vntruthes vttered in his behalfe ; the second by a perpetuall course of crafty dealing to inferre and inforce such things to his Readers apprehension as his Authors neuer meant , nor the books by him cyted do affoard or beare , wherof I do vnderstād that he is like to heare more ere it be long , frō a Catholick lawyer that meaneth to ioyne with the Catholick Deuine in defence of their cōmon & Catholicke saith about these poynts : and to deale with Syr Edward in proprijs , vpon his owne grounds , as I doubt not , but that he may with great aduantage , in respect of the notorious difference of their cause ; the one hauing with him the authority & prescription of almost a thousand yeares in our Country , wherin all Lawyers , Iudges , and Learned men of that professiō were truly Catholick and of one faith iudgment , and Religion : and the other hath not yet full the prescription of one age to stand with him in his nouelties : and consequently no meruaile though he meane to stand to his owne wit only . OF ANOTHER Preface ins●antly come vnto my hands , prefixed before the L. Cookes seauenth Part of Reports , conteyning new iniuries offered to Catholikes by him . §. VI. BEING come to this place of my answere I receyued a new halfe sheet of paper printed in latin without the English , conteyning another Preface of the Iustice before his 7. Part of Reports : and albeit I expect the rest of the booke both in English & Latin , yet perusing ouer this in the meane space which already is come , I perceyue Syr Edward Cook● to persist still in his old animosity of pursuing Catholiks vpon euery occasion offered or sought for by him ; so as nothing can come from him , eyther in speach or writing , but some part must concerne thē and their imputation . And as for his speaches ( especially his Charges giuen vpon the Bench ) I haue said somewhat before : and how bitter , false and iniurious they are , alleaging in particuler some passages of his Charge giuen at the Assises of Norwich vpon the 4. of August 1606. published in print by R. P. & dedicated to the Right honorable Earle of Excester : which two leters of R. P. I knew not at that tyme whom they meant , vntill now in this Latin Preface Syr Edward calleth him inuidum & maledicum Pricket , an enuious and slaunderous Pricket , for that belike he had pricked somwhat his Lordshipps patience by the edition of his said Charge without his licence : he adding moreouer , That the said Pricket had not set downe any one least sentence of his speach truly and sincerely in that sense and signification wherin himselfe had vttered the same , which no doubt was a great fault in Pricket , if it were true . 103. But on the other syde is first the protestation of Pricket himselfe , who saith to the foresaid Earle , shewing both his sincerity and affection towards the Iustice. If therfore in this following worke ( saith he ) my memory hath giuen a true instruction to my pen , I hope my labours shall be accompted profitable , when it administreth a publike benefyt . And agayne : I humbly craue your Honour will vouchsafe to patronize this litle booke by me collected , not out of myne owne , but frō the words of that Reuerend , and learned Iudge the L. Cooke ; who at his comming vnto Norwich , did vpon the Bench deliuer a Charge so excellent , as that it worthily deserueth to be continued in perpetuall memory . These are Prickets words , which seeme to free him much from the passion of enuy and malediction obiected by Syr Edward , whom he pretendeth greatly to honour by this edition of his speach . And that no affection towards Catholiks did biaz him in this relation , may appeare by his other words that presently did ensue after the former , saying : I hope that this speach being produced to a publike view , shall remayne vnto our publike weale a worthy president , wherin Romes Champions may with shame discerne their long continued shamefull practises ; Puritans and Schismatiks learne to know with what iniustice they disturbe the happines of our most happy Peere . So Pricket , who sheweth himselfe as you see a perfect Protestant in profession , and therby it is made very probable that the enuie obiected vnto him by Syr Edward did not arise vpon any di●parity or partiality of religion ( notwithstanding it may be that the difference of their two particuler states in purse and wealth considered , Pricket being a poore souldiour , might enuy somewhat the rich lawiers great wealth and aboundant flowing fortunes . ) For thus he beginneth his Epistle to the said Earle , lamenting his owne penurie . 104. May it please your Honour , the obseruation , which this world begets , may teach experience truly to report , that loue and charity are for the most part growne so cold , euen in the hoatest sun-shine of our profession , as that despised pouerty , though addicted to the religious exercise of endeauours cōmendable , is in the best imployment ( which seemeth with greatest fauour to smile vpō our hope ) so coldly recompenced , as that poore , vnpittied , deiected , and miserable pouerty knoweth neyther meanes nor place , how or where to warme herselfe . Vnhappy I in this best tyme of greatest happines , who being , as I am , a poore despised , hated , scorned , and vnrespected souldiour , so vnfortunate , as no commended meanes ( though many vsed with confirmation both of loue and loyalty ) can be of power to raise a spirit drowned in the worst of misery frō despayres gulfe &c. Wherby it may appeare that Prickets chief endeauour was rather indirectly by laying forth his owne temporall needs to draw somewhat from Syr Edwards purse , and by writing the story of his glorious speach at Norwich , to gayne vnto himself his good will and affection for his reliefe , then any way to shew malignity against him : wherof I fynd no cause or probability , but rather his pricking stomake against vs , whom Syr Edward also impugned , and consequently , if any thing be found in his narration , that at this present displeased Syr Edward , it must be thought to proceed eyther from the errour of the others memory that directed not well his pen , or from some change of mynd in Syr Edward himselfe who now perhaps reprehendeth that which before he misliked not , but was well content to haue it published . And to this later coniecture I am the rather induced to incline for that there are now two yeares past & more , since Pricket set forth in print this speach , and I neuer heard that Syr Edward did mislike it , vntill at this present I see it so greiuously reprehended by him in this last Preface : for in the former that was prefixed before his sixt part of Reports ( which seemeth to haue come forth after Prickets relation ) no complaynt or mention is made therof . 105. But you will aske me ( perhaps ) why so great a charge should be found in Syr Edward , that he should so sharpely and vehemently inueigh against that which before he liked , or at leastwise tolerated for so long tyme ; wherunto truly I know not what other thing to answere , but that it may be , that the exceptions I tooke in my answer to M. Morton against diuers things in that narration , as notorious vntruthes might displease or stinge somewhat Syr Edward , who hauing no list to answere the matters thēselues , thought best to fall aboard the relator , & to lay the fault on him , saying , that he hath not related matters aright : wherin as I meane not to excuse him , so on the other side it seemeth very hard vnto me , that the substance of those points , wherin I touched Syr Edwards vntrue dealing , and many other , wherin I might haue said much more , should be feigned , or deuised by Pricket , or related by him more maliciously against vs , then they were meant or vttered by the Iustice himself , which is euident , partly by that which I haue heard to be continued still by him both there , and in other places , where since that tyme he hath giuen Charges to the Iurie : wherin the greatest part and most bitter of his speach is allwayes commonly against the Catholicks , as though they were the greatest malefactours of the realme , to be inquired of . And in this very Charge and speach related by Pricket , his malicious in●ectiue against them conteyneth aboue a dozen leaues printed , the whole thing it self scarce being as much againe . 106. And if you will behold the impertinency & vanity therof , considering the auditory of Norwich his Countrey , where he would needs triumph gloriously in that first Charge ( if I be not deceyued ) after he was Iudge , you shall fynd it not only like to be Syr Edwards , but worthy also of his veyne in that vanity : for that hauing first by a seuerall Exordium set down a tale of a Noble yong Roman that was by the Senate made a Iudge in his tender yeares , and for diuers reasons and considerations of the dignity therof made some delay , and difficulty in admitting the same , he did notwithstanding vpon some friends persuasion yeald at length to accept therof : all which Parable the Iustice applying to himselfe , beginneth his Charge with such plausible Oratoricall wisedomes eloquence ( to vse the words of his Relatour M. Pricket ) as first he expounded vnto them vpon his fingers the Grammaticall verse : Quis , quibus , quid , quomodo , and , de quibus , that is : who sent this Commission ? to wit , his Maiesty . To whom ? to Syr Edward , and others vnder him . What did it cōteyne ? Great and high authority . How must it be executed ? By doing iustice . Of whom and what causes must inquiry be made ? Principally , and in the first place against Catholiks that do professe the Roman religion and obedience of the Pope . 107. And is not this a goodly deduction ? Was there euer any English Iudge before the Apostacy of Martyn Luther , that gaue a Charge from the bench against such men , for being such ? If all the Iudges & lawiers of our Nation that euer gaue Charges to inquire of malefactours for nine hundred yeares together , and more in our Iland after Christian religion receyued , did giue such a Charge , & for such a crime then hath Syr Edward somewhat to excuse his insolency heerin . But if there be none , as most certainly there is not : how then doth he performe his promise made heere in this new Latin Preface of auoyding fiue things in setting downe his Reports ? Wherof the fourth he termeth Nouitatem , Nouelty , which he defyneth to be then , when , si ad amussim nostrorum librorum , & antiquorum exempla applicentur , nequaquam quadrant . If the things which he speaketh being applyed to the exact rule of their law-bookes , and examples of their ancients , do not agree therunto : Which he holdeth for a thing most vnworthy of their profession , indignissimam studiis nostris . VVherefore eyther he must bring forth such ancient bookes , lawes , and examples for himself and his cause ( that precedent Iudges haue giuen such Charges ) or els he conuinceth himselfe to be most vnworthy of that place and dignity of law which he holdeth . 108. But to returne to the Charge giuen at Norwich : after he had expounded the verse of Quis , Quibus &c. according to his manner of ostentation , he beginneth his narratiō thus : Our worlds admired Queene renowned Elizabeth , did , as you do know , in the beginning of her Raigne , change the State of religion in this kingdome , in her first Parliament , by the consent of her Lordes Spirituall & Temporall &c. and then he goeth forward to shew the continuall reclayme , and resistance made by Catholicke men from tyme to tyme for their religion : wherby thinking to disgrace them as rebellious , for their reluctation , doth in deed giue them the highest cōmendation that can be giuen to Christian men , which is to stand firme & constāt to the worlds end in their Religion once receiued , and continued to their tyme. And for himsel●e doth insinuate therby , that for the gayning of aduancement , and pleasing a worlds admired Queene , or any other worldly Prince , it were no hard matter to make him admit any change of Religion whatsoeuer , for so much as he alloweth so easily of this , which this VVoman-Queene made with admiration and wonder o● the world : & yet doth he vtter a notorious vntruth in that he saith , she did it by the cōsent o● her Lordes Spirituall and Temporall , for that all her Lords Spirituall ( which make the chie●e part of the Parlament ) resisted the matter , as appeareth by their depriuations , depositions , restraints or imprisonments that theron ensued . So as this is as true , as that other which followeth in the very next page , and hath beene handled by me in other places , to wit , that as well these that were restrayned or imprisoned , as generally all the Papists of this Kingdome , did come to the Protestants Church , nor any of them did resuse during the first ten yeares of the said Queenes gouernment , which I haue cōuinced * before by hundreds of witnesses , to be most shamefully false , as also the other deuised fable , that Pius Quimꝰ did offer to approue the Communion Booke of English seruice by his owne letters to Q. Elizabeth , if she would do him the honour as to accept it from him . 109. I do pretermit willingly as vnworthy of my pen , those scoffes and contemptible derisions , which it hath pleased his L. to vse against that holy man , and high priest of our soules Pope Pius Quintus , calling him Pope Impius V. his hellishnesse , his horriblenesse , and the like : which seemeth much to s●uour of the spirit of those that in Iudge Pilates house did scoffe at our Sauiour , bowing their knees , and crying : Aue Rex Iudaeorum : but yet there the maister Iudge did not descend to such scurrility . But surely I am sory to see a Lord Iudge vse the same in publike auditory , which were fitter for one of his Kitchin amongst his Companions : and when such things as these are related vnto strangers , they seeme incredible to men of e●timation and honour . 110. But Syr Edward passing on in this manner throughout his whole speach , bringeth in all the accidents fallen out frō the beginning of that Raigne vnto the end of the Irish warres , Doctor Sanders his being there , Steukley his going to Rome , and afterward to Portugall : the Duke of Guise his actions , and of Mēdoza , called by him Iesuite , though he were a Noble man , and Ambassadour of the K. of Spaine in Englād , Campian , Persons , Heywood , Shirwyn , and other Priests comming into England vpon the yeare 1580. and many other such like things little appertayning to them of Norwich , but that my L. would needs speake like a great Counsellour that day , and be Propheta in Patria , and fill mens eares with tales , and terrours : and yet in the end after all sayd , and much therof knowne to be false to the greatest part of discret men in his auditory , he commeth at length to be somewhat mor● mild and placable , saying : by this then our English Papists , eyther Iesuits or Seminaries may learne to know that it is not Religion that they striue for ; but only to mayntaine the Antichristian head of Romes vsurped Supremacy . And if there be in this presence any Roman Catholiks , or so many o● them as shall heare of that which now hath beene spoken , I intreat thē , as my deare and louing Country-men , that they will not any longer be seduced by any lying spirit sent from Rome , seing that the Pope ( whome they belieue ) hath hims●lfe allowed ( as before we have shewed ) that in our Church we haue a doctrine of faith and religion , su●ficiently necessary to saluation . Deare Country-men we haue then inough & need not the help of any Pope , sithence all the Papists generally came vnto our Churches be●ore our late Q. Elizabeth was excōmunicated &c. Thus he . 111. And do you see this Conclusion , all groūded vpon suppositions , that are manifestly false , or rather ridiculous in thēselues : for that first he would haue vs suppose , as a thing by him proued before , that it is not religion , for which we striue , but to maintayne the Popes supreme Authority in spirituall Causes , as though the article of supremacy were no poynt of Religion at all among vs , which is a great absurdity to imagine . For doth not the Catholicke Deuine in the Preface of his Answere vnto him ( and we before haue also repeated the same ) shew & demonstrate that this point of supreme spirituall authority , is so principall an article of Religion , as all other controuersies may be determined therby ? How then doth the Iustice trifle so in this matter ? Is he not ashamed to say in the face and ears of such an Auditory , that Catholi●kes striue not for religion , whē they striue for their supreme Pastours spirituall Authority ? It is as good an argument , as if a man should say , that Syr Edward when he was a Counsellour pleaded not for money , but for gold : as if gold were no money . 112. His second supposition is , that we belieue Pope Pius Quintus to haue allowed the Protestant Cōmunion Booke , for that Syr Edward saith , and sweareth it vpon his credit , saying : and this vpon my credit , and as I am an honest man is most true : which I haue els where shewed to be most vntrue , and that no Catholicke of cr●dit doth or will giue credit vnto it . Thirdly he supposeth that we belieue his former assertion , that all Catholickes generally did come to the Protestants C●urch for the first ten yeares of Q. Elizabeths raigne , which they do not only thinke , but know to be most false . 113. Fourthly he supposeth it to be a good consequence , that if Catholicks did come to their Churches for the first ten yeares , they haue inough for their saluation : and need not the help of any Popes authority , for absolution of their sinnes , or other spirituall power : For such is his inference , when he s●ith : Deare Country-men , we haue then inough , and need not any help of any Pope , sithence all the Papists generally came to our ●hurches , be●ore the late Queene was excommunicated : which inference and consequence is both false and absurd . For albeit some Catholicks came to the Church for feare or otherwise ; yet therby haue not Syr Edward and his partners inough for their saluation , for that the other came to their Churches ; for they might come with a repugnant mynd , condemning and detesting inwardly their Religion , no lesse , or perhaps more , then they that were Recusants , and openly refused to come , as no doubt , but at this day also many do , who are forced to Church against their consciences . 114. And it is to be noted that Syr Edward saith : VVe haue a doctrine of ●aith and Religion s●fficiently necessary to saluation : So as he ascribeth no perfection to his Religion , nor any aboundant sanctitie , latitude , or degrees of holines , one aboue the other ; but if it be sufficiently necessary , it is inough for him . And yet doth our Sauiour say : that there be many mansions in the house o● my Father ; and exhorteth men to perfection , Perfecti estote , which importeth somewhat more , then sufficiently necessarie . But if seemeth that Syr Edward would be content with a litle , and go no further then necessarily he must . God grant he go so farre , and keepe him in charitie , in which heere he seemeth in part to be by his offer of vnion and agreement , though in the very next leafe he falleth into extremities agayne , saying : That the most sacred person of Gods annoynted , king Iames , whome Pope Clement the ninth could proudly dare to terme the Scottish Her●ticke , shall vnderneath his Princely foote , tread downe Romes faithlesse , Papall , proud , and Antichristian heresy &c. 115. Do you see where the man is againe ? Euen now you haue heard him ascribe so much to Pope Pius Quintus , as for that he was presumed ( though falsely ) to offer the allowance of the English Communion booke to Q. Elizabeth , if she would take it of him , that therfore they had a doctryne of faith & religiō sufficiētly necessary to saluation , for that the Pope had allowed it : and yet now he turneth to his old rayling , calling the Romā faith , Romes faithlesse , Papall , proud , Antichristian heresy : And therby maketh all Christian kings that acknowledg the Popes spirituall authority to be faithlesse & Antichristian heretikes . How will this soūd in the eares of all forraine Monarches , and greatest Potentates that are touched therby ? Is this intemperate speach befitting a Iudges person ? yea a Chiefe Iudge ? But there is nothing more intolerable in this speach , then the base & odious flattering of his Maiesty , which vice it is read that diuers magnanimous Princes haue more hated and punished , then any cryme besides ; yea next vnto treason it selfe , especially when it is conioyned with notorious falsity as this is , when he saith , That Pope Clement the ninth ( he should haue said the eyght ) could proudly dare to terme the Scottish hereticke , which is indeed a famous English calumniation deuised by himselfe , or others , and can neuer be proued to be true : for that Pope Clement spake euer very respectiuely of his Maiesty in all occasions , both when he was in Scotland , and after : Neyther will the contrary be found in any of his writings . Wherfore it is both shamefull and shamelesse , that such open vntruthes should be spoken in publike audience without controlment . But let vs goe forward to a point or two more . 116. After his former exhortatiō & inuitation to draw Catholicks to his doctryne of faith and religion sufficiently necessary to saluation , he pas●eth to another point of threatning : first , that his Maiesty will neuer giue any toleration to Catholicks : and the second , that in the meane space , while they hope in vaine , they shall abide the smart of punishments . The first he proposeth in these words : If there be any Papist so ●oolish , and altogeather reasonlesse , as to expect , that his Maiesty may be drawne to such alteration or toleration , as they desire , I will them assuredly to know , they hope in vaine . The second he setteth downe thus : Such Papists as notwithstanding the impossibility of their hope , will still remaine peruerse , let them know for certainty , that the lawes concerning them shall receiue a most strict and seuere execution against them . 117. This is the dreadfull denunciation of our new Iudge , wherby you see , that in the one he forestalleth absolutly his Maiesties will , not only for the present , but for all time to come , further , perhaps , then he hath commission to take vpon him . For what knoweth he what God may inspire his Maiesty in succeeding yeares ? Or what other reasōs and circumstances of time , place , and state of things may induce his Royall Wisdome prudently and piously for benefit of his subiects to alter somwhat his present resolution ? Is not the hart of kings in the hands of God ? Wil my L. Iustice so make himselfe Pedagogue and Maister of his Maiesties will , as he will define or predetermine before hand , what he shall doe , or what he shall not doe for the time to come ? This is very predominant indeed , and were more then inough for a whole Counsell to doe : but much more and farre ouermuch for him , that hitherto , so farre as I know , hath noe place among them . We cannot but hope better of his Maiesties pious disposition , and trust , that in time we shall say also , Spes non confundit : notwithstanding the desperate resolution of Syr Edward to the contrary . 118. And as for the second point of his threatning punishment and vexation to Catholickes , it is litle to be wondred at , and lesse to be esteemed in such a Cause as they suffer for . Lesse to be wondred at ; for that such animosity of spirit is wont often to accompany them , that rise in hast to excessiue wealth and authority ouer others : lesse to be esteemed by Catholicks , who both take it for a glory to suffer for their Religion , and haue learned by experience of former tymes , that God is wont to extend his hand , and make an arrest , euen then , when those that persecute his seruants are most in their heate of pursuite against them . And I could wish that Syr Edward did but looke ouer the two ancient written Bookes , the one of Tertullian to Scapula ; the other of S. Cyprian , in imitation of the former to Demetrianus , both of them persecuting Iudges : whome the said Authors do earnestly exhort to looke vpon the endes of such , as had beene their persecutours in that their office before . Possumus ( sayth Tertullian to Scapula ) & exitus quorumdam Praesidum tibi proponere &c. We might lay before your face the ends also of certayne Presidents or Iudges , that after afflicting vs , felt the hand of God themselues : and then he nameth Vigelius Saturninus in Africa , that was suddainly stroken blinde , Claudius Herminianus in Cappadocia , that was eaten with life , Ceciliu● Capella of Byzantium , that after much cruelty perished miserably , when he least expected . And I thinke also , that I may truly adde , that whosoeuer shall looke vpon the endes of such as haue bene the greatest persecutours of Catholikes in England , since persecution began ( and among those also some Iudges of Syr Edwards ranke , if I be not deceyued ) will finde litle cause to brag or to vaunt , that they were happy therin . But howsoeuer this be , I say to our Iudge , as Tertullian sayd to his , when he layd before him the sayd examples : Non te terremus , quia nec time●●● , we do not go about to terrify you , for that neither do we feare you in this cause , though I know you may vexe vs , as you haue donne , and do : but when all is donne , our hope is where it was , in the Highest ; and our assurance and protection is the warrant of our Maister : Nolite timere eos , qui corpus occidunt &c. Doe not feare those that can vexe or kill the body , and afterward can do noe more : but feare him that after this life can cast into hell , and euerlasting torments : and this Iudge must our Iudge feare also . For he is Iudge of Iudges , and can both reuerse iudgments , and reuoke sentences at his pleasure . 119. And thus much haue we bene induced to speake and repeate againe in this matter of this Norwich-Charge , by occasion of Syr Edwards accusation of Pricket in setting downe the same : wherin if he had gone about to recall or mislike any part therof , as ouer iniurious to Catholicks , we should haue accepted therof most gratefully , and adioyned with him in the iust reprehension of Pricket , as hauing related that speach more maliciously , then it was meant against vs , but I can discouer no such meaning or moderation in Syr Edward by that he hath written since that time , or spoken againe in that place : whereof I haue heard by some that were present , that he hath borne himselfe no lesse insolently , then in the former speach , especially bringing in tales against Monks , to get applause therby of the vulgar people against that order of Religious men in the Catholike Church : whereof you haue heard one example before of the Prior , that was feigned to haue gotten by fraud a Gentlemans land in helping him to make his Testament : another was of an Abbot that made an inclosure , and tooke in a high way within his inclosure , and for that there was a rough and rude Country-man , that brake downe his inclosure , saying that he would passe where his father and grandfather had passed , the Abbot being a lustie , tall , fat , and strong knaue , sayth Syr Edward , desiring to fight hand to hand with this clowne or country-man , when he was to repasse that way , tooke on a seruing mans apparrel ( if you will belieue the story ) went to the place , watched his returne , ioyned with him in combat , and was well beaten by him . And then did Syr Edward both laugh hartily , and giue God thankes , that he had found out such a History to tell them in that place : and further he sayd that he was hartily glad , that it fell vpon an Abbot . And was not this graue matter , thinke you , for a Iudge to treate in that place and auditory ? VVhat would the Roman Senate haue thought of their yong Roman Iudge , ( whose imitation it seemeth that Syr Edward , in the beginning of his Speach had prefixed vnto himselfe ) if they had vnderstood that from the Bench and Seate of Iustice , euen pro rostris , he had vsed such leuity of speach and action , as this is ? 120. But heere now it may be , that my L. will be some-what displeased to haue his things published abroad , which he did but speake for his priuate pleasure , mirth , and triumph in his Countrie of Norwich . But the fault is his owne in speaking it so lowdely , and not obseruing the counsaile of his Honourable friend ; who hearing him one day o●erlash very much , as heere is reported , against Catholikes , said merily , but wisely , vnto him : speake softer my Lord for that otherwise you will be ouerheard beyond the seas . But for remedy of this also it seemeth , that his Lordship hath thought now vpon a more effectuall way to be free from these admonishments from beyond the seas . For in this new last Preface of his , after a great reprehension of those , that write in these our times saying , Quotidie plures , quotidie peius s●ribunt : that euery day more do write , and do write worse ( wherin I doubt not but his owne writings are excepted by his Lordship , being also a moderne writer himselfe ) he cōmeth to pronounce this terrible sentence vpon all Catholicke bookes and writings , that come from abroad : Si quisquam hominum &c. Yf any man shall bring into England any of those Bookes , which I haue seene lately written from Rome or Romanists , or shall by reading , seeme to patronize them with his suffrage , or with approuing them shall deliuer them to others to be read , he must o● necessitie ●or the first fault be condēned in a Premunire with losse of goods and lands , and to be imprisoned during life , at the Princes pleasure : and for the second he must suffer death , as in case of treason . This is his denunciation and determination , which he prooueth not otherwise in this Preface , but only by his owne asseueration . It may be that he will go about to prooue it afterward out of some lawes , that he is to relate in this his seauenth Part of Reportes : and that he will do it as substantially , as he prooueth before in his fifth part , that Q Elizabeth and her predecessours according to the ancient common-lawes of England had supreme Ecclesiasticall authority . Yf he doe , somewhat may chance to be sayd to the booke , whē it shall be seene , for hitherto I haue had no view therof at all : only I must needs say heere ; that in wise and indifferent mens iudgmēt Syr Edward being a writer himselfe against Catholickes , and hauing therby prouoked them to answere him ( as before you haue heard how ioyfull he was when any obiections were made by the Student against his writings , and the more , saith he , the better : ) he hath not prouided well for his credit and honour , to go about now to barre all writing on our side , by terrour of penalties , yea & of death it self . For this is plainly to prouoke to the field : and then to get a proclamation , that if his enemy do ouercome him , his victory shal be death . 121. But I cannot perswade my self that Syr Edward will easily get any such , vniust , and dishonorable refuge for his defence . For either he must procure it to be decreed of new by some moderne law ; which being so vnreasonable I cannot expect from the wisedoms of so many graue men that must haue voyc● therin : or he will deduce it out of some ancient lawes of England : and therin I dare ioyne with him , that he is not able to do it . 122. VVherefore my counsayle should rather be to Syr Edvvard , that either he would cease to prouoke vs by writing , or intemperate speaking against Catholickes , or take in good part our temperate answers , or cause them with like temperance to be confuted by himself , or by some on his part , or so finally change his course towards vs , as we may haue no speciall cause to complayne of him more then of others : which were a farre better way in my opiniō , to peace and profit of both parts , then by terrour of punishments to seeke to oppresse all Catholicke writings , which will be very hard for him to do . And when it should succeed , he were like to gaine least of all therby : For that most probable it is , that in such a case they would all turne their pennes against himself , insteed of other argument by his meanes prohibited . 123. And this is as much as I haue to say about this last Preface , which commeth intituled thus : Deo , Patriae , Tibi , signifying therby , as I comprehend the matter , that this seauenth Part of his Reports now come forth , is dedicated as seruiceable to all those three ; to God , our Country , and the Reader : which if it be no otherwise written then the fifth Part , that I haue read , it may very well be returned againe by the Reader saying : N●c Deo , nec Patriae , nec Mihi : It is neyther profitable , nor seruiciable to Gods honour , nor to our Countrey , nor to Me. Not to God ; for that it impugneth his only true and Catholike Religion , and that by false and indirect meanes , whereof God is an enemie . Not to our Country ; for that these Reports of law being contrary to all auncient lawes , and written with a contrary spirit to all our ancient lawiers , Iudges , & law-makers , before this our present age , can profit nothing our Country ; but set greater breaches and diuisions therein . To Me also , that am the Reader or Student , it can neither profit , nor import any thing , but losse of time , and breaking my head with con●radictions : For so much as all this must once againe be cast of and forgotten , as nouelties . when our old course of Commonlaw must returne to follow her ancient streame againe . 124. Wherfore a much more honourable and profitable course had it bene for so great a witt , & learned a man in our lawes , as my L. is said & held to be , that to the end his labours in writing might haue remayned gratefull and commodious to posterity , he had conformed himselfe , his spirit , knowledge and penne , to that of ancient precedent lawyers of our land , as Plowden did , and some others , whose wrytings for that cause wil be immortall . But Syr Edward , taking to himselfe a contrary new course by wrenching and wresting lawes to a contrary meaning frō the common sense , both of the lawes themselues , & law-makers , as also of the times wherin they were made , and torrent of authority , that gouerned the the same , his labours must needs in the end proue to b● both vnprofitable , and contemptible . 125. For I would demand him , what sound common lawier will ioyne with him in this point , which he so re●olutly auerreth in his last Preface , that all bookes cōming à Roma , vel à Romanistis , from Rome or Romanists , that is from any sort of Catholicks , haue punishment according to our anciēt lawes ( for of those I suppose he speaketh ) of losse of goods , liberty and life ? Will any man belieue him , that this is conforme to any ancient law of England ? Doth he not know ( as I doubt not but he doth much better then I ) the old ancient honour , that was wont to be borne to Rome and Romanists , by our English Common lawes ? Can he deny but that the Bishop of Rome is tearmed Apostolus and Apostolicus almost eu●ry where in the same ancient lawes ? yea Prince of the Church ? and that our Archbishop of Canterbury the greatest Peere and Prelate of England , is called in our law Apostoli Legatus , Legate of the Apostle and Roman Bishop ? And that his spirituall Court is but a member of the Court of Rome , which Court in England is called Curia Christianitatis , the Court Christian , or Court of Christianity , throughout our Common law-bookes , as I might shew by multiplicity of authorities , if it were not a matter so notoriously knowne , as no meanest lawier will , or can denie it . And is it likely then that according to those lawes it may be prooued , that it is Praemunire and treason , to bring in a Booke from Rome or Romanists , to read it , to praise it , or to lend it to another , as heere our new Iustice doth tell men with terrour against iustice , especially when he addeth , Hi sunt illi libri qui splendidos &c. These are those bookes , which doe carry goodly and religious titles , which do professe to help and comfort the infirme consciences of men , that are in trouble : These are they that take vpon them to bring miserable and sinfull soules vnto the desired port of tranquillity and saluation . By which words it seemeth that Syr Edward hath a chi●●e mislike of spirituall Catholick bookes , which treat the argument of quieting of soules . Which if it be so , then I hope that our bookes of Controuersies may passe with some lesse danger ; though indeed I doe suspect , that he meaneth these , when he speaketh of the other ; for that they doe most cōcerne him . For what doe spirituall bookes trouble Syr Edward , which I suppose that either he neuer readeth , or litle esteemeth the argument they handle , his cogitations being imployed about farre other obiects of this world for the present ? Albeit I doe not doubt , but if in some other circumstance of time , state and condition of things he should read them , or they should be read vnto him , as namely on his death-bed , when flesh and bloud and worldly preferments doe draw to an end , and himselfe neare to the accompting day , they would make other impression in him . Which being so , true wisdome would , that what we must doe in time perforce and perhaps to late , or with out profit , we should out of good will and free choice preuent by Christian industrie . Which almighty God graunt vs his holy grace to doe . And this is all the hurt I wish to Syr Edward for all his asperity against vs. 126. Now let vs returne to M. Morton againe , whome we haue left for a long time to giue place to this piece of Reckoning with Syr Edward . It followeth then in consequence after the precedēt Chapter of his omissions and concealments in diuers and different charges layd against him for vntruthes , wherwith he was charged in the Treatise of Mitigation ; that we see what new vntruthes he hath super-added in his defence therof , for increasing the burden . THE NINTH CHAPTER WHICH LAYETH TOGEATHER ANOTHER CHOICE NVMBER of new lyes , made wilfully BY Mr. MORTON ouer and aboue the old , in this his Preamble , whilst he pretendeth to defend , or excuse the sayd old , being aboue fifty in number . WE haue made a large intermissiō , as you see , of M. Mortōs affayres by interlacing some of Syr Edwards : now must we returne to our principal scope , which is to shew more new and fresh vntruthes of later date in this last Reply of M. Morton . And albeit those that are to be touched in this Chapter haue beene for the most part handled , & discussed before : yet to the end , that they may more effectually be represented to the eye , and memory of the Reader , by putting the principall of them togeather in ranke , vnder one mu●●er , I haue thought it expedient to take this paynes also , wherby may appeare how ruinous , and miserable a cause M. Morton hath in hand , that cannot be defended but by addition of so many new lyes vnto his old , and euen then when he standeth vpon his triall for the sayd old , and se●keth by all meanes possible to hide and couer the same in such manner , as before yow haue heard● And no maruaile , for that , both truth , reason , and experience do teach vs , that an old lye can neuer be well cloathed , or couered but by a new . Let vs passe then to the suruey of this Chapter , noting by the way , that we are rather to touch certayne heades , or principall branches that conteine commonly sundry and seuerall lyes vnder them , then simple & single vntruthes if they be well examined : nor is it our purpose to name all , for that would imply too large a prolixity for this place , especially for so much as I am to remit the Read●r commonly to other places of my booke , wherin the pointes themselues are more largly handled before . Now then shall I lay forth some 20. of the sayd heads , conteyning in them a greater number of particulers , as now you will see . 2. The first wilfull lye then , that I will note heere , is that which perhaps hath not byn layd opē b●fore , for that I discouered the same since the writing of the rest , 1 in perusing his Epistle to the Mitigator more diligently , where he pretending to haue obtayned the victory in his cause about the question of Equiuocation , by the Confession it selfe of his aduersary , he writeth thus : I do appeale from your position to your Confession● granting that there is a mentall Equiuocation , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye : which one Confession of yours is sufficient to conuince all your mentall ●quiuocatours●●o be apparently lyers : and thus haue I obtayned my cause &c. So he . And in diuers other places of this his Preamble he insulteth greatly vpon this Conf●ssion of myne : but let M. Morton shew that in all my booke I do confesse , that there is a mentall Equiuocation , which no clause of reseruation can saue from a lye , and then I will graunt that he obtayned somewhat indeed wherabout to wrāgle : but if I do neuer say so , nor he is able to proue it , but rather in other places of his booke doth deliuer me from that Confession , granting that the wordes , mentall Equiuocation are not myne , but his owne ( my wordes being only these ; that there is some speach which cannot be saued from a lye , by any reseruation , and not , that there is a Mentall Equiuocatiō which no reseruation can saue ●rom a lye ) if this ( I say ) be so ; then whatsoeuer he hath obtayned heerby for his cause he hath obtayned the same by false purchase of vntruth and deceipt as yow will easily see : Let vs examin then the matter a litle further . 3. First then ( as now I haue sayd ) it was neuer my mind to affirme , that there is a mentall Equiuocation which no clause o● reseruation can saue from a lye , but rather thus , that there is an outward speach which no clause of reseruation can saue frō a lye , such as was the speach of Saphyra , for example ( for of this was the treaty ) when she answered falsely vnto S. Peter her lawfull iudge about the price of her feild that was sold ; this speach of hers I sayd in the Treatise of Mitigation , though she might haue a mentall reseruation therin ( as M. Morton supposeth her to haue had , ) yet could not that reseruation excuse the same from a lye , in respect of the obligation she had absolutly to vtter the truth , which obligation he hath not , who speaketh to one that hath no iurisdiction ouer him , and consequently may equiuocate . 4. Now then M. Morton to obtayne ●his cause by a lye , falsely affirmeth me to say , that there is a mentall Equiuocation , whi●h no clause o● reseruation can saue ●rom a lye , which is in effect to make me speake contraries . For if it be a lye , then can it be no Equiuocation , as out of their proper definitions I haue largely proued in my treatise of that subiect : And if it be a mentall Equiuocation , then must it needs be saued from a lye by mentall reseruation . And finally that my wordes , that there was an outward speach ( as namely that of Saphyra ) which no mentall reseruation could excuse ●rom a lye , and consequently that it could be no Equiuocation , do proue not only my owne wordes , speaking therof , but also the wordes of M. Morton himselfe afterward in the 12. Paragraph of this his Preāble , where he saith & insulteth thus : P● R. is driuen to such a vertigo , and giddines , that euen when he would de●end his art of Equiuocating ●rom a lye , he is by consequence from Gods word ( in the example of Saphyra ) ●orced to confesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruation could saue from a lye . Thus he . 5. And marke where the Vertigo is , for before in his Epistle he auouched me to say , That there was a mentall Equiuocatiō which no reseruatiō could saue frō a lye , & heere he affirmeth my words to be , that I cōfesse an outward speach , which no clause of reseruatiō can saue from a lye : which last I grant , & do deny the former , & do proue my deniall both by myne owne and his wordes now recited : what then can saue him from a lye , and lying Vertigo in his former assertion , wherin he braggeth so extrauagantly , as you haue heard , that therby he hath gayned his whole cause in the controuersie betwene vs. Is there any excuse for this Vertigo ? Or reason why this so ●otoriou● a ly of M. Morton may not be condemned for willfull ? But let vs see a greater . 6. Card. Bellarmine speaking of an old ancient heresie sprong vp in the Apostles tyme against the Reall Presence , as is recorded by the Greeke historiographer Theodoret , as taken out of the Epis●le of S. Ignatius ad Smyrnenses writeth thus : 2 Qu● sententia citatur à Theodoreto , in 3. habetur● which sentence is cited by Theodoret in his third Dialogue out of S. Ignatius his Epistle to the Christians of Smyrna , where notwithstanding it is not now found , that is to say in Ignatius : but how doth M. Morton cite it ? Thus : Quae sententia citatur à Theodoreto in Dialogo , vbi tamen nunc non hab●tur , and then translateth it , which sentence is cited by Theodoret in his Dialogue , but is not now to be found in Theodoret , which is so notorious and wilfull a falsification , as he that will but take the payns to looke vpon Theodoret , shall fynd it to be there both in Greeke & Latin : How then may be excused this foule escape ? Is it not wilfull ? did he not see & know that he fa●sifyed manifestly the text of Bellarmine ? And told also a manifest lye of Thodoret ? and thirdly went about to deceiue his Reader by his false English translation ? How then may be excused this trip●e ●alshood in one and the selfe same matter , wherin Bellarmine is abused , Theodoret corrupted , and his Reader by ●alse translation deceaued ? Is not one only of these tricks sufficient to des●rie , & discredit his bad conscience in wryting ? But let vs go forward . 7. In his former booke of Full satis●action parte 3. pag. 28. he , to disgrace Pope Hildebrand , brought forth a testimony of Claudius Espencaeus , 3 as af●irming the said Pope to haue beene the first that made schisme betweene Emp●rors & Popes , & now in this new reply of his he repeateth the same againe , saying , I produced Claudius Espencaeus their owne Romish Bishop , which doth plainly auer , that Hildebrand was the first Pope , who without any example of antiquity , made a schisme betweene Emperors & Popes . But now the matter being better examined for that P. R. could not get that worke of Espencaeus when he wrote his former Treatise , it is found that Espencaeus is so farre of from plaine auerring the same , as he doth not so much as once affirme it of himselfe , but only relateth it , as passionate wordes of cer●●ine Schismaticall Priests of Liege that were censured , and appointed to be punished by Pope Paschalis the second , as more largely we haue shewed before out of the second tome of Councells , where their whole speach is set downe vnder this title , Cleri Leodiensis ad Paschalem secundum Querimonia . And is this simplicity in writing ? Is this sincerity ? Is this tollerable in a Minister of simple truth , who vaunteth to his Maiesty of the constant assurance of his vpright conscience ? 8. Wheras Franciscus Costerus in his Enchiridion of Controuersies handling this argumēt for the authority of the B. of Rome , 4 that for so much as the old Popes before Constantines tyme & after , did take vpon them as heades of the Vniuersall Christian world to decide Cases of all Countreyes concerning Religion , and affirmed the same to pertayne vnto them , it is very lyke ( saith he ) or rather certaine , that if that had beene by vsurpation , or false meanes , some Catholick Prince , Prelate , or writer , would haue reproued the s●me . And then he addeth , Atqui verò nemo hactenus fuit Catholicus , v●l Princeps , vel Presul , vel Scriptor , qui mendacij , vel malae fidei Romanos arguerit . And yet neuerthelesse hitherto there hath beene no Catholicke , eyther Prince , Prelate , or Writer , that euer argued these Roman Bishops of lying or false dealing therin : Which wordes M. Morton peruerteth egregiously , as though Costerus had affirmed , that no writers , Prince , or Prelate , had euer accused Romanistes , or Roman writers of any falshood in writing : which is so notable a cosenage as a man of any good conscience would neuer deuise . For that Costerus was not so simple or ignorant to affirme , that no man ●uer accused Roman writers of falshood , seing and hearing dayly so many clamours and calumniations of Protestants against them : but his assertion is that no such exceptions were euer taken against these ancient Roman Bishops , that gaue their ●iues for Christ and his Religion : and consequently it is a notable imposture , in M. Morton to obtrude to his Reader moderne Roman wryters , for ancient Roman Bishops , of which fraud see more before Cap. 3. num . 13.14 . &c. 9. Furthermore pag. 25. 5 of this his preamble he goeth about to proue Gratian the Compiler of Popes Decrees to haue falsified a Canon of the Councell of Mileuet ( wherin S. Augustine was ) and for this cause as though he had now prooued the same , he writeth in the margent this note , Gratian a falsificator , for that he had added to the same Canon , a certayne exception which Cardinall Bellarmine doth not allow : but now vpon better search it is found , that M. Morton himselfe is the falsificator , and not Gratian , both for that he cutteth of fraudulently the beginning and first wordes of that Canon , and peruerteth the last . For whereas the question was in Africa , whether Priests , Deacons , or inferiour Clergy men , might appeale frō their Bishops of that Coūtrey vnto others abroad ( for of Bishops there was no question but they might ) the said Councell of Mileuet decreeth thus in the forsayd Canon , which is in order the 22. Placuit vt Presbyteri , Diaconi , vel caeteri in●eriores Clerici in causis quas habuerint , qui de iudicijs Episcoporum suorum questi fuerint , vicini Episcopi eos audiant &c. Quòd si ab eis prouocandum putauerint , non prouocent nis●ad Africana Concilia , vel ad Primates Prouinciarū suarum . We de decree that Priests , Deacons , and other inferiour clergy men , in the causes which they shall haue , if they complayne of the iudgem●nts of their owne Bishops , let the next neighbour Bishops heare them &c. And if any thinke good to appeale , it shall not be , but to the Councells of Africa , or to the Primate● of their owne Prouinces &c. So saith the Canō . But M. Mort. to make it seeme that this restraint was of the Appeales of Bishops to the Roman Sea , doth cut of cunningly the first words of Priests , Deaco●s , and other inferiour Clergie men , set downe in the Canon . And was not this a cunning cut ? 10. And then againe wheras Gratian did by way of Commentary , as hath byn sayd , adde this exception , Nisi ●ortè Romanam Sedem appellauerint , except perchance any should appeale to the Romā Sea : which exception C●rdinall Bellarmine vpon good reason doth in this thing impugne , as not agreeing with the matter in hand , M. Morton doth accuse Gratian , as if by falsi●ication he had added this clause , as a part of the Canon , and therfore noteth him for a falsificatour in his margent : but the falsi●ication in both points is proued to haue byn on M. Mortōs part , as yow may read before more largely cap. 3. num . 18.19.20 . &c. So as heere he is conuinced of a double falsity . 11. Againe Cardinall Bellarmine taking vpon him in his Treatise of the Notes o● the Church to proue that it is one euident note of heresie and hereticks to hold any one condemned errour that was held by any ancient hereticke , and that the Protestants of our tyme do hold many , he giueth two examples out of the heresyes of the Pelagians , 6 shewing how Caluin , and diuers other Protestants did simbolize with them in two principall heads of doctrine : wherof the first was about Originall sinne in Infantes ( which the Pelagians denyed , and especially in the children of the faythfull ) & the other about the distinctiō of veniall & mortall synns , which they also denied , and that Caluin , Zuinglius , Bucer , and other Protestants did hold the same , but with some distinction concerning Originall sinne ; for that Zuinglius denied originall sinne in all men , Caluin and Bucer in Christian infants only , and cōsequently that it was Pelagianisme . Bellarmines words are these ; Zuinglius negat simpliciter peccatum originale in quolibet homine : Bucerus autē & Caluinus ●olùm in filijs fideliū , quos dicunt sanctos nasci , & saluari etiam sine Baptismo : that is : Zuinglius doth absolutely deny Originall sinn● to be in any man : but Bucer & Caluin do onely deny the same in the children of the faithfull , whom they say to be borne Saints , and to be saued also without baptisme , for which Bellarmine cyteth the places of the Authors themselues , as Zuinglius lib. de baptis . Bucer . i● cap. 3. Matth. Calu. lib. 4. Institut . cap. 15. § . 20. 12. Out of which discourse M. Morton seeking to find some obiections against Bellarmine , pretermitteth first the one of the two heresies obiected , to witt , about the distinction of veniall & mortall sinne , and speaketh only of the poynt of Originall synne , saying : Let P. R. for a while take Cardinall Bellarmine into secret Con●ession , and first aske him with what conscience he hath charged Caluin with the heresie of the Pelagians , who denyed that there was any originall sinne in Infants , especially in the children of faithfull Christians . This is his demaund , and for ground heerof he citeth these latin words of Bellarmine out of the forenamed place : Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum originale , & praecipuè in filijs fidelium . Idem docent Caluinus & Bucerus . The Pelagians did teach that there was not Originall synne in men , especially in the children of the faithfull . And the same do teach Caluin & Bucer : which words if you conferre them with the words themselues of Bellarmine before cited , who accuseth not Caluin & Bucer of all the Pelagian doctrine in this poynt , but only Zuinglius , and as for the other two , to wit Bucer & Caluin , he accuseth them for a part only , Zuinglius denying originall synne in all , and these later only in Christian Infantes , two trickes at least of wilfull falsity are discouered : the first , that in his charge he wi●leth Bellarmine to be examined in confession about Caluin , wheras he ●pake of three togeather , to wit , Zuinglius , Bucer and Caluin : the second that he accuseth Bellarmi●e as though he had charged Caluin with all the Pelagian heresie in this matter , wheras he expresly prof●ss●th to charge him only with one point therof cōcer●ing the infantes of the faithfull . Wherfore these words , ●dē docent Caluinus , & Bucerus ( and this may be the third false tricke ) are not to be found in Bellarmine , but are thrust in by M. Mor●on : nor cannot agree with the distinction of Cardinall Bellarmine before set downe , these things then I leaue to the Readers discretion . For though the points themselues for their substance be not of great weight , yet is the mynd of the writer as much discouered in false tricks of small moment as of great ; see more of this matter before Cap. 3. num . 62.63.64 . &c. 13. It followeth pag. 55. of this his preamble that treating of the prohibition made by the ancient Councell of Eliberis in Spayne consisting of 19. Bishops not to set vp Images in the Churches , 7 & the diuers expositions of Catholicke doctours about the same , what the causes and motiues might be of this prohibition for that tyme of the fresh , and new conuersiō of that nation from Idolatrie to Christian Religion , among other expositors he citeth the opinion of Sixtus Senensis for the last vpshot of the whole matter ●aying thus : So that whatsoeuer the occasion of forbidding might haue beene , this is a confessed conclusion of Senensis , that the Councell of Eliberis did absolutly forbid the worship of Images . And then ●etteth down the same in latin in his margent , as out of Senensis al●o , in these wordes : Idcirco omnino ve●uit Synodus Elibertina imaginum cal●um . But he that shall looke vpon the text of the Authour himself shall not fynd any such confessed conclusion , or any such words of absolutly forbidding , and consequently this is conuinced to be an absolute vntruth , for it appeareth cleerly in Senensis that the prohibition was only for a time , vntill the new conuerted Spaniards should be better instructed in Christian Religion , and made to vnderstand better the difference betweene Pagan Idols , and sacred Images : so as heere are two grosse falsityes , first in obtruding , as the latin sentence of Senensis , that which Senensis hath not , in words or sense , and then in translating the same so punctually into English , & setting it down in a different letter , as though it were exactly so in good earnest : and can there be any excuse for these sortes of procedings ? Let the Reader see more before c. 3. nu . 38. 14. Gregorius de Valentia is brought in by M. Morton against Bellarmine as allowing of a sentence of Tertullian vsed by Bullinger the Caluinist as orthodoxall , 8 and iustifiable , to wit , Tres sunt in Diuinitate personae , non statu sed gradu , non substantia sed forma , non potestate sed specie differentes : and M. Morton stoutly cyteth in his margent for approuing therof Gregorius de Valentia Iesuita de vnitate & Trinitate c. 9. § . item Bullingerus , meaning therby to oppose the one of thē against the other in this matter● but when the thing is examined , the wordes of Gregorius de Valentia are found to be these : Bullingerus Sacramentarius &c. Bullinger the Sacramentary affirmeth that there are three persons in Deity , which differ not in state but degree , not in substance but forme , not in power but kind : by which wordes ( sayth Valentia ) he doth not only ouerthrow the Godhead of the sonne , but euen the whole Mystery of the most holy Trinity . 15. So sayth Valētia against Bullinger for whose defēce against Cardinall Bellarmins accusation of Arianisme he is produced . And let the reader iudge whether this be an allowanc● of that sentence for orthodoxall , which Valentia sayth , as yow see , to be so blasphemous as it doth ouerthrow the whole mystery of the Blessed Trinity . And the lyke lye yow may behold vttered by M. Morton against Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe in this very matter , affirming him to expound as orthodoxall and iustifiable , the forsayd hereticall paradox of Tertullian , wheras he expoundeth only in good sen●e the former part therof : So as heere are two conuinced falsi●yes , wherof yow may read more largely cap. 3. num . 88.89 . &c. 16. There falleth out a question betweene M. Morton , and Cardinall Bellarmine , whether the forme of arguing vsed by S. Cyprian were good and sufficient or no , 9 wh●̄ he defended the errour of rebaptizing hereticks à sufficientia scripturarum exclusiuè , to wit , this or that is not in the Scripture , ergo , it is not to be defended , it being the common forme of arguing in the Protestants of our dayes ; and Bellarmine sayth , no ; alleaging S. Augustine for his Authority , who defending the negatiue against S. Cyprians error , to wit , that men returning frō heresy were not to be rebaptized ( which was the opinion of the whole Church in his time , & grounded vpon vnwritten tradition of the sayd Church ; ) reprehended that forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , as not good● , and sufficient , shewing both that many thinges b●sydes this , are taught and belieued in the Church by tradition , which are not in Scripture , & that S. Cyprian himselfe whē he was out of necessity of defending this article , made recourse vnto vnwritten traditions , wherunto M. Morto● answereth thus . But whosoeuer shall consult with S. Augustine in the Chapter specifyed , shall fynd that this point by himselfe is excellently commended , saying , that , wheras Cyprian warneth vs to runne vnto the fountayne , that is , vnto the traditions of the Apostles , from thence to deriue a cōduct vnto our times , is chiefly good and doubtles to be performed . So he . 17. But when S. Augustines discourse is examined , it is found wholy against M. Morton : for though he do allow and prayse recourse vnto Scriptures when things may euidently be proued from thence : ye● doth he not hold that only such things are to be belieued as are expresly therin conteyned , but rather both in this controuersie of r●baptization , wherin S. Cyprian doth pretend to hold the affirmatiue by Scripture & S. August . the negatiue by custome and tradition of the Church , and preuayled also therin and in many other examples that scripture only must not be the rule of beliefe , for that there are many things which are , and must be admitted though they be not expresly in Scriptures . This is S. Augustins discourse , which being so , it sheweth a notable fraud , and desire to deceau● in M. Morton , that telleth his Reader that S. A●gustine did excellently commend that forme of arguing in S. Cyprian , which he indeed doth largely and expresly impugne , wherof see more before Cap. 3. num . 107.108.109 . &c. 18. In the 70. page of this his Preamble writing of Purgatory , 10 he seemeth to haue set downe one of the most manifest , and boldest vntruthes that euer commonly I haue read ; for thus he writeth : VVhen I speake of Fathers ( for proofe of the article of Purgatory ) the most of them ; when I speake of Canonicall Scriptures , all of them are ●ound by the iudgment o● their owne Doctours to be tortured wrested and forced , as it were , to say that which they neuer meant . This vntruth I say , seemeth so manifest & plaine , as there needeth , no other proofe to conuince i● , but only the bare narration therof . For how can it be possible , that our Doctours do belieue the article of Purgatory , if in their owne iudgments they hold & teach that all Scriptures alleaged for the same , and the most part of Fathers , are made to say that which they neuer meant therin , and this by turning , wresting , and forcing ? Is there any man that will admit so violēt a fact as this ? Or is there any man so light & foolish , eyther Protesta●t or Catholick , as will giue credit to so fond an assertion ? Wherof see more before , Cap. 3. num . 138.139 . &c. 19. In the 71. page of this his Preamble M. Morton taking vpon him , 11 and promising to discouer such notorious fashoods against me , as that he would inforce me by vertue of myne owne promise ( as he sayth ) neuer hereafter to credit my selfe , beginneth with this in the first place , that I in the end of the cōmon Preface prefixed before my treatise of Mitigation did signify , that whē I wrote that Preface , I did not know whome the letters T.M. did signify : & yet that in the dedicatory Epistle that goeth before the said Preface I did sūdry times signify that the said letters T.M. did import Thomas Morton , and this he setteth downe for the first notorious falshood , that he was to handle against me : but when matters are examined it is found that my sayd dedicatory Epistle was written long after the Preface , and in the last place after the whole Booke was ended ; and that this could not be vnknowne to M. Morton himselfe , for that it is expresly set downe both in the sayd dedicatory Epistle as also playnely declared in the third Chapter of the treatise , when , and by what meanes I came to know first the true signification of those two letters T. M. after the writing of the cōmon Preface , wherin I denied to know it . So as this is conuinced not to be any notorious falshood or falsity at all in me , but to be more then wilfull , and ridiculous in himselfe to charge me with it , as is shewed more at large before , Cap. 4. num . 10.11 . &c. 12 20. There followeth pag. 80. of his Preamb. a great conuiction of M. Mortons willfull falsity , which I do not see how any wayes possible he can auoyd or excuse : and the matter is , concerning the testimony of Holinshed in his Chronicle , about the cause of Syr Thom. VViats Rebellion , which M. Morton had stoutly denyed in both his former Bookes of Discouery , & Full Satisfaction to haue had any relatiō to Religiō , or mention therof in his pretence , for which he citeth in his margent Holinshed only Anno 1553. and when against this his Aduersary P. R. cited the playne testimonies of M. Iohn Fox as credible an Authour in his opinion as Holinshed , M. Morton in this his last Reply shifteth of this , with saying that his aduersary played the Fox , seeking to prey furthest of from home , for that he had cited Holinshed , and to Holinshed he would stand , to wit M. Morton : wherupon P. R. looking better into Holinshed findeth the very selfe same testimony and wordes in effect , which were alleaged before out of Fox ; and the like also set downe by Iohn Stow in his Chronicle , which M. Morton could not probably but haue seene . And how then did he make that stout deniall before mentioned in two or three bouts , and now the third tyme doth stand in it also ? can this be excused ? can this be thought tolerable ? can this be defended from wilfull falshood knowne to the speaker ? yow may see more of this matter before , Cap. 4. num . 54.55 . &c. 21. Furthermore page 94. of this his Preamble he going about to proue by examples that some Popes haue dyed disasterously , 13 nameth Pope Anastasius the second , and for testimony therof citeth in the margent Ioan● de Turrecreniat . lib. de sum . Ecclesiae , de Anastasio , whose words he sayth are , bene legitur Anastasiū diuino n●tu percuss●m i●●ter●sse , It is well read that Pope Anastasius dyed strokē by the appointmēt of God : & then he insulteth , that this is the testimony of one of our owne Doctours ; but whē the place is examined only it is foūd that Turrecreniata bringeth in this by way of obiectiō in the behalfe of others , for these are his words : Tertium etiā hic inducunt exemplū de Anastasio , qui licèt volueri● reuocare Acatium , non tamē p●tuit , quia diuino nutu percussus est . Heere also they bring in a third example of Anastasius , who albeit he had a mynd to recall the heretike Acatius ( to wit , to his communion at the vrgent instance of the hereticall Emperour called also Anastasius ) yet he could not do it , for that he was stroken by the hand of God , and so therby preuented from falling into that inconuenience● which is the end wherunto Turrecremata reciteth the example , to shew the prouidence of God in preseruing the Bishops of Rome from falling into such inconueniences , though o● 〈◊〉 Authors also do deny this example , for that Acati●● was dead long before , which M. Morton dissembling , as also that it was brought in the behalfe of Popes , and as an obiection : others by Turrecremata , and not setting downe his true wordes , as now yow haue heard , doth by all these three meanes shew that he wittingly dealt falsely , wherof yow may see more , Cap. 5. num . 30.31 . &c. 22. It followeth page 111. of the sayd Preamble that M. Morton to disgrace and discredit the Decretalls & Extrauagants of Popes , 14 auoucheth that Pope Gregory the 13. of late in this our tyme , did ( by a speciall breue ) ratifie the Glosses and Annotations ( vpon the said Decretals ) and gaue thē authority equiualent and answerable to the Decretals & Extrauagants themselues , which seeming a strange fact of the Pope , the sayd Breue prefixed , before that edition of the Canon law , was examined and it was found that Pope Gregory did only therin giue licence and priuiledge , according to custome , for printing the sayd Decretals , Extrauagants , and Corps of the Canō law , togeather with their Glosses and Annotations , as they were set forth in Rome , and Roman edition , without any one word of equalling them in authority the one with the other : which seemeth so notorious an abuse and imposture , as vnlesse we should imagine M. Morton to be a very simple and senseles man in mistaking quid for quo , which I thinke he would be loath to be accompted , he cānot be excused from manifest wilfull fraud , wherof we haue written before , Cap. 5. num . 92.93.94 . &c. 23. In the page . 64. of this preamble M. Morton accuseth Cardinall Bellarmine falsely to haue ascribed vnto Caluin the heresie of the Manicheans , 15 saying : Againe he at●ributeth vnto Caluin the heresie of the Manichees , who ( saith he ) did condemne the nature of men , depriuing them of Freewill , and ascribing the Originall and beginning of sinne vnto the nature of man , and not vnto his Freewill . So he . But when the Originall text of Bellarmine is examined , it is found that M. Morton insteed of the words , sayth he ( to wit Bellarmine ) should haue sayd S. Hierome and S. Augustine do say so , for that Bellarmine citeth the first part of the wordes of S. Hierome , and the second as the wordes of S. Augustine , which names of authority M. Morton cunningly clipping of , to the end the Reader should not be moued therwith to see the cōmon doctrine of Protestants about Freewill to be accompted Manichean heresie by those two Doctors , he reciteth the sentence as Cardinall Bellarmines owne speach , and not as of the other : and this the first tricke of falsitie in this point . 24. The second is , that wheras Bellarmine doth accuse Caluin to deny Freewill with the Manicheans , M. Morton obiecteth vnto him a contradiction in this matter , as though he had granted elswhere that Caluin had held the doctrine of Freewill : wherupon he vrgeth Bellarmine in these wordes : This contradiction in this point is no more then this to charge Caluin with that which he did not belieue : is not this singular falshood ? But when the matter is examined it is found that M. Morton endeauoreth to deceyue his reader with a notable equiuocation about the tyme. For that Bell●●mine granteth , that Caluin a●cribeth Freewill to man before his fall , but not afterward , wherin standeth the controuersie betweene vs and Protestants , and therfore when he sayth Caluin with the Ma●ichees doth deny Freewill ( to wit , after mans fall , granting it before ) it is no contradiction at all ; for that both are true : and consequētly I do not see how it can be excused from wilfull fraud , that M. Morton heere went about to deceiue his Reader with so grosse an Equiuocation in fact , & practise , the name wherof otherwise in sound of words he doth so eagerly impugne : about which matter see more Chap. 5. num● 79.80.81 . &c. So as heere are two notable fraudes as yow see . 25. But in the next place there is a greater multitude of fraudes discouered by me togeather , to wit , fiue , 16 and I cannot see how any one can be excused● For wheras M. Morton pag. 63 & 64. complayneth that Cardinall Bellarmine doth make Protestants guilty of the heresie of the Nouatiās in taking from the Church all power of reconciling men vnto God ( he should haue sayd heresies in the plurall number for that Bella●mine reciteth two , to wit this , and the denying in lyke manner the vse of holy Chrisme ; ) he so goeth about to deliuer his Protestants from this imputatiō ( I meane of the first only , without saying any thing of the ●econd ) as partly vnder the Equiuocation of the word Pennance , vnderstanding it now for priuate Pennance as it is a vertue only , and may be exercised by euery man of himselfe , both in wardly and outwardly of what religiō soeuer he be : and then taking it as it is a Sacramentall Pēnance , which prescribeth a certayne externall forme , and requireth absolution of the Church ; he so intangleth himselfe and his Reader ( I say ) with his defence , as he is conuinced before in this our answere to haue committed fiue seuerall falshoodes which cannot possibly be excused from witting and wilfull , wherof yow may see more at large , cap. 3. of this our Answere , num . 67.68 . &c. 26. But yet there followeth a more notable conuiction of falshood against him for alleadging pag. 84● & 85. of his Preamble the Iesuit Doctour Azorius , 7 as condemning all vse of Equiuocation , and that by fiue rules : wherof the last is vrged by him , as hitting the naile on the head , to vse his phrase : but when the matter is duely examined , it doth so hit M. Morton on the head , that I take pitty to consider how he reeleth at the blow : for it maketh him to fly and conceale foure rules of the fiue , for that they make wholy against him : As namely the first which resolueth that a Priest may Equiuocate , & say he knoweth nothing , when he is demaunded any thing concerning Confession : the second , that any man may Equiuocate , when he is demaūded by an incompetent iudge , euen with an Oath , wherof he setteth downe 4. or 5. seuerall cases resolued by him , directly against M. Morton in this doctrine . His 3. rule also , which concerneth common conuersation of men , determineth , That whensoeuer any iniury is offred to any man , it is lawful for him to vse Equiuocatiō , eyther in Oath or speach : & by this he resolueth foure other seuerall cases against M. Mor. wherof one is the famous Couentry-Case so oftē by him mētioned . The fourth rule setteth down no particular cases , but only giueth direction how we may not vse certaine formes of Equiuocatiō if no iniury be offred vs : & to lyke effect is the fifth rule so much esteemed by M. Morton : but for the former three conteyning the resolution of ten seuerall cases all directly against M. Mort. & his doctrine , being by him both seene & read , & yet concealed and dissembled , do conuince him of ten seuerall witting falshods , and cannot possibly be excused , for so much as he alledgeth Azor , as denying all Equiuocation , except he will say , that in reading the selfe same pages and lines of Azor his eye sight did not serue him to read the precedent foure rules that resolued so many cases against him , but only opened it selfe vpon the fifth , which were a strange case . Or if he did read them all , then it was a much more strange resolution to suppresse and embezell them , & yet to alledge Azor against his Aduersary with this confident tytle , ●hat P.R. his Equiuocation is proued a lye , & himselfe a ●alsificator by the Confession of three Iesuits ; wherof the first conu●ncing him is Azorius , a great Cas●ist , and learned Iesuit , How will the poore man defend himselfe heere ? See more of this before Cap. 4. num . 69.70.71 . &c. 27. In the next place after this , M. Morton introduceth for a second witnes , to vse his wordes ( for conuincing P. R. of falshood ) one Emanuel Sa another learned Iesuit , 18 in his Aphorismes , alledged by his former Aduersary the Moderate Answerer , which Emanuel saith that some Catholicke Authors there be , who do not allow that in all Cases where the party demanded is not bound to answere , he may lawfully Equiuocate : and perhaps ( sayth he ) these later speake with better reason then others that hold the contrary : wherupon M. Morton doth triumph exceedingly as though he had euicted , that Emanuel Sà the Iesuite had contradicted all Equiuocation , and therupon entreth into this vayne and childish insultation : Is it possible ( sayth he ) that my Aduersary can free himselfe from a falsity h●ere , corroding the consci●ce ? the Edition is but one , the translation is the same , the place is well knowne &c. So he . And yet when the matter is examined he himselfe is found to haue both the corroding and corroded conscience , for the many wilfull falsityes vsed in this point . 28. As first , for that this is brought in and vrged , as though Emanuel Sà did affirme , that diuers Catholick Authors did contradict all Equiuocatiō in generall , wheras he expresly speaketh of some particuler cases , that may fallout , wherin the party demaūded though he be not bound to answere : yet hath he not liberty at his own pleasure to equiuocate without necessity , but ought rather to hold his peace , especially when no violence or iniury is offred by the demaunder : which yet not withstāding was auouched to be but a particuler opinion of some , and left afterward by Emanuel himselfe . 29. Secondly he cutteth of the beginning and ending of his Aduersaries wordes , which do cleerly expound his meaning : and thirdly he doth conceale wittingly fiue particuler cases resolued by Emanuel Sà in fauour of Equiuocation against M. Morton : so as these be seauen witting & wilfull falsityes which by no art of tergiuersation can be auoyded . And by this yow may see how the number of his falshoods would multiplie vpon him , if I should pre●●e him with euery one seuerally , and spend tyme therin : but this would corrode too much , and therfore I remit the reader to that which hath beene said heerof before , Cap. 4. num . 77.78.79 . &c. 30. And now we shall draw towards an end , though many more of this kynd do yet remayne which might be produced in this briefe collection : as namely , 19 that which is handled by me before in the fourth Chapter of this booke , where M. Morton accusing me boldly and mo●t eagerly , that I going about to satisfy in my Treatise of Mitigation two different Authors Sotus & Maldonate , that do impugne the vile art of Equiuocating ( to vse his contumelious wordes , ) I do pretermit wittingly Maldonate the third witnes ( as the weaker aduersary will do his ouermatch ) though he were cited by him in the selfe same place , to the selfe same effect : But all this I do proue to be as full of falshood and forgery , as the former , conteyning at least foure● or fiue wilfull vntruthes . For that in the place of my booke by him cyted , neyther do I treate of Genesius & So●us togeather , but of Genesius alone : nor do I there endeauour to satisfy any of their testimonyes , for that there are none brought forth against me . And thirdly I do vrge M. Morton with an vn●nswerable testimony of Genes . in that place , affirming the lawfulnes of some Equiuocation , which he doth neyther answere , nor go about to answere in this his Preambling Reply . Fourthly I do not ioyne Genesius and Sotus togeather in any one place throughout my whole Book . Fifthly and lastly ( for I will touch no more points ) it is proued that the authority of Maldonate brought in by M. Morton , maketh nothing at all against Equiuoca●iō but rather for the confirmation therof , wherin I remit me to that which is more largely treated before of this matter , num . 83.84.85 . &c. 31. And now though I grow weary in recapitulating so large & loathsome a list of wilfull vntruthes , as yow haue heard , pretermitting many for auoiding prolixity : 20 yet cannot I altogeather let passe in this last place one which is very solemne . For wheras M. Morton in the Epistle Dedicatory of this Preamble to to the Earle of Salisbury , had made a solemne protestation , that it should be to him the greatest cryme of all others if it could be proued that he durst to make a lye before his Lordship ; & before this againe had affirmed the same in effect to the Kings Grace himselfe in his Epistle dedicatory of his Full satisfaction , assuring his Maiesty of the vprightnes of his conscience , and that he was a Minister of simple truth &c. now notwitstanding both to his Maiesty as also to the Earle , he blusheth not to vtter many lyes togeather , to wit so many as yow haue heard by me conuinced , but two especially in this very place concerning an obseruation out of Polidore Virgil. For wheras in the sayd dedica●ory vnto his Maies●y●e ●e hath these wordes : Polidore obserueth that the Popes a long tyme in their election , had their names changed by Antiphrase viz. the elected of he were by naturall disposition fearfull , was named Leo , if cruell , Clement , is vnciuill Vrban , if wicked ●ius , &c. Now in this Preamble dedicated to my L. of Salisbury he being prest to bring forth his authority and wordes of the Authour , he is constrained to conuince himselfe of two notable falshoodes and deceipts : first for that Polidore in his latin text by himsel●e alleaged doth not say , that the Popes for a long tyme in their election had their names changed by antiphrase , as M. Morton falsely auouched , but , vt ei statim creato liceat nomen mutare , that it was lawfull for him that was made Pope presently after his election to change his name , i● he would : and this is onely , and that a good one , to affirme that Polidore obserueth that Popes for a long tyme did change their names by Antiphrase : wheras he said only that they might do it if they li●t , but he do●h not , nor cannot giue any true example that euer any one did it for this cause . 32. But the second delusion is much more singular : for wheras Polidore sayd that he bringeth in this contemplation of his but in iest , and not in earnest . non ex●raiocum dict●m sit , be it spoken but in pastime ; M. Morton in his first allegation therof in his dedicatory to his Maiesty as a Minister of s●mple truth , quite leaueth out these words , therby to make his Highnes thinke , that Polidore vttereth this deuise in good ●arnest without any excuse or interpretation therof : but now heere in this other worke to my L. of Salisbury being forced to lay them forth , he deuiseth a new interpretation , saying , that non extra iocum dictum sit , doth signify that it may not be spoken without a iest , which is a very iest indeed , but a lying and malicious iest . And 〈◊〉 with these two new lyes , I shall end this recapitu●ation , referring the Reader for more particulers in this last two-fold lye to that we haue handled more largely before in the fourth Chapter , num . 12.13 . &c. 33. And thus hauing made this short reuiew and collection of these 20. branches of new , witting , and wilfull vntruthes , conteyning in particuler aboue fifty , as the Reader will fynd in perusing them ouer , I shall passe to the tenth and last Chapter of all wherin , notwithstanding all these euictions , you shall fynd the most strange confident animosity of his owne singular and simple truth , and the rarest braggs , vaunts , protestations , prouocations and new Chalenges , that euer , perhaps , yow heard in your lyfe : so as he proueth himselfe a Cocke of the game indeed , in crowing lowdest , when he is most battered . We shall passe on then to see his crowings . THE TENTH , AND LAST CHAPTER , CONTEYNING NEW CHALLENGES , PROTESTATIONS , VAVNTS , AND OTHER VEHEMENT assertions of M. Morton , that inwrappe him in bandes of further absurdities , then any of his former errours or ouersightes before layd downe . PREFACE . ALBEIT from the beginning of this Booke , and especially in our Epistle prefixed before the same , as well Dedicatory to the Vniuersities , as also Admonitory to M. Morton himselfe , we haue made manifest , that the manner of his answering in this his last Preambling defence was nothing els but a certaine florish and outcry of words , thereby to astonish the Reader , and to diuert his attention from the substance of the matter it self , by protesting , promising , threatning , vaunting , challenging and the like : yet for that he multiplieth more these shiftes , and relieth more vpon them in the Conclusion and last Paragraph of his said Preamble , then any where els before , intituling the same a Challeng against P.R. I am forced in this place to call againe into view this idle argument of braggi●g , craking , and outfacing , called in latin lactantia , sauouring either of a very vayne mynd , or desperate cause , or both . 2. And to begynue with the matter it self , and with his māner of proceding herein , you haue heard before what solemne protestations he hath made , what seuere conditions he hath specified , what grieuous punishments he hath appointed to himself , if he essectuate not great matters in this his Preamble : If he make it not manifest ( to vse his owne words ) that I haue preuaricated in my whole cause , betrayed my Countryes State , disgraced the Roman Schooles , and strangled my owne conscience , he refuseth not to be condemned : and that aboue all other crymes against him , he is content that this be added , that he durst a●●irme thus much before my L. of Salisbury his honour . ● . You haue heard more ouer how he threatneth so to presse me in the matter of Equiuocation , as no wit of man should be able to excuse me . And againe in the next Paragraph ensuyng : if I proue not ( sayth he ) their doctrine to be as bytter as the water of Meribah ( he should haue sayd Marah , as appeareth Exod. 15. v. 23. for Meribah was the sweet water that guished out of the Rocke , wherof both men and beastes did drinke , Exod. 17. v. 7 , and I meruaile he would erre so grossely ) then let them note me ( saith he ) for a man aboue the nature of man malicious . He threatneth to driue me to a vertigo and gyddines , that I shall repent , that euer I tooke this matter in hand : but heere he entreth into more vehement and patheticall protestations , which yet I do not see how he may well call Challenges , but rather certayne discharges or deprecations for himself , which he diuideth into three sortes , the first for his owne person , the second against me his aduersary , the third concerning the cause in hand betwene vs : and in euery one of these partes he hath foure members of challenge , so as in all they are twelue in number : we shall runne them ouer in order as they lye . CONCERNING M. Mortons owne person , and what new Protestations and Challenges he maketh therabout . §. I. HIS first challeng is this : As for the integrity of my conscience ( saith he ) I do auow , that if I haue not in the iealousy of my infirmity done that which no one to my knowlege hath done these many ages , to wyt , reuiewed some of mine owne bookes , and examined them not as an Author , but as a Cēsurer , discouering such my escapes , as I could at any tyme fynd , and publishing them in print with open animaduersions , to the end that myne owne correction might be my Readers direction : then I say I will con●esse my self worthy of all the criminations of frauds , tricks , deceipts , cosenages , & whatsoeuer opprobrious imputations P. R. either hath , or can fasten vpon me . 5. This is his first protestation : wherunto first I say , concerning his last words , that albeit it were true , that M. Morton had vsed this diligence which here he mentioneth of reuiewing and censuring his owne workes , which yet I neuer saw published , this doth not so defend him , but that his aduersarie P. R. may iustly fasten vpon him the imputations of falshood , which he pretendeth to do : for so much as he might ●leightly or partially oueruiew his own works , & either out of blindn●sse of selfeloue not see his owne errours ( which were hard to belieue , they being so manifest as before hath byn shewed ) or rather loath to strike thē out for want of other better matter to supply their place . And howsoeuer it be , P. R. standeth to the auouchment of his imputations , and appealeth to the triall already made : which being apparently true , and in many manyfest pointes not reprouable , M. Mortons reuiew must needs condemne himself , either of lacke of sight , or want of conscience . 6. Secondly how is it probable , that M. Morton out of the iealousy of his infirmity , as he calleth it , did make so diligent a search and inquiry vpon his works , as here he sayth , for so much as in this very booke of Preamble in the few points that he taketh vpon him to answere , he is forced to confesse for his owne defēce , that sometymes he did not see the Author whom he cyteth , as of a Nauclerus about the false allegation , that Pope Adrian was choaked with a fly , in his second obiection , and 8. Paragraph . And oftentymes he layeth the fault of his false allegations vpon others , as vpon one Richard b Sto●ke Minister of London in sundry false citations of Gratian : as also vpon c Tol●ssanus about Otto Frisingensis ; and vpon d Ri● Can. for the falsification of M. Reinolds testimony : may this be called an exact reuiew of his owne works ? what exact & diligent cēsure did he vse in this reuiew ? How did he discouer his escapes therin , as here he professeth ? How doth he giue me speciall e thanks for pardoning him in one of his escapes , and for ascribing it to that he had not seene the Author himself ? calling this my curtesy a dram● of sugar ? Was this diligence ? Was this iealousy of his owne infirmity ? Nay he saith more , that he hath per●ormed greater exac●nes in this point , then any one Author to his knowledg for many ages . Is not this exc●ssiue ouerlashing against others , and ouerweening in himselfe ? What one Author can he bring ●orth among Catholicke writers , who in a booke of this small bulke and bignes may be found to haue vttered the least part of such manifest vntruthes , as heere haue bin proued and conuinced against him 7. He hath taken in hand before , as you haue seene , Cardinall Bellarmine , to search & pick some matter out of him , that might seeme to beare some shew of vntruth : but hath bin able to find no one , as we in the third Chapter of this our Answere haue made it plaine : and yet is there great difference betwene the case of Cardinall Bellarmine and M. Morton , if you cōsider it . For wheras he writeth for some excuse of himself in this place , that it is almost impossible for any man citing ●oure or fyue hundred testimonies , as factors in their accompts , but that by chance he will erre in some particulers without note of ●raude or Cosenage : then much more may this be yelded to the Cardinalls works and authorities cited therin , which no doubt are fifty for one at least , in regard of this Preamble , and then ensueth this comparison , that M. Morton hauing vttered so many grosse and witting vntruthes in so little a booke , & the Cardinall so few , or rather none at all , that M. Mort. can find and prooue in so many thousand authorities as in his volumes are cyted , it maketh more notable the vanity of this first challeng or brag , that he hath done more in strict examination and censuring of his owne bookes , then any other author for many ages togeather . 8. Thirdly the reckoning is now made so cleere and perspicuous , subductis ex vtraque parte rationibus , by casting the accompts most exactly on both sides , especially by our last three precedent Chapters , to wit , of the fourtene falshoods obiected against him which he chose out to answere but could not : and then by the twice fourteene which he wittingly pretermitted as vnanswerable : and lastly the number of new lyes and falshoods vttered in discharge of the former ; the reckoning ( I say ) is made so euident and palpable , as it must needs cause great laughter to see M. Morton come forth , and say after all this , That if he haue not in the iealousie of his infirmity so reuiewed and examined his booke , not as an Author but as a Censurer , discouering his owne escapes &c. he will confesse himselfe worthie of all the criminations , fraudes , tricks and deceipts layd against him by his aduersarie : wherin I see no other way can be taken by iustice , but as in suites of obligation when the conditions are not fulfilled , the penalties must be vndergone by the obliged , wherunto by band and obligation he is lyable ; that is to say M. Morton must be cōdemned of all the imputations before recyted . 9. Fourthly , to the end it may appeare , that not only I , who am his Country-man , haue obserued this manner of dealing in his treatises written in English but strangers also in such pieces as he hath set forth in the Latin tongue ( though I confesse in all truth & sincerity , that I neuer read or saw any thing of his in that tongue ) I shall heere set downe the words of a learned stranger , that some daies past wrote a letter out of Germany to a friend of his about two books of M. Mortons confuted by hym , and almost ready to go to the prynt . I know not the very title of the said bookes , but I haue the originall Letter of the writer imparted vnto me by my learned friend , to whome it was written , & I haue shewed the same to sundry others , who will testifie that it is not feigned by me . By which letter is euident , what stuffe is conteyned in the said two Bookes , and what opinion he hath of the Author . And if I shall vnderstand that any fraud or falshood is suspected on my part in this relation , I shall procure the Answerer to cause this Epistle of his to be printed with the said Answere : his words therefore are these , treating with his friēd of the edition of his said Answere . The Censure of a stranger concerning two books of M. Mortons , set forth in Latin , against the Iesuits . Quid Mortoni editionem retardârit , in proximis iam perscripsi . Liber , quin magnus sit , nullo breui●atis studio effici potest . Nam & Mortoni liber crassus est , & ex nostrorum potissimùm scriptis mendaciter citatis , totus ille cento consutus est . Vnde , vt hominis mendacissimi impudentia prodatur , necessarium est singulorum verba sic primò poni , vt abillo relata sunt ; eadem deinde cum fide ex ipsis Authoribus recensenda , cum tempestiua aliqua Mortonianae artis commendatione . Primum librum ( habet ille ad 100. circiter Capita , & varias materias , imo omnes pene iam controuersas continet ) prout ab illo emissi● est , totum confutaui : & tot in illo , adeoque crassa mendacia demonstraui , vt frustra sit ad alterum progredi : in quo homo insulsissimus plerumque ex primo repetit , & familiarissimis sibi figuris , hoc est mendacijs alijs , aliterilla exornat : itaque ex hoc paucula tātùm delibabo . Si Scribam inuenero legendi gnarū , dabo operam , vt exscribatur &c. Nam in hoc labore suscipiēdo non aliud spectaui , quàm vt errantibus asieno sub nomine viam & veritatem ostenderem . Vnde in singulis Capitibus Catholicum primo sensum , quem Mortonus peruertit , exposui , & aliqua Scripturae vel Pa●rum authoritate stabilini . Mortoni deinde mendacia & calumnias detexi . Quòd factu non admodum suit difficile , nisi quod laboriosum fuit Authores quos citat conquirere , singulos excutere , vt de Mortoni perfidia euidenter constaret . Librum Passauij reliqui , quò simul atque rediero ( spero autem nosilluc ante Pentecosten redituros ) me operi ac●ingam &c. Grecij 20. Aprilis 1608. G. I. 11. Thus that learned stranger : who I assure my selfe must needs laugh hartily , if he shall vnderstand that M. Morton maketh such speciall protestations and challenges of the integrity of his conscience and iealosy o● his infirmity , and of the seuere examining and censuring his owne bookes before they come abroad , and yet that they come forth with so many grosse falsities , as both he , and we , and all other his Readers that be not passionate do find . I haue not thought good to translate this Epistle into English , for that there be some wordes more sharp therin , then I would willingly vse against an Aduersary , whome I seeke rather to pacifie and satisfie with reason ( if it be possible ) then to exulcerate by sharpnes of speach : albeit I cannot let passe to set downe the iudgement of another learned stranger , extant in a printed booke of his in defence of Cardinall Bellarmin , whome M. Morton chiefely pretendeth to impugne , but so weakely and absurdly , as the said learned man giueth a very contemptible censure of the whole worke , saying : Hoc opus merito suo inter stulcissima , quae ex Nouatorum officina prodierunt , sedem sibi deposcit ; adeò fatuè , stolidè & insulse non dissertat , sed delirat . Which words also for the forsaid cause I leaue vntranslated . And this may suffice for his first chalenge : there followeth the second . 12. If I haue not earnestly desired ( saith he ) and by the law of loue challenged of my frends strict iustice , in noting such deprauations as might any way occur : and ( least they should suspect their reprehension to become lesse acceptable vnto me ) if I haue not pro●essed it to be my greatest offence , not to be in that māner offended : If I haue bin euer so peruersly obstinate , as not willing to be reformed by any aduersary : then I will confesse my selfe worthie of all criminations , fraudes , trickes , deceipts , cosenages &c. 13. To which challeng I answere , that if M. Morton haue had this earnest desire indeed , which he speaketh of , and haue requested his friends by the law of loue , to note in strict iustice his d●prauatiōs , as he protesteth , we must needs conclude , that either he hath had few faithfull friends to performe that friendly office vnto him , or that they were very carelesse in their annotations , or he not very prompt to follow their aduertismēts , supposing the multitude of faults that are found , wherof neither he , nor they did take any notice , or seeke to correct them . And as for his willingnes to be reformed by any aduersary , and that his greatest offence was , and is , not to be in that manner offended , I do not see how it can be true or held for probable : for so much as my selfe being his aduersary in the cause and controuersy betwene vs , hauing sought friendly in my booke of Mitigation to admonish and reforme him in many errours and falsities vttered by him , he hath byn so farre of from taking it in good part , or not being offended therewith , as he hath vtterly lost himselfe through impacience in diuers passages in this his answer , as before you haue heard vpon diuers occasions , & no where will it more appeare , then by the second part of this his challenge concerning his aduersary presently to ensue : wherein he passeth the scolding of any bad woman lightly that euer I haue heard of , if inuectiue scurrility be scolding . Wherfore in this he protesting one thing and doing the contrary , within so few lines , it may easely be seene what credit may be giuen to his wordes . Let vs passe to his third chalenge . 14. Although I can not ( saith he ) but choose to be strooke rather of a friend who woundeth , that he may heale , t●en of an enemy , who intendeth only to hurt : a friendly animaduersion , being as an Antidote , which is a reprehending of me , least I might be reprehensible : and the taxation of an enemy bei●g as toxicum calummously poysoning whatsoeuer deserueth good : yet if I haue euer byn so wickedly peruerse as not ( whensoeuer iustly ) to be willingly reproued by my aduersary , turning his venome in●o treacle , his deformation into reformation , then I say , I will confesse my self worthy of all the criminations as before . 15. This Challeng if we consider it well , is only a multiplication of words without new sense or substance , for that in the later part of the former Challeng , he protested the same that he doth heere : that he was willing to be re●ormed by any Aduersary , which here he repeateth againe with some more Rhetoricke of phrases , but no more truth . For that I being his Aduersary and reprouing him of so many vntruthes , and offering to stand to the triall , as now I haue done , he hath not only not taken it patiently nor turned venome into treacle , but quite contrariwise treacle into venome : for that my admonitions were treacle indeed to resist the venome of a lying spirit infused by heresy , if he would haue taken the benefit thereof . And as for the Antidote , which here he speaketh of to be reprehended friendly , least he might be reprehensible ; if it be so much to be estemed as he saith ( & so it is indeed ) then much more obligation is there to be patient in receauing reprehension , where a man is actually reprehensible indeed , and that in so high a degree as I do pretend and proue that M. Morton is , by his false dealing before laid downe , which yet he holding for toxicum , I haue very litle hope though much desyre , that it may do him good : but to others I trust it will , that are not so partially and passionatly interessed in the matter . 16. His fourth Challeng is vttered in these words : If in my ordinary course of life ( saith he ) any man can charge me with a bent to this vice of ●alsity , though it were for hope of whatsoeuer aduātage &c. then I will confesse my selfe worthy &c. Vnto which Challenge , if so he will needs call it ( for I neuer saw Challenges runne in this forme ) I haue this only to answere , that the falsifications obiected are extant à parte rei , and auouched out of his Bookes published in his name : and whether he wrote the same either of a bent to this vice , or of a back , that is to say , of a necessity or kind of compulsion for manteyning of a bad cause , I will not stand to dispute or determine . Neither will I alleage any thing iniuriously against M. Mortons person , which I do loue from my hart in the true loue of Christ our Sauiour , wishing his best spirituall good as myne owne , and do esteme him also for the good partes that God hath bestowed vpon him , though I do pitty the euill imployment thereof , in the cause he defendeth . And this shal be sufficient concerning his chalenges & protestatiōs about his owne persō . Now to the person of P. R. his Aduersary . CONCERNING the person of his Aduersary P. R. and absurd Challenges made against him . §. II. IF in any other place of his whole Booke ( which yet are many , as you haue seene , by the perusall therof , and of my answere ) M. Morton forgot himself , or rather lost himself by vehemency of passion , grief and choller , he seemeth principally to haue done it in this place , where he cēsureth his aduersary in foure seueral challēges , which I haue thought best to set downe together , & not to answere thē seuerally , as I did in the fo●mer Paragraph . For that indeed there is nothing in these but excesse of intemperate heat in cōtumelious speach . Thus then he writeth . 18. Concerning the disposition of my Aduersary ( saith he ) if he be not manif●sted to haue so behaued himself in tearmes , so dispitefully mal●gn●nt , as if the Capitall letters o● his name P. R. did iustly be●oken Princeps Rabulatum . ●f not so dotingly ●a ne in ostentation of his owne wit and learning , as if P. R. did truly signify Phormio Romanista . If not in desence of his cause in both the questions of Rebellion and Equiuocation so dis●olute , as if P. R. might be worthily interpreted Praeuaricator Rasus . If not in his criminations and obiections of falsifications so vnconscionably and impudently vniust , as if P. R. naght certaynly deserue the interpretation of Perfidiae Reus &c. then will I assume all his odious attributes , as proper vnto my self &c. So M. Morton . 19. And doth not the discrete Reader see by these manner of Challenges , that the man hath more need of compassion & commiseration from me then confutation ? Truly I cannot thinke so ill of his nature or condition , that he would haue fallen into this ridiculous distemperature of words , but vpon some great straites and extremities of mynd . For first what Grammer scholler is there , that hath neuer so small measure of a malicious wit , that cannot inuent twēty of these opprobrious termes and combinations vpon any two letters , that shal be giuen him to that purpose ? And do you not thinke that the letters T. M. may receyue in like manner variety of such allusions ? at least wise the interpretation of T. M. Thomas M●ndax or lying Thomas , could not faile to offer it self to euery mans cogitation that had read the multitude of witting and wilfull vntruthes conuinced by me against him before . Wherefore this inuention of reuēge was a very poore and feeble one . 20. Secondly these opprobrious interpretations vsed heere by M. Morton haue not only any truth , sap , salte , or acumen in them , but neither any meane conueniency or congruity with the things wherunto they are applied . As in the first , in regard of despitefully malignant tearmes , he will haue P. R. to signify Princeps Rabularum , as though Rabula did signify a railer which is more I thinke then either his dictionary or Lexicon will allow , though it import a more intēperate kind of action or defence then M. Morton can with any shadow of truth iustly ascribe to his aduersary P. R. in this respect . 21. Phormio Romanista in lyke manner is very vnfitly applied ; for whether he will allude to Phormio Captayne of the Athenians ; or to Phormio the Philosopher in Hannibals time , or to Phormio the parasite in Terence , I do not see how the said allusion may agree with any correspondence to the thing heere obiected of doting vanity and ostentation of wit & learning . For flattery is rather of other men , then of our selues . 22. But most impertinent is Praeuaricator Rasus in the third Chaleng ascribed to dis●olute defence of his owne cause : wheras a Preuaricator is he that colludeth with his aduersary-Attorney to betraie the cause , for which he will seeme to plead . And whether I haue done so , and haue betraied myne owne cause , giuing the victory and conquest to M. Morton , vnder pretēce to impugne him , let the Reader be Iudge that hath seene both our pleadings : only I must say that my will was not to doe it . And as for the word Rasus , it was put in and ioyned to Praeuaricator , without sense or salt , as the prouerbe is . For what can it impor● either to be shauen or be long-bearded , to vse collusion in treating of a cause ? Wherfore this only came in to correspond with the letter , & from some good esteeme perhaps that M. Morton holdeth of his owne beard , with contempt of vs , for that some among vs doe vse somtimes to cut or shaue our beards : which custome notwithstanding he cannot deny to haue byn in vse in the ancient Christian Church , & held for Religious for many ages past . 23. As first , to pretermit lower ages , a Venerable Bede doth testifie in his history of England , where also he giueth the reason thereof , and sheweth that the vse o● tonsure , & of crowne , made in their haire , was from the time of the Apostles themselues . Which in like manner b S. Isidorus almost 200. yeares before him doth affirme , though he yeeld another reason also thereof . Before S. Isidorus againe c S Hierome , and d S. Austine do make mention of the same religious vse of cutting their haire . And so do the two Councells of e Carthage , and of f Toledo in Spaine , the one holden at that time , the other a litle after . Yea the matter was so vsuall then , as the old g Emperour Iustinian speaketh therof in his Authentikes . And yet before these two Fathers , also mentioneth the same h S. Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus , and doth sharply reprehend certaine Monkes of his daies , that would needs be criniti , that is to say , to w●ar● their haire : and the same doth i S. Augustine in his booke De opere Monachorū . And yet aboue this and before this k S. Athanasius in his booke De Virginitate doth not only affirme Monks but Nunnes also and holy Virgins to haue had this religious vse in his daies to be shorne in the haire of their head . And with him do testifie the same both S. l Hierome , and m Palladius an anciēt Historiograph●r of the same time . And before all these againe for diuers ages n S. Dion●sius Areopagita scholler to S. Paul maketh mētion of this vse of cutting of haire and chāging apparrell in them that professed solitarie or religious life . 24. So as M● T. Morton scoffing at vs & our Church for this vse and custome of so many ages , scoffeth also at all Christian antiquity therin . But this perhap● is the glory of such Yonkers to scoffe at their elders , and to frame to themselues conquest and Victories vpon their contumelies . But let vs make an end of this wise censuring of his Aduersary . 25. His fourth and last contumely of Perfidiae Reus , guilty of perfidy , is so deuoid of all faith and tru●h , as the guylt of perfidy , if any be , must needs fall vpō the vnfaithfulnes and infidelity of the accuser , that raileth so bitterly without all ground or substance . For what one thing hath he proued before of perfidious dealing in me , who do cyt● my Authors , my arguments , my proofes , my demonstrations for euery thing , wherof I do argue or accuse him ? And now in the reuiew therof in this last Reckoning , I do so establish my accompts against hym , as there seemeth scarse any place to remaine for any probable defence on his part : Yf there be , let vs haue it , the Booke is extant , the Chapters are set downe , the places are quoted , the words are recited , the arguments and all●gations are examintd on both sides , not one wilfull falsity hath byn able to be proued against P. R. or any one Catholicke wryter that could be picked out for that purpose ; but many , and manifest , grosse , witting , and wilfull haue bin proued and defended and conuinced against M. Morton , though he professe protest and proclayme neuer so much his innocency and s●mple truth to the contrary . Where then remayneth the Charge of Perfidiae Reus ? I am content to remit my selfe to the Iudgement of any two ciuill learned men of either of the Vniuersities , to giue sentence in this behalfe , though neuer so alienated from vs in opinion of Religion . And thus much of the men . Now of the matter , booke , and cause it selfe ● . CONCERNING his Booke and Cause it selfe , foure other of M. Mortons Challenges . §. III. IN the last place M. Morton maketh new Challenges about the Cause and matter it self , wherin he threatneth great things to be performed by him ; & that vpon great and seuere penalties if he achieue not all that is put downe in his Challenges , to wit : That his Treatises be purged with fire , and himselfe forced to recantation . Which conditions if his Aduersary should accept , I doubt not but he would quickly find himselfe in inextricable brakes , if we may frame a Iudgment of things to come , by things past : and of his prowesse what he can doe , by that which he hath done in time of most necessity . For if euer he could do much , it was time to do it now , and shew his valour when he was most pressed , as you see he hath byn in these precedent Chapters , wherin he found himselfe ouerloaden with multiplicity of apparent witting and inexcusable vntruthes , so fastned vpon him , and so earnestly exacted , as all his credit , honour and honesty lay vpon it to defend himselfe or giue satisfaction . Which not being able to do but by pretermitting wholy the most and chiefe points , and falling downe vnder the burthen of the other ; we may imagine what he will be able to do for the time to come , especially seing that he is so recharged with new Charges in the last precedent Chapter , as if before he shrunke vnder the burthen , he must needs now both sinke & fall downe . And yet let vs heare him crow once more at this very last cast , like a battered Cocke of the game beaten out of the Cock-pit , as before we haue likened him vnto . 27. Lastly ( saith he ) for the cause , if I do not auouch the Discouery of Romish positions and practises of Rebellion to be iust : I● I proue not the Treatise of Mi●igation to be like an Apothecaries box of poiso● , with the outward insc●iptiō of Antidote . If I manifest not his specious and glozing reasons for defence of their Mentall Equiuocation , to be no better then the apples of Sodome which vanish into ashes at the first ●ouch : If lastly I shew not that the chie●est aduātage of Romish aduersaries doth consist in falsifications : all which this Preamble hath but touched , and my Incounter ( god willing ) must handle : then let my Treatises be purged wi●h fyre , and my selfe challenged to a recantation . So he . And these conditions I accept willingly . but well knoweth M. Morton , that bargaine , promise , or leesse he what he will , there wil be no execution made against him , and therfore he may be as liberal as he list in offering large conditions . But let vs examine in a word or two the particulers . 28. If I do not auouch ( saith he ) the Discouery of Romish positions , and practises of Rebellion to be iust . If he do not : But when ? What time will he take ? What day will he appoint ? He hath had now three or foure boutes and hath done nothing . For ●irst he proposed his cōtumelious Discouery , alleaging ten fond reasons for the same , which were beaten backe and turned against him●elfe by his first ●duersary the moderate Answerer : which he taking vpon him to d●fend in his reply , intituled his full Satisfacti●̄ , did so fully ouerthrow his ow●e cause , as hath byne seene by my Reioynde● , or Tr●atise tending to Mitigation , but much more by this his Preambling answere , which lightly passeth and walk●th ouer all , and toucheth scarce any one point of moment appertaining to the matter . And for this I alleage ●or witnesses the former Chapters , wherin the exact view of all hath byn made . 29. Secondly ( saith he ) ●f I proue not the ●reatise of Mitigation to be like an Apothecaries box o● poison with outward inscription of Antidote : then &c. But what poison there may be in mitigation of exasperating proceedings toward subiects that desire to liue quietly and dutifully , reason teacheth not : and much l●sse I thinke Religion , wherof this man in word is a great professor . And what ruynes and rufull ends the contrary hath wrought vpon sundry occasions , experience the best Mystresse of ●●ue prudence hath t●ught the whole wo●ld . 30. I do shew and demonstrate in the first Part of my said Treatise , that M. Mortons malicious humour in sowing diffidence and distrust betweene Prince and people , and in egging forward the Magistrate by Sycophancy to exaspe●ation , is neither holy nor wholsome , nor profitable , nor secure , nor any way fitting a Christian Common-wealth . And that whatsoeuer he obiecteth to moue enuy against either doctrine or practise of Catholike Religion for disobedience to temporall Princes , is false ; first in it self in regard of Catholickes , and then is found infinitely more in those of his Religion . Why had he not answered to these things in this his last Reply , & opened his Apothecaries box which now he promiseth ? 31. Thirdly ( saith he ) If I manifest n●● his specious & glozing Reasons for de●ence o● their mentall Eq●iuocation to be no better then the apples of Sodome , which vanish into ashes at the first touch , then will I be challenged t● recantation &c. But many touches , yea and many batterings hath M. Morton made to these my Reasons & proofes for the lawfulnes of Mentall Equiuocation , and neuer a one of them hath vanished or yelded to his batteri● . For if it had , we should haue byn sure to haue seen● it in this his last Reply , when it stood so much vpon him to ouerthrow but any one of them , if he had byn able . But we haue now beholden their strength and his weaknes . For that I hauing set downe my Reasons for the sayd mentall Reseruation out of Scriptures , Fathers , doctors , Scholemen , exāples and other proofs for aboue two hundreth and fifty pages together , M. Morton hath not found out any one instance wherof to treate in this his Reply , or to fasten his pen vpon the same , but only the Equiuocatiō of the poore woman Saphyra in the Actes of the Apostles , which yet I told him before was no Equiuocation , but a flat lye , as commonly his and his fellowes Equiuocations are , wherof I haue giuen many examples in the last Chapter of my Treatise of Mitigation , both in himselfe , and his antecessours , M. Iewell , M. Horne , M. Fox , Hanmer , Charke , Perkins , Syr Francis Hastings , Syr Edward Cooke , and some others : whereof M. Morton thought not best to take vpon him the defence of any one in this his last Reply , but by silence rather to condemne them all , and consequently heere were no apples of Sodome to be found that vanish at the first touch , but all are dusands and hard wardens that will weary his fingers to bruze them , if I may trifle with him a litle in following his owne comparison of apples . 32. Fourthly and lastly , saith he : If I shew not that the chiefest aduantage of Roman aduersaries doth consist in falsifications , then &c. VVherunto I must answere with this distinction , for so much as M. Morton speaketh somewhat doubtfully , that if falsifications be taken heere passiuely with relation to Protestants , then I grant , that one of the chiefest aduātages which their Roman aduersaries hau● against them consisteth in falsifications discouered daily in their bookes and writings . For that I confesse that no one thing doth more confirme a Catholicke mind in the truth of that Religion which he pro●esse●h , then to see the enemies and aduersaries thereof , to be driuen to vtter such and so infinite apparent wilfull falsities in defending the contrary . For that no man doubtles of any credit , honesty , or good nature would lye or falsity willingly , if he could defend his cause with truth : VVhich consideration doth greatly worke also with many Protestants , that be iudicious , and desyre indeed the truth it ●el● . So as in this sense I confesse , that one of the chiefest aduantages of Romā Adu●rsaries doth consist in the fal●ifications of Protestant writers . 33. But if we take it , as I thinke M. Morton meaneth it , actiuely in regard of Catholicke writers , as though our owne fal●ifications were our chiefest aduantages against the Protestant Religion● it is meerly false . For how poore should our Cause be , if we had no better proofe for tho truth therof , then our owne fictions and fal●ifications deu●●ed by our selues ? whereof M. Morton hath not byn able to proue any one , against any sort of Catholicke writers in all this his Preambling Reply , though wholy it was bent and intended by him to that end , as may appeare by the third and fourth Chapters of this our Re●kon●ng . And on the other side , there are so many proued & conuinced against him , as he neither is , nor euer will be able to answere the half of them , as you may behold in the fifth , sixth , and eight Chapters immediatly going before So as this contradiction being so manifest in it self , I see not why I may not call for iudgement and iustice against M. Morton , that his bookes be purged with fyre , and himself challenged to recantation . 34. But presently he leapeth away to the contrary syde , and placeth himself in the ●ea●e of a Conqu●●our , saying thus : But these things being 〈◊〉 Gods grace dir●ctly by me per●ormed , the fruite therof wi●●be ( Chr●stian Reader ) to establish thee in the truth of speach , and dutifull allegiance , and to put my aduersary P R. I hope vnto silence , I pray god , to repentance . So he : and with this he endeth his Booke . 35. And as for my silence , what successe M. Mortōs hope hath had , you see by this my Answere , which hath byn drawne out to somewhat more prolixity , as I suppose , then my ●ormer Treatise it self of Mi●igation , which notwithstanding was far from my intent and purpose at the beginning , meaning only to haue made a brief conference of things vttered by me in my Treatise of Mitigation , with the Answere of M. Morton in his Reply : but I found such great store of aduantagious matter ●ast out by him vpon neces●ity of his bad cause , as I could not possibly passe ouer the same without saying somewhat to ech point ; so as I haue byn inforced to write more then I had thought to haue done , for that he hath giuen more aduantage , then I imagined he would o● reasonably could in so short a worke . And thus much for my silence . 36. But as for my repentance for which he praieth , I must professe that hitherto I find no least motion of mind therunto , nor yet cause to moue that motion , for the substance of the controuersy it selfe : though for the asperity of speach , I could haue wyshed that sometimes it had byn more mollified , but the reasons inciting thereunto are s●t downe more largely in the Admonitory Epistle to M. Morton himself . Here only I will adde , that if I could perswade my selfe , that he could proue or performe directly or indirectly the things which here he promiseth , I should not only be sory , that I had written against him in these matters , but should endeauour al●o to do the works of true repētance indeed , which were to recall my said wrytings , and confesse that M. Morton had reason and truth on his side , and were not i● these points to be contradicted . But hauing seene , read , and examined with attention so much of his workes as I haue , and this also with so great equ●nimity and indifferencie of iudgment , as the loue of truth and regard of myne owne soule could worke in me ; I haue not found any one thing in the matters themselues affirmed by me , that might cause the least scruple of mynd : th●y being cleere and euidēt truthes in the sight of him , that hath the light of a Catholicke conscience . And for the manner of M. Mortons dealing , I must protest , that I find it so vnsyncere ( which I ascribe to the necessity of his cause ) as I take great compassion of him , and do beseech almightie God to giue him true light to see the dangerous way wherein he walketh , whilest he seeketh by sleightes and indirect meanes to defend fancies of his owne , & of his sect against the truth , grauity , and authority of his Mother the Catholicke Church . AN APPENDIX CONCERNING A CASE OF EQVIVOCATION LATELY written out of England , wherin resolution is demaunded about the false Oath of two Ministers : Whether it may be salued by the licence of Equiuocation or no ? TOGEATHER WITH A NOTE OVT OF DOCTOR King his Sermon , preached at the Court 5. Nouemb● 1608. so far forth as it toucheth Equiuocation . TO THE READER . I Receaued , Gentle Reader , not long since by a letter of the 8. of Nouember anno 1608. from a fri●nd of mine dwelling in the North parts of England● a certaine Aduertisment about a case of Equiuocation , fallen out in those parts , wherin my sayd friend requested my iudgement , whether the same where tollerable or excusable or not ? And for that it seemed he had some right to vrge me in this matter , in respect of the Treati●e written by me of that argument against M● Morton , I thought my self the more bound to yeld him some satisfaction to his demand . The case then in effect was this . 2. A certayne Minister in Yorkeshire named VVh . ( for I thinke not good to set downe all the letters thereof ) dwelling at a towne called Thorneley , if I misse not the name , being married and loaden with many children , and there vpon ●ot content with the ordinary ti●he● , that we●e wont to be giuen and payd in that parish , beg●n to vrge one of his parishioners to pay him other tithes also out of a certayne closse or field , that was pretended not to haue payed tithes before to other precedent Incumbents . Wherupon this Minister deuising with himself , how he might further his owne cause , resolued vpon this meane among others , to deale with another Mininister , which immediately before had possessed that benefice , intreating him aswell by request , as by offering him a peece of money ( as hither is written ) to assist him in this behalf , by lending him the ayd of an oath , that he had receaued tythes before that time out of that closse or field . Wherat though for a tyme the second-Minister did seem t● stick much , ●aying that he could not do it with the peace of his conscience ; yet afterward i● seemeth by the earnest persuasion and inductions of the other Minister , his repugnance of conscience was so mortifyed , as he yealded to the others intreaty ; especially , for that he told him , ●hat he had so great friendship and acquaintance with those , that must be iudges and examiners of the cause in Yorke , as he doubted not , but that their two oathes would carrie it away . 3. To Yorke Assises then they went , where hauing taken their oathes , and pleaded the case , at length they found not that successe , which they expected : For that the whole towne and parish of Thornley offering themselues confidently to sweare & depose the contrary in behalf of the defendant ( to wit , that tythes were not accustomed to be payd out of that place ) the Ministers had sentence giuen against them , with no small note of publike periury . Whereof one that was a particuler friend of M. VVh . demaunding the reason , how they could sweare or rather softweare in such manner , the thing being knowne to be so notoriously false ? He answered , that they in their owne sense did sweare truly ( behold then the case of Equiuocation ) & that so they were ready to prooue it , if they had bene vrged by the Iudges therin , to wit , that their meaning in swearing was● that the former Incumbent had receaued tythes out of that closse or field , or without that closse or field , namly , in other closses adioyning , though not in the field . And with this Equiuocation of ( out ) and ( in ) they thought themselues cleared , both for deceyuing the Iudges , and their parishioners . Now then to the resolution of the case . 4. And first of all by this we see , how these good fellowes that do cry out so hideously , and reuell euery where both in bookes , sermons and cōmon speach ●gainst the moderate & lawfull vse of Equiuocation in iust and necessary causes , and for iust and lawfull ends , without hurt of any , doe notwithstanding vse and practise themselues the same with contrary vnlawfull circumstances , wicked ends & purposes . For that heere ●hese two Ministers end was their owne interest , and hurtfully to deceyue their neighbour and parishioners . Their cōspiracy togeather by way of money , corruption , and bribes , was detestable . Their guilefull deceiuing their lawfull Iudges , that were competent in the cause , & proceeded iuridically , was abhominable . The scandall giuen to them that knew they sware falsely , was impious . The obligatiō they had to answere directly vnto the sense and meaning of the said Iudges , was indispensable : all which points are different in a lawfull Equiuocation . Wherof I do inferre , for resolution of the case , that this was no true or proper Equiuocation at all , but rather a flat lie , and open periury , as by that we haue treated before with M. Morton in the s●cōd Chapter of this booke may appeare more largly ; but much more throughout diuers Chapters togeather in my former Treatise of Mitigation . 5. And heere now I would end with this alone , were it not that a new peart-Brother-Minister of M Mortons is come forth of late with a new printed Sermon , wherein he taketh occasion after the imitation of M. Mortons veyne , to rayle excedingly against all Equiuocation whatsoeuer , without exception , & to inueigh most impotently against Iesuits for defēce and practise therof , as though they were the only and principall men , that did either allow or vse the same . Which is so shamlesse an assertion after he hath seene what I haue written in my sayd booke of Mitigation , concerning the multitude of learned authors that for many ages haue taught the same doctrine in publike schooles , before Iesuits were heard of in the world , as this latter Minister can neuer defend or excuse so manifest an vntruth about Equiuocatiō , but by Equiuocation ; feigning to himselfe some such absurd reseruation in mind as his foresaid brethren the ●orekshire-Ministers did , for sauing their publicke periury . But let vs heare what he sayth of the Iesuits about Equiuocation . 6. VVhat hope of truth ( saith he ) or simplicity may be had from these men ( the Iesuits ) or their impes , when they haue not only practized through infirmity of flesh and pusillanimity , but with the faces of Sodome and Gomorrah ●aue patronized , published , and persuaded to the whole world , the lawfulnesse o● their Heterogenious and Mungrill propositions . From henceforth let them ●ase the inhabitauts of Crete from the deserued infamy , which the Apostle layth vpon them , that Cretensians are lyers &c. So he . 7. But I would demand of this New-prachant-Minister , that is so hoate and vehement in his calūniation , when he , or his can prooue , that any one Iesuite in the world , amongst so many thousands as are extant , hath euer practized , patronized , published , or perswaded any such Equiuocation as this , which was vsed by the Ministers of Yorkeshire ? When would either M. Southwell or M Garnet , whome they are wont to accuse for this doctrine , haue taken such an oath , for deceauing their neighbour as those Ministers did ? Was this out of the infirmity of the flesh and pusillanimity , or rather out of couetousnes and iniquity ? Was it with the faces of Hierusalē and Iuda , or not rather of Sodome and Gomorrah ? Nay I would aske of this new Gamester , that is so exorbitant in his outcryes , with what face he cā auouch so many manifest vntruthes in this idle inuectiue of his , that cannot be excused from flat lyes , but by the pretence of some fond Equiuocation or exaggeration ? as namely when he saith and auerreth of Q. Elizabeth now dead , that she was a Saint , and neuer did any thing against the Catholicks in her li●e : Iusta quid fecit ? ( saith he ) Mansueta quid fecit ? Gratious and meeke Lady what hath she euer done ? whose finger did she euer cause to ake , and her hart aked not with him ? Wherto I answer , that the prisons filled , the mulcts imposed , the confiscation exercised , the bowels of them that were quartered , the heads of them that were beheaded , may suffice to satisfy this idle question of the Minister , especially and aboue all , the royall and sacred Head of his Maiesties Mother , most iniuriously against all law of nature & nations , cut of , and so many continuall toyles giuen by the said pretended Saint to the kingdome of Scotland , whe●by his Maiesties peace & person , life and state were not a little , nor seldome indangered , as is euident to the whole world , and testified not only by the wrytings of Catholicks , but of Protestants also themselues . These things , I say , do easely answere the flattering Ministers demand of , Gratious meeke Lady , what hath she euer done ? 8. And as for the other part , whose finger did she euer cause to ake , and her hart aked not with him , is too to childish and ridiculous ; & no man can read or heare it , but with derision and laughter , her hart being knowne to haue bene of other mettall , then to ake for other mens fingers . For to pretermit these particuler afflictiōs layd vpon particuler people , whome now I haue mentioned , without compassion or aking of her hart , who doth not know , that when all Countries round about her , France , Flanders , Holland Zeland , Scotland , Ireland , and some other states , were all in warre and combustion , killing and destroyng one another , about quarrels of Religion , principally set one foot and mainteyned by herselfe , she passed her dayes in England in mirth & ioy , as all Courtiers of that tyme will remember : nor did so much as her finger ake for their harts aking , for any thing that euer I heard of to the contrary . How then can this be excused without some shift of Equiuocall meaning in this false Minister , saying one thing , & meaning another ? For that in no sincerity of conscience can he possibly thinke it to be true . This is then one example , let vs see another . 9. He writeth of the Iesuits thus in the same place : That their whole order , institute , and practice are such , as they say in effect vnto Christ , as the Diuels did , Quid nobis & tibi est Iesu ? VVhat haue we to doe with thee ô Iesu ? This sentence being vttered in such an auditory , as that was , wherin his Maiesty was present , and much of the Nobility of the land , & so many learned hearers besides , must needes presuppose , as to me it seemeth , that the vtterer had perused well the Iesuits institute , and had conferred the same exactly , as also their life and practice with the law and life of Iesus , and had found therin this extreame opposition and contradiction between Iesus and Iesuites , no lesse then between him , and the Diuels themselues . But then me thought on the other side if this had beene so , he should haue alleaged some particulers at least : wherin this contradiction did stand : and it had bene perhaps no vnfit argument to be handled in that so great an assembly for discrediting that sort of people , throughout the world : and tho●e of the same order in England would haue blushed to haue made any answere for not discouering further their owne wickednesse , wants or imperfections . 10. But now seing nothing at all brought forth to the view or triall , except only certaine idle Nick-names , as that , the Iesuites are the great Mercurialists of the world , Archimedians , Centimans ( or men of a hundred hāds a peece ) o● coūterfait names , Iesuits by antiphrasis , Suitae by apheresis , flyers of Iesus by diëresis , Iebusites by agnomination , Ignatians in Spaine , Theatines in Italy , Iesuines in Campania , Scotiots in Ferrara , Priests of S. Lucia in Bononia , reformed Priests in Modena , and other such like inuentions of a ridiculous Grammaticall and Hystrionicall head , far vnfit for that place and noble auditory . Seing this , I say , I assured my selfe , that the Authour had no substātiall matter to produce against them : for that otherwise this had bene a worthy market to haue sold his wares with great gaine and applause , if any he had had worth the bringing forth , 11. Wherfore I cōclude with my self that this speach of the Minister concerning the opposition betweene Iesus and Iesuites was as false an exageration and lying Equiuocation as that other before of the aking of Q. Elizabeths hart at the aking of other folkes fingers . And furthermore I co●sidered , what a compari●● might be made betwene the Institute and life o● Iesuites , and this Minister with his fellowes in England , in respect of the law and life of Iesus , which of them goe nearer the same . And albeit I do not meane to ent●r in●o that matter , but rather leaue it to some other , that may chance to answer that idle & vaine Sermon , & hādle this point more largely & particulerly : yet are there so many things apparently seene and knowne in the world , which do lay fo●th this d●fference betweene Iesuits and Ministers actions in this behalf , as noe intelligent man can but obserue the same . 12. For what shall we say of the labours of Iesuite● throughout the whole world for conuersion of Infidels , as in Mexico , Perù , Brasile , Aethiopia , China , Iapone , and in other vast Kingdomes , wherin aboue a hundred of them besids other afflictions haue shead their bloud ? Is this opposit to Iesus or no ? Is this to be cōpared to the actions of Diuels ? Do English Ministers take vpon them these labours ? What shall I say of their manner of life , bare diet , simple apparell , punctuall obedience , strait pouerty , exact chastity , much prayer , s●uere discipline , cōtinuall mortification ? Do not these thing● simbolize with the life of Iesus ? Or do Englsh Ministers trouble themselues much with such matters ? And hath not this contumelious Minister , that so desperatly presumeth thus to speake , a wi●e and good benefices ? fareth delicatly ? sleepeth his fill ? fasteth seldome or neuer ? pestreth the Colledg● with his brattes , which the founder neuer thought of ? decketh his body with the best apparrell he can get ? pampreth his flesh ? pursueth all wayes and meanes of ambition ? flattereth , raileth , lieth in this his Sermō against Catholicks , without all respect of truth , ciuility , or honesty ? Are not these actions opposite to Iesuites ? oposite also to Iesus himselfe , and conforme to those of Diuels , whome he bringeth in saying , quid nobis & tibi est Iesu ? 13. But I would not the Reader should thinke that the impotēt & passionate behauiour of this Minister had put me also into passion , though somwhat I cōfesse it hath moued me . But I shall passe no further therin : it may be that some other will supply herafter more fully , as before hath bene sayd . For as for matter it will not want him : for if euer there was published a more fond , vnlearned , malicious , spitefull , opprobrious , and contum●lious libell , then this , I am much deceiued : and hardly can it be answered with patience , which yet I wish the Answer●r● 14. But yet notwit●standing I cannot but adde some few words more , about the point it self of Equiuocation , in regard of the excessiue int●mperate s●olding , which ( as now in part you ha●e heard ) our English Ministers do vse against the same , and I take it to be peculiar to them alone : and this not so mu●h out of ignorance or stupidity , as some may imagine ( in respect of the clearenesse of the cas● it self ) as of obstinate wilfull peruicacity in defending an absurd cauillation , which once they haue taken in hand to prosecute by right or wrong . And so you haue seen● that the last named Minister King ; though a very trifler , and not able to answere any one of the arguments , reasons , Scriptures , Fathers , examples and other anthorities alleaged for the lawfulnesse of Equiuocation in the booke of Mitigation , or at least wise did attempt to answer none ( wherin notwithstanding he should haue yealded great assistance to M. Morton , that durst vndertake the answere of no one ) yet doth he fall in iumpe with him in raging and rayling against the same : though if a man might come to deale calmely with them hand to hand , & enter into a quiet and sober Reckoning about the matter , as we haue donne before with M. Morton , I doubt not , but that they would be forced to reason , euen by common sense and experience it self , and therby see their owne egregious folly . For I would demaund them in good earnest , what they thinke of the better and wiser sort of men , not only of our religion , but of theirs also , who make a conscience to lie , for that they hold it for a damnable sinne , & yet would be loath to vtter matters of secr●cy or preiudice against thēselues or others ; and that these men be of the best sort for example , which we haue in E●glād , as namely priuy Coūsellours , Iudges , Magistrates and others , to whome businesses of importance , that require secrecy , are committed : if these men should be demaunded by persons of respect , whome by a flat deniall they would not willingly offend , what passed in this or that matter , which were not conueniēt to be vttered , or that thēselues by way of speach or narration should fall into mentiō of such matter , whereof they would disguise for the present the certayne truth : what in this case would they do thinke you ? What would the say ? What cuasion would they find to free themselues from these inconueniences ? For if they vttered simple truth● they should breake secrecy : if they denied the same ●latly without Equiuocation , they should lie : if they refused to answere , they should both offend the person , whome they would not , & oftentymes thereby confesse that which they would conceale . For that to say , I will not tell you , besids the offence , inferreth oftentimes a secret confession of that , which he denieth to tell . VVherefore who seeth not , but that commonly the refuge must be to Equiuocation , that is to say , to vtter so much as in their sense is true , though the hearer mistake it in another sense , and thereby the secrecie of the thing it self is conserued . 15. And is not this an ordinary practise euen amongst the best men of what religiō soeuer , and such as most of all do detest lying ? And how then do our Ministers so raue against it ? Nay can the cōmon cōuersatiō of humane life be without it , where lying is auoyded ? Let vs imagine that there were a man both learned , prudent & godly , & adorned with all gifts belonging to a wise and good man , but yet were of our Ministers opinion , neuer to conceale any thing by Equiuocation , and further then this had also a resolution more then our Ministers haue , to wit , not to lie at all for any respect whatsoeuer , out of which two determinations it must needs follow , that he would simply deny or confesse whatsoeuer should be demaunded of him : would any mā euer commit matters of coūsell or secrecy vnto him ? Or were he a man tractable or conuersable in a common-wealth ? or fit to mānage any matter of importance , though otherwise neuer so learned , neuer so prudent , neuer so good , neuer so godly ? I think no. Heere then the absurdity or rather senselesse stupidity of our Ministers continuall clamours and outcries against vs for the moderate vse of this Equiuocation in lawfull occasions , is euidently discouered & reiected . 16. Neither shall it be needefull for me to adi●yne in this place any further store of examples & authorityes out of Scriptures for proofe of the exercise and continuall vse and practise of this kinde of Amphibology , Equiuocation , or doubtfull speach , when occasions require it , hauing shewed the same largely and aboundantly before , euen in the best men that euer were , as Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , and especially in our Sauiour Christ himself , that was truth it self , and the wisdome of his eternall Father , it shal be sufficient to remit the Reader to the particuler place it self of my Booke , which is the ninth Chapter of the Treatise intituled of Mitigation , deuided into foure parts , & all hādling this only matter o● exāples of Equiuocall speach vsed by the best mē : yet must I needs say , that hauing considered since that time , & made some more particuler reflection vpon diuers passages of the new Testament & speaches of our Sauiour , I find them so frequent euery where in this manner of concealing secrecyes , or things not fit to be playnly vttered , by this doubtfull and ambiguous kinde of speach , as in one only Chapter of S. Iohns ghospell I finde Christ to haue vsed the same aboue 7. or 8. times at least , setting downe certaine propositions , that of themselues , and as they lie , are in the common hearers eare false , though true in the speakers meaning by some mentall reseruation : which reseruation though he vttered not in words , yet is it necessarily vnderstood : and this is properly Equiuocation in our sense & doctrine . And if our Kingly Minister in the heat of his exaggeration will call these also mungrill and heterogenious propositions , or M. Morton , out of his modesty , will tearme them , monstrous , and impious illusions of the black-art , they would in these countries be punished both of them for blasphemy , though at home among their friends I know not how fauorably the censure might passe vpon thē : but of lesse then fond impiety I thinke no man of iudgment and discretion will , or can condemne thē . 17. The place then which I meane is the 8. Chapter of S. Iohns Ghospel , where Christ our Sauiour entring into a large speach with the Iewes , vseth first these words , which I haue examined before in my said Treatise of Equiuocation : Ego non iudico quemquam , I do not iudge any man : which seeming to be contrary to that other saying of himself , within a very few lines in the same Chapter : I haue many things to speake and iudge of you : and further in the same Ghospell three Chapters before : For neither doth my Father iudge any man , but hath giuen to me his Sonne all iudgment : it doth not appeare how the proposition can be true but by some mentall reseruation in the mind of our Sauiour ; which being examined by the ancient Fathers , what it might be , S. Chrysost. with Leontius Theophilus , and others , do thinke the sayd secret meaning or reseruation of our Sauiour to haue bene this : I do not iudge any mā in this my first cōming , but do reserue it for my next , at the day of iudgment . Other Fathers gather another , as though he had secretly meant : I do not iudge any man , as you the Scribes and Pharisies do , according to the flesh and outward shew , but in truth : yet neither of these reseruatiōs being vttered , they do make the speach to be ambiguous and Equiuocall , as cannot be denyed . 18. In the same place he saith to the Iewes : Yf you perseuere in my sayings , you shall truly be my disciples , and know the truth , and the truth shall free you : which freedome or deliuerance the Iewes vnderstood from tēporall bondage● and therefore answered him , that they were the seed of Abraham , and had neuer bene in bondage to any : which errour of the Iewes proceeded from the ambiguous speach of our Sauiour , reseruing in his mind , and not expressing in his proposition , what bondage he meant : for that his reserued meaning indeed was of the bondage of sinne . 19. The like may be obserued in those words : Ego non quaero gloriam meam : I do not seeke my glory : & yet doth Christ most iustly seeke his owne glory that is due vnto him , and punisheth them that giue it not vnto him : and so in the verse immediatly before he obiecteth this vnto them , Vos inhonorastis me : you haue dishonored me : and in another place to his disciples he saith , Vos vocatis me Magister & Domine , & bene dicitis , sum etenim . You call me Maister and Lord , and do well therein , for that I am your Maister & Lord indeed . And in another place , Creditis in Deum , & in me credite . You do belieue in God , belieue also in me , which is the highest honour , that he could exact : and consequently there must needs be some mentall reseruation in this other speach , when he saith , that he seeketh not his owne glory , which the Fathres do indeauour to seeke out in their Commentaries . 20. It followeth in the ●ame place : Amen , Amen , I say vnto you , if any obserue my words , he shall neuer see death . Which the Scribes and Pharisies ( though otherwise learned in their law ) vnderstood of corporall death ; and in that sense gaue an instance of Abraham and the Prophets that were dead , notwithstanding they had obserued the words and commaundements of God ; and consequently in their sense Christs sentence could not be true : but our Sauiour had another intention and meaning reserued in his mind , by which reseruation the truth of the sentence was iustified : to wit , that they should not die in soule . 21. It followeth yet further in the same place : If I do glorify my self ( saith Christ ) my glory is nothing : which yet I think no man will grant to be true according to the letter , and as it lieth . For albeit Christ should ●et forth his owne glory , yet may it not be said , that this glory so published by himself , is nothing or vaine . VVherefore some reserued sense must heere also be sought out ; which according to the opinion of sundry expositours is , that he meant this according to the opinion of the Iewes , who esteemed that for nothing , which came from Christ himself . As also a little before in the fifth Chapter , he vsed the like speach saying ; If I beare witnesse of my self , my witnesse is not true . VVhich sentence I thinke our Ministers thēselues will not hold to be true in the sense which here it beareth : for then should they condemne our Sauiour of falfity , as often as he affirmeth any thing of himself : and then must we of necessity runne to ●ome reserued sense in Christs meaning , which is the thing that we call Equiuocation , so reuiled by our Ministers . 22. Furthermore in the very next verse , talking of almighty God , he sayd to the Iewes : Non cognouistis eum : you do not know him : which semeth vntrue in it self , for that the Iewes did professe to know him , and serue him aboue all people in the world . And in the old Testamēt it is often said of them , that they of all other people did best know God : and therefore some other reserued meaning must Christ our Sauiour needs haue had , then these externall words do insinuate : which reseruation S. Chrysostome , S. Augustine , S. Bede , and Theophilact vpon this place do thinke to haue bene this in Christ his s●cret meaning , that they did not know God , as they ought to know him , by seruing him , as he would and ought to be serued , according to the speach of S. Paul to Titus : Confitentur se nosse Deum , factis autem negant . They confesse to know God in words , but do deny him in deedes . So as here also an Equiuocation of speach was vsed by our Sauiour . 23. Againe in the ensuing verse , which is the 56. Christ said to the Iewes : Your father Abraham did reioyce to see my day : he saw it , and tooke ioy therby . Which wordes in the common sense do seeme to import , that Abraham had liued with Christ , and had seene the day of his birth and life , and taken great ioy therby : and so did the Iewes vnderstand his meaning to be , not only the common people , but the Scribes & Pharisies also , when they sayd vnto him : thou hast not yet fifty yeares of age , and hast thou seene Abraham ? wherin notwithstanding they were greatly deceiued , for that Christ our Sauiour had another reserued meaning in his mind , which the holy Fathers do labour greatly to expound vnto vs , what it was : and in what true sense our Sauiour sayd that Abraham had seene his day : whose different opiniōs , reasons and coniectures I will not stād to relate here ; It is sufficiēt for me to haue shewed , that this was an Equiuocall speach of our Sauiour , whereby the hearers being deceaued , the truth of the speach may only be defended by a reseruation in mind of the speaker . 24. And finally in the next verse after this againe Christ vseth a greater Equiuocation , then any before , saying vnto them : Amen , Amen , dico vobis , antequam Abraham fieret , ego sum . Amen , Amen , I say vnto you , that before Abraham was made , I am : which being an earnest speach , and as it were an oath , as elsewhere we haue noted , the Iewes vnderstood it , as it lieth , that Christ our Sauiour was borne in flesh before Abraham : and so it seemeth that he should haue meant according to his former speach , when he said , that Abraham desired to see his day , and saw it , and reioyced thereat : which was vnderstood of his incarnation or day in flesh , which Abraham in faith & spirit did see and reioyce . But yet heere when he saith that he is before Abraham was made , he must needs meane of his Diuinity , and in that he was God : which S. Augustine vpon this place doth excellently note to be so by the differēce of the two words , Abrahā fieret , & ego sum , the one belonging to the creature , saith he , the other to the creatour . So as more then one Equiuocation is vsed by our Sauiour in this one sentence : and if we lay all these Equiuocall speaches togeather , which are 8. or 9. at least conteyned within a piece of one only Chapter of our Sauiours talke with the Iewes , Scribes and Pharisies , we shal be able to make some ghesse , how many might be found throughout the whole new Testament and Bible , if we would examin the same particulerly , as we haue donne this : and thereby see how true M. Mortons bold assertion was in his booke of full Satisfaction , that no one iota in all Scripture , no one example in all Catholike antiquity could be ●ound for the same : His tearmes also of , heathenish , hellish , heynous and impious Equiuocation , with other infamations of his brother-Minister King , may appeare what substantiall ground they haue . 25. For heere except they will condemne our Sauiour himselfe of all these obiected impieties , they cannot condemne the manner of speach vsed by him , especially in so graue and weighty matters : and if they permit the same in him , then can they not cōdemne it in vs , who haue so good a warrant & president for the same , especially seing we do restrayne our vse thereof with many limitations , as in our larger Treatise of that matter is set downe , to wit , that it may not be vsed in matters of religion , where cōfession of our faith is required , nor yet in common trafficke , and conuersation of humane life , where any may be preiudiced or damnified therby : neither to any Iudge or lawfull Magistrate , that proceedeth lawfully , and hath iust authority to demaund vs , and we obligation to answer him to his meaning . And finally except some iniury or preiudice be offered vs ( for auoiding wherof it is conuenient to vse the refuge of this manner of speach ) and except our speach be all waies true in our owne lawfull meaning , we are not permitted by Catholicke doctrine to vse the same , and much lesse with open lying , as the two Ministers before alleaged , and many of their fellowes are shewed to haue donne . And this I thinke is so much as needeth to be treated of this matter at the present , by occasion of this Appendix . FINIS . A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHES . THE FIRST CHAPTER , ANswering to the first of M. Mortons three vaine Inquiries , concerning the wit , memory , learning , charity , modesty and truth o● his aduersary P. R. ( It hath 10. Paragraphes . ) pag. 1. § . 1. M. Mortons imputation of P. R. his with examined ( about the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalem . ) pag. 3. § . 2. M. Mortons obiection against P. R. his memory . ( about the clause of reseruation vtterred in Latin. ) pag. 10. § . 3. Against the learning of P. R. especially in Logicke . ( about a Logicall argument of the competency of God. ) p. 15. § . 4. The ●xamē of that which M. Mort. obiecteth against P. R. in the same ●acul●y . ( about a diuision and subdiuision . ) p. 32. § . 5. The confutation of what M. Morton obiecteth against the skill of P. R. in Greeke and Hebrew . ( touching the verse of the Prophet Isay cap. 29. vers . 9. ) pag. 41. § . 6. VVhat M. Morton alleageth against the Charity of P. R. ( about verè and verò in Carerius . ) pag. 46. § . 7. The obiection of M. Morton against the modesty of P. R. ( touching a false allegation of Doleman . ) pag. 49. § . 8. An answer to M. Mortons calumniation of the truth o● P. R. ( about the authority of Otho Frisingensis . ) pag. 55. § . 9. The examination of this controuersy of F●isingensis more at large . pag. 60. § . 10. The Conclusion & generall Reckoning of all this Chapter , or Inquiry . pag. 70. THE SECOND CHAPTER , ANswering to M. Morton● second Inquiry , whether P. R. may be iudged a competent Aduocate in this cause , which he ha●h assumed : and o● some other poin●s b●longing thereunto : especially touching the title or argument o● the Booke of Mitigation . ( It hath 2. Paragraphes . ) pag. 76. § . 1. VVhat M. Morton answereth to the former part o● my Treatise about Rebellion , and against the title therof , which in effect is nothing but a Cauill . pag. 79. § . 2. VVhat he answereth about the later Treatise , concerning Equiuocation . pag. 91. THE THIRD CHAPTER , ANswering to M. Mortons thi●d Inquiry , concerning falsities obiected by him ( though falsely ) against Catholi●ke writers , but especially against Card. Bellarmine , whereof no one can be prooued . ( It hath 18. Paragraphes . ) pag. 115. § . 1. Of wilfull falshoods obiected by M. Morton to sundry Catholicke writers : and namely his abuse offered to Franciscus Costerus . pag. 118. § . 2. His first example of voluntary falshood falsely obiected against three ancient Popes . pag. 125. § . 3. His second example of wilfull fraud falsely o●iected against moderne Catholicke writers . ( about the Councell of Eliberis in Spayne . ) pag. 133. § . 4. His third example o● like deceipt obiected against the same Catholick authours . ( about the Councell of Frankford in Germany . ) pag. 140. § . 5. His fourth example of like falshoods o●iected against the same authors . ( about the Epistle of S. Epiphanius touching images . ) pag. 144. § . 6. The second part of this Chapter of instāces against Card. Bellarmine in particuler touching imputatiō of old heresies . p. 149. § . 7. The first obiection against Card. Bellarmine of false imputation of the Pelagian heresy to Protestants . pag. 152. § . 8. The second iniurious obiection against Card. Bellarmine of false imputation of the Nouatian heresy . pag. 15● . § . 9. The third obiection against Card. Bellarmine for false imputation o● the Manichean heresy vnto Protestants . pag. 166. § . 10. The fourth obiection against Card. Bellarmine about pretended false imputatiō o● Arianisme vnto Protestants . p. 170. § . 11. The fifth obiection against Card. Bellarmine for fa●se imputation of heresies vnto sundry Protestants . pag. 174. § . 12. His sixth and last obiection against Card. Bellarm. ●or false imputation of the Sacramentary heresy vnto Protestāts . p. 176 § . 13. The third part of this Chapter conteyning other obiections against Bellarmine●or ●or falsifications in alleaging other mens authorities . pag. 185. § . 14. His second obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 192. § . 15. The third obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 196. § . 16. The fourth obiection against Card. Bellarmine touching false allegations . pag. 199. § . 17. M. Mortons Conclusion and obseruation about the article of Purgatory examined . pag. 209. § . 18. The summe & Reckoning of all this whole Chapter . pa. 216. THE FOVRTH CHAPTER , COnteyning certaine imputations of falsities and falshoods falsely obiected by M. Morton against his aduersary P. R. which are shewed not to be such , but that the obiectour falsifieth also in obiecting them . ( It hath 15. Paragraphes . ) pag. 221. § . 1. His first obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Tho. Mortons name . ) pag. 225. § . 2. His second falshood against P. R. ( about the clause of reseruation in Latin. ) pag. 230. § . 3. His third obiected falshood against P. R. ( about presumptuous Doctors mentioned by S. Paul , 1. Tim. 2. ) p. 232. § . 4. His fourth obiected ●alshood against P. R. ( about iustifying of Goodman . ) pag. 235. § . 5. His fifth obiected ●alshood against P. R. ( about Knox & Buchanan . ) pag. 239. § . 6. His sixth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Caluins Autotheisme , and misplacing of Card. Bellarmines name in the margent . ) pag. 242. § . 7. His seauenth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about the iustifying of Protestants from rebellion . ) pag 246. § . 8. His eight obiected falshood against P. R. ( about dissembling the wicked practises of Caluin , Beza , and others . ) pag. 248. § . 9. His ninth obiected falshood against P. R. ( about Syr Thomas Wiats Rebellion , and the Duke of Suffolke , and others . ) pag. 251. § . 10. Foure other obiections of M. Morton against P. R. in matter of wilfull falsity : to wit , the 10.11.12 . and 13. in M. Mortons Catalogue . ( about the text of Isay , Carerius , Frisingensis &c. ) pag. 260. § . 11. His fourteenth and last obiected falshood against P. R. ( about the doctrine of Equiuocation granted for 400. yeares . ) pag 264. § . 12. The opinion of the Doctor - Iesuit Ioannes Azor , about Equiuocation obiected by M. Morton as making for him . p. 269. § . 13. M. Morton his second witnesse pretended aga●nst Equiuocation , is the Doctor-Iesuit Emanuel Sà . pag. 275. § . 14. M. Morton his third Iesuit-Doctor Ioannes Maldonatus brought in to wit●nesse against Equiuocation . pag. 280. § . 15. The finall Reckoning about this whole Chapter with the cōclusion of all these 15. Paragraphes . pag. 288. THE FIFTH CHAPTER , CONcerning the chiefe point intēded by M. Morton in this his last Reply , which is the clearing of himselfe from many notorious vntruthes , obiected as willfull and wi●●i●g by his aduersary P. R. and how insufficiently he per●ormeth the same . ( It hath 15. Paragraphes . ) pag. 292. § . 1. The first obiected falsity pretended to be answered by T. M. ( about Popes names changed , out of Polidor . ) pag. 295. § . 2. The second Charge of wilfull falshood against M. Morton . ( about the death of Pope Adrian by a flie . ) pag. 305. § . 3. The third Charge of falshood against M. Morton , which he pretendeth to a●swere . ( about the assertion of Doctor Boucher peruerted . ) pag. 318. § . 4. The fourth Charge of falshood pretēded to be answered or rather shifted of by M. Mort. & cast vpō the Lord of Canterbury ( about the abuse of M. William Reynolds . ) pag. 324. § . 5. The fifth imputatiō of lying pretended to be answered by M. Morton , or rather by M. Stock for him ( about the decree of Gratian wrongfully alleadged . ) pag. 332. § . 6. The sixth imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Morton with the help of the same M. Stock . ( about another false pretended decree in Gratian. ) pag. 342. § . 7. The 7. imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by M. Mort. ( about the Extrauagant for the Glosse . ) pag. 352 § . 8. The eight imputation of falshood pretended to be answered by T. M. ( about the heresy of Autotheisme obiected to Caluin , and the corruption of Bellarmines words therin . ) pag. 358. § . 9. The ninth imputation twice handled before Cap. 1. § . 5. and cap. 4. § . 10. and now againe brought in by M. Morton . ( about a place of Isay. cap. 29. ) pag. 364. § . 10. The tenth imputation twice also handled before Cap. 1. § . 6. and Cap. 4. § . 10. ( about verè and verò in Carerius . ) p. 365. § . 11. The eleuenth imputation pretended to be answered , which is handled also before Cap. 1. § . 7. ( about Doleman falsely alleaged . ) pag. 366. § . 12. The tweluth imputation handled before Cap. 1. and pretended now againe to be answered● ( about the succession of Protestant princes . ) pag. 367. § . 13. The 13. imputation handled before Cap. 1. § . 8. and Cap. 4. § . 10. and now brought in againe by T. M. ( about Otho Frisingensis peruerted . ) pag. 367. § . 14. The fourteenth and last imputation of falshood pretended by M. Morton to be triumphantly answered . ( about Lambertus Scafnaburgensis peruerted . ) pag. 368. § . 15. The Sūme & finall reckoning of this whole Chapter . p. 390. THE SIXTH CHAPTER , COnteyning a recapitulation of many manifest vntruthes , wherwith M. Morton being charged by his aduersary P. R. did wittingly pretermit to mention them in his last Reply , and therby left suspition that he could not answere them . ( It hath 23. Paragraphes . ) pag. 392. § . 1. The first pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Vasquez mistaken and slaundered about the nature of heresy and pertinacie . ) pag. 393. § . 2. The second pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Azor corrupted about the word pertinaciter . ) pag. 398. § . 3. The third pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Azor corrupted about the case of Couentry . ) pag. 399. § . 4. The ●ourth ●retermitted ●alshood by T. M. ( Azor falsified as reiecting a case which he plainly alloweth . ) pag. 403. § . 5. The fifth pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Card. Tolet abused about grosse and a●fected ignorance . ) pag. 407. § . 6. The sixt pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Card. Bellar. egregiously iniured about the questiō of ancient gathering of Councells . ) pag. 409. § . 7. The seauenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( The Iesuite Salmeron much peruerted in sundrie points . ) pag. 415. § . 8. The eight pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Salmeron againe abused by egregious cauillation . ) pag. 420. § . 9. The ninth pretermitted falsho●d by T. M. ( about Dolmā and other wryters abused by him . ) pag. 423. § . 10. The tenth pretermitted falshood by T. M. ( Carerius iniuriously handled about his opinion of Priesthood , and Kingly authority . ) pag. 425. § . 11. The eleuēth falshood dissembled by T.M. ( Fra. de Victoria abused touching the exēption of Clergimē . ) p. 428. § . 12. The twelfth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( S. Bonifacius Archbishop falsified notably in the question , whether a Pope may be an heretick . ) pag. 432. § . 13. The th●rteenth falshood wittingly pretermitted by T. M. ( S. Leo deceiptfully alleaged about the oath of Supreamacy . ) pag. 436. § . 14. The fourteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Sepulueda abused about Equiuocation . ) pag. 439. § . 15. The fitfeenth falshood preterm●tted by T. M. ( Sotus manifestly peruerted against his owne assertion of Equiuocation . ) pag. 442. § . 16. The sixteeenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Cunerus falsified against his owne meaning , about the nature of religion . ) pag. 444. § . 17. The seauenteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Cass●der and Bellarmine abused at once about the meane of concord betweene Catholicks & heretikes . ) pag. 446. § . 18. The eighteenth falshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Royardus and Cunerus peruerted against their words and meaning about obedience to temporall princes . ) pag. 452. § . 19. The nineteenth ●alshood pretermitted by T. M. ( Sayer grossely abused about Haereticus pertinax● ) pag. 454. § . 20. The twētith falshood pretermitted by T.M. ( Cicero falsified in the questiō about swearing to a theefe . ) p. 457. § . 21. The 21. & 22. falshoods pretermitted by M. Morton ( of two abuses offered in citing Doctour Barkley . ) p. 462. § . 23. Of ten other falshoods set downe togeather and dissembled by T. M. ( Of diuers authors falsified about the deposition of Popes . ) pag. 464. THE SEAVENTH CHAPTER , VVHerin are set downe diuers other sortes of M. Mortons omissions , besides the former ; and namely in not defēding certaine Clients of his , whose credit was commended to his protection in the treatise of Mitigation● , and amongst others Syr Edward Cooke , now L. Chief Iustice of the common Pleas. ( It hath 6. Paragraphes . pag. 469. § . 1 Of the pretermission of the chiefest points concerning the argument & subiect of Rebelliō in my Treatise o● Mitigatiō p. 472. § . 2. Of M. Mortons pretermissions in the second argument of my Treatise about Equiuocation . pag. 483. § . 3. Other omissions of M. Mortons concerning the defence of ten other Protestant writers charged with ●alse dealing , which defence being remitted ouer vnto him , was wholy pretermitted and concealed by him . pag. 490. § . 4. Of M. Mortons omissions concerning the de●ence of Syr Edward Cooke wholy pretermitted by him . pag. 500. § . 5. The discharge and reckoning about the former charge made to Syr Edward Cooke . pag. 510. § . 6. To the other ●oure Cases obiected by M. Morton out of Syr Edward Cooke . pag. 523. THE EIGHT CHAPTER , VVHich by occasion of two new Prefaces lately set forth by Syr Edward Cooke doth handle diuers controuersies with him , aswell about a Nihil dicit obiected by him to his Aduersary : as also about the antiquity and excellency of the Municipall Common-lawes of England , and some other points . ( It hath 6. Paragraphes . ) pag. 529. § . 1. Of a new Preface set ●orth lately by Syr Edward Cooke now Iudge : wherin he condemneth his Aduersary the Catholicke Deuine of a Nihil dicit : and with what iustice or iniustice he doth the same . pag. 531. § . 2. That the imputation of Nihil dicit doth fall more rightly vpon M. Attorney , as doth also the Nimium dicit , which is to vtter more then is true . pag. 542. § . 3. VVhether the common Municipall lawes of England be more ancient and excellent , then any other humane lawes of the world . pag. 551. § . 4. About foure seuerall questions sayd to be propounded by the student in law , and solued by the Iudge for confirmation of the antiquity and eminency of our moderne English lawes . pag. 573. § . 5. How that the foresayd Nimium dicit , as it importeth Falsum dicit , is notoriously incurred by Syr Edward Cooke in sundry other assertions also appertayning to his owne faculty of the law ; which were pretermitted by the Catholicke Deuine in his Answere to the fifth part of Reports . pag. 587. § . 6. Of another Preface instantly come vnto my hands prefixed before the L. Cookes seauenth part of Reportes , conteyning new iniuries offered to Catholickes by him . pag. 604. THE NINTH CHAPTER , VVHich layeth togeather another choice number of new lyes made willfully by M. Morton , ouer and aboue the old in this his Preamble , whilst he pretendeth to excuse or defend the said old . ( It hath 20. severall heads . ) pag. 625. 1. About the equiuocatiō of Saphyra he affirmeth me to say , that there is an Equiuocation , which no reseruation can saue from a lie . p. 262. 2. About Theodoret egregiously corrupted by him . pag. 629. 3. Claudius Espencaeus falsified , and made to say , that which he doth not . pag. 629. 4. Of Doctor Franciscus Costerus notably abused , & made to write that which he neuer thought . pag. 630. 5. About Gratian falsely accused for ●alsification . pag. 631. 6. About symbolyzing of Protestants with Pelagians , three witting vntruthes . pag. 632. 7. Concerning the Councell of Eliberis and Sixtus Senensis , misvnderstood . pag. 634. 8. Of Bullingers blasphemous doctrine about the Trinity falsely ascribed to Gregory de Valentia . pag. 635 9. The contention betweene S. Augustine and S. Cyprian about rebaptizing , misrelated . pag. 636. 10. VVhether Catholike authors do speake contrary to their owne iudgments in the article of Purgatory . pag. 637. 11. VVhen the letters of T. M. came to be vnderstood what they signified . pag. 638. 12. About Holinshead and Iohn Fox guilfully alleadged and stood vpon . pag. 638. 13. Fraudulent dealing in relating the death of Pope Anastasius . pag. 639. 14. About Pope Gregory the thirteenth his licence for printing the C●nnon-law , egregiously calumniated . pag. 640. 15. How the Manichean heresie is imputed to Caluin : and T. Mortons deceiptfull dealing therin . pag. 641. 16. About the Nouatian heresy obiected to Protestants and false trickes therin . pag. 642. 17. D. Azorius his fiue rules about Equiuocation fraudulently and falsely applyed . pag. 643. 18. VVhether the Iesuit Emanuel Sà doth cōtradict all Equiuocatiō or no : and how egregiously he is abused therein . pag. 644. 19. VVhether Iohn Maldonate were against all Equiuocation : and whether P. R. did fly to answer him . pag. 645. 20. About Polydore Virgil falsified in two very materiall points . pag. 646. Out of which twenty heads , aboue fifty particuler falsities are deduced and plainely demonstrated , besides the former . THE 10. AND LAST CHAP. COnteyning new Challenges , Protestations , vaunts , and other vehemēt assertions of M. Mort. that wrappe him in bāds of further absurd●●ies , then any of his ●ormer errours and ouersights before layd downe . ( It hath 3. Paragraphes conteyning 12. new Challenges of M. Morton . ) pag. 649. § . 1. First concerning his owne person ; and what new protestations and Challenges he maketh thereabout . pag. 651. § . 2. Then concerning the person of his aduersary P. R. and foure new Challenges against him . pag. 659. § . 3. Thirdly about his book & cause it self , foure other Challenges wherwith he concludeth his whole worke , offering to haue it burned if he performe not what he promise●●● pag. 664. AN APPENDIX● COncerning a case of Equiuocation lately written out of England , wherin resolution is demaunded about the false oath of two Ministers , VVhether i● may be salued by the licence of Equiuocation , or no ? Togeather with a note out of Doctour King his Sermon , preached at the Court 5. Nouemb. 1608. so ●ar ●orth as it toucheth Equiuocation . p. 671. AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OR INDEX OF THE CHIEF MATTERS HANDLED IN THIS BOOKE . A ABsurdities of M. Mortō cap. 2. num . 34. Adriā the Pope whether choked with a fly c. 5. n. 20.22 . Ananias and Saphyra their fact discussed cap. 2. num . 23. &c. The ridiculous Antiquity of the Venetian lawes . cap. 8. n. 40. Appeales to Rome cap. 3. num . 18. & cap. 8. num . 75. & seq . Azor alleaged to condemne Equiuocatiō in that place , wher he expresly auoucheth it . c. 4. n. 69. &c. & cap. 6. n. 16.17 . &c. See ibidem num . 9.10.11 . &c. B BEllarmine charged to impute falsely Pelagianisme to the Protestants cap. 3. num . 58. His true assertion touching the same . ibid. num . 61. He truly chargeth Protestants with the heresy of Nouatus . ibid. n. 67. Most falsely accused of contradiction by M. Morton touching a place out of Theodoret. ibid. n. 94. &c. Item for cyting S. Cyprian and S. Augustine for traditions . Ibid. n. 104.105 . &c. Item for alleaging S. Ambrose , S. Hilary , S. Augustine for Purgatory num . 123. Bellarmines words cūningly clipped and changed by M. Morton concerning an errour of Caluin and Beza . cap. 5. num . 96. Binius abused about the death of Pope Vrban , cap. 5. num . 34. Broughtons censure of the English Bible . cap. 1. num . 67. Britans their manners , conuersa●●on and lawes in Cesars time c. 8. n. 35.36.37 . & deinceps . British lawes . See Lawes . Q. Brunde●ica her speach . cap. 6. num 38. C CAluin intangled about Purgatory , and concerning his atrium or porch . c. 3. n. 92. Caluinisme is heresy by the iudgment of other Protestants cap. 7. num . 6.7 . & 9. L. of Cāterbury charged to haue corrupted a passage in M. Reynolds . cap. 5. num . 88. The place in Carerius about Verè & Verò examined c. 1. n. 70.71 . Cassander abused cap. 6. n. 79. The Catholicke Deuine defēded against Syr Edward Cooke . cap. 7. & 8. The particulers of his booke cap. 8. n. 6.7 . &c. Not impossible for Catholickes to liue together in ciuill obediēce with Protestants . cap. 2. n. 5.6 &c. Greatest daungers not imminent by Catholickes . c. 2. n. 14. &c. The Censure of a stranger vpon two Latin bookes of M. Morton cap. 6. num . 76. Chrisme in Confirmation , impugned by Nouatians and Protestānts alike , cap. 3. num . 71. Syr Edw. Cooke his Equiuocation cap. 7. nū . 47. his proofes against the Popes Supremacy proued to be nothing to the purpose ibid. num . 71. Item to be falsely alleaged num . 73.74 . &c. The case of Ed. 1. about bringing into Englād the Popes Bulles discussed . n. 74.75 . & c● He streineth his law-bookes n. 94. &c. 8. n. 8.4 . His preface to the sixt part of Reports answered cap. 8. per totū . His iudgement of a Nihill dicit . ibid. num . 2.3 . &c. The two causes of a Nihil dicit nu . 4.5 . &c. His precipitant māner of speaking against Catholickes . nū . 19. Syr Edward charged with a Nimium dicit . num . 20 . 21.2● . &c. his vntruth . n. 22. His rayling speaches against Catholickes n. 26. & n. 104.113 . His Pedanteria . n. 27. & 28. His merry fiction of the Monke at Norwich . n. 59. the same auswer'd with a serious history . n. 60 The foure questions proposed by himselfe in a Students name , discussed . ibid. num . 62.63 . & deinceps . his bad illations n. 67. He corrupteth Cesars Commentaries about burning of wiues for petty treason , num . 70.71 . &c. His fraudulent dealing in the matter of Appeales , n. 75.76.77 . His false alleaging of the law n. 82.83 . &c. He forgetteth himself num . 85 , in fine His Preface to the seauenth part of Reports iniurious to Catholiks num . 101.102 . &c. His vaunting vanity ibid. num . 105. He mislyketh nouelty and yet practiseth it . 106. His spea●h at Norwich n. 109. 110. &c. His threats against Catholickes n. 116. The tale of his fatfighting-Abbot nu . 118. his dreadfull commination against Catholick books n. 119. good counsaill giuen to Syr Edward num . 121. He misliketh spirituall bookes . n. 123. The Comedy betwixt M. Mort. and M. Stock cap 5. num . 80. Contradictions of M. Morton for want of memory cap. 1. § . 2. n. 13 14.15 . &c. Item about the mayd . that examined S. Peter cap. 2. n. 33. Costerus notably abused by M. Morton c. ● . n. 10. &c. Touching the Councell of Eliberis about Images , see c. 3. n. 33. &c. as also of the Councell of Frākford c. 3. num . 46. &c. D DEcretals , see Greg. XIII . A hard Demand proposed to M. Morton c. 1 n. 99. Another reall Demand ibid. n. 114. Item another touching true and false writing of Catholicks & Protestants c. 3. num . 7. Dissimulation discouered in M. Morton cap. 9. num . 6.7 . Dolmā peruerted about the succession of Protestant Princes c. 1. num . 76. Dowries , see Lawes . Diuides c. 8. num . 71.72.73 . E K. Ed. 1. abused by Syr Edw. Cooke c. 7. n. 74.75 . &c. &c. 8. n. 88. Item Ed. 2. c. 8. num . 86.87 . Item Ed. 3. c. 8. n. 87.88 . &c. ibid. n. 98.99 . Emanuel Sà , see Equiuocation . S. Epiphanius improued not the vse of Images c. 3. n. 48. &c. Equiuocation as it is false & lying , subdiuided cap. 1. n. 45. what is materiall lying Equiuocation , and what formall ibid. n. 49.50 . Materiall Equiuocation worse thē materiall lying num . 56. it is neuer lawfull n. 61. Sundrie cases resolued for Equiuocation by Emanuel Sà c. 4. n. 78. see more hereof cap. 7. § . 2. n. 19.20 . &c. of Equiuocation of Protestāts ibid. n. 32.33 . &c. of Ministers and others ibib . n. 42. Espencaeus egregiously abused cap. 1. n. 103. Q. Ethelwicks Charter discussed c. n. 65.66.67 . &c To much Exasperation alwaies dāgerous in any state c. 7. n. 16.17 . F IN what sense M. Morton said that the chiefest aduantage of his Roman aduersaries doth consist in Falsifications c. 9. n. 32 His fond vaunt of Fetters and shackels cap. 2. n. 35.36 B. Fishers opinion concerning Purgatory wrongfully carped at cap. 3. n. 134. Flatterers and the effects that follow of them cap. 2. num . 10. Forfeiture of lands for fellonie cap. 8 n. ●9 . Fox his lyes ca. 1. nu . 116. Frankford , see Councell . Frifingensis abused concerning Gregory the 7. whome he cōmendeth cap. 1. num . 89. G GRatiā falsely accused by M. Morton with diuers shifts cap● 3. nu . 19. Item his Glosse auouched for an ancient decree c. 5. n. 59.60 . &c. againe ib. nu . 73. Gregory the 7. Pope calumniated by M. Morton cap. 5. nū . 114 &c. ibid. n. 132.133 . Gregory the 13. falsely alleaged c. 5. num . 92. H THe ancient heresy against the reall presence● cap. 3. n. 101. Heretikes seuerely censured by S. Augustine cap. 5. n. 76. The History of good counsell giuen to a sick man● c. 8. n. 60. Holinshed abused . c. 4● n. 50. M. Hornes vntruthes c , 1 , nu , 116. I THE vse of Images not improued by S. Epiphanius ca. 3. n. 48. Iewels lies . cap. 1. num . 115. &c. 6. num . 120. His Equiuocation . cap. 7. n. 43.44 . &c. The truth of a speaker may depend vpon the cōpetency of the Iudge c. 2 , num , 29 , 32. K THE case of a seditious makebate against his King vnder colour of prouidence , cap● 2 , num , 12. Kings how they haue their authority from God , and how from man , cap , 5 , nu , 54. D. King the Minister his Equiuocatiōs in Append. n. 5.6 . &c. L LAmbertus Schaffuaburgensis abused by M. Mort. c. 1. n. 90. M. Mortōs Latin wanteth the principall Verb cap. 3 , num● 39. Lawes , the antiquity of our English common Lawes ca. 8 , nu , 30.31.36 . Whether euer altered by our Conquerours . ibid. num , 43. &c. The Brittish Lawes altered by the Romans . ibid. n. 46.47 . Item by the Saxons , Danes , Normans , ibid● n. 50. their excellency , n. 54. They are shewed to be defectuous in triall of life and death . ibid. in the matter of Dowries . n. 56. in prouiding for yonger brothers . n. 57. in the wardships of pupils n. 58. in the liberty and auarice of L●wiers , ibidem . S. Leo abused cap , 6 , n , 62 , 63. Lyes of M. Morton . See cap. 2. n. 45. &c. 9● per totum caput . Logicke of P. R. defended c. 1. nu . 45.46.47 . &c , M MAncinus , see Carerius . The Mayde that examined S. Peter . cap. 2. num . 33. Principall points of the Mitigation repeated cap. 7. n. 5.6.7 . M. Mort. taxation of P.R. his memory , wit , skill in Logike , Hebrew , Greeke &c. discussed . c. 1 . per totum . His fond comparison of Catholick Priests with Iewish . c. 1. § . 1. His fond inference against his Aduersary about the resurrection , c. 1 , § . 1. his exorbitant & false exaggeration about the false dealing of his Aduersary cap. 1. num . 114. M. Mortons ridiculous interlude cap. 2 n. 2 His foolish insultation . cap. 2. n. 9. his vaunting entrance to the impugning of Equiuocation . ibid. nu . 20. & . 22 he is much troubled about the example of Saphyra . ibid. n. 26.27 . his childish mistaking . ibid. n. 36. his miraculous victory . cap. 2. num . 44. The excesse of M. Mort. malice c. 3. n. 3. He vseth fiue seuerall false shiftes and voluntary corruptiōs in one accu●ation of Card. Bellar. ibid , 72 , 73 , &c. his three fraudes concerning the Manichean heresy obiected by Bellarm. to the Protestants , ibid , num , 79 , &c. he calleth diuers of the Fathers , Knights of the posts , ibid. n. 136 , his false accusation of Catholicke writers , n. 137. He is much pressed with wilfull lying about the matter of Purgatory , n , 139 , M. Morton in obiecting a contradiction to P. R. lieth himself , cap , 4 , n. 6 , he denieth Syr Thomas VViats attempt to haue bene against either Queene or State , ib. nu , 48. Fox contēned by M. Mor●● and Holinshead belied ibid , n , 50 , &c. He vseth 5. different fraudes at one time about Azor , cap , 4 , n. 74 , His fraud in alleaging Emanuel Sà , n. 75 , 76 , &c. the like he vseth in citing Maldonate , n. 82 , 83 : M. Morton citeth diuers authors for that thing , which they expressely do refu●e in the same places , cap , 5 , nu , 34 , he confesseth an exorbitant fault , & casteth it on my L. of Canterburie , nu , 88 , for want of more matter , he doth handle the selfe same things diuers times to fill vp paper , cap , 5 , nu , 103 , 104 , &c. M. Mortons corruptions in citing Cassander and Bellarm. cap. 6 , n , 79. What substantiall matters handled in the Mitigation , are wholy pretermitted by him cap. 6. n● 116. M. Mortōs debts and accōpts , cap , 7 , n , 2 , 3 , &c. & n , 29. his bad dealing n , 31 , he defendeth not Syr Edw. Cooke , n , 48. his helping the die , n , 75.76 , &c , his fiue cases out of Syr Ed. Cookes Reports at large discussed and answered , ib , n , 74 , 75 , &c. his fond comparings , n , 95 , 96. his pretermissions , cap , 6 , per totum , his new lies added in his Preamble , cap , 9 , per totum . His vanting chalenges . c. 10. per totū . N NAucleru● abused by M. Morton about the death of Pope Adrian the fourth , cap 5 , n , 20 , 22. The Nicene Councell not falsified by Zozimus cap , 3 , n , 30. For a Nihil and Nimium dicit , see in Syr Edward Cooke . Two causes of a Nihil dicit c , 8. nu , 2 , 3 , &c. Nouatian heresy in Protestāts , see Bellarmine . O OTho Frifingensis abused . c , 1 , n , 87 , 88. P PElagianisme in Protestants , See Bellarmine . Persecuting Iudges come to ill ends , ca , 8 , nu , 117. S. Peters answer to th● mayd concerning Christ. cap , 2 , n , 33. Pius V. scoffed at by Syr Edw. Cooke cap , 8 , nu , 108. Polidore Virgil belied , c , 5 , n , 12. Preamble of M. Morton , vayne , obscure , & confused , cap , 2 , n , 1. It is a great head with litle wit ca , 2 , num , 19. M. Mortons vaine descants vpon the letters P. R. cap , 10 , nu . 18 , 19 , P.R. his iust demaund to haue M. Mortons bookes purged by fire cap , 10 , n , 3● . Pricket pricked by Syr Edw. Cooke for seting forth in print his Charge giuen at Norwich , cap , 8. num , 101. He is cleared from all malice against the Knight , n , 102 , & 103. Protestant Princes neuer censured by the Sea Apostolike , c. 2 , numero 7. Protestants agree with the Nouatian heretikes , cap , 3 , n , 71 , inexcusable in matters of rebellion , cap , 4 , n. 39. Prouidence a principall part of prudence cap , 2 , nu , 10. Purgatory prooued by Coc●ius out of many Fathers , cap. 3 , n , 130. Q THe Question betweene M. Morton & P. R. cap. 2. n , 17. Of Queene Marie , see VViat . Of Queene Elizabeth , see the Appendix against King the Minister , In fine operis . R REbellion by what religion most taught and practized ; c , 7 , n , 13 , 14 , Rebellion of Protestants . c , 4 , num . 39 , Rebellion of VViat : See VViat . M. Reynolds exorbitantly abused , cap 5. n. 88. the blame and shame cast vpon the B. of Canterbury . Ibid. S THe Salamanders nature , ca , 8. n. 20. Saphyra , See Morton . The sleeping souldiers at our Sauiours Sepulcher . cap , 1 , § 1 , n. 2. &c. The distinctiue signe of true & false spirits , cap , 3 , n , 5. The Stage-play of M. Morton , cap , 2 , num , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c , Stratagemes in warre lawful although they be Equiuocations . cap , 4 , num , 88. The Popes Supremacy confirmed by an inuincible argumēt of Costerus , cap , 3 , num . 13. see more in S. Leo. Suspitions without grounds breed nothing but vexations & iealousies in Princes mindes . cap. 2 , n , 11 , &c. Sutcliffs manner of answering Catholike bookes , cap , 6 , n , 57. The absurd Sillogisme of T. Morton againe examined , cap. 1. num . 27●28 . &c. T THe case of Tythes examined cap. 8. num , 92 , 93. &c. Toleratiō of diuers Religiōs , see M. Morton . Traditions vnwritten allowed by S. Cyprian , cap , 3 , nu , 111 , V VNtruthes vrtered by M. Morton . See cap , 6 , and 8 , & alibi passim . Vntruthes of other Protestāts . See vnder the names of Iewell , Horne , Fox &c. Vowes of voluntary pouerty approued by the Fathers cap , ● , num . 23. Pope V●banus his death . See Binius W THe sweet waters of Meribah grosly mentioned by M. Mortō , for the bitter waters of Marah cap. 10. n , 3 , VVh . the Minister his Equiuocation in Append. n. 2 , 3. &c. VVitaker reiecteth all the Fathers at once . cap. 7. n. 45. VVilliam Conquerour changed our English lawes cap. 8. nu . 50.51 . Misreported about appropriatiōs by Syr Edward Cooke n. 82.83 . The VVit of P. R. taxed by M. Morton cap. 1 , n. 2 , 3 , &c. The lying VVoman and lying Priests foolishly paralleled by M. Morton , cap , 2 , n , 38. VViats rebellion falsely defended by M. Morton cap , 4 , nu . 48. &c. See more in M. Morton . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09106-e780 In his Epistle dedicatory . La preface de la sixiesme pa●t des Reports . Preamb. pag. 2. M. Mort. diuisiō of his worke Impertinent proceeding . The methode vsed for M. Mort. confutation . First Inquiry . Witlesse contentiō about wit. Second Inquiry See his Preamble pag. 31. Preamble pag. 32. Threates of scratches . What was principally required of M. Mort. and what he performeth . The cont●ary succes●e of M. Mort. expectation . The sūm● of all this my Answere in 10. Chapters . The reasō of the tytle of this booke . Notes for div A09106-e1900 Two calumniations . August . lib. 2. cōt . Petil. cap. 83. & ep . 48. ad Vin●ent . Rogat . Optatus l. 2. cont . Pa●m . & lib. 6. August . cont . Donat . in psalm . 132. & cont . Petil. lib 3. c. 40. & lib. 4. Preamb. p. 43. & 48. About the Equiuocation of Saphyra . That I am in charity with M. Morton . Three causes of exasperation . M. Mort. great presumptiō . Preamb. p. 51. The secōd cause of exasperation . A story out of Lactantiꝰ , about the circūstāce of time , which an enemie of Christian Religion tooke for his aduātage . The third cause of exasperation . M. Mort. prouocatory speaches . Act. 5. Preamb. pag. 48. A fond insultatiō . Preamble . p. 48. M Morton taken in an open contradictiō . M. Mort. epistle to the Earle of Salisbury . Ezech. 31. M. Mort. confidēce . His strong presumption . Rom. 2. vers . 1. M. Mort. seeketh some association . The multitude of M. Mortons vntruthes . In the same Epistle dedicatory . The new Encoūter threatned The Catholi●ke A●●logie intituled by the Author : The Protestants Apology . M. M●rt● triumphant c●̄culsi●● . Notes for div A09106-e6440 Holding of frō the matter . 1 About the sleeping souldiers of Hierusalē . The treatise of Mitigation in the Epistle to the Vniuersities . num . 23. 1. Tim. 2. The story of the sleping soldiers . Matth. 28. How men may know what is donne whē they are asleep● Preamb. pag. 4. num . 4. Aug. tom . 10. hom . 36. ad finē . The souldiers speach was against truth , but not common sense An euidēt example . Pream . pag. 4. Diuers fond absurdityes of M Mortons speach . Mitig. in Ep. to the Vniuersities . The vpshot of the reckoning 2 About the clause of reseruatiō vttered in Latin. Preamb. p. 5. Full satisfact . Epistle to the King. Contradictions of M. Mortō for want of memorie . Preamb. p. 6. M. Mortons insultation . M. Mortons cauill fully answered . The true meaning of P. R. in this matter . Confu●at . of ●●ui●oc . pag. 48. The Reckoning or conclusiō . About a Logicall argument of the cōpetency of God. Preamb. p. 7. An eager demaund Two false propositions of M. Mort. Mitigat . cap. 11. p. 441. The false ground of M Mort●s syllogi●me Mitigat . pag. 472. nu . 48. First argument Tolet. lib. 4. ●nstruc . cap. 20. A false principle and generall proposition . Pag. 86 : The absurd syllogisme of T. M neither true in forme nor matter . Arist. lib. 1. Prior. resolut . c. 1. The faultes of Th. Mortons syllogisme . Pag. 53. The syllog●sme of T. Mort. brought into forme . Diuers absurdityes ensuing vpon M. Mortons syllogisme . The maior proposition abādoned by M. Morton , and the Minor worse defended . Pream . p. 8 A meere shift of M. Morton . Full. satisf . p. 86. A shamf●ll ●enial of his ●yllog●●me . Preamb. p. 8. Another ab●urd shift . M. Mort. presumeth not to defēd his syllogisme . The reformatiō of M. M. syllogisme . Preamb. p. 9. T. Mort. woundeth deeply himself to scratch his aduersary . Arist. l. ● . prior . resosolut . c 2. A grosse error in Logick against him self . Preamb. p. 9. A third cauill turned wholy against himself . Preamb. p. 10. Mitig. p. 475. M. Mort. absurd scurrility M. Mort. brought to cōfesse his errour in his former syllogisme . The finall rekoning of this Paragraph . Concerning a diuision & subdiuisiō of false equiuocation . Mitigat . c. 12. p. 485. Mitigat . cap. 12. Mitig. p. 484. False and lying Equiuocation . Two sortes of lying Equiuocation . Mitigat . p. 485. n. 5. A materiall & formall lye , and the difference Materiall false Equiuocation . Formall false Equiuocation what it is . Formall lying Equiuocation in T. Morton . Mitigat . p. 485. Two sortes of lying Equiuocation . Prea●b . p. 11. M. Mort. vayne insu●tation . A manifest fraud . Differēces betwen a materiall Equiuocation and a materiall lie . An obiection answered . Two other obiections answered . Touching the verse of the Prophet Esay c. 29. v. 9. Mitigat . p. 87. The very first text of Scripture alleaged by him ●ost corruptly . Pream . pag. 13. Hugh Broughtō in his aduertisemēt of corruptions . pag. 2.3 . &c. The originall text examined . About Verò and Verè in Carerius . A slippery shift . The Cullen editiō helpeth nothing Verè for Verò . A foolish scornfull speach . The finall reckoning● Touching a false allegation of Dol●ā by T. M. Preamb. pag. 18. Mitig. p. 71. A Very malignāt con●lusiō of M. Morton . Mitigat . c. 3. Malitious peruerting of the Authors meaning . Dolman part . 1. p. 216. A Dilemma to be answered by M. Mo●ton . Mitig. cap. 3.4 . Protestāts most forward in taking armes for pretence of religiō , against their lawfull Princes . The examination of M. Mortons fond and mali●ious syllogisme . A case proposed about the Dolphin of France . About the authority of Otho Frisingensis abused . Preamb. pag. 25. Preamb. pag. 25. Cunning dealing of M. Mort. A craftie trick . Mitigat . p. 214. The 7. example out of Otto Frisingensis . Fri●in . l. 6. hist. cap. 32. Otto Frisingensis abused . Ibid. l. 6. c. 36. The 8. ●xample of Lamb. Schafnaburgēsis . Concerning other po●ntes about Frisingensis . Pr●●mb . pag. 27. M. Mortons defence . The Confutation therof . Full satisfact . par . 3. c. 11. p. 28. Ibidem . A double shift . Polidore Holinshed Stow & others in anno 1066. The words of Frisingensis curtolled . Frising . in Chron. c. 35. Guilfull omission Preamb. pag. 27. A Demaund hardly to be answered by M. Morton . Tolos . de rep●b . l. 6. c. 13. n. 20. Two other exāples omitted . Zonoras in vita Leonis Isaur . Niceph. 13. Histor. c. 34. Whether Frisingēsis were alledged against his owne meaning . Pream . pag. 27.82 . Full satisfact . part . 3. cap. 11. §. 29. Schafnaburgensis ann . 1077. See Otto Fri●ing . lib. 6. Chronic. c. 34.35.36 . The notable abusing of Espencaeus Claud. Esp●n● . lib. 2. digress . in Epist. 1. ad Timoth. c. 6. p. 274.275 . edit . Paris . 1561. Claudius Espenceus egregiously a●used and that wilfully . Preamb. pag. 28. Foure malicious tricks obiected by T. M. returned vp●on himselfe . Preamb. pag. 29. M. Mort. 4. trickes returned vpō himselfe . The recapitulation of all the precedent Paragraphes . Preamb. pag. 29. A rash & precipitous censure . The sleeping souldiers of Hierusalē . Errour in counting obiected . 3. and 4. About his syllogisme 5. and 6. The place of Esay misalleadged . Verè for Verò . 7 About Dolman . 8 About Frisingensis . 9. and 10. A reall demaund to M. Morton . The cōparison with some of the Protestāt Religion for truth in wryting . D. Hard. in his preface of the Reioynder . Mitigat . cap. 12. n. 43. M. Mortō much pressed . A comparison of a wilful lyer . Notes for div A09106-e19690 Prea● . pag. 30 T. M. fō● Interlude . Mitig. pref . n. 10. Scratches threatned by M. Morton . Prou. 26.5 . Preamb. pag. 34.35 . The question whether it be possible or impossible for Catholicks and Protestāts to liue togeather in ciuill obedience . A compari●on . His first reason of Impossibility Preamb. pag. 36.37 . Mitigat . prof . pag. 24. Most Protestant Princes neu●r censured ●y the Sea Apostolicke . His 2. and 3. reasons . His 4. reason . Preamb. pag. 39. Mitig. c. ● . p. 95. Pream . pag. 40. M. Mort. fooli●h insultation . Will●ull mistaking . The pestilent effects of flatterers . Suspitiōs without ground only vexations . The case of a turbulent fellow against his King vnder colour of prouidēce Reasons why greatest dangers are not imminent by Catholickes . Motiues of speciall loue towards his Maiesty i● Catholickes . Why the Puritans 〈◊〉 is not cōsidered . His fifth deuised reason of impossibilitie . The proper state of the question betwene M. Mort. and me . Considerations to benignity . Preamb. pag. 43. §. 12. A fond vaunting entrance to the impugning of Equiuocation . True Equiuocation . Ibid. pag. 43. The case of a bragging banque-rupt debitour . Ibid pag. 43. M. Mort. glorious triumph . Achitophels halter . Act. 5. Mitig. pag 458. The fact of Ananias and Saphyra discus●ed . Act. 5. Pag. 64. * Chrys. hom . 12. in Acta Apostolorū . Hier. Ep. 8. ad Demet. August . Serm. 27. de verbis Apost . Fulgent . ep●de debito coni●gali c. 8. Gregor . l. 1. ep . 33. ad Venāt . Oecumen . Arator , Rabanus , Lyra , & alij in hūc locum . Pag. 65. The womans examination by S. Peter . Preamb. pag. 44. & 45. Fōd bragging . Act. 5. The exāple of Saphyra maketh against him . Faltering in the principall point . Whether cōpetency and incōpetēcy of the Iudge may al●er the truth of the speach . Preamb. pag. 46. Preamb. p. 46. Mittig . c. 8. num . 54. p. 344. How the truth of a speaker may depēd vpon the competency of the Iudg that heareth or demaundeth . Preamb. pag. 46. Preamb. p. 46.47 . Mitig. c. ● . num . 49. How cōpetency or incompetency of the hearer causeth truth or falsity of the speaker . D. Thom. 1.2 . q. 18. art . 10. & q. 72. art . 9. Crafty shufling . Full satisfact . part . 3. chap. 15. The contradiction of M. Morton about the maide that examined S. Peter . Supra cap. 1. Full satisfact . pag. 86. The maides case very troublesome to M. Morton . Mitig. cap. 11. nū . 53. pag. 476. Three instances examined . Gen. 35.22 . Preamb. pag. 47. The fetters and shackells that M. Morton vseth . Childish mistaking or false supposing Act. 5. Preamb. pag. 48. The principall verb wanting in M. Mortons latin . Act. 5. Extraordinary vaunting . M. Mort. vaunt . To ●he first demaund . To the second . To the third . To the fourth . Preamb. p. 43. §. 12. M. Mort. miraculous Victory . A new lye cōuinced against M. Morton . The conclusion of this chapter . Notes for div A09106-e25860 Three generall heads to be handled . M. Mort. measure in malice towards Catholicks . Gal. 4. Catholicks answere to M. Mort. A signe distinctiue betweene Protestant & Catholicke writers . Mitig. p. 488.489 . A very iust demaund & reasonable offer . Preamb. pag. 50. A strange māner of boasting where no substance is at a●l . Preamb. pag. 51. Coster . Ies. En●hi●id . c. desumm● Pontif. §. Constat . Costerus notably abused . Costerus vbi supra ●ap . 3. The argument or inference of Costerus . M. Mort. conuinced of egregious fraud August . l. 2. de gratia Christi c. 2. & 6. & cōtra duas epistolas Pelag. cap. 4. Concil . African . epistola ad B●nifaciū . See Baronius tom . 5. in vitis e●●●m Pō●tificum . Gratian 2. q. 6. §. Placuit . The questiō about Appeales in the Councell of Meliuet . Preamb. pag. 52. Diuers false shifts in accusing of Gratian. Bellarmin . lib. 2. de R●man . Po●● c. 24. §. 3. Caluin . l. 4. Instit. c. 7. Mag●eburgens●s C●n● . 5. c. 9. Iewell in his 4. article of Reply . M. Mort. cauil about 3. Popes six times ●nswered ●lready 1 Hardings detection . l. 4. fol. 249. 2 D. Sanders de visib . mon. l. 7. p. 356. & deinceps in Zozimo . 3 Stapl. Returne of vntruthes . art . 4. p. 29. 4 Harpsfield Dialog . 1. cap. 6. & 7. 5 Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24. & 25. 6 Baron . tom . 5. ann● 419. non lōgè à fine . A simile well shewing M. Mortons vnsincere dealing . The true state of the question . a Praef. in Iudi●h . b Epistol● 110. c Epist. 82. Ruff. l. ● . Histor. Athan. Epistola ad Marcū . Athan. Epist. ad ●olitariam vitam agētes & Apol . 2. Socrat . 2. hist. cap. 15. Zozo . l. 3. cap. 11. The generall Councell of Sardica . Matt. 27. The mali●ious clamours of Protestāts against three ancient renowed Bishops of Rome . August . ●pist . 26● . Premb . p. 53. What this bragger is bound to do . Preamb. pag. 53. M. Morton taken in a great absurdity . The story of the Eliberian Councell in Spaine . The Eliberian Councell contrary to Protestants . M. Mort. art in answering . Preamb. p. 53. The decree of the Eliberian Councell examined Lib. 1. Cod. tit . 8. leg . Cùm nobis sit . A weighty consideration . Vasquez l. 2. de cultu & ador . disp . 5. n. ●26 . & 135. Preamb. pag. 55. Sixt. Senē . l. 5. Bibl. annot . 247. * An absolute lye● M. Mor● taken in a manifest false trippe . Cent. 8. c. 9. citātur Ado in Chron. an . 795. Vrsperg . in chron . anno . 793. Hin●mar . l. cōtra Episc . Iandun . c 20. & alij . All from the purpose . Three opinions about the Councell of Franckford 1 Surius in praefat . ad Concil . Francof . 2 Dialo . 4. & 5. 3 in l. de Imagin . Bellar. l. 2. de imagin . 14. Preamble pag. 58. A willfull vntrruth . Lib. 2. de cultu im●gin . Preamble pag. 59. M. Mortons manner of stickling betwene our Authors . Preamb. pag. 61. A fond offer of M. Mort● Baron . tom . 4. anno . 392. in fine . Suar. tom . 1. in 3. par . disp . 54. sect . 1. §. ad 3. Synod . Nic. 2. act . 6. Damas● . Orat. 1. de Imagin . Greg. l. 9. Epist. 9. A very strong argument , that S. Epiphanius impugned not the doctrine of image● . New Interludes brought in by M. Morton . Baron . tom . 4. anno 392. fin● . M. Mortons intētion by singling out Bellarmine . Preamb. pag. 62. Strange craking and boasting . The true ground of my moderate Chalēge . His pretences against Cardinall Bellarmine . Preamb. p. 63● Bellarmin . l. 4. de Eccles . militant . c. 9. §. Pelagiani . † Greg. de Valent. l. de orig . peccat . c. 2. initio . &c. 8. & in tō . 2. disp . 6. q. ●● . punct . 1. M. Mort. perpetuall wandring from the purpose . Shifts to make Bellarmin and Valētia seeme contrary . The true opinion & discourse of Card. Bellarmin about Pelagianisme in Protestants . Bellarm. l. 4. de Eccles. c. 9. §. Pelagiani . Zuing. l. de baptism . Bucer . in c. 3. in Matt. Calu. l. 4. Instit. c. 15. §. 20. Iniurious dealing . Valēt . tom . 2. disp . 6. pun . 2. Zuing. lib. de bapt . Calu. l. 4. Inst. c. 16● Tom. 4. disp . 4. §. 3. Caluinus . Preamb. p. 63. Valen de peccat . Orig . c. 2. initio . &c. 8. & tom . 2. disp . 6. q. 11. punc . 1. §. Quā quaestionem . Bellarm. l. 5. de amiss . gratiae c. 5. &c. Preamb. pag. 63. Valen. l. de Orig. pec● . cap. 2. Aug. l. 6. contra Iulian . c. 2. & 3. & l. 4. ad Bonif. c. 2. & 4. Hierom. l. 2. contra Pelagian . Caluin graunted vnderhād to hold one point of Pelagianisme . Preamb. pag. 63. * Castro de haeres . l. 12. haer . 3 tit . de poenit . Vega l. 13. de Instit. c. 2. pag. 486. Maldon . cōm . in Ioan. Bellar. l. 3. de Iustif. c. 6. Bellar. de poenit . l. ● . c. 1. §. Vt igitur . Nec●ssitie of lying in M. Morton . Lib. 12. de haer . ●erb . Paenitētia §. ●ertia haeresis . Ep. 52. ad Antonianum . Lib. 1. c. 1. & 2. S. Chrisost . de reparat . lapsi a Suar. disp . 16. de poen . sect . 1. b Bellar. l. 1. de poen . c. 9. initio . Valent. in 3. par . disp . 7. de poen . q. 9. pū . 2. sect . 2. §. respōdeo , esto . Idem Hasselius Ruardus & alij . A strained and counterfait cōtradictiō . Bel. 3. de Iustisic . c. 6. Fiue seuerall false shifts and voluntary corruptions . Bellarm. l. 4. de notis cap. 9. §. Quae sententia . Luthers inconstācy . Pream . p. 64. M. Mort. Conclusion out of false premisses . Pream . p. 64. Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccl. c. 9. §. 8. * Bellar. l. 1. de gratia primi hom . cap. 1. §. In eodem principio . Three notorious f●audes about the Manicheā heresy . C●l● . l. 2. In i● . c. 2.3 . & 4. The secōd ●●aud . Hierom. praef . Dial . contra Pelagianos . August . de haeres . haer . 46. The third fraud . Aug l 22. cōt . Fa●st . & duobus lib●is cont●a ad●ers . l●gis & P●o●het . * C●l l. 3. Ins●● . c. 2. §. 3. &c. 5. §. ● . &c. 14. ● . 11 &c. 20. ● . 15. & l. 4. c. 15. §. 22. Preamb. pag. 64. Tertull. l. aduersus Prax. See Pamel . in parad . 31. & annot . 316 in Apol●geti . & 29. in l contra Prax. Greg. de Val●nt . l. 1. de vnit . & trin . c. 9. ● . Item Bulling . Valentia and Bellarmine grosly abused . Tert. l. ●on● . Hermog . lōgè ante medium . B●ll●r . l. 1. de Be●● . Sanct. c. 4. p●●l● post i●●ium . Bellar. l. de Purg. cap. 12 Valen. de P●rgat . cap. 8. Bellar. l. 1. de Beat Sanct. c. 1. Tert. l. 4. con●●a Marcion . Hi●●om● in Vi●il . 〈◊〉 . Armeni apud G●idonē in sūm● de ●aere●i●is . Caluin intangled about his atrium or porch . A sly Fox-like tricke about cōcealment . Pream . p. 65. Bel. l. 4. de notis Ec●l . cap. 9. in fine . * Bell. de Euchar. c. 1. in initio . ib. §. Secūd● docet Greg. de Valent. tom . 4. dis . 6. q. 3. pūct 1. §. Item . Three poyntes wherin M. Mort. is takē to haue falsifyed . The first poynt of falsitie . Bellar. l. 4. de Ecclesia cap. 9. Card. Bellarmine his assertiō about the antiquity of the Sacramentarie heresie . Sundry false trickes . The first false contradiction obiected to Bellarmine out of Theodoret . Bellar. l. 1. de E●char . cap. 1. initio . A shameles falsification of Theodoret & lye against Bellarmine . Theod. dial . 3. Bell. ibid. The ancient heresy against the Reall Presence declared . The secōd point of imagined contradiction in Bellarmine . Val●ntia tom . 4. dis . 6. q. 3. p. 1. § Item . a B●ll●r . de Eu●har . lib. 1. cap. 1. b Calu. in sine . cons●n . 〈◊〉 Pas●●● . Tigu●in . c C●lu . i● 26. Mat. & ●ib . 4. Ins●it . cap. 17. §. 5. d lib. 4. In●tit . cap. 17. §. 7.10 . & 32. Lib. 4. Ins●it . cap. 17. §. 5. & 31. Ibid. §. 33.34 . I●id . §. 2.5 . lib. de c●●n● cap. 3. Preamble pag. 66. A vaine confident conclusiō . A markable point . Aug. lib. de heresib . ad Quod-vult-deum in fine . Preamb. p. 66. Cypr. Ep. 10. ad Pomp. B●ll●r . lib. 4. de v●●b . D●i . cap. 11. §. profert Cyprianus . Aug. contr . Donat . cap. 23● Aug l. 5. de Bapt. cap. 26. Preamb. p. 66. §. 16. The State ●f the question concerning S. Cyprians rebaptizing . Whether S. Cyprians forme of argument was good , or no. A●g . l. 6. co●tr . Donat . c. 26. A●g . l 2. d. ●●pt . 〈◊〉 Don●tis● . ● . 7. S. Augustines learned censure for vnwritten traditions . Aug. l. 5. de Bapt. contra Donatist . cap. 23. M. Morton conuinced of euident f●aud in cyting S. A●gustins meaning . Bellarm. l. 4. de verbo Dei. cap. 7. S. Cypriā standeth much vpon vnwritten traditions Preamb. p. 67. B●●lar . lib. 1. de Ponti● . Rom. c. 23. * F●●n● . de Victor . 〈◊〉 . 2. con●l●s . 1. §. quod . * Card. Cusanus de Con●ord . Cathol . lib. 3. cap. 2 A false tri●k . Whether S. Peter were only made Bishop by Christ. Turrecr . lib desummae . 2. Ecclesia c. 32● Victoria rel . de pot●state Eccl●si●e §. 8. Many abuses of●fered to Card Cusanus and others . Preamb. pag. 67. B●llar . lib. 4. de Rom Pont. c. 13. §. Extat . Bellar lib. 3. de po●nit . c. ● . §. Sed neque . Pl●tin . in prafat . 〈◊〉 . Hieron . ●●l●us de co●onatione . ● . Post mortem C●nstantini . About the authority and credit of Platina his history . Calu. l. 5. Instit. cap. 4. §. 7. Plat. in vita Zepher . Pontif. Bellar. l. 3. de poenit . c. 13. §. Sed neque . Cardinall Bellarmine cleerly defendeth himselfe . Preā . p. 68. a B●●lar . lib. 21. de Purgat . cap. 1. §. vocatur . b Bell. l. 2. de Purg cap. 1. §. Adde . c Bell. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 6. §. Deinde . d Bell. ibid §. Adde . e Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c 7. §. Hilarius . f B●ll . l. 2. de Pu●g . cap. 1 § Idem videtur . Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c. 6. §. Deinde sunt . Sixt. Sen. Bibliot . l. 5. annot . 171. g Salm. Iesuit . Com. in 1. Cor. 15. disp . 25. in fine . h Roffen . art . 18. aduers. Lutherū . Bell. l. 1. de pu●g . c. 6. Bellarm. l. 1. de Purg. cap. 1. §. Vocatur & c. 4. §. Superest . & l. 2. c. 1. §. Adde . Hilar. in illa verba Psalm . 118. Concupiuit anima mea . Ambr. in psal . 118. serm . 20. Bell. l. 1. de Purg. c. 5. §. Quarta difficultas Three fiers mentioned by S. Paul. Bellar. l. 2. de Purgator . cap. 1. §. Adde . S. Ambrose and Bellarm. deliuered from a cauill of contradiction . Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 7. lib. 2. c. 1. Hilar. in Psal. 118. S. Hilaries censure of purging fire . Ibid. p. 69. Iudoc . Co●cius lib. 7. Thesa●ri art . 5. About threscore auncient Fathers alleadged for Purgatory withi● the first 600. years Sixt. Senensis l. 5. Bi●lo●h . Annotat. 17● . in fin . Aug. l. 21. de ciuit . Dei. c. 26. & 27. Origens playne testimony for Purgatory . Orig. lib. 8. Epist. ad Rom. Basil. in c. 4. Esay . Ambros. i● psalm . 118. Roffens . art . 18. cōtra Lutherum . The opinion of B. Fisher about the antiquitie of Purgatory . Preamb. pag. 69. Twenty auncient Fathers brought by Bellarmine for Purgatory . A second grosse vntruth about Apocryphall writings . Baron . anno . 441. Ib. p. 70● A third notorious & intollerable lye . M. Mort. sore pressed and challēged for wilful lying about Purgatory . Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 3. & 4. Con● . Carth. Canon . 47● Preamb. p. 70. Psalm . 63. Preamb. p. 70. A notorious foolish vaun● about tre-trip . How detestable wil●ull lyes are to honest men . See before in the preā . p. 50. M. Mort. successe with Popes and other Cath. Authors . Supra 11. His successe with Bellarmine . In important & frendly consideratiō layd by P. R. to T. M. Preamb. pag. 70. ●ell● . l. 1. de Purg. c. 6. Coccius tom . 2. titul . de Poenitentia art . 5. Cal. lib. 3. Instit. cap. 5. §. 10. Vpon what māner of tre-trip . M. Mort. doth hazard his saluation . A comparison of much cōsideration . C●lu . vbi sup●a . Notes for div A09106-e50280 Ch●p . 6. & els where . M. Mort. sleight for escaping . Mitig. pag 489. n. 11. My iust offer . Prea●b . ibid. p. 71. §. 17. Mitig. in Pref. p. 28. ●●●ter a ●ad con●●●●nce , th●● n●●●●t a●● . About Thomas Mortons name . * p. 28. Prea . p. 71. Num. 5. & 25. Preamb. fol. 71. Mitig . Pref. pag. 28. A verie vaine cauill about the vnderstanding of the letters T.M. A plaine conuictiō of witting falshood . Mit. c. 3. n. 1. pag. 90. About the ●lause of re●er●ation in Latin. Preamb. p. 5. §. 3. See sup . c. 1. §. 3. Preamb. p. 72. See aboue cap. 1. §. 3. The great pouerty of M. Mortons proofes . Presumptuous Doctours mentioned by S. Paul. 1. Tim. 2. Epist. Dedic . nu . 23. M. Mort. contemptible opinion of our Catholicke Priests . M. Mort. conceipt of Con & science . About iustifying of Goodmā . Pag. 73. Mitig. p. 100. Mitig. pag. 99. n. 14. A fraudulent citation . Mitig. ● . 114. Moder . Ans. c. 4. Goodman p. 94.119.203 . &c. cap. 1. Full satisf . part . 2● pag. 103. Dang . Posit . l. 2. c. 1. See Full satisf . part . 2. Mitig. pag. 100. About Knox and Buchanā . Preamb. pag. 71. ●●ll s●ti●f . part . 2. p. 103. Cautelous answering Mitig. p. 119. Full Satis . part . 2. p. 97.98 . & deinceps . About Caluins Autotheisme , & mispla●ing of Card. Bellarmins name in the margent . Full Satisf . pa● . 1. p. 20. A very impertinent cauill . Bellar. l. 2. de Christo , cap. 19. Caluins manner of speach condemned by Be●larmine . Mitig. p. 231. A nimble sleight of M. Mort. Preamb. pag. 75. See a●te● cap. 5. The iustif●ing of Protestāts from Rebellion . Preamb. p. 75. & 76. 2. Cor. 3. Mitig. p. 113. Nothing can in truth be answered for excusing Protestans in matters of Rebellion . About dissembling the wicked practises of Caluin Beza and others . Preamb. p. 77. Preamb. p. 49. M. Mort. falleth into great imapatiēce . Ibid. Mitig. p. 132. Vbi supra . About Sir Tho. Wiats rebellion & the Duke of Suffolke and others . Pream . p. 79. & 80. Mitig. c. 4● p. 127. nu . 36. Foure vntruthes conuinced against M. Morton Full Satisf . pa● . 2. p. 102. Fox Acts and Monum . an . 1554. p. 1289. nu . 30. Whether Ministers had any part in Wyats commotion . * In the in Stories an●o 1553. & 1554. See their lines in the t●●rd part of the 3. Conuer●iōs of N. D. Sander . l. 2. de Schis . p. 322. Fox ibid. Holinshed anno 1553. p. 1096. Full Satisf . par . 2. p. 120. Notorious lying . Preamb p. 80. A mad defence . Preamb. p. 81. M. Mort. conuinced of intolerable falsities . Holinsh. an . 1553. p. 1593. column . 2. num . 10 Stow an . 1554. pag. 1046. M. Mort. taken in a notorious open falshood . About the text of Esay 29. of Ca●erius F●ising . & others . See Pream . §. 5. nu . 15. & 16. About the 29. of Esay vers . 9. vid. Supr● c. 1. §. 2. See Pream . §. 6. n. 17. & 18. Pream . 82. Supra cap. ● . §. 6. Preamb. §. 7. n. 21. Preamb. §. 8. n. 21. About Protes●āt Princes succession . About Frisingēsis corrupted by T. M. See supra c. 1. §. 8. Of the doctrine of Equiuocation graunted for 400. yeares . Mitig. p. 279. Preamb. p. 83. Full Satisf . par . 3. p. 54 My inference of the generality of Equiuocation vpon M. Mortons graunt for 400. yeares . Preamb. p. 84. M. Mort. obscene comp●rison . Sepul . Dialogo Theophilus . c. 19. Tritemius lib. de Scriptor . Eccles. in Gabr. Biel. Iniury offered to Doct. Gabriel Biel. Preamb. p. 84. Three learned Iesuits wrested against Equiuocation . Iesuits restraine the vse of equiuocation but do not cōdemne it generally . Azor falsely alleaged against all Equiuocation . Preamb. p. 84. Mit. c. 11. nu . 18.19 . pag. 450. & 451. Azor the Iesuit notably abused by M. Mort. Azor. Inst. moral part . 1. l. 11. c. 4. §. Meotamen . Fiue rules of Azor about Equiuocation . Diuers cases resolued by Azor for Equiuocation . An adultresse how she may equiuocate . How Equiuocation may be vsed to a theef . The Couentry case about comming from an infected place . Insolent fond insulting . Preamb. pag. 86. Azor proued to defend Equiuocation . Fiue different fraudes & lyes at one time . Emanuel Sà vntruly alleaged against all Equiuocation . Sà in Aphoris . verbo mendacium 3. & 4. Satisf . part . 1. cap. 26. Moderat . Answ . c. 10 Pream . 86. The Reader required to stād attent . Eman. Sà in Aphor. verbo Mēdac . 3. & 4. Wilfull fraud inexcusable . Equiuocation in case of restitution . Aphor. 25● de Confes. Sūdry cases resolued for Equiuocation by Emanuel Sà . Ibid. Aphor. 8. de Testib . Aphor. 7. de Reo . M. Mort. is posed . Moderate Answerer c. 11. initio . The manner of falsities conuinced against M. Mort. in this allegation of E●anuel S● . Ioannes Maldonatus falsly alleadged for a witnesse against all E●uiuocation . Preamb. p● 87. Meldonat . Com. in vlt. Luc. ver . 28. Satisfact . par . 3. c. 4. pag. 59. False and absurd shifting Full satis . par . 3. c. 4. pag. 59. Mitigat . pag. 431. Desperate dealing . Preamb. p. 87. Two absurdityes cōuinced against M Morton . Lib. d● mēda . c. 4. & lib. con . ●enda . cap. 12. Mi●ig . c. 8. pag. 336.337 . Stratagems lawfu●l though they be equiuocations . Aug. q. 10. in Iosue . Gra●tian . in causa 23. q. 2. §. Don●mus . Iosue 1. 4. Reg. 6. Iudith 11. Mit. c. 7. num . 23.24 . See of t●is i● gely c. 8. nu . 56.57 . &c. 9. n. 71.72.73 . & deinceps . See the former places quoted : and more cap. 9. n● . 77.78.79 . M●ld . cōm●nt . in Luc. c. 24. ver . 28. Tol●t . lib. de 7. Sacram . c. 46. Au● . ser. de v●● . Do mint 44. Matt. 9. M●●c 5 Lu● . 8. Mar. vlt. v. 15. Maldonat teacheth plainl● Equiuocation . A most f●d in●ulting conclusion of M. Mort. A briefe answer to the follies before promised . The conclusion of all these 15. Paragraphes . Preamb. pag. 71. Exceeding vaunting . Pream . p. 71. sup . §. 1. Pag. 72. Pag. 72. Pag. 81. Pag. 82. Chap. 5. Chap. 6. Cap. 7. Notes for div A09106-e64300 Volūtary wandring from the purpose . Preamb. pag. 88. A manifest falsity . A fond vaunt . Preamb. pag. 88. About Popes names chāged out of Polidore . Preamb. ibid. Preamb. 8● . & ●● . Pream . pag. 90. Lib. expurgat . ex Hispanico & Belgico verbo Polidorus p. 457. A great probability that Polidore is abused . Preamb. pag. 80. & 90. The tale out of Polidore cōfuted . Platina in vita Sergij secundi . Onuphrius Panuinus in vita Sergii 2. Anastasius Bibliothecarius ibidem . Consider of this reason . What Pope first changed his name . A detectiō of M. Mortons lyes about this matter . A wilfull vntruth vttered to the ●ing and to the L. of Salisbury . The secōd falshood in abusing of Polidore . What M. Morton answereth to these two notorious lye● Preamb. pag. 91. Two impertinent answers of M. Morton . * Warn-word against Syr Franc. Hastings , enc . 2. cap. 9. nu . 22.23 &c. How iust a thing it is that Catholike bookes should be ouerseene and corrected when need requireth . How bookes of Hereticall authours are permitted . A demād made to M. Mort. about cēsuring of bookes . About the death of Pope Adrian by ● fly . Preamb. pag. 91. Mitig. p. 79. c. 2. num . 46. Nau●l . p. 1. gener . 39. Our English Pope Adr. egregiously abused by T. M. An absurd Confession . The first reason . The second reason . A comparison shewing vnconscionable dealing without regard of credit . The third reason . Many probabil●ties of false dealing . The second part of his answere . Preamb. pag. 92. The third part . The 4. part of his answere . Many bad shifts of T. M. against Nauclerꝰ . Foure other Po●es obiected impertinently to haue had il ends . Preamb. pag. 94. About Pope Anastasius the secōd his death . Anno Domini 499. Turrecre . lib. 2. de sum . Eccles . cap. 112. Sap. 4. v. 11 Nicep . l. 16. c. 12. E●ag . l. 3. c. 18. ●● 23. ●ib●●at . c. 19. * Dis●in . 19. cap. 9. a lib. 4. Hierarc . cap. 8. b Lib. 2. Prop●g . c In visib . monarchia lib. 7. fol. 386. d tomo 6. in Anastasio . e Lib. 4. de P●ntif . cap. 10 §. Decimus nonus est Anastasius 2. In vita An●st●sij Imperatoris . L. de vitis Pontif. Rom●n . cap. 115. About the death of Vrbanus tertius calumniated . by . T. M. Anno 1187.13 . Cal. Nouemb . a in Henrico 20. p. 362. in fine b Lib. 3. c. 34. in fine Preamb. p. 98. & 99. The authors that wrote of Pope Vrban his death . A●out the as●●rtion of D. Boucher peruerted . P●eamb . pag. 95. D. Boucher de abdic . l. 3. c. 16. Mitig. pag. 80. Dis●ou . pag. 23. A notable corruptiō about D. Boucher . 1. Pet. 2. Concil . Cōstant . S●ss . 15. Catholick moderatiō towards censuring of Princes . Knox in hist. p. 372. Knox appel . fol. 33. A very pretty euasion of M. Mort. The ouerthrow of his euasion . M. Mort. condemned in the principall . Two accessoryes . The secōd Accessory . About the abuse of M. VVilliam Reinolds Mitig. pag. 68. Discou . pag. 8. R●inold . de iusla R●ip . aucto●itate . c. 1. M. Reynolds discourse . Rom. 13. Pag. 100. A strange euasion of M. Mort. by accusing R.C. A moderate satisfaction demaunded for a great crime . The word ( but ) maliciously inserted . Preamb. pag. 100. How the authority of Kings is from God and how from man. The particle ( b●t ) slily inserted ●y M. Mort. An obiectiō made by himself , which he is not able to solue . Matth. 16. Marc. 5. Diuers shiftes to get out . About the decree of Gratian wrōgfully alledged . Mitig. pag. 82. Another Cosenage about a text of Gratian. Apud Grat. causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. Gloss. A doubt proposed & solued . See of ●his ●●sto●y the dis●utatiō b●f●●e the King of F●ance , a●nexed to the Confut . of the first 6. Mon●thes of Foxes Calendar . Foure fal●●●oodes about one thing . Pream . p. 104. Mitig. p. 84. nu . 52. Considerations vpon the former co●fessiō of T. M. Supra . c. 2. The conference betweene M. Stocke and M. Morton , for diuiding the shame of falsifying . Discou . p. 4. full Satis● . part . 1. pag. 21. Mitigat . p. 82. Pream p. 104. M Stocks defence . The sword & scabbard both wounding M. Mortons cause . Greg. 9. decret . l. 5. tit . 7. c. 16. Medin . Cod. de restitut . q. 3. causa . 9. Tolet. lib. 1. Instruc . cap. 13. §. Sextus . About another false pretended decree in Gratian. Mit. p. 84. Decret . l. 5. de haeret . tit . 7. c. 5 The seuere sentence of S. August . against hereticks . August . l. ●e Fide Cath. Hier. cont . Vi●il . cit . a Gratiano caus . 23. q. 8. c. Legi . A Catalogue of corruptions . The Comedy b●twene M. Mo●tō & M. Stock . Preamb. pa. 107. Vide Posse●in in ●iblioth . verbo Gratianus . M. Mortō more pardonable then M. Stocke . Deutr. 31. M. Mort. fond Dilemma . Whether spilling & shedding of bloud be all one . Preamb. pag. 108. A shamefull denying of a Canon in the third Councell of Carthage . About the Extrauagant for the Glosse Mit. p. 173. & 174. Disco p. 34 Extrauag . cōmunium de Maior● & Obediētia . §. Vnā sanctam . Extrauagant of Bonifa . 8. falsly alleaged . Addit . ad ●om . extrauag . de maiorit . in c. 1. ad finem . Preamb. p. ●10 . A ridiculous answere by a figure . Preamb. p. 111. A notorious & sēsles falsification of Pope Gregory the 13. Extrauag . Cōmun . l. 1. de maiorit . & Obed. cap. 1. ad finem . About the h●●●●●e of Autoth●isme obiected to Caluin and the corruptiō of Bellarmines wordes th●rin . Mitig. p. 230. Bellarm. wordes fraudulē●ly alledged . Caluins manner of speach cōdemned by Bellarmine . Poore & weak answeres . Preamb. p. 113. M. Mortō hardly pressed . M. Mort. idle repetition of thinges before discussed . About a place of Isay 29. See before cap. 1. §. 5. & cap. 4. §. 10 Isay. 29.9 . Mitig. p. 88. About verè & verò in Careriꝰ Mitigation p. 234. See before cap. 1. §. 6. & cap. 4. §. 10. About Dolman falsely alleged . See cap. 1. §. 7. Mitigat . p. 72. Impertinēt ●itations . About the succession of Protestāt P●inces Mitig. p. 72. full satisfact . part . 1. c. 13. p. 9. Preamb. p. 116. About Otho Frisingensis peruerted● Supra c. 1. 〈◊〉 . 8● . & 103. & cap. 4. §. 10 About Lāmbertus Scafnaburg . peruerted . M. Mortōs fond animosity , whereo● see afterward c. ● . ●iti● . p. 215. nū . 37. Lamb. Schafnab . in histor . Germaniae , ann . 1077. sub finē . The submission of the Emperor Henry the fourth to Pope Hildebrād at Canusiū . Lambert . vbi supra . A comparison expressing the fraud of T. M. Preamb p. 119. & 120. Pag. 1●●● M. Mortons narration out of Lābert . about Pope Gregories excōmunication . What manner of Italiā Bishops impugned Gregory 7. A case expressing the nature of M. Mortons calumniation out of Lambertus . p. 120. L●mb . vbi supra an . 1077. Preamb. p. 120. & 121. The vnfaithfull dealing of T.M. in alleaging Lābertꝰ his wordes . About the folly obiected to P. R. How Lamb. autority might haue byn alleaged without lying . Infelicity obiected against the argumēt of P. R. Diuers acceptiōs of Sāctity . 1. Cor. 1. 2. Cor. 1. & 15. The description of sāctity by S. Dionysius c. 12. De diuin . nominib . The bad Card. Benno and his feygned booke by the Protestantes . Bellar. l. 4. de Rō . Pontif. c. 13. Preamb. p. 123. Vrsperg . in anno 1080. p. 224. edit . Basil . anno 1569. How Vrspergensis writeth in fauour of P. Greg. Preamb. p. 124. M. Mortons whole supposal false . Benno the coūterfaite Cardinall . A comparison expressing M. Mortōs case of vnfaithfull dealing . Binius tomo 3. Concil . p. 1281. The testimony of Binius for Pope Gregory . How absurdly blasphemy is obiected to P. R. for alleaging an example of the Euanglists . Mitig. p. 217. What blasphemy is . D. Tho. 2.2 . q. 13. art . 1. Preamb. p. 125. Comparisons may be piously made betweene God & creatures . Math. 13. Luc. 23. Matt. 20. Luc. 19. Luc. 12. Luc. 13. A false trick or two in T. M. for a parting blow . Notes for div A09106-e85480 Epist. dedicat . to the L. Sal●●b . Preamb. p. 88. Vasquez mistaken and slaundered about the nature of heresie & pertinacy . Mitig. pa. 219. The first example of corruptions . Vasq. disp . 126. c. 3. in 1. Tom. About the the nature of heresie and pertinacy . Ibid. c. 1● Valentia 2.2 . qu. 11. puncto 1. Turrec . 4. sūma , par . 2. c. 1. & Doctores omnes 4. d. 13. & D. Tho. 2.2 . art . 2. vide etiam Cau. 14. q. 3. Can. Dixit Apostolus & Can. Qui in Ecclesia . Obstinacy necessarie to heresy . Vasquez his discourse about pertina●ie . How heresy is consummated in the vnderstanding and not in the will. Aug. l. de vtil . cred ad Honor. Aug. l. 4. con●i . Do●at . c. 16. S. Austins explication of the whole matter . Azor corrupted about the word Pe●tinaci●er . Mitig. pag. 225. De i●st . pun . H●er . l. 1. cap. 10. Azor corrupted . Azor peruerted about the Case of Couētry . Mitig. 430 §. 7. Tho Mortons Case of Couentry . Azor l. 11. i●st . c. 4. §. Primò quidem . Azor. ib. §. tertia regula . Syl Verb. Iuramentum 3. q. 2. Nauar. in Manual c. 12. nu 196. Tolet. in Instruct. Sac●r . c. 21. l. 4. Rod●r . in sum . p. 1. c. 1●1 . con . 4 Cos●us Phil. p. 2. l. 3. c. 14. Say●r . l. 5. c. 4. ●1 . 22 . Egregiou● impudency of T. M. Diuers Gr●sse vntruthes of T.M. T. M. Metro●olitan of his lying Metropolis . Azor falsyfied as reiecting a Case which he plainely alloweth . Exod. 20. Mitig. 450 §. 18. Pag. 60. & 61. Azor notably belied by T. Morton . lib. 11. c. 4. §. Quinto quaeritur . Azor lib. 11. ● . 4. §. Primò quidem . Wilfull and perfidious de●ling . Tullies 〈◊〉 aga●●st liers . Cardinall Tolet abused about grosse and affected ignorance Mitig. 225. Tolet abused . Lib. 1. Instr . Sac. c. 19. Cardinall Bellarm. egregiously iniured about the question of ancient gathering of Councells . Mitig. pa. 208. A childish insultatiō of T. M. ouer Card. Bellarm. Barkleius l. 6. a●●● s. Monarch . c. 26. Bellar. l. 1. de Conc. c. 13. §. Habemus ergo . Diuers sorts of corruptiō . The summe of Cardinall Bellarmins discourse falsifyed by ● . M. Bellar. l. 1. de Conc. c. 13. § Habemus ergo . Athan. in . Ep. ad solitar . vit . agentes . Foure causes why Emperours consents were necessary for gathering of Councells in old time . See ff de Col. ill . & l. conuent . de Epis● . & presbyteris Euseb. l. 3. de vit . Cōst . Th●od . l. 1. Hist. c. 16. The Iesuit Salmeron much peruerted in sundry points . Mi●ig . pa. 191. Pag. 2. Salmeron disp . 12. in Ep. Pauli in gen . §. Sed cōtra . Aug. l. 19. cōt . Faust. cap. 31. in princ . 1 Corruption about the meaning . Disp. 12. pag. 324. & 325. Leuit. 4. Deut. 17. Num. 27. Philo. l. de victimis par . 2. circa med . Ioseph l. 3. antiq . cap. 10. 2 Corruption about the words Sundry sleights . 3 Corruption about the translation . Confut. pag. 2. Malicious interpretations to make vs odious . Salmeron againe abused by egregious cauillatiō . Mitig. pag. 143. Salm. disp . 12. in Ep. Paul. Carer● l. 2. cap. 1. Heb. 4. How the old Testament was a figure of the new . 1. Cor. 9. Deut. 25. 1. Cor. 10. Confut. pa. ●● Cauillatiō of T.M. About Dolman and other writers abused by him . Mitig. pag 65. Dolman . par . 1. pag. 13. ●yted in Discou . pag. 9. About Dolman● text abused in words & sense . Carerius iniuriously hādled about his opinion of Priesthood and Kingly authority . Mitig. c. 6. nu . 60. pag. 234. Mi●ig . pag. 141. Pag. 2. Carer . l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 18. & Sander . in visib . monarch . The dignity of Priesthood proued to be more the● Regall . False dealing against Carerius . Confut. p. 2. Carer . l. 2. cap. 1. Franc. de Victoria abused touching the exemption of Cleargy men . Mitig. pag 199. Franc. de Vict. relect 1. de potest . Eccl●●iae sect . 4. Variety of corruptions . Relect. 1. sect . 4. no● sect . 7. Victoria his propositions about exemption of Clergy men , and and ●● M. his corruptions therin . ● . Boniface Archb. falsifyed notably in the question , Whether a Pope may be an hereticke . Mitig. page . ●●● . Shamles facing of vntruthes A note of M. Sutcliffs manner of answering . Warn-word , Encounter 2. c. 13. n. 18.19.20 . &c. The errour about S. Boniface the English Martyr . Great impudency S. Leo deceitpfully alleadged about the Oath of Supremacy . Mitig. pag. 203. Pag. 26. Many falshoods . Leo ep . 75. ad L●onem Augusti●● Ibid. c. 5. The Christian sacrifice ceased in Alexādria . Notable corruptiō of S. Leo his meaning . Mitig. pag● 208. Sepulueda abused about Equiuocation . Mitig. pag. ●84 . n● . 57. Genes . Sepulu● l. de●rat . dicend . testim . ● . 3. Genesius much abused by M. Morton . Sotus manif●stly preuerted against his owne assertion about Equiuocation . Mitig. pag 433. Sotus l. 5. de iust . q. 6. art . 2. Sotus falsely abused by T. M. Matth● 13● Sotus expressely impugneth T. M. Lib. de teg . Se●r . nu . 3. q. 3. Concl. 4. T. Mortons Doctor Genesius refuted by Sotus . Cunerus ●asifyed against his owne meaning about the nature of religion . pag●23 ●23 . Cunerus de offic . Prin● . cap. 13. Aug. in Psal. 54. in verb. Psal. In multis erant mecum . & Ep. 48. B. Cunerus egregiously peruerted Cassander and Bellarmyne abused at once about the meanes of concord betweene Catholiks & heretiks Mitig. pag 238. Pag. 55. Bellarm. l. de laicis cap. 19. C●ssand . l. de offi● . pij viri . Eusebius 5. Hist. c. 13. Euag. l. 3. Hist. c. 14. & 30. Cassander what māner of man he was . Mitig. pag 239.241.242 . Index expurg . in l. Cassandr . De Off●●io pij ●i●i fol. 314. Bellarmin . l. de laicis cap. 19. Full Satisfact . pag. 55. Cassanders iudgment not allowed by English Protestāt● The ●leight of his English trāslation . Bellarmins opinion falsified . Royardus and Cunerus peruerted against their words & meaning about obedience to temporall Princes . Mitig. p. 232. Pag. 30 . 3●.34 . Royard . Serm. 1. in Domin . 1. Aduent . Serm. 2. in Domin . 23. post Pentecost Royardus and Cunerus abused . Act. 25● Cap. 8. Sayer grossely abused about Haereticus pertinax . Mitig. pag. 227. Sayer in ●as●b . consc . l. 1. c. 9. §. 30. A notable falsificatiō of Sayer . The definition of contumacy . The difference betwene cōtumacy & pertinacy . Many false sleights . Pag. 4. Cicero falsyfied in the question of swearing to a theefe &c. Mitig. p. 462. Full satisf . p. 90. p. ● . The cause s●t downe by ●icero of prison●rs let forth vpō their oath by ●●niball . L. 3. Offi. §. Regulꝰ . Cic. 3. Offic. §. Regulꝰ & §. Sed si . T.M. pressed with Punica fides about falsification . Cicero most plainly against T. M. and for Catholicke doctrine . T. Mort. cōuinc●d of egregious cosenage . Of two abuses offered in citing D. Barkley . Mitig. pag. 198. Enumeration of falsities . Ibid. c. 11. Mitig. p. 202. Full satisfact . p. 24. Barkleus l. 3. c. 5. Ambr. l. 5. Ep. 33. A cleare authority of S Ambrose , imbezeled by T. M. Of diuers authors falsified about the depositiō of Popes . Mitig. 235. Full satisfact . p. 38. Bellarm. l. 4. de Rom. Pon. c. 2. Carer . l. 1. c. 24. Azor. l. 5. c. 14. Grat. can . Si Papa dist . 40. That Popes may fall into heresy and be deposed for the same . ●●llarmin . l. 2. de Pontif . c. 30. Foure notorious lies togeather . Greg. de . Val. anal . l. 8. cap. 3. Salm. com in Gal. 2 , disp . 24. Can. l. 16. loc . Theol. cap. 8. Stapl. doct . T●in● . l. 6. initio . Coster . de Pontif. in ●n●●i● . ●ap . 3. Though Popes may fall into he●esy : yet shall not they be pretermitted to decree it . Full satisf . p. 38. Ten lyes made at once . Notes for div A09106-e100880 How prudent creditours doe proceed with doubtfull debtors . Mitig. c. ●● What is heresy according to S. Austin . Stancar . l. de Trinit . & Mediatore . Philip Nicolaus l. cōt . Caluinum in prafat . &c. p. 1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10 . &c. Luth. lib. Contra Sacr●ment●r . in Ep. ad Marchion . Pruss . Mitig. p. 58.59.60.61.62 . &c. Item p. 107 108.109 . &c. M. Mort. defendeth himselfe with silence . Mitig. p. 248. D. Aegidius Hūnius his booke of Caluin . Anno 159● . VVittemberg . apud viduam Matth●i VVelaci . Iohn Caluin an angel of darknesse with the Lutherās . A cōsideration of much weight . How Caluinisme is heresy by the iudgment of learned Protestāts . Two other heads of controuersy . Catholick doctrine touching Obediēce to Princes Mitig. p. 38.39 . &c. & p. 116.117 . &c. Protestāts doctrine about restrayning and punishing Princes . The practice of Protestāts against P●●nces . S●● Mitig. p. 44.45 . ● d●●●●●ps ●●●m p. 116.117 . &c. Great om●●ons of M. Morton in his Reply . A wicked and pernicious course of exasperating● & driuing to desperatiō Preamb. pag. 36. Mitig. p. 274.275 . About the peruersity of our aduersaries . How Equiuocation is defended . Matth. 5. Gratian. Causa 22. c. 2. Diuers things are commendable , and of perfection , but not of ob●ligation . Fiue consideratiōs about the vse of Equiuocation . Preamble p. 82.83 . Mitig. c. 8. & 9. p. 307 Forcible proofes for equiuocation . Aug. ser. 28. de verbis Apostol . Ioan. 1. See mitig . c 9. §. 2. pag. 362. & deinceps . Full satisf . p. 48.49 . Ioan. 8. Ioan. 5. Act. 10 Math. 9. Marc. 5. Luc. 8. When T. M. is like to pay this debt . Mitig. p. 3●0 . Mitig. c. 9.10.11 . M. Mort. iniquity in dealing maliciously with vs. Act. 5. Supra . c. 1. §. 4. Mitig. p. 486. Formall lying Equiuocation in T. Mort. T. Mort● talents in lying Equiuocation . Asigne distinctiue betweene Protestāts and vs. A iust chalenge to M. Mort. Ten Protestant writers brought in for lying Equiuocators . M. Iewels egregious Equiuocation . In his sermon in the Court , and at Pauls Crosse. Diuers reasons c●̄uincing that M. Iewell spake wittingly against his consciēce . Mitig. p. 501. D. VVhitaker in his answer to D. Sanders Demōstrations . p. 21. Six seuerall examples of M. Iewells Equiuocation . Syr Edward Cooke . Full satisfact . c. 17. fol. 40. In the Answer to Reports in the liues of Edward the ●irst , Ed. 2. &c. Mitig. p. 535. The Charge layd against Syr Edward Cooke . See the answere ●f the Cath. Deuine to the 1. p. of Syr ●●ward Cook● . Reports c. vltimo . A notable fiction against Pius V. Decret . p. 1. dist . 40. ca. 6. Si Papa . The L. Cookes charge against Catholickes . The Deuine deceiued by the subtility of the Lawyer . K. Kenulphus his charter notably falsified by M. Att. Reports fol. 9. The charter as M. Attorney alleageth it , anno 755. Stāford l. 3. c. 39. fol. 1012. Marke M. Attorneys inf●rence vpon his owne falsifi●ation . * This is false . * This also is false . M. Att. solemne protestation falsifyed , Reports fol. 40. The relation sent out of England about the true charter of K. Kenulphus . This decideth the whole cōtrouersie : and therfore was fraudulēt●ly cut of by M. Att. 1. Henr. 7. printed by Pinson , & Brooke tit . Corone , pl. 129. A falsification of Protestā● printers . When Parliamentes began in England . The conclusion . Fiue cases taken out of Syr Ed. Cooke his Reports . Full satisf●ct . par . 3. pag. 41. 1 Reports fol. 12. 2 Repo●ts fol. 15. 3 Reports fol. 21. 4 Reports fol 23. 5 Repo●ts . fol. 26● False inferences . False dealing . The 1. case againe discussed . Full satisf . par . 3. pag. 41. Reports part . 1. fol. 12. Mitig. p. 267. T. M● clipping of hi● Author . 30. Ed. 3. l. Ass. pl. 19. Brooke in his Abridgment , tit . Praemunire pl. 10. Answere to the Reports pag. ●67 . The Deuines resō against the probability of the Attorneys assertion . VVestmō . in hist. anno 1197. A conuincing argument against M. Attorney . 11. Henrici 4. fol. 64● Reports fol. 15.31 . E. 3. tit● Excōmunic . ● . Note the force of this argument . An addition to the former answeres . The case betweene Syr T. Seaton and Lucy . Peter Bourchets case anno 1578. Foure other reasons against Syr Edward . The begining of abiurāce . Pleading of Bulls no treason vnder K. Ed. 3. Hen. 4. Hen. ● . Brooke in his abridgment tit● Premuni●e . pl. 10. The secōd case about aduousōs and collations of benefices● An Alias and Pluries . The third case about disturbing the pat●ons Presentee . Statute of Carliele 25. E. 1. The 4. case about dependāce of the Crowne . Ans. to Reports p. 211. The 5. case about suites in Rome . Answere to reportes pag. 232. 9. E. 4. fol. 3. Iustice Yelue●tō . 14. H. 4 ● . 14. Fitzh . abused . The true case set downe . Fiue fond cōparings not worth a paring . Notes for div A09106-e110860 Prefaces and Preambles insteed of bookes . In the preface to the 6. part of his Reports . Two causes inferring a Nihil dicit . The principall point , that Syr Edward must prooue . Answere to Report● in the Preface . The high importāce of this cōtrouersie . Th●ee different professions of Religion in Englā● , with their grounds or spirituall iurisdiction . The origen and ordinance of both powers spirituall and temporall . The di●ferent excellency of these 2. powers . Nazianz. orat . ad Ciues timore perculsos Answere to Reports pag. 24. Nazian . orat . ad ciues timore perculsos , Chrysost. l. 3. de Sacerdotio & to . 4. in c. 6. Esaiae . Ambr. lib. 2. ep . 33. tradendi●● Answer to Repo●ts p. 74 75.76.77 . & dein●eps . Two sorts of proofes de iure & de facto . Ten Demonstrations against M. Attorneys assertion de facto before the Conquest . Two instances of M. Attorney before the Cōquest , helping him nothing . Concerning the English Kinges after the Conquest Syr Edward precipitant in au●rring things against Catholickes . Psalm . 140 A manifest vntruth vttered by Syr Edw. Variety of legall authorities out of law books Manifest and wilfull vntruthes vttered by Syr Edward . The true state of the question . The temperate proceeding of the Deuine in his wrytings . Plinius lib. 10. histor . natural . cap. 67. The Pedanteria of Syr Edward . Syr Edw. his ordinary and cōtinual railing against Catholickes . Impertinent Grāmaticall phrases . About the antiquity & excellēcy of our English lawes . In the Preface to the 6. part of Reportes . Answere to R●ports pag. 14.15 . &c. Syr Iohn Fortescue . A great exaggeration o● an●●●uity . His first meanes of proofe by an●iquit●●f Nati●ns . Galfridus Monumetensis lib. 1. historiae . The state of Britany for lawes and customes in Iulius Cesar his tyme. C●sar lib. 5. de bello Gallico . Solinus c 35● in fi●e . Plin. 22. histori● naturalis cap. 1. Claudian . in Laudes Stilicō . paneg . 2. pag. 258. Diodorus lib. 6. rer● antiquarū . Strabo lib. 4. Geographiae . Mela l. 3. Geograph . Tacitus in vita ●ulij Agricol●e . Herod . l. 3. hist. Dio in epit . hist. Xephil . in hist. Omnes in vita Alexandr● Seu●●i . The rudenes of the Britās 200. years after Christ. Dio in Nerone . The speach of the Qu. Br●nde●i●ke . A ridiculous imagination of the great antiquity of the venetiā Lawes . Blondus l. 1. ●ist . Ital. & lib. spe●ia●i de ●ebus Venetorum . An impertinent exception . His secōd medium for proouing the antiquity and excellency of our English Lawes . Whether the anciēt British Lawes were euer changed or altered . Plin. lib. 30 hist. cap. 1. Hector Bo●th . hist. S●ot . lib. 3. pag. 45. The British lawes changed by the Romanes Cambdē . in descrip . Brit. pag. 42. Guliel . Malmes● . in fastis Anno Domini 86. Why it is not lik●ly that the Saxons or Danes would admit the ●ritish lawes . Ingulphus in historia de Croylād . Malmes● . in Guli●l . p●rimo , i●i●ue P●lidorus . Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monumen●s . Doctor Ha●pesfi●ld in ●istor . 1 S●culo 8. cap. 10. 2 Saeculo 9. cap. 5. 3 Saec 10. cap. 2. 4 Ibib. c. ● . 5 Saec. 11. cap. 2. 6 Ibid. c. ● . Three positions of the two Iustices ouerthrowen . Polidor . l. 9 p. 391. edit . Gandau . The iniquity of the Conquerours lawes that now are English. Ingulf . in ●isto . de Croyl●nd . pag. 513. &c. Fox acts & mon. p. 154. col . 1. ●um . 83. Anno Christi 687 See the Saxon lawes imprinted at London cap. 3. & 4 These also were printed anno 1568. Alred . Rieual . de Regibus , in Edgarum . See Fox Acts & monu●●ts pag. 148. Polydor. l. 8. hist. in Edwardo Conf●ssore . Defectuous lawes . Answer to R●po●tes pag. 13 . 14● 15. &c. Iudgment of life and death . Iury of 12. men . Dowry of marriage . Prouision for yonger Brothers . Pupills & Pupilage . Liberty & auarice of some Lawyers . A merry tale deuised by Syr Edward against Monkes . A true serious story answering to Syr Edwards tale The Fathers prudent and pious resolution . Daniel . 4. Preface to the 6. part of Reports . Ibidem . ●ower questions proposed & solued . Arist. lib. ● poster . c. 2. Answere to the first The charter of Q. Ethelswith . Anno 868. Syr Edwardes bad argumentatiō . The true story of Q. Ethelswith . Gul. Malmesb . l. 1. de gestis regū Angl. c. 5. Malmes . l. ● . c●p . 2. See Ethelwerd lib. 3. chron . cap. 3. Huntingt . lib. 5. histor . prope initium . Answer to the second question . K. ●thelred . Anno 995. Answer to the third question . About burning of women for petty treason in Cesars time . Caesar lib. 6 comment . de bello G●lli●o p. 157. edit . Manucianae . The custome of Frenchmen about authority ouer their wyues in Iulius Caesars tyme. Wilfull fraud by embezeling of words . Why one part of the Brittish law descēded to our tymes and not the other . Answer to the 4. question . Henricu● secundus Anno Domini 1164. Syr Edward flieth from the point in controuersie . Answere to Reports Chap. 6 demonst . 5. pag. 1 , 3. Iustice Rastall in his Abridgment of Statutes . The Coūcell of Claringdon . An. 1164. Houed . in vita Hen. 2. fol. 287. Houeden ibidem . K. Henry the secōd very Catholicke in the point of the Pope● supremacy . A shift of euasiō taken from Syr Edw. Houedē in Hē . 2.302 . & 303. Baron . Tom. 12. in An. 1172. non longè ab initio . Reports part . 5. fol. 40. Pref. to the 6 part of Reports f. 6. See before §. 4. & 5. The first two falshoods . Reportes fol. 10. b. The third fraud about the Conquerors case . 7. Ed. 3. fol. 4. Fi●zh . tit . Quare impedit 19. Herle chiefe Iustice . Henry the first founder of the Abbey of Reading . Anno 26. H●m . 1. qui f●●t anno Domini 1125. In the Answere to the 5. part of Reports c. 8. p. 18● . Straining & squeesing of ancient Princes actiōs , for some shew of supremacy Ecclesiasticall . 4. E. 1. Reportes fol. 13. a. In 6. Decretal . l. 7. tit . de B●ga●is . Reports p. 5. pag. 13. Arraigned . Attainted . Stanford l. 2. cap. 49. 18. E. 1. The statut of 9. E. 2. Articuli Cleri . c. 16. 18. E. 1. Fraudulē● dealing . Plowd . Cō . fol. 498. 25. H. 8. Reports f. 14. b. 17. E. 3.23 . The Archdeacon of Richmond . Sergeant Stouf . 20. E. 3. Excōm . 9. &c. ●itzh . Nat. Br. f. 42. A. 2. H. 5. c. 1. Rastals Abridgment ti● . Hospitals . 27. E. 3. fol. 84. 22. E. 3. lib. Ass● pl. 75. Notable abuses about the case of Tythes . Poure vn●ruthes vttered in one case . 22. E. 3. l. Ass. pl. 75. The state of the question . Thorp chief Iustice . 7. E. 3. f. 5. The Booke of Doct. & studēt f. 25. printed by the dutch print in the time of K. Henry the 8. Brooke 22. E. 3. tit . Preroga●iue pl. 47. Concil . Lateran . can . 53. & 56. The law of paying tythes to particuler parishes . 7. E. 3. f. 5.44 . E. 3. f. 5.10 . H. 7. fol. 1● . 38. E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 22. Repo●ts . fol. 16. b. 49. E. 3. lib. A●s . pl. ● . Reports f. 17. Candish . 11. H. 4. fol. 10. Answere to Reports c. 6. p. 30. et 31. 11. H. 4. A Catholick lawyer like to ioine with the Cath. Deuine against Syr Edward . See before §. 4. & ●● R Prick . accused by Syr Edw. Pricket in the Epist. dedicatory to the Charge . Pore Pricket a cold in the heat of his gospelling sunshine . Why Syr Edw. misliketh now Prickets narration . Syr Edw. parable about a yong Romā Iudge applyed to himself . Pr●fat . ad part . 7. Re●lat . Syr Edw. protesteth against Nouelity when he practizeth the same . Charge p. 10. Pag. 18. * Supra §. 4. Vndecent ●coffing for a Iudg. Charge p. 19. Mat 27. Marc. 15. pag. 36. Syr Edw. strāge exhortation . The Article of supremacy in Spirituall matters , of how great importance . Ioan. 14. ● . Mat. 5. & 19. Charge p. 40. Syr Edw. intemperate rayling Charge p. 36.37 . The fore-staling of his Maiesties will. Prouerb . 21. Rom. 5. Example of two persecuting Iudges . Tertull. l. ad Scapul . cap. 3. Cyprian . l. ad Deme●rianum . Math. 10. Syr Edw. tale of the fighting Abbot . Syr Edw. loude tongue in speaking ill of Catholicks . Prafat . ad par● . 7. Relat. A dreadfull new cōminatiō of Syr Edw. against all Catholick bookes . A charitable and equall offer to Syr Ed. About the intituling of his 7. part of Reports . Syr E●w . his nouelties like to preiudice all his writings , as not cōforme to our ancient lawiers . Spirituall bookes mislyked by Syr Edward . Notes for div A09106-e128490 New lyes added to old . 1 About the Equiuocation of Saphyra . In the Preamblatory ●pistle to P.R. Pream . pag 47. & 48. False purchase by lying . Act. 5● Mitig. pag 344.346 . & 348. Pream . pag 47. & 48. A lying vertigo . 2 About Theodoret corrupted . Bellar. l. 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. mitio . see supra cap. 3. num . 99. Pream . pag 65. Three falshoods in one allegation . 3 About Claud. Espencaeus falsifyed . Preāb . pag. 28. See supra c. 1. num . 100 4 The false allegation of T. M. about Costerus . Cap. 3. quod est de summo Pontif. §. constat . Pream . pag 51. 5 About Gratian abused . Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 24● §. Tertio . The Decree of the Councell of Mileu●● in Africk . 6 About simbolizing with Pelagians . Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccle●iae c. 9. ● Pelagiani . Preamb. pag. 63. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Ecclesiae c. 9. §. Pelag. Three other falshoode● . 7 About the Councell of Eliberis , & Sixtus Senensis . Sixtus Senen● . Biblioth . lib. 5. Annot. 247. 8 About Bullingers assertion of the Trinity . 9 About S. Aug. & S. Cyprian . Supra c. 3. num . 107.108 . & deinceps . Bellar . lib. 4. de verbo Dei c. 7. Aug. l. 5. de bap . cap. 23. Pream . pag. ●6 . & 67. S. August . against M. Morton . An audacious vntruth . 10 About Purgatory A most absurd assertion . 11 When the two letters of T. M. were vnderstood . A ridiculous ouer●ight in M. Mortō . 12 About Holinshed Fox & Stow. M. Fox an . 1554 pag. 1289. Strange impudēcy 13 About the death of Pope Anastasius . Turre●r . l. 2. de sum . Ecclesiae cap. 112. Three fal●ities in one . 14 About Pope Gregories licence for printing the Canon Law. 15 About the Manicheā heresy imputed to Caluin . Bellar. l. 4● de notis Ecclesiae cap. 9. §. 8. Pream . pag. 64. 16 About the Nouatian heresie . Bellar. l. 4. de notis Ecclesiae c. 9. §. Nouatianorum . 7 About Doctor Azorius . Ten lyes about Azor. Preamb. pag. 84 18 About Emanuel S● : whether he contradicteth all Equiuocation ? Pream . pag 86. Mo●erate Answer . cap. 10. Pream . pag 86. Eman. Sa A●hor● 25. de Conf●s . 8. de testib● Seauen wilful vntruthes vttered togeather . 19 About not answering of Maldonate . Pream . pag 87. Mitig. c. 14 pag. 409.410 . Fiue vntruthes togeather . 20 About Polidore Virgil falsified . Preamb. pag. 90. Polid. l. 4. de Inuent● cap. 10. Pream . vbi●supra . The Conclusion . Notes for div A09106-e134130 Bragging and craking . Epist. dedicat . pag. 3. Preamb. §. 12. p. 43. A grosse errour about Meribah . Pream . 49. Exod. 15. Exod. 17. Three partes of this chapter . His first charge concerning himselfe . To the 1. protestation . a Preamb. pag. 91. b Preamb. pag. 1●4 . & 106. c ●reā . 84. d Preamb. pag. 100. e Preamb. pag. 104. Preamb. §. 15. p. 62● Preamb. p● 128. Preāb . 128. Comparisons of the exactnes in writing betweene Cardina●l B●larmin , and ● . M. The penalties wherunto T. M. is alliable● by his owne obligation . Gretzerus in ●ef●ns . B●lla●m . pag. 435. His secōd Challēge . M. Mort. preuaricateth his promises . His 3. chalenge . Preamb. p. 127. The Answere . His fourth Chalēge . The Answere . Preamb. p. 128. 4. absurd Chalēges . The Answere . The vanity of his Chaleng●s con●uted . Princepa Rabularum . Phormio Romanista . Praeuaricator Rasus . a l. ● . c. 22. b Lib. 2. c. 4. de diuin . offic . c Ep. ad Aug. quae est 26. inter Ep. Aug. & ad Sabinian . Diac. d Ep. ad Procul . Ep. 147. & l. de opere monach . e Conc. Carth. 4. can . 44. f Conc. Tolet. 4. can . 40. g Authēt . collat . 7. tit . 5. c. ● . h In pānar . haer . 80. i Cap. vlt. k Lib. de virg . l Ep. ad Sabin . Diac. m Hist. Laus . c. 41. n Lib. de Ecclesiast . Hierar . cap. 6. Perfidiae Reus . The vpshot of the Reckoning . T. M. a cock of the game . Preamb. 128. The first chalenge about the cause . The secōd Chalenge or brag . M. Mort. sycophancie . The third Challēge . His 4. & fondest chaleng , or rather calumniatiō . How falsifications of Protestants do help Catholickes . Iudgment demāded against M. Mort. About his putting me to ●ilence . About my repētance . Notes for div A09106-e137780 The case proposed . A fraudulent and lying Equiuocation . The resolution of the case . D. Iohn King in his sermon at the Court p. 27 Pag. ●3 . About Q. Elizab. sanctity & meekenes . See Buchanan , Holinshead , Hooker & others in the histories of Scotland . Q. Elizabeth made others harts to ake , when her owne aked not . Pag. 26. An exaggeration about the Iesuites institute . Nicknam● of Iesuits . Differences betweene the life & actions of Iesuites and Ministers . The Ministers agree to raile togeather . A case and instance proposed to the Ministers . See the examples of Equiuocation in holy men throughout the 9. Chapter of my Treatise therof . Ioan. 8. Sundry Equiuocations in our Blessed Sauiours speach . Versu 5. Ioan. 13. v. 13. Ioan. 14. v. 1. vers . 51. vers . 54. Cap. 5. v● 31. vers . 55. Tit. 1. v● 16. vers . 56● pag. 49. Ibidem .